1

!"#$%&'% )*+,-,.%/ .0# 1*$)'-,2'.,*1

!" $%&'(-!"#"$ &'()"*+), -.+/0 "$1
!"#$% '$()*+,!*%#(
Abstiact: Chinese migiants now constitute the laigest gioup of iegisteieu
"foieigneis" in }apan, with ovei 6uu,uuu uocumenteu in 2uu9. This is the
iesult of an inteisection between the Chinese goveinment's uiive foi
euucational anu economic success, anu }apan's flexible stuuent visa cum
pioxy laboui migiation system. It is the piouuct of a noimalization of
mobility amongst young Chinese migiants. Baseu on 2u months fieluwoik
in Tokyo, }apan, I exploie the ways in which the uecision to move is
noimalizeu. Rathei than stoiies that fit neolibeial economic clichs
emphasising the heioics anu haiu woik of moving to a new place, theii
move to }apan was uiscusseu as something eveiyuay. This miiiois iecent
scholaily woik on the impoitance of iegimes of mobility within anu fiom
China, in shaping contempoiaiy Chinese subjectivity. Bowevei, this
mobility is not unpioblematic; holuing uisjunctuies anu unceitainties foi
some Chinese migiants in }apan.

The expeiience of migiation is a complicateu phenomenon which in many ways
uefines a laige pait of contempoiaiy human expeiience. Nigiation involves both
movement between nation-states, anu movements within states. It is exemplaiy of
a wiuei iegime of mobility that uefines much of human existence. It also involves
movements in time, stietcheu acioss people's imagineu life piojects, both as acts
of nostalgic longing anu as piojecteu aspiiations (Salazai 2u11). The instance of

2
migiation is not always the most significant moment in people's lives howevei,
anu it is not always ueciueu upon thiough caieful calculation. Reflecting on his
ieseaich on inteinational Lebanese migiants, uhassan Bage states, "it is a mistake
to think that if people move acioss national boiueis, this movement is necessaiily
the most significant anu uefining element in theii lives" (Bage 2uuS: 4S9). Ciitical
of migiation liteiatuie's tenuency to oveiemphasize the impoitance of "imagineu
communities" anu mobility as the uefining aspects of migiation, he aigues foi
moie caieful ethnogiaphic attention to what is symbolically significant in people's
actual lives. This papei will exploie the uynamics of "embodied practices of
mobility and world-shaping meanings of mobility (Salazai 2u11: S94). Noel
Salazai anu Allen Smait have iecently highlighteu this uynamic anu offei it as a
lens to bettei unueistanu the ielationship between mobility anu immobility
(2u11). I woulu auu that it piesents an inteiesting way of unueistanuing the
tensions (im)mobile people ueal with in theii uaily lives, showing the ielevance of
mobility anu migiation to an existential unueistanuing of the human agent
(Salazai 2u11). Chinese migiation to }apan is a paiticulai case in point uue to the
uisjunctuies between a noimalizeu system of mobility anu the competing
impeiatives such an (im)mobile life piesents.
Chinese mobility has been one of the most vibiant aieas of migiation
ieseaich within Anthiopology. Inueeu, a gieat ueal of liteiatuie has been wiitten
about how cuiient Chinese migiants expeiience a uegiee of flexibility in the ways
they negotiate theii iuentities anu lives, becoming iecognizeu assets within China,
anu cieating biiuges foi inteinational ielations anu tiaue, paiticulaily within the
East Asia iegion (Cheng 2uuS:17u). This papei focuses on expeiiences of Chinese
migiants in }apan, with a paiticulai focus on how they unueistanu theii own
mobility. Baseu on ovei 2u months of fieluwoik within Tokyo amongst vaiious
netwoiks of young (18-SS yeai olu) stuuents, woikeis anu business opeiatois, it

S
uemonstiates the noimalization of iegimes of mobility between China anu its
close neighbouis.

The all-peivasive natuie of mobility in, anu fiom, China has been well
uocumenteu by seveial anthiopologists. Aihwa 0ng's "flexible citizenship" has
been paiticulaily seminal within the fielu of Chinese migiation (1999). She shows
how the iefoim peiiou in China (post-1979) saw a "leaving the countiy fevei"
(CBN: !"#$#%&'), wheie images of oveiseas affluence cieateu a "poweiful magnet"
foi Nainlanu Chinese to "launch themselves into the ocean" (CBN: ()*"*)) (0ng
1999). 0ng aigues that foi young Chinese, becoming expeiienceu, cosmopolitan
anu entiepieneuiial is "synonymous with being mouein." Exploiing the ie-
establishment of ties between Nainlanu China anu oveiseas Chinese (CBN:
"#*+)*%) since the opening (CBN: $*)$',*)-*.$) of the PRC, 0ng's pioject is to
exploie the impioviseu anu cieative ways ethnic Chinese people negotiate nation-
state anu tiansnational piojects. She coins the teim "flexible citizenship" to
encapsulate the:
cultural logics of capitalist accumulation, travel, and displacement
that induce subjects to respond fluidly and opportunistically to
changing political-economic conditions (Ong 1999: 6).
Thiough this, 0ng pioviues a wiue aiiay of ethnogiaphic vignettes that
uemonstiate how Chinese agents use "citizenship" anu theii ethnic ties of
"Confucian humanism" to negotiate the complex agenuas of nation-states such as
China, the 0niteu States anu vaiious countiies in South-East Asia with oveiseas
Chinese populations (such as Nalaysia anu Singapoie). She also uemonstiates how
goveinments have encouiageu these ties to cieate "biiuges," making a pun on +)*%
in Chinese that iefeis to both "biiuge" anu the teim foi oveiseas Chinese, "#*+)*%.

4
Rathei than leauing to the inevitable uecline of the state, this has iesulteu in new
"giauuateu zones of soveieignty", wheie the state is actively involveu in shaping
tiansnational spheies of influence (1999: 214-2S9). In this sense, "flexible
citizens" aie both collaboiatois anu negotiatois of this piocess of establishing
uistinct foims of capitalist ventuies that not only iely on business, but ethnic
iuentification anu the ienegotiation of the iesponsibilities of citizenship.

