Aspects of Classical Nahuatl Phonology

Aspects of Classical Nahuatl Phonology Page 1 of 31
Aspects of Classical Nahuatl Phonology
By
Tezozomoc
Tezozomoc@hotmail.com
Tuesday, May 23, 2000
Tezozomoc May 13, 2000

Table of Content
Aspects of Classical Nahuatl Phonology ................................................................................................... 1

Table of Content .................................................................................................................................. 2
Introduction ........................................................................................................................................ 3
Phonemic Inventory ............................................................................................................................. 4
Consonants ..................................................................................................................................... 4
Feature Specifications for Classical Nahuatl Consonants ......................................................................... 5
Vowels .......................................................................................................................................... 8
Assimilation ....................................................................................................................................... 8
Progressive Assimilation ................................................................................................................... 8
Verifying the Assimilations ............................................................................................................. 13
Regressive Assimilations .......................................................................................................... 19
Phonotactics ..................................................................................................................................... 23
Conclusion ....................................................................................................................................... 25
Appendices ....................................................................................................................................... 27
1. Appendix A. Consonantal Phonemic Inventory of Classical Nahuatl Based on Manner, Place, and Voicing.
27
2. Appendix B. Consonantal Minimal Pairs for Classical Nahuatl ...................................................... 27
References: ....................................................................................................................................... 30

Introduction
Classical Nahuatl was the language spoken at the time that the Spaniards arrived on this continent around 1519. At
that time, Classical Nahuatl was spoken from upper Middle Mexico all the way down to Nicaragua (Tezozomoc,
1997). Currently, in Mexico 30% of the population speaks a native language variety. Since the last census of 1990,
approximately 2-3 million people spoke modern Nahuatl, either as a mother tongue or a second language
(Tezozomoc, 1997).
Classical Nahuatl was chosen over a modern variety because Classical Nahuatl had minimal Spanish borrowing in
the lexicon, syntax, and grammar. An obvious question might be, “Why not study a modern variety of Nahuatl?”
Other researchers like Karttunen, Campbell, have looked at some of the varieties of Nahuatl, such as, Tetelcingo,
Zacapoaxtla, and Copalillo Guerrero. All of these modern varieties have experienced 500 years of
evolution/variability. Nahuatl has adapted new loan words into its lexicon with great consideration to its phonemic
inventory. The source of these loan words and analysis comes from the encyclopedic work done by Frances
Karttunen and James Lockhart in their work entitled, “Nahuatl in the Middle Years: Language Contact Phenomena
in Texts of the Colonial Period (Karttunen, 1976).” Due scope limitations it is not possible to deal with these
evolutionary changes in this paper. It is worth mentioning that modern Nahuatl has experienced an increased
phonemic inventory as shown Sierra Nahuat. Additional changes in the modern Nahuatl deal with an increased
introduction of voiced consonants into Classical Nahuatl’s phonemic inventory. Other changes have include
substitution of /l/ and /r/ for /d/. Epenthesis is used to break difficult Spanish loan consonant clusters. Spanish
consonant cluster reduction in loan words have been reduced through omission of the first sound, i.e. C1C2 -> C2 or
if one of those letters was an /r/; the /r/ would be deleted. There are a number of other changes not covered in this
paper. Spanish Nahuatl contact requires it’s on complete analysis and discussion.
If one understands Classical Nahuatl the modern varieties are just a matter of accounting for the evolutionary
differences. These developments can be a combination of internal growth, and Spanish contact.

Lyle Campbell has grouped Classical Nahuatl into the Southern Uto-Aztecan languages. The Southern Uto-Aztecan
group is dominated by Pimic, in the North, Taracahitic, below Pimic, Cora-Huichol in the West, and Nahuan in the
central South of Mexico. The phonological processes that hold these groups together are spirantization, lenition,
nasalization, and gemination (Campbell, 1997).
These processes will be used to re-analyze the work that Andrews presented on assimilations and add clarity to his
findings. These processes are defined as spirantization, the process of deriving fricatives from another type of
articulation (Crystal, 1997). Lenition is the weakening of an overall strength of a sound. Crystal gives the following
example, “Typically, lenition involves the change from a stop to a fricative, a fricative to an approximant, a
voiceless sound to a voiced sound, or a sound being reduced to a zero.” Fortition is the opposite of lenition (Crystal,
1997). These concepts are used to account for consonantal changes at stem and morpheme contact in Classical
Nahuatl. Nasalization is the process of a consonant having pre or post nasalization due to contact with a nasal
consonant (Crystal, 1997). Gemination is the process of consonant hardening (Campbell, 1997).
Phonemic Inventory
Consonants
Andrew’s work is one of the first concise works on Classical Nahuatl grammar. Up to this point few investigators
had presented a phonological survey of Classical Nahuatl of the caliber of Andrews. There have been previous
researchers like Horacio Carochi who made some commentaries on Classical Nahuatl in his time, i.e. circa 1570’s.
Carochi’s work is limited by the technology of his time, but many researchers still cite him. Andrews addresses this
issue himself. I would like to quote him, “An exact knowledge of the sounds of Classical Nahuatl is not possible.
One must rely on the scant information provided by the early Spanish and Mexican grammarians of the language.
They, unfortunately, were not trained in phonology, and their descriptions are always inadequate and frequently
puzzling.” Andrews further clarifies other issues, “A complicating factor in this problem lies in the differences of
the various dialects of Classical Nahuatl (this, incidentally, applies to syntax and lexicon).”

