Towards A Typology of Cross-Media News Consumption

115
NL 8 pp. 115138 Intellect Limited 2010

Northern Lights
Volume 8
2010 Intellect Ltd Article. English language. doi: 10.1386/nl.8.115_1
KEYWORDS
news consumption
cross-media
worthwhileness
cultural citizenship
typology
qualitative and
quantitative
KIM CHRISTIAN SCHRDER AND CHRISTIAN KOBBERNAGEL
Towards a typology of cross-
media news consumption:
a qualitativequantitative
synthesis
ABSTRACT
The article presents the first version of a methodologically innovative typology of
peoples use and experience of news, across different media platforms. Theoretically,
the article is based on the modernized version of Jrgen Habermass theory of the
public sphere, which is sometimes labelled theory of cultural citizenship, or civic
agency. We observe the citizen-consumers selection from the available news media
through the theoretical lens of perceived worthwhileness, which consists of seven
dimensions that aggregate to condition an individuals portfolio of news media in
everyday life. The empirical investigation uses an integrated qualitative-quantitative
method, resulting in a typology of cross-media news consumption with seven user
types, which is compared with the Pew 2008 study of news consumption in the
United States.
In this article we present the first version of an innovative map of peoples
use and experience of news, across different media platforms that offer the
Danish public different kinds of information about what is going on in soci-
ety around them.
NL 8_Schroder and Kobbernagel_115138.indd 115 9/22/10 12:12:36 PM
Kim Christian Schrder | Christian Kobbernagel
116
1. The use of terms
such as need, use,
satisfy and pay-
off to describe the
projects premise of
worthwhileness as
the key determinant
of news consumption
may evoke in some
readers associations
of the uses-and-
gratifications
(U+G) paradigm of
communication
research (Blumler and
Katz 1974). Especially
research such as that of
Katz et al. (1973), which
ranks the mass media
with respect to their
perceived helpfulness
in satisfying clusters
of needs arising
from social roles and
individual dispositions
(p. 164) pursues similar
aims to ours. There are
also affinities between
the dimensions of
worthwhileness and
Lulls (1980) U+G-
inspired investigation
of the uses of TV.
However, our study
differs from classic
U+G analyses (such
as Katz et al. 1973) in
not regarding peoples
use of news media
as governed by the
individuals rational
and functionalist
pursuit of needs
gratification (see the
critiques in Elliott
(1974) and Schrder
(1999)), but rather by a
Giddensian practical
consciousness
(Giddens 1984) where
more or less routinized
media consumption
practices emanate from
social communities
of practice. Moreover,
the dimensions of
worthwhileness
(see below) are not
(as in U+G research)
a universal list
of possible news
gratifications that
are applied to entire
media (exploring, for
instance, as in Katz
et al. 1973, what TV,
newspapers, etc. are
best for), but rather an
inventory of context-
specific considerations
that affect an
The analysis is based on the premise that most adult individuals in Danish
society have a permanent and general, but also strongly differentiated, need
to keep informed about what is happening locally, nationally and internation-
ally. This general need for information manifests itself in the form of a wide
range of more specific needs for information, which individuals have as a con-
sequence of who they are. The different news media can be seen as a range
of opportunities to satisfy these differentiated needs they are informative
resources on which individuals may draw in order to realize the conscious and
unconscious short- and long-term projects that are constitutive of our lives.
Through our life trajectories we have all built a portfolio of the news media
that habitually or erratically serve our informative needs, and these media have
become an integrated, often unplanned, part of our everyday lives where
they fit in. Tuning in to the narratives of these news media about what is
going on in the world has become an often deep-rooted part of our daily rou-
tines (Berelson 1949). But the routines are not unchangeable. When our life
circumstances change, when a new news medium appears with a new way
of producing a portrait of social reality, or when new technologies offer new
platforms of news delivery, then changes may occur in the way we assemble
our cross-media news portfolio.
We may substitute one newspaper for another; we may cancel our news-
paper subscription and pick up the news diet offered by net media; we may
discover that the combination of text-TV and the round-the-clock TV2 News
suits our needs for quick news updates; we may begin to drive the car to work
and substitute the free newspaper of the commuter train for the radio news on
Denmarks Radios Programme Four; our cable network may begin to include
BBC World in its channel package, and imperceptibly we start to watch this
channel in the hour around midnight; or we may discover while travelling
with a colleague that he picks up the sports news on his cell phone, leading us
to acquire a cell phone with this application and so on.