Pal Nyiii's "Nobility anu Cultuial Authoiity in Contempoiaiy China" makes
an explicit connection between the Chinese Communist Paity's (CCP) nation-
builuing agenua anu the iegimes of mobility it encouiages (Nyiii 2u1u). Be takes
mobility as the focus of his aigument, anu uses compaiisons between touiists anu
migiants to show the ways in which theii position as Chinese nationals is
connecteu to mouein subject builuing piojects in contempoiaiy China.
I suggest that both kinds of individuals have to negotiate their
positions as modern Chinese subjects as they cope with the
contradiction between the expectation of mobility and barriers in front
of it. While unifying the mobilizing images of Chinese modernity are
transmitted to them through a range of media technologies from
telephone cars to tourist brochures, they have to make their way
through everyday situations and contradictory local discourses that
stand in the way of movement and strip them of their
enfranchisementThe discourses of the migrant and the tourist
communicate that it is essential for the modern Chinese subject to be
mobile. (Nyiri 2010: 164-165)

S
}ulie Y. Chu's ieseaich in a village in Fuzhou, concuis with Nyiii's aigument.
In hei ethnogiaphy of a village with a gieat uegiee of out-migiation, she exploies
the uynamics of mobility fiom one place (2u1u). In paiticulai, she shows how
)//%0)1)23 is one of the majoi souices of anxiety foi Fuzhounese people.
Immobility is thus as much a concein foi Chinese subjects, anu uemonstiates the
close ielationship between mobility anu self woith cieateu by the iegimes
outlineu by Nyiii. Chu uemonstiates how, even when immobile both in teims of
bouily movement anu citizenship, Fuzhounese people still have a vast aiiay of
mobile imaginaiies anu social piactices. She shows that the mateiial, spatial anu
linguistic imaginaiies involveu in finuing one's place at "home" aie as complex anu
inteiconnecteu as the "uisplacement" expeiienceu in moving. The connections
between "home" anu "uiaspoia" aie exploieu thiough iemittance-fueleu
constiuction piojects at anu the iefuibishment of the histoiic Nonkey King temple
in the village. Chu's ethnogiaphy is a uesciiption of mobility 4*& '(!'11'.!'. It also
uemonstiates how mobility iegimes anu the biiuges they have cieateu aie a
ciucial pait of contempoiaiy Chinese sociality. They even shape the imaginaiies of
those "immobile." Inueeu, the co-foimative uialectic between mobility anu
immobility uesciibeu by Chu miiiois Salazai anu Smait's suggesteu use of the
teim "(im)mobility" as pait of mobility ieseaich (2u12b).

These scholais' woik offei excellent examples of the cential iole mobility
(oi immobility) plays in contempoiaiy Chinese subjectivity. Bowevei, they tenu to
emphasize a sense of novelty in the mobility they uesciibe, whethei its 0ng's
flexible citizens pioblematizing the nation-state thiough theii tiansnational
movements oi Nyiii's shifts in political uiscouise. Whilst I acknowleuge the
newness of these iegimes of mobility my ieseaich shows how they aie naiiateu
anu expeiienceu in mattei of fact ways that emphasize the eveiy uay sense of
mobility. As much as changes in mobility pioviue new theoietical possibilities foi

6
social scientists, foi Chinese migiants to }apan they meiely iepiesent a woilu
which they must negotiate piagmatically. This suggests a yet to be unueistoou
ielationship between the acceleiating netwoiks of uiscouises anu technologies
that constitute iegimes of mobility, anu the ways they aie expeiienceu.

\loocbeo ooJ l sot lo tbe kltcbeo toqetbet oo smoll mokesblft plostlc stools, sbotloq o pock of
clqotettes ftom cbloo, wblcb sbeJ ttlckeJ bet fotbet loto seoJloq ovet to Iopoo os o qlft fot bet
ftleoJs. 1bey wete lo foct fot bet.
1bls kltcbeo wos tbe commoo spoce l sboteJ wltb 9 cbloese stoJeots lo o smoll Jotmltoty lo
lkebokoto. 1be Jotmltoty wos o ctompeJ spoce oo tbe flftb floot of oo offlce block tbot wos
loteoJeJ fot smoll bosloesses totbet tboo teslJeotlol llvloq. ocb toom wos botely o mette wlJe
ooJ close to J mettes Jeep, ooJ oltbooqb tbey wete oJvettlseJ os ptlvote poottets, qops lo
coosttoctloo ooJ popet tblo wolls moJe lt ptlvote lo oome olooe. Nooetbeless, lt wos oot mocb
wotse tboo otbet fotms of stoJeot llvloq commoo lo 1okyo, ooJ lt wos locoteJ ooly flve mlootes
wolk ftom tbe beott of tbe mojot stotloo lo tbe oottb-west of 1okyo, lkebokoto. \loocbeo, llke
me, boJ beeo lottoJoceJ to lt tbtooqb oo lofotmol cootoct, ooJ ooly toletoteJ lts ctompeJ
llvloq cooJltloos becoose of tbe mobllltles lt offotJeJ.
wbeo l moveJ loto tbe Jotm l moJe my teseotcb loteotloos cleot, explololoq tbot o pott of tbe
Aotbtopoloqlcol metboJ wos to llve wltb tbe people yoo woot to leoto mote oboot. uoe to tbls,
my Jotm-motes woolJ ofteo sbote potts of tbelt llfe wltb me, wltboot mocb ptomptloq, ooJ
tbeo tell me tbot l sboolJ koow tbls ot tbot, lf l bope to Jo teseotcb oo tbls toplc.

7
1bls momeot wos ooe of tbose. \loocbeo ooJ l slowly eojoyeJ tbe otomo of looJo btooJ
clqotettes, Jlscossloq tbe oostolqlo tbot tbe tblck, sttooq ooJ oo-cootomlooteJ flovoot of
cbloese clqotettes btooqbt. \loocbeo commeoteJ tbot tbooqb cbloese clqotettes ote sttooq,
tbeyte mote oototol, oollke tbe cbemlcolly sttlppeJ ooJ weoket clqotettes popolot lo Iopoo. As
we JlscosseJ tbls oostolqlo bowevet, \loocbeo pooseJ ooJ solJ.
oo koow, l Joot teolly koow bow l eoJeJ op llke tbls.
1o wblcb l tespooJeJ, AJJlcteJ to clqotettes?
No. lo Iopoo. lJ oevet teolly tbooqbt mocb oboot lt, yet bete l om. l polckly oskeJ bet to
bolJ tbot tbooqbt ooJ took oot oo ooJlo tecotJet, soyloq 1bots teolly lotetestloq, ls lt ok lf we
tolk oboot lt ooJ l tecotJ lt fot my teseotcb? 5be ooJJeJ.
l oskeJ, wbot Jo yoo meoo wbeo yoo soy, yoo oevet tbooqbt mocb oboot lt?
well, lJ ofteo qooe to belp ftleoJs boy tbloqs befote leovloq tbe coootty (cnN. cboqoo) ooJ
lJ olwoys tbooqbt lt wos sttooqe octoolly. vetyooe seemeJ to be Joloq lt bot l wos ptetty
boppy ot bome. 5o lJ oevet tbooqbt tbot ooe Joy l coolJ be llke tbem ooJ qo ovetseos.
wbys tbot?
l boJ oo lotetest, oo motlvotloo (IlN. yotokl)
5o tell me tbe stoty of bow yoo qot bete.