Andrews presented 15 consonants: /p, t, k, kw, h, tl, ts, tS, s, S, m, n, l, w, y/. Two consonants are represented
differently, /h y/. In modern International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) the representation of these two consonants needs
to be reclassified. In the case of /h/ Andrew’s explicitly calls it a, “A glottal stop” (Andrews, 1975). It should be
reclassified as ///, based on modern IPA. Also, /h/’s modern IPA definition is specified as a voiceless, glottal,
fricative and disagrees with Andrew’s blanket definition. The second consonant that needs to be reclassified is /y/.
Andrews presents it as the same sound as English “yes”. Normally, this symbol is used to represent a [+high],
[+round], [-low], [-back] vowel. From the word /yetl/ -> [jetl](bean) /y/ is functioning as a semi-vowel. As I will
cover later Classical Nahuatl does not allow diphthongs in the onset. The analysis lead to the fact that /y/ is not
functioning as a vowel of the type previously specified. It is functioning as a semi-vowel. Having accounted for
these small differences between Andrews’s work and the one in this paper Clasical Nahuatl’s consonantal phonemic
inventory will be presented.
Feature Specifications for Classical Nahuatl Consonants

Table 11 in Appendix A contains a table with the IPA style consonantal classification based on manner, place, and
voicing (Ladefoged, 1993). In Table 1, Roca and Johnson’s feature specification will be used for consonants.
Table 1 Classical Nahuatl Consonantal Phonemic Inventory

Feature [p] [t] [k] [kw] [m] [n] [s] [S] [/] [l] [tS] [tÉs] [tl] [j] [w]
[sonorant] - - - - + + - - + + - - + + +
[continuant] - - - - - - + + - - - - + +
[voice] - - - - + + - - - + - - + + +
[nasal] - - - -+ + - - - - - - - - - -
[lateral] - - - - - - - - - + - - + - -
[labialp] √ √ √ √
[ round] + - +
[coronalp] √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √
[ anterior] + + + - + - + +
[ distributed] - - - + - + - -
[dorsalp] √ √ √ √
[ high] + + +
The feature of [round] under the domain of [labialp] is used to distinguish between [k] and [kw](Roca, 1999). The
glides (semi-vowels) /j, w/ required the additional feature of [high] under the domain of [dorsalp] (Roca, 1999).
From Table 1 an inventory of the following classes of sounds can be produced.

Obstruents: /p, t, k, s, S, tl, tÉs, tS, kw,//. Notice all the obstruents are voiceless, except for /kw/.
Coronals: /t, n, s, S, l, tS, tÉs, tl/
Stops: /p, t, k, kw, //. Similarly, all stops are voiceless, except for /kw/.
Nasals: /m, n/
Fricatives: /s, S/ (Andrews calls these silibants.) All fricatives are voiceless.
Affricates: /tÉs, tS, tl/. The affricates are also voiceless except the lateral release.
Lateral release: /tl/
Bilabials: /m, p/
Glides (semi-vowels): /j, w/
Liquids: /l/
Appendix B contains Table 12, which consists of minimal pairs as proof for the consonants in Table 1.
Proto-Nahuatl (Campbell, 1999) and modern Puebla (Sierra) Nahuat (Robinson, 1969) are examined and compared
with Classical Nahuatl. Proto-Nahuatl is a hypothetical reconstruction of what Classical Nahuatl would have been.
This was done by using cross-linguistic data from languages from the same family as Classical Nahuatl (Campbell,
1999). There is a distance of about 480 years between Classical Nahuatl and modern Puebla Nahuat. Consider
Table 2 : Puebla (Sierra) Nahuat Phonemes.
Table 2 Nahuatl in Three different Stages
Phoneme Proto-Nahuatl Classical Nahuatl Puebla (Sierra) Nahuat

/p/ √ √ √
/b/ √
/d5/ √
/t/ √ √ √
/k/ √ √ √
/g/ √
/// √ √ √
/m/ √ √ √
/n/ √ √ √
/¯/ √
/r/ √ √
/R/ √
/f/ √
/s/ √ √ √
/S/ √ √
/l/ √ √ √

/kw/ √ √ √
/tÉs/ √
/w/ √ √ √
/j/ √ √ √
/tS/ √ √
/N/ √
/a/ √ √ √
/e/ √ √
/i/ √ √ √
/ˆ/ √
/o/ √ √ √
/u/ √ √
/vowel √ √ √
length/
There are some noticeable differences between Proto-Nahuatl, Classical Nahuatl, and Puebla Nahuat. Puebla
Nahuat has borrowed from Spanish the following phonemes:
/b/ Stop, Labial, Voiced

/d5/ Stop, Dental, Voiced
/g/ Stop, Velar, Voiced
/tÉs/ Affricate, Alveolar, Voiceless
/f/ Fricative, Labial, Voiceless
/¯/ Nasal, Alveo-Palatal, Voiced
/R/ Tap, Dental, Voiced

/r/ Trill, Alveo-Palatal, Voiced
Neither, Puebla Nahuat nor Proto-Nahuatl contain the following phoneme:
/tl/ Lateral Affricate, Alveolar, Voiceless
Classical Nahuatl does not contain the following phonemes that Proto-Nahuatl does: /r, S, tS, N, ˆ, u/. Campbell
does not give an explanation for their absence.

/l/, ///, have limited distribution when compared to other phonemes. Classical Nahuatl does not permit /l/, /// to be
in word initial position. Classical Nahuatl does not permit /m/, /j/ in word final position. These will be covered
further in the phonotactics.
Vowels
The vowel inventory can be accounted by the following features: [high], [low], and [round]. [round] is used to
distinguish the semi-vowels.
Table 3. Classical Nahuatl Vowel Feature Inventory

Feature [i] [e] [a] [o] [w/u] [j/i]
[high] + - - - + +
[low] - - + - - -
[round] - - - - + -
In Classical Nahuatl the /ˆ/, /u/ vowels are no longer part of the inventory. Only the semi-vowel counterparts in the
form of /j, w/. Modern Nahuat re-acquires only /u/ from Spanish.
Assimilation
Classical Nahuatl consists of two major assimilation processes, progressive and regressive. The first one is
progressive assimilation as shown in Table 4. Andrews makes no attempt to explain why progressive assimilation
happens. He merely makes an inventory list of them (Andrews, 1975). Andrews does not present sources for his
analysis. There was no access to the data that he used to reach these conclusions.
Progressive Assimilation
Progressive assimilation is the process of sound change because of the influence of the preceding sound (Crystal,
1997).
Table 4 Progressive Assimilations of Classical Nahuatl
l + tl = ll mil + tla/ = milla/