It is a premise of this analysis that peoples choice of news media, i.e. the
particular constellation of news media (Couldry et al. 2007) that, with a cer-
tain stability, makes up their diet of news experiences, is constituted by what
news media they perceive to be worthwhile because the particular constel-
lation has established itself as one that cumulatively satisfies their conscious
and unconscious need for information about what goes on in their world.
People only use the news media that they experience as delivering some kind
of pay-off. There must be some kind of metaphorical interest coming from
the investment they make in their portfolio of news media.
1
THE TYPOLOGICAL IMPERATIVE
Towards the end of their impressive study Media consumption and public
engagement, Couldry et al. (2007) suggest, as one of their recommendations for
future research, that one focus of future attention should be on peoples
habits of media consumption [] across particular media, (because)
the particular constellation of media on which one individual draws may be
quite different than anothers. It is at this level of habit routine con-
sumption practice embedded in a range of other routines, some social,
some individual that media come to make a difference, or not, as the
case may be.
(Couldry et al. 2007: 19091, emphasis added)
Towards a typology of cross-media news consumption
117
individuals conscious
and unconscious
calculation of the
worthwhileness of
news media and
genres.
This formulation succinctly expresses what had already been formulated as the
aim of the present project, which is precisely to explore those constellations
of media on which one individual draws, and to explore at the level of the
social formation of Danish society whether these constellations can be said
to be somehow patterned. This search for patterns means that even though
in principle there must be about four million such constellations of media in
the adult population, we shall attempt to isolate a finite and small number of
types, which together constitute a typology.
We are driven by this typological imperative, because we believe that fun-
damentally social life is patterned it is human nature to feel and seek alle-
giance to some others, and to differentiate themselves from other others.
Humans, in all their dynamic heterogeneity, are driven towards the salient
cultural commonalities that they share with those fellow humans whose mate-
rial, social and symbolic conditions they also share. Essentially, therefore, we
follow the sociology of taste originating from Bourdieus work ([1979]/1984),
according to which, based on the material anchorage of their habitus, people
who perceive a kind of belonging to like-minded individuals will collectively
distinguish themselves from others whom they perceive to be somehow dif-
ferent, and this distinction will materialize in the emergence and maintenance
of distinctive tastes, values and lifestyles.
As researchers looking for news media taste patterns, we can observe
and analyse them, try to understand their formative causes, and perhaps to
affect the ways in which they are met and catered to, by illuminating them for
policy-makers and corporate actors, with their different orientations to demo-
cratic prerequisites and market competition. The project thus serves two dif-
ferent but related kinds of stakeholders: Its empirical work is designed, on the
one hand, to produce new insights for public knowledge about the contempo-
rary condition of the democratic landscape. At the same time, the project also
aims to produce knowledge that can be fed into the editorial processes of the
news media, so that publishers and journalists may better understand how to
engage different kinds of citizen-consumers, both for their own publicist or
commercial sakes, and for the sake of the society for whom they constitute a
vital forum of democratic prerequisites.
THE PUBLIC SPHERE AND CIVIC AGENCY: HABERMAS AND BEYOND
In its understanding of democratic citizenship, the project relies fundamen-
tally on the conceptualization of deliberative democracy that originates in
Jrgen Habermass theory of the public sphere (Habermas 1962). But we fol-
low recent theoretical work in cultural studies and political science, accord-
ing to which citizenship should be redefined as not just designating rational
political behaviour in the political public sphere (a position recently upheld
by Habermas (2006), although he also acknowledges the value of alternative
forms of political practice), but also as a wider cultural practice that includes
sense-making, emotional and aesthetic communicative practices in the
realm of the everyday, based on peoples cultural identities, commitments
and competences.
Following these reorientations, there is no necessary opposition between
civic agency as a traditionally conceived activity in relation to the public sphere
and the culture of the everyday, because people in daily life may self-create
themselves into citizens (Dahlgren 2006: 272). And there is no opposition
between, on the one hand, the genuine, elevated political practices, spatially
118
2. See also Barnhursts
criticism that the
Habermassian
ideal of citizenship
is unproductive,
because it sets up an
unreachable ideal that
devalues how people
enact citizenship in
daily life (Barnhurst
2003: 134).
located in the public sphere of Habermass schematic model of bourgeois
society, characterized by being public, rational, and based on mediated
information, and on the other hand, the formerly denigrated practices of
the everyday designated as private and emotional, and often associated with
mediated entertainment (Bennett and Entman 2001; Delli Carpini et al. 2001;
Livingstone 2005; Jones 2006).