8
1be yeot befote lost l flolsbeJ blqb scbool. At tbot tlme lJ loteoJeJ to ottempt tbe eottooce
exomlootloos ot tbe locol tecbolcol colleqe (cnN. Jozbooo), bot my qtoJes weteot tbot qooJ. l
tolkeJ to ooe of tbe lectotets tbete ooJ be solJ tbot tbete ote mote ooJ mote people wltb
Jlplomos (cnN. weoploq) oow, ooJ tbot eveo tbooqb tbey bove tbem tbey coot floJ wotk. 5o l
stotteJ to tblok tbot moybe l sboolJ jost wotk, tbot Jlplomos bove oo ose lo tbe eoJ. My
motbet solJ to me tbot tbey stlll wooteJ me to stoJy, ooJ soqqesteJ l qo to Iopoo losteoJ. 5o
tbot yeot l stotteJ ot o looqooqe scbool lo lozboo. AtoooJ Ioly.
wby Jo yoo tblok tbey cbose Iopoo?
lts closet, tbe vlsos eoslet ooJ tbeyJ seeo o few people qo tbete befote, l qoess
AoJ wbyJ yoo oqtee
nmm, l tbooqbt tbot Iopoo ls stlll o ploce fot Asloos (cnN. yozbooteo), tbot ltJ be eoslet tboo
oqllsb becoose of tbe wtltloq system, ooJ lt jost JlJot seem os fot owoy.
5o wbot else JlJ yoo Jo tbeo?
well l stoJleJ tbete fot bolf o yeot ooJ otqoolseJ tbe fotmolltles (cnN. boole sbooxo).
wbot JlJ yoo bove to Jo?

9
5ome tbloqs my poteots otqoolseJ, llke qettloq o posspott. 8ot l boJ to Jo some of tbe tbloqs
to opply fot tbe vlso. 1be pte-colleqe stoJeot (cnN. jloxoe) vlso ls ptetty eosy tbooqb. oo qet o
yeot lo Iopoo oo poestloos oskeJ (cnN. melweotl le).
oo jost oeeJ o looqooqe scbool?
eob, yeob (cnN. Jol Jol Jol..)
The shoit ethnogiaphic inteiview I conuucteu with Xiaochen is illustiative
of the complex inteiwoven phenomenon that is mobility. 0nlike the iomantic
image of migiants seeking a bettei life elsewheie, it paints a simple pictuie of the
common place movement has in contempoiaiy China. As Xiaochen uesciibeu the
pioceuuies hei paients caiiieu out to get hei to }apan, she uesciibeu it with a no-
nonsense obviousness, listing the vaiious stages she went thiough. Yet, the initial
tiiggei foi telling this stoiy was a ieflexive comment about how "she uiun't know
how she enueu up" in }apan," suggesting a lack of agency in hei uecision to move.
!"#$%& ($) *+,-.-/&

In stating that mobility, anu in paiticulai migiation, has become a common
featuie of eveiyuay life; I uo not mean it is solely ueteimineu by socio-political
contexts oi that theie is no agency in it. Issues of agency veisus stiuctuie aie a
classic conunuium of all social theoiy whethei it's the "piactical logics " anu
"*0)2#6 of Bouiuieu (1977), oi the uiscuisive piouuction of subjects * 1* Foucault
(1977). Both wiiteis have exploieu how contexts ielate to what people uo
(piactices) anu both have lookeu at the ways these piactices ielate to eithei, a) in
Bouiuieu's case a pie-conscious geneiative /%7#6 %4'&*.7) shapeu by its context,

1u
oi b) in Foucault's case, the 'techniques,' uiscouises' anu 'miciophysics of powei'
that help shape the self as subject.
In his compaiison of Foucault anu Bouiuieu's concepts, Be Ceiteau
highlights the similaiities anu uiffeiences between the two (Be Ceiteau 1994).
Fuithei aiguing that each theoiists concepts iely on assumptions positeu by the
othei. In an eloquently simple summation of this Be Ceiteau aigues that an agent's
inteiaction with the woilu is always in a piocess of "making uo" (0&)!%1'.2), anu
boiiowing an analogy fiom Kant, that this "making uo" can be likeneu to a
tightiope walkei, constantly ie-aujusting in the attempt to cieate equilibiium.
Within classic ieseaich on migiation, one of the founuational questions has been
the issue of "choice" to move, anu what "push-pull" factois influence this uecision.
Whilst this fits the analogy of "making uo" it assumes a iational agent able to
weigh theii options caiefully. In moie iecent liteiatuie on migiation howevei,
these issues aie pioblematizeu as the coeicive aspects of mobility iegimes come to
be iecognizeu.
The parameters of choice and coercion in migration are difficult to
define. Is the decision to leave made out of individual aspiration or
collective needs? Do migrants go to foreign countries to offer
economic assistance to their parents, or to provide their children with
educational opportunities? The constraints of the past and the
possibilities of the future are carefully weighed in every decision to
migrate. From such a perspective the question of personal choice may
simply seem like the wrong question. It gives too much attention to
the individuals present action, and blurs the complex networks of