field suffixes meaning field of plenty
plentitude
l+j = ll pil + j½tl = pill½tl

child/lord -ness childness/ lordness

s+j = ss tS½kis + jo/ = tS½kisso/
to cry (future) -ness to cry (ness)
S+j = SS miS + jo/ = miSSo/
cloud -ness cloudiness
tÉs + j = tÉstÉs wi:tÉs + jo/ = wi:tÉstÉso/
to come -ness to come (ness)
tÉs + w = tÉstÉs mitÉs + w³lmomakilia = mitÉstÉs³lmomakilia
lion he gives something lion will give something to
hither him hither.
tS + j = tStS okitS + j½tl = okitStS½tl
male -ness maleness
tS + w = tStS n¶tS + w³ln½tÉsa = n¶tStS³ln½tÉsa
1st person to call someone he/she will call him/her
specific object hither hither.
Andrews’s assumptions on progressive assimilation were taken as sound. If this were the case it would show up in
the data and in the feature analysis. In Table 5 you can observe that [w] and [j] are lacking a [coronalp] feature and
Andrews claims they are affected by the preceding consonant possessing the feature [coronalp]. Aside from the fact
that /j, w/ are semi-vowels, Roca covered their licensing as consonants (Roca, 1999), the vowel features of /i, u/ will
be used to describe them. In the case of [tl], it is the only consonant possessing the feature of [+delay release] and
[+lateral] and when it is preceded by a consonant that possess the [+lateral] feature it drops the delay release.
Table 5
[l] [S] [tÉs] [tS] [w] [tl] [s] [j]
[sonorant] + - - - + + - +
[continuant] - + + + +
[voice] + - - - + + - +
[nasal] - - - - - - - -
[lateral] + - - - - + - -
[labialp]
[coronalp] √ √ √ √ √ √
Ant + - + - + +

Dist - + - + - -
Delay Release - - + + - + - -
cons - + + + - + + -
high - - - - + - - +
In Table 6 we try to separate the features of /l, j/ and explain what happens in the assimilation [j] -> [l]/[l]+_:
Table 6
[l] [j]
[sonorant] + +
[continuant] - +
[voice] + +
[nasal] - -
[lateral] + -
[labialp]
[coronalp] √
Ant +
Dist -
Delay Release - -
cons - -
high - +
Here is a possible linear rule to account for this assimilation.
⎡+ sonorant ⎤ ⎡+ sonorant ⎤
⎡ + sonorant ⎤ ⎢− continuant ⎥ ⎢− continuant ⎥
⎢ + continuant ⎥ ⎢ ⎥ ⎢ ⎥
⎢ ⎥ ⇒ ⎢+ lateral ⎥ / ⎢+ lateral ⎥ + ___
⎢ − lateral ⎥ ⎢ ⎥ ⎢ ⎥
⎢ ⎥ ⎢coronalp ⎥ ⎢coronalp ⎥
⎣ + high ⎦ ⎢⎣− high ⎥⎦ ⎢⎣− high ⎥⎦
We see that the [+continuant] feature becomes [-continuant], the [-lateral] is changed to [+lateral], and finally the
[+high] feature is negated to [-high].
In Table 7 we account for the second assimilation, that of [tl] -> [l]/[l]+_
Table 7

[l] [tl]
[sonorant] + +
[continuant] -
[voice] + +
[nasal] - -
[lateral] + +
[labialp]
[coronalp] √ √
Ant + +
Dist - -
Delay Release - +
cons - +
high - -
Here is a possible linear rule to explain this assimilation.
⎡ + lateral ⎤
⎢coronalp ⎥ ⇒ ⎡ + lateral ⎤ / ⎡ + lateral ⎤ + __
⎢ ⎥ ⎢coronalp ⎥⎦ ⎢⎣coronalp ⎥⎦
⎢⎣ + delay _ release⎥⎦ ⎣
Here, the feature [+delay release] has been added to differentiate between [l] and [tl]. The
[+delay release] feature is deleted in this assimilation.
The last rule will account for
[j] -> [s]/[s]+_,
[j] ->[S]/[S]+_,
[j] -> [tÉs]/[tÉs]+_,
[j] -> [tS]/[ tS]+_,
[w] ->[tÉs]/[tÉs]+_,
and [w] -> [tS]/[ tS]+_.

Table 8 contains the feature data for these assimilations.
Table 8
[l] [S] [tÉs] [tS] [s] [w] [j]
[sonorant] + - - - - + +
[continuant] - + + + +
[voice] + - - - - + +
[nasal] - - - - - - -
[lateral] + - - - - - -
[labialp]
[coronalp] √ √ √ √ √
Ant + - + - +
Dist - + - + -
Delay Release - - + + - - -
cons - + + + + - -
high - - - - - + +
⎡ + consonant ⎤ ⎡ + consonant ⎤
⎢ ⎥ ⎢ ⎥
⎡ − consonant ⎤ ⎢
− sonorant
⎥ ⎢
− sonorant
⎥
⎢ + high ⎥ ⇒ ⎢coronalp ⎥ / ⎢coronalp ⎥ + ___
⎢ ⎥ ⎢ ⎥ ⎢ ⎥
⎣⎢ − syll ⎦⎥ ⎢αDelay _ release⎥ ⎢αDelay _ release ⎥
⎢⎣ − high ⎥⎦ ⎢⎣ − high ⎥⎦
Most of the work that we have done in class has dealt with auto segmental diagrams that only change one feature.
That feature has generally been the place of articulation. Classical Nahuatl assimilation requires more than one
feature change. The question then becomes how to deal with this in an auto segmental way.
From Roca and class discussions, it is possible to setup a [feature node ] in our auto segmental timing diagrams.
This is one of the strengths of the auto segmental theory. It allows us to work on a single tier, such as [place of
articulation], or a higher level one that contains a tree branch of dependent features. This will be the case for these
assimilations. This will allow us to easily have full feature replacement. The following diagrams will demonstrate
that process.
Rule 1 [j] -> [l]/[l]+_