2
The end result of these retheorizations is a
growing awareness of the need to relocate the focus of political communication
research towards the microdynamics of democracy (Dahlgren 2006: 282), a
need that is met by the present project in its theoretical agnosticism about
what is democratically valuable, and its methodological reliance on peoples
everyday discourses about media uses and experiences. We thus agree with
Wahl-Jrgensen that the heterogeneous practices of daily life can be seen as
the site of identities and passions from which people can sometimes if the
occasion arises, so to speak be launched into the public sphere (Wahl-
Jrgensen 2006). The empirical work of Irene Costera Meijer on the news
consumption of young people in the Netherlands can be seen as congenial to
this rejuvenated version of public sphere theory (Meijer 2007).
IS THIS NEWS MEDIUM WORTH MY WHILE?
As mentioned at the beginning of this article, we see peoples individual
selection from the cross-media universe of news as being constituted by their
answer to this question. At any given moment of everyday life the answer to
this question is far from conscious and deliberate, since the constellation, or
portfolio, of news media used by an individual will have taken the form of
a highly routinized practice. However, prior to becoming wholly or largely
habitual, the regular use of a news medium must logically have undergone a
process of relatively rational calculation from becoming aware, through trial
consumption, and intermittent use, before ending up on the list of routines.
And even then, the situational use of a news medium can be raised at any
time to the level of deliberate decision.
The heuristic concept of perceived worthwhileness thus denotes the basis
on which any kind of news media use takes place. Today people can mean-
ingfully be seen as actively composing their news diet from multiple avail-
able news sources. Metaphorically speaking, news consumers can be seen as
shoppers in a news supermarket, from whose shelves they can fill their shop-
ping carts with news products coming in various colourful or drab packings,
with varying nutritional values (however elusive the definition of this notion
may be), and at different prices. In principle, if not in daily practice, citizen-
consumers must be seen as effectively browsing the entire news universe, or
matrix of media:
[] each medium has a set of distinct properties, while the specific role
and use of any medium to some degree depends on the overall matrix
of media available. You cannot analyse the role of any single medium
independently of the overall matrix of media.
(Finnemann 2008: 7)
In such a news landscape, the perceived worthwhileness of any single
news medium must be understood in relational terms and must be studied
through the lens of a relational methodology, which is what we shall dem-
onstrate below.
119
3. That perceived
worthwhileness
is theorization in
progress is evident
in the fact that
previously published
work based on the
concept discusses five
dimensions, not seven
(Schrder and Larsen
2010).
For the time being (since the concept is still being developed),
3
we shall
see the concept of perceived worthwhileness of news media as constituted
by seven dimensions related to an individuals subjectively experienced situ-
ational and material circumstances and functional needs. The extent to which
these dimensions exert a differential influence on different peoples constel-
lations of cross-media news consumption is the object of the next stage of
empirical analysis not yet ready for presentation. In this article, therefore, we
can only assume that the seven dimensions are operative in producing the
typology of news consumption presented below. For now, we shall briefly
present the seven interrelated dimensions that cumulatively constitute the
framework within which the worthwhileness of the available news media
materializes.
Temporality: Worthwhileness crucially (and banally) depends on an individuals
available time for news consumption during the day. Other urgent or important
activities may require the individuals attention and thus exclude news media
consumption. Conversely, the occurrence of free time may induce news media
consumption, while the amount of time available may affect the specific choice
between the convenient capsules of overview media versus the lengthier
reading units of background media (Berelson 1949: 125). Some kinds of news
media use may be perceived as so important as to defer other obligations.
Spatiality: The location in which people find themselves such as a commuter
train or a car driving to work may render certain news media uses possible
or likely. A location may thus, together with other dimensions such as time
and technologies, offer situational affordances for news media use, such as an
office workers lunch break leading to the use of net news media, a familys
morning-hour multi-tasking needs leading to their kitchen consumption of
TV2s Good Morning, Denmark, or the prostrate position at bedtime leading
to newspaper or magazine reading.