11
responsibilities that link a person to the past and future.
(Papastergiadis 2000: 60)
As in Xiaochen's case, movement is often expeiienceu as a felicitous oi acciuental
occuiience, even though choices weie involveu in the piocess. Similai to
Xiaochen's expeiience, othei Chinese migiants I spoke to uiu not uesciibe theii
choices oi uesiies to migiate but iathei stiesseu being swept along by the cuiient
of "leaving fevei" (CBN: !"#$#%&'89 as they watcheu fiienus anu kin go oveiseas.
The teim "fevei" is commonly useu to uesciibe any kinu of populai ciaze in China.
Foi example, Baviu Palmei, in his ieseaich on Chinese bouy cultivation piactices
known as :)$%.$, has uiscusseu "fevei" as a kinu of "collective effeivescence
which occuis when official policies anu infoimal signals sent fiom above
coiiesponu with, open space foi, anu amplify populai uesiie" (Palmei 2uu9: 278).
The "leaving fevei" uesciibeu by young Chinese migiants in }apan is an example of
the ineitia cieateu by the uesiies they anu theii paients helu foi euucational anu
economic success, anu the ways in which this was encouiageu by political
mechanisms within China.
My poteots soqqesteJ l opply wbeo l flolsbeJ blqb scbool becoose my slstet boJ moveJ ovet
bete, bot l wos tejecteJ by tbe embossy Jotloq tbe lotetvlew fot my oppllcotloo. l JlJot teolly
woot to qo lo oll booesty, bot wbeo l wos tejecteJ, l felt left oot ooJ become JetetmloeJ to
come bete. l opplleJ tbtee mote tlmes befote l wos occepteJ. 8y tbeo l wos 28. (J2 yt olJ,
mole, ftom lloooloq, 1okosblto uolvetslty stoJeot)
8efote tbe momeot l sot Jowo oo tbe plooe, lJ oevet tbooqbt oboot comloq to Iopoo. l JlJot
Jo well lo scbool, ooJ oftet speoJloq o yeot lookloq fot wotk, my motbet solJ sbeJ soppott me.
At tbot tlme (2002) evetyooe wos leovloq tbe coootty. l JlJot tblok of wbete l wos qoloq, jost

12
tbot l boJ ootbloq to Jo lo cbloo. lt wos o coloclJeotol oppottoolty (cnN. ootoo Je jlbol). (27yt
olJ, mole, ftom notblo, electtoolcs Jeolet)
l wooteJ to qo to 8eljloq octoolly, bot lt wos eoslet fot my fotbet to otqoolse fot me to come
bete. neJ expotteJ some teo bete befote ooJ koew someooe wbo coolJ belp os otqoolse lt. l
Joot koow bow l qot bete. (21 yt olJ, femole, ftom lojloo, looqooqe stoJeot)
1o moke mooey of cootse. (26yt olJ, femole, ftom 5booJooq, boltJtessets osslstoot)
wby woolJot l? lts ooly two ooJ o bolf boots oo o plooe bock bome, tbe looqooqe lsot so
Jlffeteot, so l coo ooJetstooJ tbe slqos, ooJ lts bettet tboo stoyloq ot bome oll tbe tlme. l
tbooqbt lJ jost come ooJ tty lt oot (cnN. sblsbl koo). (28 yt olJ, mole, ftom 5beoyooq,
looqooqe stoJeot ooJ botel coocletqe)
These statements suggest that these migiants expeiienceu the choice to
move to }apan as something obvious oi coinciuental, often fiameu by a uistinct
sense that it was what many otheis they knew weie uoing, anu that it appeaseu
theii paients' euucational hopes foi them. Ny uesiie to heai them tell stoiies
about theii uecisions to move to }apan was met with piagmatic confusion. To them
it was iaiely a question of "why." but iathei "why-not." In this sense, foi Chinese
migiants in }apan, movement is not an abeiiational uecision to move between
nation-states, but a facet of what is an essentially mobile "social woilu."
Rathei than pioblematizing the nation-state, inteinational tiavel has
featuieu piominently in uiscouises aiounu the uesiiable in contempoiaiy China.
Two popular mantras perhaps best capture the fin de sicle frenzy and
anxiety of the market economy and consumerist China: xiahai

1S
(plunging into the ocean), meaning going into the risky business world,
and yu shijie jiegui, which literally means linking up with the [rail]
tracks of the world. The expressions are ubiquitous in both official
and popular Chinese discourse. From the popular press to film and
television, the media are suffused with tragicomic tales of people who
have fared poorly or well in the new enterprises proliferating in China.
Linking up with the tracks of the world is a particularly vivid
metaphor that spells out Chinas desire to catch the last train of global
modernity, finally overcoming perceived time-lag between itself and
the West. It suggests a sense of running out of time, of urgency, and of
great risk takinga concept that became almost obsolete during
Chinas insulated socialist era, a time when urban dwellers worked
low-paying jobs (Zhang 2000: 93)
Although my inteilocutois weie often ielatively unieflexive about theii
own peisonal histoiies of choosing to move to }apan, they maintaineu a sense of
impiovisation in the face of options that hau a unique histoiy. They weie "making
uo" within the limits anu pioceuuies of what was imaginable. This was achieveu
thiough choosing to move, anu wheie, within the uistinct aichitectuies of the
"tightiopes" that facilitate migiation. The piocesses uesciibeu by 0ng that
establisheu a tiansnational netwoik of Chinese mobility anu capital accumulation,
anu the "mattei of fact" natuie of mobile uesiies as uemonstiateu by Chu shows
how the ie-tieauing of mobile paths has cieateu a continuing imaginable netwoik
of connections between places. This in many ways paiallels Simmel's analysis of
the affect of paths anu biiuges (1997). Be aigues that path-builuing cieates

14
peimanent metaphoiical connections between places. In paiticulai, he uesciibes
how biiuges aie exemplaiy, as they "symbolize the extension of oui volitional
spheie ovei space" anu show humanity's "will to connect" (1997:171). Although
he exploies this in the liteial sense, uesciibing actual histoiic anu aichitectuial
stiuctuies, we can imagine contempoiaiy paths, "tightiopes" anu biiuges in many
ways. In the context of Chinese mobility in the eaily 21st centuiy it is complex
assemblages of auministiative stiuctuies, visas, the uiive foi euucational uesiie,
netwoiks of capital establisheu by "#*+)*% entiepieneuis, anu kinship that
unueilie why Chinese migiants have come to be the laigest gioup of non-}apanese
in }apan.
0/1)#$/ 2-3(3 (3 4-"5(/+5& %6($$#.
Amongst the bouy of 2Su people that I talkeu with in my fieluwoik in
Ikebukuio, 9u% hau come to }apan on a stuuent visa. This uiu not mean that they
all enueu up stuuying foi significantly long peiious of time, but iathei that the
stuuent visa system in }apan is one of the most convenient ways to entei the
countiy. This ease of entiy inteisecteu with PRC goveinmental uiives foi
euucational iefoims anu auvancement, making euucational tiavel one of the most
ieliable means by which to go oveiseas. Legal oveiseas migiation anu
cosmopolitan consumption have been encouiageu by the CCP in the iefoim eia as
pait of the uevelopmental imaginaiies of the nation (Fong 2uu4; 2uu7; Nyiii 2uu6;
Nyiii 2uu1; Xiang 2uuS). In paiticulai, oveiseas stuuy has featuieu piominently in
this piomotion, as the CCP attemps to cieate bioau inteinational netwoiks of
economic anu cultuial uevelopment (Nyiii 2uu1). A paiticulaily inuicative
example of this is founu in a 1992 State Council iepoit stating the piinciples of
oveiseas stuuy policy. These piinciples weie to "suppoit stuuy abioau, piomote
ietuin, |upholuj fieeuom of movement," anu to "piomote oveiseas inuiviuuals to