[ features ] − − − [ features ]
⎡ + sonorant ⎤
⎢ + lateral ⎥ ⎡ + sonorant ⎤
⎢ ⎥ ⎢ − lateral ⎥⎦
⎢⎣coronalp ⎥⎦ ⎣
Rule 2 [tl] -> [l]/[l]+__
[ features][ features]
⎡ + lateral ⎤
⎡ + lateral ⎤ ⎢ ⎥
⎢coronalp ⎥ ⎢coronalp
⎣ ⎦ ⎢ + delay _ release⎥⎥
⎣ ⎦
Rule 3 [j] -> [s]/[s]+_,[j] ->[S]/[S]+_, [j] -> [tÉs]/[ tÉs]+_, [w] ->[tÉs]/[tÉs]+_, [j] -> [tS]/[ tS]+_, and [w] -> [tS]/[ tS]+_.
[ features] − − − − − [ features ]
⎡ + consonant ⎤
⎢ − sonorant ⎥ − consonant
⎢ ⎥⎡ ⎤
⎢coronalp ⎢
⎥ − syll ⎥
⎢ ⎥ ⎢ ⎥
⎢ α Delay _ release ⎥ ⎢
⎣ + high ⎥⎦
⎢⎣ + high ⎥⎦
Verifying the Assimilations

Now that we have looked at the linear and auto segmental methods of describing the Classical Nahuatl progressive
assimilation changes it is important to go back and verify that Andrews’s assumptions correlate with the data.
While, Andrews’s original data is not available that he used to justify his progressive assimilations, there is lexical

data from that period. We have access to Karttunen’s Analytical Dictionary of Nahuatl. Her survey of more than 7
primary sources gives a good sampling of the lexicon.
Lets Consider Andrews first assimilation: tl -> l/l+_
1. [kapol] + [tla/] = [kalpolla/] (place where there are cherry orchards)
2. [kal] + [tlalia] = [kallalia] to set up house keeping.
From the data in Table 4, 1 and 2 you can see that the assumptions that Andrews made are correct for this
assimilation.
Lets consider the second assimilation that Andrews presents: j -> l / l + __.
1. [tapa/sol] + [ja:n] = [tapa/solja:n] (briar patch).
2. [jo:l] + [jama:nki] = [jo:ljama:nqui] (kind, just)
3. [wel] + [je/wa:tl] = [welje/wa:tl] (the very same one)
4. [tel] + [je/] = [telje/] (but)
5. [niSal] + [jektia] = [niSaljektia] (I purify sand)
6. [ma:cui:l] + [jowal] = [ma:cui:ljowal] (five nights)
7. [akal] + [jakak] = [akaljakak] (the prow of the boat)
8. [kwitlapil] + [jawaltik] = [kwitlapiljawaltik] (having a rounded tail)
9. [tlatol] + [ja:o:tl] = [tlatolja:o:tl] (discord)
10. [wa:l] + [ya:s] = [wa:lla:z] (he/she will come)
11. [ti] + [ja:sque/] = [tija:sque/] (we will go)
12. [wej] + [ja:s] = [wejija:s] (it is going to grow)

13. [wa:l] + [ja:sneki] = [wa:lla:sneki] (it wants to come)
14. [asel] + [jo:tl] = [asello:tl] (full of nits)
15. [tla:kasol] + [jo:tl] = [tlakasoljo:tl] (gluttony)
16. [tlapetla:ni:l] + [jo:tl] = [tlapetla:ni:llo:tl] (lightning)
17. [tlapoSkawi:l] + [jo:tl] = [tlapoSkawi:llo:tl] (moss)
18. [tlatoto:nil] + [jo:tl] = [tlatoto:nillo:tl] (summer)
19. [i] + [jo/] = [ijo/] (alone)
20. [-tlapal] + [jo/] = [-tlapaljo/] (one’s color)
21. [sitlal] + [jo/] = [sitlallo/] (something starry)
22. [te:mal] + [jo/] = [te:mallo/] (something infected)
First, it was thought this was a simple assimilation; something of the kind: j -> l/l + __. Consider, data 1 – 10 and it
becomes clear that it is not. The /j/ is not assimilating the way Andrews’s had predicted. A good question to ask is
wether there are any situations where the /j/ does become a /l/ before another /l/. Data 10, 13, 14-18, and 21-22 do
show that situation does exist. What is unique about these environments?
The Verb /ja:/ (to go)
Data 10-13 deal with the verb /ja:/ (to go). We see that there allomorphic alternations of /ja:/ from [ja:] to [la:]. The
trigger for this alternation seems to be the preceding /l/ at morpheme contact. From this data we can see that both of
/ ja : /
these alternations can exists, giving us the following allamorphy:
[ ja :][la :]
The derivational suffix /-jo:/ and /jo//
Aside from the first 13 data we have already explained there where still other assimilations happening. This
includes data 14-18 and 19-22. The derivational suffix /jo:/, which is used to form abstract nouns of the English

type; -ness, -hood, and –ship (Karttunen, 1983). The derivational suffix /jo// meaning, “things invested with or
embodying the noun quality.” (Karttunen, 1983). What is happening here? Sometimes the /j/ becomes and /l/ when
it is preceded by an /l/ and sometimes it does not. Karttunen’s work was not able to resolve this. She claimed both
exist. It is suspected that these two morphemes may be in transition. Eventually, the may harden and be merely /j/
or they progress to the allomorphy of the verb /ja:/.
Having examined these two assimilations it puts Andrews’s generalizations into question. It seems that he may have
over generalized the j -> l / l + __. Lets see if this pattern continues.
Assimilation of j -> s / s + __.
Let’s consider the following data listed below.
1. [tSokis] + [jo/] = [tSokisso/] (to cry (-ness))
2. [awilnemilis] + [jo:tl] = [awilnemilisso:tl] (lust and debauchery)
3. [awilnemilis] + [jo:tl] = [awilnemilisjo:tl] (lust and debauchery)
4. [es] + [jo:tl] = [esso:tl] (bloody)
5. [mawis] + [jo:tl] = [mawisso:tl] (honored)
6. [toto:ni:lis] + [jo:tl] = [toto:ni:lisso:tl] (fever)
7. [a/kalnakas] + [yo] = [a/kalnakasyo] (cornerless house)
8. [kos] + [jajaktik] = [kosjajaktik] (dark yellow)
9. [mawis] + [jo:ka:n] = [mawisjo:ka:n] (his place of honor)
10. [ipia:s] + [jo:] = [ipiasjo] (its channel)

