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Aleksandr Gorbenko Higher Diploma in International Hotel and Tourism Management HTMi Switzerland
Introduction
Background Information The second nuclear disaster that humanity has encountered after Chernobyl in 1986 took place in Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant, Japan in March 2011. Just two years later the initiative of making it a tourism destination was set in motion to attract dark tourists. Whereas, guided tours of The Chernobyl Nuclear Plant became available only two years ago, twenty-five years after the disaster (Johanson, 2013). The history of this kind of touristic praxis is extensive and dark tourism is not a new phenomenon existing before the term dark tourism came into use (Gorbenko, 2010). It is suggested that one of earliest examples of dark tourism were Roman Gladiator battles in Coliseum, where people were witnessing fights to death (Stone, 2006). The first recorded mass tourism activity, which took place in Great Britain in 1841, included dark tourism sites like war battlefields and a public execution of two people by hanging (Page and Connel, 2009). It is clear that cases of dark tourism have been a great part of human existence since the dawn of the very civilisation, although the phenomenon of dark tourism was recognised merely 20 years ago. It is noted that news media raised the subject of dark tourism. At the same time, academic society took the course to attempt to research and define dark tourism practise (Phelan, 2009). There are numerous authors who recognise that the amount of research done in studying the motivation of dark travellers is low. Causevic (2008) states that there is no generalised study approach to the phenomenon of dark tourism and there is a lack of all-encompassing methods to commence the research. The academic literature on dark tourism is too general and there is no sufficient research on the topic (Sharpley and Stone, 2009).
Although, there are few approaches to the motivation of dark tourists and all are using different bases. Seaton (1996, cited Yuill, 2008) suggest a behavioural approach, emphasising the motives of the traveller. Lennon and Foley (2000) state that media is the biggest contributor to motivation arousal. The author of the current paper has a deep interest in psychology and is fascinated more by the subtle layers of human nature. As such, the topic of dark tourism motivation presents a good opportunity to discover inner drives of people who are interested in visiting sites of tragedy, death and the macabre. Recently the same event occurred in Fukushima, Japan. The host community of Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Plant can benefit from the current research by understanding the dark tourist motivation to their particular site and use it to market destination, essentially contributing to the local economy, on the other hand understanding motivation may raise the awareness of local dwellers and create tolerant attitude towards dark travellers.
Stars, hide your fires; Let not light see my black and deep desires.
This argument of added chronological distance suggests that dark tourism is closely connected to the past of each dark tourism destination, as the event should take place within the lifetime of a visitor in order to validate it. Stone (2009, cited Taillon, 2009, p. 6) describes dark tourism as: The act of touristic travel to sites of death, disaster and the macabre. Rojek (1993, cited Yuill, 2003, p. 12) introduces a new term referring to dark tourism Black Spots, defined as commercial developments of grave sites and sites in which celebrities or large numbers of peoples have met with sudden and violent deaths.
However, they state that visitors may have been influenced by the media images and wished to see for themselves what reality lay behind the media images, and/or to experience personally the inhumanity associated with the destination.
Thanatourism Continuum
Seaton (1996, cited Yuill, 2008) states that motivation is more defined by visitors own motives, rather than by the parameters of the attraction and individual motivation can play a major role in decision-making. Although, it is said by Stone and Sharpley (2008, p. 574): thanatourism is dependent upon the differing motives for visiting a site and the extent to which the interest in death is general or person-specic. It is important to determine whether it is a single motivation or many and to discover to what extent interest in death is current in both: focusing on the individual person or on the scale of death. Consequently, Seaton (1996, cited Tonner, 2008) develops a Thanatourism Continuum, which is presented below:
Seaton (1996, cited Tonner, 2008) clarifies the inner difficulty of determining and identifying dark tourist motivation as death is the subject of fascination, although those interests are not announced openly as they are contrasting with morality of 20th century, hence these motivations are presented as interests in heritage and history. Nonetheless, Seaton (1996, cited Best, 2007) identified and formulised five basic motivational factors, which influence tourists to visit a dark attraction: Travel to contemplate and experience the enactments of death and tragedy, that is executions and public hanging; Travel to sites where individual, mass death, or the macabre has occurred, that is Battle of Waterloo, Auschwitz; Visiting the sites of memorialisation or imprisonment, that is memorials, graveyards or tombs; Travel to sites, that have the evidence or relics and symbols of particular macabre or tragedy that happened there, but not necessary linked directly to the disaster itself, that is war museums; Travel to take part in or watch re-enactments that are linked to death.