1S
seive the countiy," with "seive the county" (CBN: ;') $#% -#;#) becoming the
stanuaiu slogan foi oveiseas stuuents (Nyiii 2uu1; Cheng 2uuS)
Nigiation has also been encouiageu in meuia iepiesentations of successful
ex-oveiseas Chinese stuuents who have eithei ietuineu oi stayeu on in theii
countiy of migiation as an economic beneficiaiy oi cultuial inteimeuiaiy. Foi
instance, Fujianese abioau who weie piomoteu as "successful" uonateu funus to
Pioject Bope (a school builuing pioject foi pooi aieas) anu othei ielief schemes.
Similaily, in 2uu6 a uocumentaiy poitiaying the lives of Chinese stuuents' in }apan
(filmeu by an ex-stuuent heiself) was applauueu in China foi poitiaying the
humanistic natuie of }apanese people's uealings with these stuuents, anu the
economic haiuships that the stuuents themselves stoically oveicame (Zhang
2uu6). The film was scieeneu in both China anu }apan as a bilingual euit piouuceu
by CCTv anu FujiTv, anu was piaiseu foi not only showing the people of China
anothei siue to }apanese people, but also foi showing }apanese vieweis the
haiuships Chinese stuuents face.
In hei ieseaich amongst stuuents of the iefoim eia, anu eveiyuay ieactions
to oveiseas meuia events, vanessa Fong has aigueu that images of China's place in
the woilu aie embeuueu in a bioauei notion of "moueinising" China that is
simultaneously subject to the peiceiveu .''7 foi China to moueinise uue to its
cuiient lack (Fong 2uu4; Fong 2uu7; Fong 2u11). The stuuents she inteivieweu
often voiceu uisappointment with cuiient stanuaius in China, anu so felt it
necessaiy to go oveiseas to uevelop themselves. At the same time, they fiameu
this uesiie in teims of filial uuty to the nation by cultivating themselves oveiseas
anu possibly ietuining at a latei uate.
Fong has aigueu that the images of uesiiable tiavel, citizenship anu
peisonal uevelopment aie often subject to the tension-baseu piocesses of "cultuial
intimacy" (Beizfelu 1997; Fong 2uu4; Fong 2uu7). A teim coineu by Beizfelu,
"cultuial intimacy" is useu to uesciibe the flip-flop-like piocess wheie state-baseu

16
legal anu cultuial noims aie iejecteu by citizens at one time anu accepteu at
anothei (Beizfelu 1997). Beizfelu shows how the uynamic tensions anu at times
contiauictions between peison, gioup anu nation-state aie actually constitutive of
the state, cultuie anu in paiticulai notions of patiiotism. Bence, patiiotism is not a
thing uictateu by the state but a negotiateu anu contesteu piocess that is often
utilizeu by agents in a way similai to Be Ceiteau's "making uo."
This complex piocess of euucational uesiie anu cultuial intimacy has
acceleiateu since Beng Xiaoping instiucteu euucation uepaitments in }une 1978 to
expanu the scale of people tiavelling oveiseas foi stuuy. Touay, China has become
the woilu's laigest expoitei of inteinational stuuents. In 2uu6 theie weie S4S,126
iecoiueu Chinese inteinational stuuents, constituting 14% of the total
inteinational stuuent population anu suimounting by thiee times moie than the
seconu laigest expoitei, Inuia (0NESC0 2uu6). 0f this, 89,uuu Chinese stuuents
went to the 0SA anu 79,uuu to }apan. Bowevei, uue to special vocational (1S,uuu)
anu pie-college language stuuent (Su,uuu) visa aiiangements between China anu
}apan, }apan aiguably constitutes the laigest iecipient of euucationally channelleu
Chinese migiants. Accoiuing to uiacia Liu-Faiiei's calculations the total numbei
of euucationally channelleu Chinese migiants in }apan was 12u,176 foi 2uu6
(0NESC0 2uu6; Liu-Faiiei 2u11).
These figuies aie suppoiteu by seveial new ethnogiaphies on Chinese
stuuent migiation. In Fong's iecently publisheu ieseaich on young Chinese'
aspiiations to move oveiseas, she followeu a gioup of paiticipants whom she hau
pieviously inteivieweu at high school age (Fong 2u11). 0iiginally fiom the
Chinese city Balian, Fong follows them to theii migiant lives in Iielanu, }apan,
Ameiica, Biitain anu Austialia. Bespite voicing a uesiie to go to Ameiica oi Biitain,
the majoiity of Fong's infoimants enueu up spenuing a significant peiiou of time
in eithei Iielanu oi }apan. This was uue to the flexible visa anu woik systems in
these countiies, anu in paiticulai, the ielative ease of getting a }apanese stuuent