In this data set we see that Andrews’s generalization does not hold. Clearly, /jo:/ and /jo:// continue to present a
problem by alternating in an unpredictable manner. This alternation has been found in the same construction:
observe 2 and 3. In other instances where /s/ comes into contact with /j/, such as 8; there is no assimilation.
Lets consider the next assimilation that Andrews presented: j -> S/ S + __ .
There was little data for this one.
1. [neS] + [jajaktik] = [neSjajaktik] (ashen)
2. [miS] + [jo/] = [miSSo/] (cloudy)
There were few examples for this assimilation. Clearly, from 1 we know that Andrews’s assumption does not hold.
The second data, 2, brings in our troublesome /jo// suffix.
Let’s tackle another one of the assimilations: j -> tS / tS + __.
1. [okwitS] + [jo:tl] = [okwi tStSo:tl] (manliness)
2. [okwitS] + [jo:tl] = [okwi tSjo:tl] (manliness)
3. [i:SinatS] + [jo:] = [i:Sina tSjo] (his seed)
4. [i:So:tS] + [jo:] = [i: So:tSjo] (its blossom)
5. [nametS] + [jejekosneki] = [nametSjejekosneki] (I want to test you (pl.))
6. [telpotS] +[jo:tl] = [telpotSjo:tl] (youthfulness)
7. [netS] + [jajakatsakwilis] = [netSjajakatsakwilis] (it will confront me)
8. [a/watS] + [jo/] = [a/watSjo/] (something covered with dew)
Considering 5 and 7 we see that Andrews’s generalization does not hold. Here, our friends /jo:/ and /jo// visit us
again. The only data that alternates is in 1 and even here we are able to find its alternation in 2.

This is the last of /j/ assimilations that Andrews’s presents: j -> ts / ts + __.
1. [wiwits] + [jo:] = [wiwitsjo] (spiny)
2. [wits] + [jo/] = [witstso/] (spiny)
3. [motepits] + [jo:llo] = [motepitsjo:llo] (the hardness of your heart)
Once again we have contradictory evidence against Andrews’s generalization. 1 and 2 is a revisit of our friends /jo:/
and /jo//. Item 3 contradicts the generalization.
The next two assimilations deal with the /w/ being assimilated. Lets begin with the first one: w -> tS / tS + __.
1. [a/watS] + [wia] = [a/watSwia] (to irregate)
2. [netS] + [wa:lno:tsa] = [netStSa:lno:tsa] (he/she will call him/her hither)
3. [amajakatS] + [wa:n] = [amajakatSwa:n] (y’all’s rattles)
4. [amotSpotS] + [wa:n] = [amotSpotSwa:n] (your daughters)
5. [kotS] + [wetsi] = [kotSwetsi] (they faint)
6. [kwitlatS] + [we:we:] = [kwitlatSwe:we] (old bear)
7. [iokwitS] + [wi] = [iokwitSwi] (her bridegroom)
8. [mitS] + [wakki] = [mitSwakki] (dried fish)
9. [toto:tS] + [wa:n] = [toto:tSwa:n] (our rabbits)
Aside from the example the Andrews’s gives, 2, it was not possible to find any other attestations of this assimilation.
The rest of the data does leads to the generalization that Andrews’s presented.

The last of the progressive assimilations is: w -> ts / ts + __.
1. [mits] + [wa:lmomakilia] = [mtstsa:lmomakilia] (lion will give something to him hither.)
2. [nimits] + [wa:ltSijas] = [nimitswa:ltSijas] (I will wait for you.)
3. [mits] + [wetski:tis] = [mitswetski:tis] (she will make you laugh.)
4. [o:mits] + [wi:tek] = [o:mitswi:tek] (he whipped you)
Apart from Andrews’s example it was not possible find any assimilation of the above type. There is contradicting
data in 2-4.
It was not expected that much work would go into verifying these assimilations but in the end the work turned out be
worth it. It appears that Andrews made some overgeneralizations. This leads us to make a more detailed look at
Andrews’s regressive assimilations.
Regressive Assimilations
Andrews presents 7 regressive assimilations. Lets deal with each one separately and explain them in terms of autos
segmental phonology. Andrews did not go into any depth as to how and what justifications he used to arrive at these
regressive assimilations. We begin with the first one.
1. /nasal/ + /sibilant/ -> /long sibilant/
I was not able to find other data to contradict what Andrews layouts for this assimilation. He gives the
following data:
a. [nikim] + [sentla:lia] = [nikisssentla:lia]
b. [tikim] + [So:S] = [tikiSSoS]
c. [mo:n] + [si/tli] = [mo:nssi/tli]
d. [tSiko:n] + [Siwitl] = [tSiko:nSiwitl]
e. [san] + [se] = [sasse]

f. [in] + [si/tli] = [issi/tli]
[ x] − − − − − [ x]
An auto segmental diagram of this will look like this:
⎡ + son ⎤ ⎡ − son ⎤
⎢ − cont ⎥ ⎢ + cont ⎥
⎢ ⎥⎢ ⎥
⎢ + voice ⎥ ⎢ − voice ⎥
⎢ ⎥⎢ ⎥
⎣ + nasal ⎦ ⎣coronalp ⎦
This is a process of spirantization. Here we see that a fricative is being formed from a nasal coming into
contact with a fricative.
2. Andrews states that any combination of the following two phonemes, /s, S, tS, ts/ will result in a regressive
assimilation. An attempt to explain these assimilations was made but from the table below we can see
something rather obvious.
Table 9
Features [s] [S] [tS] [ts]
Sonorant - - - -
Voice + + - -
Nasal - - - -
Lateral - - - -
Labialp - - - -
Coronalp Ÿ Ÿ Ÿ Ÿ
Ant + - - +
Dist - + + -
Dorsalp - - - -
All of these phonemes have the same place of articulation. If we accept that there is a tendency of
constituent siblings not to have similar places of articulation as presented by Roca. We can adopt the
obligatory contour principle (OCP) (Roca, 1999). This will allows us to say that these regressive
assimilations are determined more by phonotactics contouring rather than underlying phonological
changes. So, the following forms are acceptable.
[okitS] + [tsintli] = [okitstsintli]

