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party secretary general at the ninth party congress in April 2001.The Chief of the General
Staff and the head of the General Political Department both received reprimands but their
careers were not affected otherwise.
In 2004, two of Vietnam’s most respected retired military generals raised the issue of GD II’s
interference in internal party affairs in private letters to the senior leadership. No less a figure
that General Vo Nguyen Giap demanded an investigation into the ‘extra-legal’ activities of GD
II. He noted that the party Central Committee, Politburo, Secretariat and Central Control
Committee had all considered the matter without taking any corrective action. Giap charged
that for many years GD II had tried to manipulate factionalism within the CPV to its advantage
and had smeared the political reputations of many leading figures including himself.
General Giap’s allegations were supported by retired Major General Nguyen Nam Khanh in a
letter to the senior party leadership on the eve of a plenary meeting of the Central Committee.
Khanh accused the GD II of ‘slandering, intimidation, torture, political assassination’ and
manipulation of internal party factionalism for its own partisan purposes. Khanh provided
excerpts from the GD II’s classified News Bulletin (Ban tin) to back up his accusations.
Question 2: Finally, do you know anything about past calls by retired generals and party
members for investigations into the 2nd General Bureau's operations? What are the
complaints and why haven't these investigations ever gone ahead? Have you heard the
rumors that the Bureau once uncovered a US Central Intelligence Agency document that
listed Communist Party members that were/are allegedly in its pay?
Answer 2: While Le Kha Phieu’s replacement signaled a short-term decline of military
influence in politics, the maneuvers of General Department II (military intelligence) had
provided evidence for the gradually expanded autonomy of the Vietnam People’s Army (VPA)
within Vietnam’s political system. This was also highlighted by the fact that Phieu’s misuse of
the VPA’s intelligence service created only a minor blowback against the military at the ninth
national party congress. To the extent that there were repercussions, they fell on individual
senior officers and not the VPA as an institution. For example, VPA representation on the
Central Committee was reduced only marginally from ten percent (eighth congress) to 9.3
percent. Similarly, General Pham Van Tra emerged almost unscathed. While he was dropped
two places in the protocol rankings, he retained his most important positions as Minister of
National Defence and his seat on the Politburo. If there was a main victim in the military, it
was General Pham Thanh Ngan, head of the General Political Department. He was dropped
from the Politburo. General Le Van Dung, Chief of the General Staff (CGS), retained his seat
on the Central Committee and was elected to the party’s Secretariat. Five months after the
tenth congress, Dung replaced Thanh as head of the GPD.
Complaints about the military’s interference in politics continued unabated after 2001. In
2004, two of Vietnam’s most respected retired military generals wrote private letters to the
party’s senior leadership charging that the military intelligence service was abusing its power
by interfering in internal party affairs. No less a figure than General Vo Nguyen Giap
demanded an investigation into the ‘extra-legal’ activities of General Department II because of
the failure of the Central Committee, Politburo, Secretariat and Central Control Committee to
take appropriate action. General Giap specifically charged that General Directorate II had
attempted to manipulate factionalism in the party by smearing the political reputations of
leading figures including himself.
General Giap was supported by retired Major General Nguyen Nam Khanh. Khanh was a
pillar of the establishment. He was the former head of the Central Committee’s Propaganda
and Training Department, former Political Officer for Military Region 5, and former deputy
head of the VPA’s General Political Department. He accused General Department II of
‘slandering, intimidation, torture, political assassination’ and manipulation of internal party
factionalism for its own partisan purposes.
Khanh documented his allegations by quoting from the classified News Bulletin produced by
General Directorate II.
If there is any substance to the allegations raised by generals Giap and Khanh, they
demonstrate that key military leaders were actively involved in internal factional politics within
the VCP itself. Significantly, it was only in the late 1990s that national security and intelligence
agencies ostensibly came under legislative control for the first time. For example, the first
3
Ordinance on Intelligence was issued by the chairman of the National Assembly Standing
Committee in December 1996.
In September the following year, the Prime Minister issued Decree 96/CP on defence
intelligence. These documents placed control over the military intelligence service in the
hands of the state president and ‘unified direction of the government.’ Both documents were
in fact drafted by the VPA and granted such extensive power to the military that it was able to
operate outside of effective party and government control. In November 2004, in an effort to
restore party-state oversight, the National Assembly adopted the Law on National Security
that set out the duties and responsibilities of security agencies.
I am doubtful China has much influence of GDII but sharing technology to monitor the internet
and blog sites is possible. The director general of GDII is a vice minister of defence not
positioned for higher command.