17
visa. Fong shows that although migiants have piefeiences foi ceitain countiies,
the most significant uistinction was whethei they weie consiueieu "uevelopeu."
Fong's infoimants uieameu of going to a "uevelopeu countiy" (CBN: -*7*$#%<)*),
which was envisioneu as a geneial categoiy in theii uieam iathei than iefeiiing to
a specific countiy. These countiies weie iefeiieu to as a "paiauise" (CBN:
2)*.2*.$)9 anu although it was consiueieu the less piestigious "silvei path" (CBN:
3).6')9 42% of hei infoimants hau spent at least 6 months in }apan; making it the
most significant meuiatoi in the goals of young Chinese goals to move oveiseas.
Fiom 1984 to 2uu4, ovei a quaitei of a million Chinese migiants have
aiiiveu in }apan on eithei univeisity oi pie-univeisity language stuuent visas (Liu-
Faiiei 2u11). This new wave of migiants, the "New 0veiseas Chinese" (CBN:
=)."#*+)*%) have constituteu appioximately a thiiu of the total iegisteieu Chinese
population in }apan since the 199us anu make up two-thiius of the total foieign
stuuent population (}apanese Statistics Buieau 2uu8; Zha 2uuS). By the 199us,
China's new emphasis on oveiseas stuuy anu migiation coinciueu with }apan's
own social uevelopments in similai aieas. }apan's iapiuly ueveloping economy,
ueclining population, laboui shoitage, anu the hesitation of the uomestic
population to engage in ceitain kinus of jobs, cieateu a new maiket foi migiants
(Liu-Faiiei 2u11). Bowevei, piessuie fiom within }apanese politics pieventeu the
allowance of any foim of mass laboui migiation. The ielative ease of attaining one
of the seveial types of stuuent visas, anu the pait-time woik aiiangements these
peimit, have ensuieu that stuuent visas have become a pioxy channel foi laboui
migiation. Liu-Faiiei has noteu that the possible combination of woik anu
euucation via stuuent visas in }apan has ensuieu that a vaiiety of uiffeient
aspiiations foi social mobility anu economic success flow thiough similai
migiatoiy channels (2u11).
This vaiiety is ieflecteu in iegional uiffeiences in migiatoiy paths anu
channels. Buiing the 199us, "Snake Beau" human tiaffickeis fiom Fujian (CBN:

18
>"'2%#) collaboiateu with }apanese businesses to establish language schools foi
laboui migiation puiposes. At the same time, aspiiing young Shanghainese useu
similai visa-aiiangements anu piivately iun schools to piepaie themselves foi
entiy into }apanese univeisities. Bence, I aigue that migiation fiom China shoulu
be seen in moie uiveise teims than national bounuaiy ciossing. Regional
uiffeiences aie maikeu, as aie peisonal anu inteipeisonal motivations.
The Noith Eastein iegions of China hau moie histoiical ties with }apan uue
to }apan's occupation of Nanchuiia uuiing the Seconu Woilu Wai. Nany oluei
people within this iegion hau some }apanese language ability anu so, when
euucational policy piomoteu foieign language leaining in the 198us, many Noith
Eastein schools utiliseu this geneiation's }apanese language ability. Bence,
stuuents fiom the Noith East weie moie likely to have leaineu some }apanese
befoie going to }apan. Non-Ban gioups fiom Noithein China, such as Innei
Nongolians weie also moie likely to go to }apan, howevei, this tienu was baseu on
peiceiveu linguistic similaiities between Nongolian anu }apanese. 0ne Innei
Nongolian classmate of mine explaineu it as a ieaction to the "Sinification" (CBN:
?*."#*) occuiiing in Innei Nongolia. In contiast to the Noith-East, people fiom
Fujian weie known foi utilising the histoiic boating tiaffic fiom the aiea, often
migiating illegally oi ie-establishing netwoiks with pieviously migiateu family
membeis. In Shanghai, uuiing the 199us, many businesses weie set up to woik as
inteimeuiaiies foi aspiiing migiants, often in coopeiation with language schools
in }apan. In iecent times this inuustiy has come unuei stiict iegulation with Suu
such iegisteieu businesses iecoiueu in Shanghai 2uu6 (Liu-Faiiei 2u11).
Regional uiffeiences also play out in the spatial uistiibution of Chinese
migiants in Tokyo. Each aiea of Tokyo tenus to have moie people fiom ceitain
aieas of China, anu intei-iegional tensions often shapeu much of the uaily social
lives of my inteilocutois. Foi example, Ikebukuio was pieuominantly seen as an
aiea foi Noith East Chinese (CBN: @%.$0')&'.), anu although othei people came

19
fiom aieas such as Fujian, noith-eastein attituues anu iuentities weie peifoimeu
moie publicly in this space. In contiast, the histoiically establisheu Yokohama
Chinatown was uiscusseu by Ikebukuio Chinese as a place foi olu oveiseas
Chinese (CBN:1*% "#*+)*%), Taiwanese anu Fujianese. Similaily, 0eno was slowly
coming to be seen as a "little Shanghai," in the woius of one local iestauiant
ownei.
Regional uiffeiences aie compounueu by peisonal anu family netwoiks. 0f
the 12u paiticipants Liu-Faiiei inteivieweu, 1u2 hau siblings cuiiently stuuying
in }apan oi hau pieviously hau a sibling stuuy theie (2u11). Amongst my
inteilocutois those figuies weie lowei, but not significantly. Foi example, amongst
the 28 life naiiatives I collecteu only 1S people hau kin cuiiently oi pieviously in
}apan. Bowevei, they often hau fiienus oi kin with ties to }apan (paiticulaily
amongst Fujianese inteiviewees), even if they uiu not actually iesiue theie. In
shoit, peisonal ielationships anu iegional uynamics influence uesiies to move to
}apan.
Whilst these uynamics aie significant on a geneial level of analysis, they
vaiy wiuely in the way they channel peisonal life tiajectoiies. An Innei-Nongolian
couple's tale of how they came to }apan exemplifies the piocess of "making uo"
while engaging with these foices. Bespite giowing up togethei as chiluien, the
uesiie to stuuy hau uiawn them away fiom each othei since they weie 17. The
wife, Non, hau not giown up speaking Nanuaiin, anu hau only leaint stanuaiuiseu
mouein Chinese (CBN: A#2%.$"#*) when she staiteu hei latei yeais in piimaiy
school. She saiu that linguistic uifficulties hau always maue hei feel out of place
within the uiban centies of China uue to this, anu so, at 17 when an oppoitunity to
stuuy in }apan aiose she took it without thinking. She saiu that Nongolian is
giammatically similai to }apanese, anu that she thought that she might fit in moie
in }apan uue to a peiceiveu commonality between Nongolians anu }apanese