[kinetetS] + [saloa] = [kinetessaloa]
[nimits] + [tSija] = [nimitStSija]
[ne:tS] + [So: Sa] = [ne:SSo:Sa]
This gemination is a result of the OCP.
3. The next regressive assimilation deals with /w/ + /labial/ -> /long labial/.
The data set that we have is:
[kwaw] + [ma:itl] = [kwamma:itl]
[na:w] + [pa] = [na:ppa]
Classical Nahuatl only has two labial phonemes, /p, m/. The semivowel /w/ is realized with a labial place
of articulation. So, again we can adopt the OCP and account for this assimilation. The OCP has produced
geminates in this situation.
4. The following one can also be accounted by the OCP. /m/ + /n/ -> /nn/.
[o:m] + [no/palli] = [o:nno/palli]
/m/ and /n/ both have the nasal place of articulation making the assimilation accountable by the OCP. Once
more, the OCP has help to produce this geminate.
5. The next assimilation deals with obstruents. /m/ -> n /m+[obstruents].
Classical Nahuatl has the following obstruents: /t, k, s, S, tl, tÉs, tS, kw/. Within this group there are two
breakdowns. One, those consonants that have the coronal feature: /tS, ts, t, tl/ and two, those that have the
dorsal feature: /k, kw/. The first group works in the following manner:
[tSiko:m] + [tepe:k] = [tSiko:ntepe:k]
[ko:m] + [tla/] = [ko:ntla/]
[ko:m] + [tSi:wa] = [ko:ntSi:wa]

[ko:m] + [tsala:n] = [ko:ntsala:n]
Here is an auto segmental diagram to explain this regressive assimilation:
[X ] − − − −[X ]
⎡ + nasal ⎤ ⎡ − nasal ⎤
⎢ ⎥⎢ ⎥
⎢⎣ + labial ⎥⎦ ⎢⎣coronalp ⎥⎦
The second group involves the losing of the labial place of articulation and acquiring the coronal one.
[tena:m] + [co] = [tena:nco]
[cem] +[kwemitl] = [cenkwemitl]
The auto segmental diagram shows this regressive assimilation:
[X ] − − − − − [X ]
⎡ + nasal ⎤ ⎡ − nasal ⎤
⎢ ⎥⎢ ⎥
⎢⎣ + labialp⎥⎦ ⎢⎣dorsalp ⎥⎦
In both of these groups we see that there is an overall operation of lenition between these two consonantal
segments. The /m/ consonant is brought closer to the coronal area. This can be interpreted as weakening of
the two sound differences.
6. The sixth rule of regressive assimilation is n -> m / m + __.
The data set for this is:
[on] + [mopiki] = [ommopiki]
[san] + [mojo:llo/] = [sammojo:llo/]
The above assimilation can easily be resolved by adopting the OCP. Reminding us that no two consonants
should have the same place of articulation. In this case /n/ and /m/ both have the same place of articulation,
that of [+nasal]. We see another example of fortition through gemination triggered by the OCP.

7. We are finally done with Andrews’s regressive assimilations. This last one deals with n -> m / p + __.
Here is the data that shows the process.
[on] + [pe:wa] = [ompe:wa]
[in] + [pani] = [impani]
This one is a simple one. The labial feature of the /p/ pulls the coronal feature from the /n/. Here is an auto
segmental diagram showing this process.
[X ] − − − −[X ]
⎡ − son ⎤ ⎡ − son ⎤
⎢ + voice ⎥ ⎢ + voice ⎥
⎢ ⎥⎢ ⎥
⎢⎣ + nasal ⎥⎦ ⎢⎣ − nasal ⎥⎦
[coronalp][labialp]
The strength of this consonant sequence is its feature distantance. The place of articulation for the /n/ is in
the coronal area; in addition, it is a voiced sound. This clearly fits the definition of lenition as given by
Crystal. There is a weakening of the voiced coronal sound to the voiceless and non-coronal. These two
sounds are closer to each other and weaker than the previous sequence.
Finding contradictory data for Andrews’s regressive assimilations was much harder.
Phonotactics
Phonotactics deals with the sequential arrangements of phonological units that occur in a language (Crystal, 1999).
We use this concept to describe what is phonologically sound in Classical Nahuatl. The inventory of Nahuatl stems
does not exceed 3 syllables (Tezozomoc, 1999). These syllables are of the type of (C)V(C). From the syllable
⎧V ⎫
implication hierarchy Classical Nahuatl contains all 4 of the syllable variations; VC ⊃ ⎨ ⎬ ⊃ CV (Roca,
⎩CVC ⎭
1999). In terms of syllable typology, Classical Nahuatl supports (O)N(Cd). Where “O” is the syllable onset, “N” is
the nucleus of the syllable, and “Cd” is the coda of the syllable. The N + Cd is also grouped as the Rime (Roca,
1999). Table 10 contains samples of the four different types of syllables.

Table 10
Syllable Type Nahuatl Gloss

V, N a little
CV, ON ka from
CVC, ONCd kan cheek
VC, NCd a/ some
From the theory of principles and parameters, Nahuatl children have to set certain parameters with regard to syllable
structure (McDaniel, 1996). Nahuatl children have to set the parameter that the onset does not branch. Nahuatl does
not support consonant clusters in the onset. If the situation arises as in k + polo:nia (He causes him to stutter.),
Nahuatl will insert the default vowel, /i/. Thus rendering kipolo:nia. Nahuatl will force a syllable break with the
introduction of the /i/, and produce a syllable of the type O + N. Nahuatl children also have to set the parameter that
the rime branches. Nahuatl supports syllables of the type N + Cd, i.e. /a//. Nahuatl children also have to set the
parameter that the nucleus only supports complexity in vowel length. i.e. a: (water) vs. a (little). Nahuatl does not
support diphthongs. In the situation where two vowels come in contact, of different types, in the nucleus area,
lenition will come into play. One of the two vowels will be reduced to a zero, i.e. mo + i/.to.a = mi/.to.a, the /o/ is
reduce to a zero. So, what used to be ON.NCd.ON.N will be reduced to ONCd.ON.N. Nahuatl children will also
have to set the parameter that complex codas are not supported, i.e. o/ + tl -> o/.tl is not supported, the word will
be realized as o/.tli (a road(sg)). Again, we see the default vowel /i/ inserted to prevent a complex coda. Classical
Nahuatl does not make much use of the sonority scale because consonant clusters are not allowed in the syllable
structure.
Classical Nahuatl has the following sequential restrictions. One, /l/, ///, have limited distribution when compared to
other phonemes. Two, Classical Nahuatl does not permit /l/, /// to be in word initial position, but does allow them
inter-syllabic and in syllable final. I have found the underlying form of the stem [lpi.a] (to bind), but when it