Figure 2. Yuills (2003) The Media as a Mediator for Visitation to Dark Tourism Sites
It is stated that the news media is able to deliver information, consequently attracting visitors to dark destinations. It is conceptually described as: By placing such events and destinations in the forefront of communications, visitors are made aware of these kinds of travel options. Whether they are pushed because of heritage, history, guilt, curiosity, death, dying or nostalgia will vary with each individual tourist; however, the media offers the information to satisfy these factors. In other words, it acts as a mediator between push factors, visitors and the destinations (Yuill, 2003, p. 131). Taillon (2009) evaluates Yuills (2003) theory and argues that motivational factors that were identified by Yuill actually differ, from ones presented by Seaton (1996, cited Tonner, 2008). Taillon lists three categories of motivation: visiting for education and remembrance; visiting to understand national identity; visiting to instil ethics and values. He compares both theories and says that they have opposite points of view, while Seaton identified pull factors; Yuill (2003) did depict push factors.
Taillon (2009) suggests that the combination of findings, presented in those two endeavours will bring us closer to understanding tourist motivation.
There is a British battlefield tour organised around the territories of Somme and Ypres, and the author of the research commenced 14 in-depth interviews with people who happened to be on the same tour. Some had come there to find a long-time lost ancestry and they found his name mentioned on one of the sites. There was a first-time battlefield tourist, who wanted to see the reality, which he has read about in books and seen on television, it was the validation that moved him towards here and made him comprehend the scale and magnitude of the tragedy where millions of people were wiped out. Validation desire is the motive that can be found majorly across the religious pilgrims (Dunkley, Morgan and Westwood, 2010).
Dark Tourist Motivation for Visiting Places Related to Holocaust This case identified some aspects of motivation that do not correlate with previously recognised theories of dark tourism motivation. Even though
Weterbork camp is considered to be a dark attraction, none of the participants of the survey showed any dark motivations. The results suggested that interest in death is not sufficient reason to travel to dark attraction. Motives involved are beyond of simple enthrallment with death and atrocity. Many tourists took a trip to Westerbrok as a stop by visit because they have been involved in the leisure holiday nearby. It is described as derived demand visitation to the site not as a part of pre-planned travel, but as a choice between different destination possibilities. Consequently, tourists visiting dark sites are not necessary dark tourists. Another motive described as a thing to do comes from curiosi ty of people who are interested in Westerbrok as a part of their interest in Holocaust.
Others come for validation, to acknowledge the past tragedies and to be certain, that such events wont occur in future (Isaac and Carmak, 2013). Biran, Poria and Oren (2011); Mowatt and Chancellor (2011) categorised ordinary visitor to the dark site, who has no emotional attachment to the site and who perceives visit as a leisure activity and the second type of visitor for whom the dark site holds a deeper meaning and has a personal attachment, and which is not regarded as leisure, but as learning and education. Isaac and Carmak (2013, p. 12) support this view by saying: Visitors wanted to learn about and feel empathy with the victims and did not go to these sites for sensation-seeking purposes.
As there are certain gaps identified within the existing literature on the subject of dark tourism motivation, such as socio-cultural factors and whether visitors to dark attraction are dark tourists, though not all of them might be moved by dark motivations. Research should elucidate those issues academically and identify their impacts on the motivation formation. If contemporary theories (Dunkley, Morgan and Westwood, 2010; Biran, Poria and Oren, 2011; Isaac and Carmak, 2013, 12; Podoshen, 2013) are putting in doubt those of past (Seaton, 1996; Lennon and Foley, 2000), the latter ones should be revised to determine whether they are still applicable to tourism to nuclear disasters.
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