Materiality: While temporality and spatiality may also be regarded as material
dimensions, we reserve the term for the technological dimension of worth-
whileness. For instance, technological ease may induce people to use a news
medium, as is the case with the technological affordances offered by the TV
remote control to switch between audio-visual TV news and text-TV. When
bored by a televisual news story one may access the news overview of text-TV,
which permits the continued auditory monitoring of and instantaneous return
to the TV news programme. Magazine readers may resent the buzzing of the
laptop computer and prefer the quiet print version of the magazine to the dig-
ital version, and have their aesthetic experience augmented by the feel of the
glossy pages. The commuter may prefer the tabloid newspaper to the broad-
sheet, due to the crammed subway train.
Textuality: This is the verbal and visual content dimension of perceived
worthwhileness, which has to do with peoples experience of the relevance
of the news medias news and views, comments and columns, cartoons and
comics, etc. Following Berelson (1949), who in 1945 studied the worthwhile-
ness of the printed newspaper during a newspaper strike, what people missed
during the two-week forced absence of their newspaper was both serious
news and entertaining news, both overview and background information,
both news about public affairs and news as a tool for daily living, both the
newspaper as a guide to the prevailing morality and the parasocial function of
meeting the people in the news.
120
The crucial constituent of experienced content relevance is the news medias
enabling of public connection. A heuristic concept invented by Couldry et al.
(2007), public connection is defined as a shared
orientation to a public world where matters of shared concern are,
or at least should be, addressed: [] public connection is principally
sustained by a convergence in the media people consume. [] public
connection represents our attempt to capture one key empirical pre-
condition of democratic engagement in a way that does not privilege in
advance any particular definition of politics.
(Couldry et al. 2007: 35)
Here, in accordance with what we said above about the need to modernize
the Habermassian notion of civic agency, we shall use public connection in
an even broader sense. We see the overriding criterion of any news mediums
worthwhileness for potential users to be its ability to satisfy their need for
mediatized public connection, i.e. peoples need to equip themselves both for
the role of citizen-member of the democratic order, through mediated infor-
mation about public affairs, and for the role of belonging as a community
member in the broadest possible sense.
This implies being able to connect to and participate in social and cultural
networks of all kinds in everyday life; being able to navigate adequately as a
spouse, parent, neighbour, colleague, consumer and simply human being in
this day and age; and being able to communicate sensibly with significant
others in ones close networks, as well as with more distant others in relevant
commercial and institutional contexts. Public connection, in our use of the
term, thus includes both what we might call civic public connection and
everyday public connection.
Economics: It goes without saying that the use of a news medium also depends
on whether it is affordable or not. Price determines which cable TV package
you subscribe to, and may be one factor that determines whether you pick
up the free newspaper or buy one from the news-stand. The use of mobile
news services may depend on the affordability of the advanced cell phone that
comes with this facility.
Normativity: It takes an effort, and some personal strength, to engage in
activities that are not comme il faut in the communities and networks
one belongs to. Colleagues may frown upon your reference to a radical
newspaper, or applaud your subscription to a cable sports channel, which you
took up because you felt excluded from lunch chats about sports. Normativity
thus comprises encouraging as well as discouraging inputs from ones
surroundings.
Participation: Long before the advent of interactive digital media it was possi-
ble to participate in the news media universe, in the form of letters to the edi-
tor. Nowadays, thanks to the rich participatory affordances offered by online
news media, participation in digital news production, relatively unmonitored
by editors, is open to everyone, and may be one of the factors causing people
to prefer net-based news media, in which they can be active in lean-back as
well as lean-forward modes of participation (Picone 2007).
Before moving on to the empirical analyses of peoples navigation in the
Danish news landscape, it should perhaps be emphasized that the news media
NL 8_Schroder and Kobbernagel_115138.indd 120 9/23/10 9:21:34 AM
121
4. The results reported
in Tables 1 and 2 are
significant at the 95 per
cent level; the order of
two media separated
by less than 34 per
cent in the tables could
be the reverse.
that people find worthwhile are not necessarily perceived as important.
Worthwhileness is compatible with low-engagement use of news media, and
in some cases even with using a news medium because one has nothing better
to do behaviour we may call worthwhileness by default.
COMPLEMENTARITIES OF FIELDWORK
Our project relies on two types of fieldwork. The first (reported elsewhere
(Schrder and Larsen 2010), but summarized below) consists of a large-scale
online survey mapping the relative worthwhileness of sixteen Danish news
media and genres. The second, on which the present article concentrates,
explores an innovative methodological design that synthesizes qualitative and
quantitative methods in one hybrid research design, for the generation of a
typology of news consumption.