surfaces it has the default /i/ vowel inserted or it accepts the nucleus of the preceding stem, [il.pi.a] (to bind) and
[mol.pi.a]. Third, Classical Nahuatl does not permit /m/, /j/ in word final position, but does allow them in
intersyllabic and syllable initial, i.e. /pa.mi/ -> /pam/ -> /pan/. In this data we see that there are three processes
involved; deletion, re-syllabification, and nasal reduction. /pa.mi/ -> /pam/ the default vowel /i/ is deleted. We also
see that Nahuatl does not prefer to have open syllables in word final position and deletion allows for re-
syllabification, /pam/. There is still a final process of lenition. The consonant /m/ is reduced to /n/ in the final
position. I call this a lenition because the labial place of articulation is shifted to the coronal. The coronal is the
least specified. This can be seen as a lenition of the nasal.
In class we dealt with languages that only accepted sonorants in the coda position of the syllable structure. Classical
Nahuatl allows for both sonorant and non-sonorant sounds to be in the coda position, i.e. /mo.kwep/ (he returns) and
/pan/ (flag).
Lenition comes into play with the following vowel length reduction, V: -> V/_+ /, i.e. /jo:/ + /// = /jo//. When two
vowels come into contact lenition will take over and make one disappear. Here, the default vowel /i/ is reduced to a
zero, i.e. i -> 0/_+V. Finally, lenition reduces to kw -> k/_#, i.e. /tekw/ -> /tek/.
Conclusion
Classical Nahuatl as a topic of phonology, syntax, and lexicon is an immense subject. It is a subject plagued by
missing primary sources (Andrews, 1975), linguistic neglect, cultural stigmatisms (Tezozomoc, 1997), and critical
analysis. It was not until 1975 that Andrew’s presented a concise analysis of Classical Nahuatl’s grammar.
Andrews’s own efforts has allowed for us to see where he had faltered in his analysis of Nahuatl assimilations. This
new perspective called auto segmental phonology has allowed us to see where Andrews’s made over generalizations
such as j -> l / l + __ . We saw through the application of allomorphy and phonological rules that /ja:/, /jo:/, and
/joh/ alternate in different environments. We also found contradictory data to the previous rules. While these
observations are particularly small they help clarify Classical Nahuatl phonology.

The processes of spirantization, lenition, fortition, nasalization, and gemination have been used to explain
assimilation processes in Classical Nahuatl. We concur with Campbell in describing Nahuatl as been affected by the
above processes. In the regressive assimilations these processes were used to account for the Classical Nahuatl
phonological changes.

Appendices
1. Appendix A. Consonantal Phonemic Inventory of Classical Nahuatl Based on Manner, Place, and
Voicing.
Table 11 Consonantal Phonemic Inventory of Classical Nahuatl
Manner of Articulation Place of Articulation Voicing

/p/ Plosive Bilabial Voiceless
/t/ Plosive Alveolar Voiceless
/k/ Plosive Velar Voiceless
/// Plosive Glottal Voiceless
/ts/ Lateral Affricate Alveolar Voiceless

/tl/ Non Strident Affricate Alveolar Voiceless
/tS/ Affricate Alveolar Voiceless
/kw/ Affricate Velar Voiced

/s/ Fricative Alveolar Voiceless
/S/ Fricative Post-alveolar Voiceless
/m/ Nasal Bilabial Voiced

/n/ Nasal Alveolar Voiced
/l/ Lateral Approximant Voiced
/w/ Glide Bilabial Voiced
/j/ Approximant Palatal Voiced
2. Appendix B. Consonantal Minimal Pairs for Classical Nahuatl
Table 12 Consonantal Minimal Pairs for Classical Nahuatl

1
Phoneme Minimal English Gloss
Pairs
/p/ -2pani to go well
initial mani something flat to cover a surface
w
/p/ mok ep There are no final /p/ morphemes in the infitive form for Classical Nahuat. I consulted
final several sources and the only form is mocuep. The root is “cuepa”. There is a rule that
states that if a vowel is in final position and it can be eliminated without causing a
consonant cluster, then go ahead and delete it.
/p/ pa/ medicine
1
All nahuatl words are taken from Karttunen’s “An Analytical Dictionary of Nahuatl” (Karttunen, 1983).
2
“-“ means that the form has only been found in compound form (Karttunen, 1983)

initial ta/ father
/m/ mani something flat to cover a surface

initial to go well
-pani
/m/ There is no /m/ final phoneme in Classical Nahuatl. If a morpheme ends in a vowel as in
final the case of “pami”, it will lose the “i” and then the /m/ -> /n/ at the end of a word.
/m/ ma/ to hunt (pret)

initial father
ta/
/t/ ta/ father
initial medicine
pa/
/t/ at perhaps
final ak one
/n/ na:n mother
initial ka:n where?
/n/ -kan mouth
final ka/ to be (preterite)
/k/ ka:n where?

initial -pa:n flag
/k/ ka/ to be
final kak shoe
/// There is no glottal stop in initial words in nahuatl.
initial
/// -tla/ locative compounding element converying abundance
final -tlan below
/s/ so: to pierce onself

initial So: element with the sense of “green”
/s/ ja:s he will go

final -ja:n place where something is habitually done
/S/ san only
initial -Sa:n adobe
/S/ a:wi:S (pret) to be happy
final a:wi:s they will go over water
/l/ There are no /l/ initial words in Nahuatl.