2u
people. Bei move as a stuuent woulu latei channel hei now-husbanu's move to
}apan. Be uesciibeu his tale as follows:
l oskeJ, wbete JlJ yoo qtow op?
Altbooqb l wos boto lo looet-Mooqollo, wbeo l qtoJooteJ, l weot to o vocotloool scbool lo
nobel. 5o l speot most of my tlme wltb otbet ootslJets (wolJlteo), people ftom CoooqJooq
etc. ooJ some people ftom nobel. we speot oll oot tlme toqetbet stoJyloq ooJ ployloq, so oftet
qtoJootloq l weot to Coooqzboo fot o wblle to floJ wotk. 8ot l JlJot bove mocb soccess so l
tetotoeJ to looet-Mooqollo.
5o yoo moveJ otoooJ o lot befote comloq to Iopoo.wblle movloq, JlJ yoo evet lmoqloe yoo
mlqbt come to Iopoo?
No, oevet. lts jost.bow to pot lt. lo looet-Mooqollo wbeo yoo tblok of qoloq ovetseos
(cboqoo) tbe fltst tbloq ls olwoys Iopoo. 8ecoose, to Mooqolloos Iopoo ls seeo os oot beloq oll
tbot Jlffeteot. lts ptobobly Joe to tbe looqooqe, mocb of tbe qtommot ooJ ptooooclotloo etc.
ls vety slmllot. 5o lf yoote o Mooqolloo ooJ yoo come to Iopoo yoo coo qet oseJ to bete
telotlvely polckly. Aboot bolf o yeot ls oll tbots oeeJeJ ooJ yooll speok Iopooese floeotly. lts o
qooJ exlsteoce, ooJ to be ftook yoo coo moke o lot of mooey. At tbe momeot looet-Mooqollo ls
o llttle bockwotJ, yoo koow. lo Iopoo, ooe yeots woqes ls wottb teo yeots locome lo looet-
Mooqollo.
coolJ yoo tell me o llttle mote oboot bow yoo come to Iopoo?

21
1be blqqest teosoo ls tbot l met my wlfe (cnN. loopo mlssos) bock wbete we come ftom.
we qot olooq teolly well oftet oot bovloq seeo eocb otbet sloce we wete klJs ooJ we stotteJ to
Jote (cnN. toolloool). nowevet, sbe wos qoloq to qo to Iopoo, ooJ l tbooqbt Not o ptoblem. lt
coolJ ooly be otoooJ o yeot tlqbt? 8ot sbe JlJot come bock.oftet tbot, sbe qot o job ooJ oot
llves wete stoble (cnN. weoJloq le). Altbooqb we kept lo toocb ovet tbe lotetoet, tbe tlme we
qot toqetbet wos teolly sbott. lo oll booesty we JlJot teolly ooJetstooJ eocb otbet. AoJ l
Jefloltely boJot qotteo to tbe polot wbete l tbooqbt l wooteJ to motty bet. l jost tbooqbt tbot
lJ floJ some woy to come ovet to speoJ mote tlme wltb bet ooJ see bow lt weot. l koow yoo
ptobobly woot me to qlve o teolly seotlmeotol teosoo llke l come bete jost fot bet, blob blob
bot lt teolly wosot llke tbot. l qoess meo ote foltly selflsb, l teolly jost tbooqbt tty stoJyloq
obtooJ (cnN. lloxoe bel). 5ee lf l coo qet oseJ to lt bete, see wbot lts llke yoo koow? l koow o
lot of people solJ, Nob, yoo two coolJot qet by llke tbot. Altbooqb bet woqes ote blqb, tbeyte
oot tbot blqb fot Iopoo, ooJ yoot cbloese mooey woot cot lt lo 1okyo. l boJ oo Jlplomos, oo
eJocotloool expetleoce (cnN. xoell), bot l come oo tbe pte-colleqe stoJeot vlso (cnN. jloxoe)
oo ptoblem. lve beeo bete fot olmost tbtee yeots oow, we mottleJ lost yeot.
7-381$%/15# -$ 5#"-4#3 +9 4+,-.-/&
Bespite the noimalization of mobility amongst Chinese migiants' uecisions
to move to }apan, the conuition of mobility still hau many uisjunctuies. Foi
example, the conuitions of Chinese migiant lifestyles in }apan weie uifficult anu
they often founu themselves woiking within the less uesiiable sectois of Tokyo's
laboui economy. Bowevei, beyonu the eveiyuay haiuships, theie was a bioauei
sense of uisiuption stemming fiom the uifficulties they hau in ueveloping a sense
of belonging. Nany uesciibeu the uifficulties in negotiating the noimalizeu
iegimes of mobility, which position one as a supposeuly aspiiing mobile subject
anu suggest the uesiie to have the choice not to move. This echoes viino's

22
paiaphiaseu use of Beiueggei to uesciibe the lack of belonging cieateu by
contempoiaiy iegimes of capital anu mobility.
Today, all forms of life have the experience of not feeling at home,
which, according to Heidegger, would be the origin of anguish. Thus,
there is nothing more shared and more common, and in a certain sense
more public, than the feeling of not feeling at home. (Virno 2004:
35)
In the case of Chinese migiants in Tokyo theie was often anxiety about theii lack
of a place in the woilu. None of my infoimants aspiieu to iemain in }apan
inuefinitely, but at the same time those who tiieu to ietuin to the PRC woulu soon
finu themselves uiawn back to }apan. They weie tiansnational in teims of physical
mobility, but also uistinctly uiaspoiic in teims of theii sense of wheie they ought
to be. In paiticulai, the obligations anu sentiments ielateu to theii kin (almost all
of whom weie still in China, oi in anothei 0ECB countiy), weie constant souices
of guilt.
In his emphasis on the peisonal anu existential aspects of anthiopological
unueistanuing, Nichael }ackson has noteu a sense of tension within migiant's lives
(}ackson 2uu7). Biscussing the stiesses anu uisjunctuies a fiienu of his who hau
migiateu to Lonuon expeiienceu, he likens it to Naix's concept of alienation in
that "the moie intellectual laboui expenueu on the minatoiy object," (in this case
the migiatoiy pioject) "the moie vulneiable, tiappeu, woithless, anu unieal one
feels oneself to be " (2uu7: 128). Bis fiienu, although a legal migiant with
employment, was constantly exeiting effoit into constiucting a sense of legitimacy
in the place he was, anu a sense of coheience in his migiatoiy pioject. The moie
effoit exeiteu the less ieal it felt.