In the survey, which is the first Danish study of cross-media news con-
sumption, we asked a thousand respondents about the perceived worthwhile-
ness of sixteen key news media and genres. The concept of worthwhileness
was translated into use during the past week, from which we inferred that
the news media people reported having used must logically be news media
that they found worthwhile. The findings are shown in Table 1.
4
Not surprisingly, prime time TV news programmes are considered
worthwhile by the greatest number of people in Denmark (2008), since
88 per cent of the respondents have used this news medium during the past
week. However, in light of the fact that Danish Internet news sites have attracted
78 per cent of the respondents, one may ask for how long prime time TV
Per centage
1. Prime time Danish TV news 88
2. News on Danish Internet news sites 78
3. Radio news programmes 70
4. Text-TV news 60
5. Local free weekly newspapers 58
6. Current affairs programmes on Danish TV 53
7. National broadsheet newspapers 49
8. Free dailies 42
9. Local/regional dailies 36
10. Professional journals (e.g. trade unions) 31
11. Weekly and monthly magazines 30
12. Tabloids 27
13. News on international Internet news sites 21
14. News and current affairs on international TV 19
15. Radio current affairs 14
16. Mobile phone news 7
17. None of these 0
Table 1: Worthwhileness of news sources: Danish news users reporting of news
media and genres used during the past week (for all categories, news media
examples were provided for respondents). October 2008.
122
news will stay in the lead although our figures do not reveal how much time
people spent on the different media, or how frequently they used them.
Among the other notable findings, one is struck by the prominent role
played by the often overlooked medium of text-TV, no doubt due in part
to its relation to the situational and technological dimensions of worth-
whileness mentioned above, and by the low position of the time-honoured
news vehicle of national morning newspapers. It should be remembered,
however, that some of the most frequently visited Internet news sites are
those owned by the major newspaper publishers, meaning that their edito-
rial product is still in high demand. Moreover, when we ask people which
news media they find most worthwhile (in the questionnaire translated into
most indispensable), national newspapers are in third place (14 per cent
of the respondents), though trailing both prime time TV news (37 per cent)
and Internet news (19 per cent). We look forward to repeating the sur-
vey in years to come, so as to be able to trace fluctuations in this map of
worthwhileness, for instance the probable increase in the worthwhileness of
mobile phone news.
The survey also explored peoples use of two complementary function-
alities of the news: overview versus background information, across the news
landscape. When we asked people to mention three media used for each
function, we found the pattern reported in Table 2.
The top ranking of prime time TV news in both functionalities under-
scores the importance of TV news as the all-round news medium in Denmark.
Internet news could be a challenger in both functionalities, with second place
for overview and fourth place for background. Text-TV is a close runner-up
to radio for overview. National dailies, being close to negligible for overview,
reassert themselves with a clear second place for background, ahead of both
Internet news and TV current affairs.
In a generalizing interpretation of these findings we may say that while
prime time TV news and to some extent Internet news bridge the two func-
tionalities, for all other news media we see a clear functional differentiation,
Overview Depth
Ranking Per centage Ranking Per centage
Prime time Danish TV news 1 55 1 45
News on Danish internet news sites 2 50 4 24
Radio news programmes 3 41 6 13
Text-TV news 4 36
National broadsheet newspapers 5 15 2 36
Free dailies 6 13
Current affairs Danish TV 3 35
Professional journals 5 13
Local/regional dailies 7 10 7 11
Radio current affairs 8 10
Local free weekly newspapers 8 9 9 7
Table 2: News functionalities: most important overview and in-depth news media (October 2008).
123
with Radio news, text-TV and free dailies being mono-functional overview
media, and national dailies, TV current affairs and professional magazines
being mono-functional background media.
TOWARDS A TYPOLOGY OF CROSS-MEDIA NEWS CONSUMPTION
In the survey study we have ascertained statistically, from a macro perspec-
tive, the relative importance for citizen-consumers of the different news media
in societys overall news landscape. In the second type of fieldwork we have
adopted a qualitative approach intended to discover, at ground level, the cross-
media news packages, or constellations, appropriated by citizen-consumers
from the news market supply. Here we have asked three dozen informants
individually to report about their news media use in everyday life in personal
narratives, and their personal worthwhileness-generated preferences for cer-
tain news media rather than others. Metaphorically, we have asked them to
tell us what they take from the shelves of the news supermarket and put into
their shopping carts, and why.