initial
/l/ pil child

final pin point

/j/ ja/ to go
initial uncle
tla/
/j/ There are no words that end in /j/ in Classical Nahuatl. If a word ends in /j/ due to a final
final vowel deletion the /j/ -> /S/.
/tl/ jaca nose

l
initial t aca person
l l
/t / cat which?
final ca/ to be
/kw/ kwa: to eat something

initial ka: to be
w w
/k / te:k lord
final te:k to stretch something (Stem form is te:ka, but reduces to te:k at surface level.)
/w/ wa:l hither
intial ma:l captive
/w/ na:w four
final -nal across, through
/tÉs/ tsik gum
initial Sik belly button
/tÉs/ tepotÉs back, shoulders
final tepos workable metal
/tS/ tSoloa: to flee

to slip
initial Soloa:
/tS/ matS very much
final mat to know something

References:
Andrews, Richard James. 1975 Introduction to classical Nahuatl. Austin: University of Texas Press, c1975.
Campbell, Lyle. 1997, American Indian Languages: The Historical Linguistics of Native America, Oxford Studies
in Anthropological Linguistics, p. 135, New York, Oxford University Press.
Crystal, David. 1997. A Dictionary of Linguistics and Phonetics, 4th Edition, Blackwell Publishers Ltd., Oxford,
UK.
Ladefoged, Peter, 1993. A course in Phonetics, 3rd Edition, University of California, Los Angeles
Karttunen, Frances, 1983, An Analytical Dictionary of Nahuatl, University of Texas
Karttunen, Frances and Lockhart, James. 1976 Nahuatl in the Middle Years: Language Contact Phenomena in Texts
of the Colonial Period. University of California Press, Los Angeles, 1976.
McDaniel, Dana, et al, 1997. Methods for Assessing Children’s Syntax, The MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts.
Peñafiel, Antonio, 1885, Nombres Geográficos de México, Catálogo Alfabético de los nombres de lugar
perteneciente al idioma “Nahuatl”, Estudio Jeroglífico de la matricula de los tributos del códic Mendocino.,
Oficina Tip. De la Secretaría de fomento.
Robinson, Dow F., 1969, Summer Institute of Linguistics Aztec Studies I: Phonological and Grammatical Studies in
Modern Nahuatl Dialects., Summer Institute of Linguistics of the University of Oklahoma.

Tezozomoc, 1997, Revernacularizing Classical Náhuatl Through Danza (Dance) Azteca-Chichimeca, Chapter 7,
Teaching Indigenous Languages edited by Jon Reyhner (pp. 56-76). Flagstaff, AZ: Northern Arizona
University. Copyright 1997 by Northern Arizona University.
Tezozomoc, 1999, Unpublished list of Classical Nahuatl Morphemes. This work is still in process of being
published and reviewed.
Roca, Iggy and Johnson, Wyn, 1999. A course in Phonology, Blackwell Publishers Inc. UK.

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Aspects of Classical Nahuatl Phonology

Tezozomoc May 13, 2000

Aspects of Classical Nahuatl Phonology ................................................................................................... 1

Tezozomoc May 13, 2000

Tezozomoc May 13, 2000

nasalization, and gemination (Campbell, 1997).

Tezozomoc May 13, 2000

inventory will be presented.

Feature Specifications for Classical Nahuatl Consonants

Table 1 Classical Nahuatl Consonantal Phonemic Inventory

From Table 1 an inventory of the following classes of sounds can be produced.

Tezozomoc May 13, 2000

Table 2 : Puebla (Sierra) Nahuat Phonemes.

Table 2 Nahuatl in Three different Stages

Phoneme Proto-Nahuatl Classical Nahuatl Puebla (Sierra) Nahuat

Tezozomoc May 13, 2000

Nahuat has borrowed from Spanish the following phonemes:

/b/ Stop, Labial, Voiced

/R/ Tap, Dental, Voiced

Neither, Puebla Nahuat nor Proto-Nahuatl contain the following phoneme:

/tl/ Lateral Affricate, Alveolar, Voiceless

does not give an explanation for their absence.

Tezozomoc May 13, 2000

further in the phonotactics.

distinguish the semi-vowels.

Table 3. Classical Nahuatl Vowel Feature Inventory

Table 4 Progressive Assimilations of Classical Nahuatl

l + tl = ll mil + tla/ = milla/

Tezozomoc May 13, 2000

child/lord -ness childness/ lordness

[l] [S] [tÉs] [tS] [w] [tl] [s] [j]

Tezozomoc May 13, 2000

[+high] feature is negated to [-high].

Tezozomoc May 13, 2000

[+delay release] feature is deleted in this assimilation.

The last rule will account for

[j] -> [s]/[s]+_,

[j] -> [tÉs]/[tÉs]+_,

[j] -> [tS]/[ tS]+_,

and [w] -> [tS]/[ tS]+_.

Tezozomoc May 13, 2000

Table 8 contains the feature data for these assimilations.

[l] [S] [tÉs] [tS] [s] [w] [j]

Rule 1 [j] -> [l]/[l]+_

Tezozomoc May 13, 2000

Rule 2 [tl] -> [l]/[l]+__

Verifying the Assimilations

Tezozomoc May 13, 2000

primary sources gives a good sampling of the lexicon.

Lets Consider Andrews first assimilation: tl -> l/l+_

1. [kapol] + [tla/] = [kalpolla/] (place where there are cherry orchards)

2. [kal] + [tlalia] = [kallalia] to set up house keeping.

1. [tapa/sol] + [ja:n] = [tapa/solja:n] (briar patch).

2. [jo:l] + [jama:nki] = [jo:ljama:nqui] (kind, just)

3. [wel] + [je/wa:tl] = [welje/wa:tl] (the very same one)

4. [tel] + [je/] = [telje/] (but)

5. [niSal] + [jektia] = [niSaljektia] (I purify sand)

6. [ma:cui:l] + [jowal] = [ma:cui:ljowal] (five nights)

7. [akal] + [jakak] = [akaljakak] (the prow of the boat)

8. [kwitlapil] + [jawaltik] = [kwitlapiljawaltik] (having a rounded tail)

9. [tlatol] + [ja:o:tl] = [tlatolja:o:tl] (discord)

10. [wa:l] + [ya:s] = [wa:lla:z] (he/she will come)

11. [ti] + [ja:sque/] = [tija:sque/] (we will go)