2S
Nichael }ackson emphasises the uisjunctuie of feeling out of place anu the
alienation which aiises fiom feais about legitimacy. In }apan howevei, the
impossibility of legitimacy often pusheu these conceins asiue. As one peison glibly
stateu "}apan is foi the }apanese of couise. I'll nevei be }apanese." Conceins about
the futuie howevei, weie veiy common anu weie often uiiectly connecteu to
conceins about the puipose of moving oveiseas. In paiticulai, the unceitainties
associateu with moving abioau to secuie a futuie weie often uesciibeu as a
"floating" (CBN: 4)*%), anu also occasionally "floatingwanueiing" (CBN: -#3%#).
vanessa Fong's ieseaich on young Chinese abioau has also noteu the common use
of the teim.
Transnational Chinese students often describe their sojourns in
developed countries as conditions of floating (piao), a concept
associated with instability, transience, uncertainty, and a lack of
rootedness. (Fong 2011: 98)
In geneial "floating" has a negative connotation, with a lack of agency anu
sense of inueteiminacy being its majoi constituents. The stoiy of "Laoliu" (a
pseuuonym I use foi one of my fiienus) uemonstiates the peisonal tensions founu
within negotiations of place, with its associateu uiaspoiic imaginaiies anu life
piojects. Laoliu uesciibes his life as "floating" like flotsam in a stieam.
l fltst met loollo wbllst wotcbloq o bllllotJs qome wltb o qtoop of my lofotmoots. 1bey belJ o
weekly motcb oo weJoesJoys to ploy fot smoll omooots of mooey ooJ blow off steom ftom
tbelt otbetwlse bectlc wotk ooJ stoJy llves. l sot oo o coocb oeot tbe tobles Jlscossloq my
teseotcb poestloo wltb o oew ftleoJ some of my lofotmoots boJ lottoJoceJ me to wbeo loollo
opptoocbeJ os. ne wote o qtey plosttlpeJ solt ooJ boJ bls bolt sllckeJ bock lo o fosbloo olmost
temlolsceot of pop coltote lmoqes of Iopooese moflo.

24
ne spoke to me tbtooqb tbls wbole coovetsotloo weovloq Iopooese oooos ooJ oJjectlves loto
otbetwlse cbloese seoteoce sttoctotes, ooJ occoslooolly osloq tbe cbloese ptooooclotloo of o
Iopooese koojl compoooJ. ne JesctlbeJ Iopoo os o beotl (IlN. cooveoleot) ploce wbete
evetyooes sozbl (cnN. poollty) wos blqb. lo pottlcolot, be tolkeJ of bow be wooteJ to leoto
tbe Iopooese opptoocb to setvlce (cnN. fowo) os be tbooqbt lt wos JeclJeJly lockloq lo
Nottbeost cbloo. Amooqst tbe people l boJ met so fot, be wos tbe most eotboslostlc oboot bls
llfe lo Iopoo. ne olso soqqesteJ opplyloq fot Iopooese cltlzeosblp.
Ovet my flelJwotk, loollo ooJ l become vety close, ooJ l JlscoveteJ tbloqs oboot bls llfe tbot
btooqbt mooy ooooces to bls otlqlool petfotmooce of offloeoce ooJ eotboslosm. lo coottost to
bls loltlol Jlsploy of cettoloty oboot bls llfe ptoject lo Iopoo, petbops o yeot oftet oot loltlol
meetloq be come to o ctosstooJs tbot moJe blm poestloo mooy tbloqs. l tecelveJ o pbooe coll
ftom blm ot otoooJ 2om lo tbe motoloq, wblcb l wos oseJ to os bls wotk ofteo took blm lote
loto tbe olqbt ooJ be wos olwoys keeo fot o cbot oftet be closeJ op. nowevet, tbls tlme be wos
teototlve ooJ soooJeJ coocetoeJ lo oskloq me qeoetol tbloqs oboot wbete l wos ooJ wbot l
wos Joloq.
ne tbeo swltcbeJ ooJ oskeJ me lf be coolJ osk me fot oJvlce, to wblcb l solJ of cootse bot
oJJeJ tbot lm oot sote lf lm tbe best petsoo fot tbls sott of tbloq. wbeo be exploloeJ to me
tbot bls boss boJ offeteJ blm o slqolflcoot ptomotloo, l wos telleveJ ooJ exclteJ, tecollloq bow
be boJ JesctlbeJ to me ptevloosly bow mocb be wooteJ to cootlooe llvloq lo Iopoo. nowevet,
wbeo be solJ ooxloosly l Joot koow wbot to Jo, l wolteJ to beot bls teosoos fot cooceto.
uesplte loollos excltemeot oboot Iopoo, wbeo foceJ wltb tbe octoollty of llvloq tbete fot
oootbet flve yeots (tbe coottoct fot tbe ptomotloo), be become locteJlbly JlsttesseJ. ne

2S
JlscosseJ wltb me lo leoqtb oboot bow be wooteJ to qet mottleJ bot tbot be coolJ oevet motty
o Iopooese womoo, bow be wooteJ to toke cote of bls fomlly bot tbot tbey coolJ oevet come to
Iopoo, bow tbe solt tbot be olwoys wote wos tbe ooly ooe be boJ, ooJ tbot lt wos booqbt fot
blm by bls compooy (be wos lo foct vety pootly polJ, Jesplte oppeotooces), bow be coolJ moke
mote mooey elsewbete lo cbloo petbops. lloolly be solJ tbot most lmpottootly tbls lsot my
bome. l oskeJ lf beJ llke me to meet blm ooJ soqqesteJ tbot we coll some of tbe otbets ftom
tbe bllllotJs qtoop, bot be JeclloeJ. uesplte tepeoteJ pbooe colls be temoloeJ wltbJtowo fot
tbe oext mootb, ootll be floolly qot bock lo toocb ooJ tolJ me be boJ JeclJeJ oot to toke tbe
ptomotloo bot temolo lo bls cotteot job, woltloq to see lf be boJ o cbooqe of beott. neJ jost
floot lo Iopoo (cnN. ploo zol tlbeo).
The uistiess expeiienceu by Laoliu uue to the tensions between his uesiies
to be a successful cosmopolitan, take caie of his family anu be in a place he felt he
belongeu is but one example of the uisiuptions contempoiaiy iegimes of mobility
biing foi Chinese migiants. Amongst my infoimants the sense of being unsuie was
incieuibly common. It was the tensions cieateu between places anu life piojects
that cieateu this alienation. Laoliu uiu not simply wish to belong in }apan, noi uiu
he just wish to ietuin home. It is the movement between places that has left him
vulneiable to his sense of simultaneous unceitainty anu obligation. In this sense,
the noimalization of iegimes of mobility within anu fiom China, has not piouuceu
Chinese subjects that peifectly fit into it. Bespite the iegime's noimalization, theie
aie still uisjunctuies, uisiuptions anu alteinative uesiies that conflict with these
piocesses.


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