The methodological challenge consists in devising a method that enables
us to discern the similarities and differences between the contents of the 35
shopping carts, and to possibly discover reliable and valid patterns, or types,
of news media use. For us the methodological response to this challenge has
consisted in developing a qualitative fieldwork design that allows us to gener-
alize with confidence about the overwhelmingly complex qualitative data set
produced. We have thus been looking for a methodological path that would
make it possible to incorporate and preserve qualitative data through a proc-
ess of quantification, enabling the researcher to discern the [] patterning
of media use behaviour (Schrder 1987). We have therefore incorporated into
our fieldwork a translation device that converts qualitative data into quantifi-
able units.
The Achilles heel of qualitative research is the opacity of its interpretive pro-
cedures of analytical generalization. This is a problem that is often aggravated
by the ambition of the qualitative researcher, haunted by an inferiority complex
towards the quantitative researchers hundreds of respondents, to maximize the
number of informants and the types of qualitative data collection.
Due to what provocatively we shall call the limited computational
capacity of the human brain, this is a problem that can only partially be offset
by eminent qualitative craftsmanship. Faced with, say, more than a couple of
dozen informants, the qualitative researcher may not be able to reliably and
validly generalize analytically from the large amounts of data.
Conversely, the Achilles heel of quantitative, questionnaire-based
approaches will always be the atomized manner in which respondents answer
the list of unrelated questions, thereby violating the coherences, interconnec-
tions, ambivalences and contradictions that are an inherent part of everyday
life. This reductionism at the data collection stage can only partly be remedied
by the sophisticated techniques whereby afterwards statistical wizards may
succeed in relating some of the atomized responses to each other through
cross-tabulations and multiple regression analysis.
However, we believe that it is possible with some research objects the
perceived worthwhileness of news media being one of them to build a
methodological design that avoids both the opacity of qualitative generaliza-
tion and the atomization of questionnaire-based research, and that therefore
achieves greater explanatory power (Schrder 2004).
124
Our innovative fieldwork format borrows from the methodological port-
folios of two existing fieldwork approaches, one quantitative, the other quali-
tative. The quantitative source of inspiration is the method sometimes called
Q-sorts, in which respondents sort a number of elicitation cards on a relational
scalar grid, which allows for subsequent statistical factor analysis and the gen-
eration of a typology of the discursive or behavioural practice investigated.
The qualitative source of inspiration is a combination of two verbalizing
research encounters: the qualitative depth-interview, which consists of a dia-
logical speech event with informants about a social phenomenon, and the
think-aloud technique, where informants are asked to accompany a practical
task with a verbalized version of their problem-solving inner speech. When
these three methods are co-applied, the resulting synthesized method can be
said to transcend the division between quantitative and qualitative methods,
or, oxymoronically, to be a quantitative approach to the qualitative study of the
social world, or vice versa (Stephenson 1953, 1978; Brown 1993; Rogers 1995).
Q methodology was chosen as our translation device because of its unique
way of linking the informants subjectively perceived worthwhileness with the
role particular media play in their daily news consumption. Thus, the Q tech-
nique and factor analysis provide a lens through which the researcher may see
the structures in the news users calculation of the worthwhileness of their
chosen news media. The analysis produces a view into what significant pat-
terns of media use exist, based on a factor model that reveals groups of par-
ticipants who performed similar so-called Q-sortings of the specified range of
news media (Brown 1980, 1993: 101).
We recruited a sample of 35 informants from three different locations in
Denmark, from an online panel representing education levels and age and
gender groups. The Q-sort-inspired stage of each fieldwork encounter was
preceded by a 1015-minute qualitative interview, in which we asked the
informant to report from a typical day in the life with the news media. This
stage served to tune an informants minds towards the unique architecture of
his or her daily news universe.
The Q study itself was conducted in four phases. Prior to the interview,
we had selected 25 named news media and genres so as to represent the
news universe available to the Danish public. Each news medium selected
was labelled and exemplified, for example Prime time TV news, e.g. DR1 or
TV2, Free dailies, e.g. MetroXpress, Urban or 24timer, or News on mobile
phones or other handheld devices. The 25 news media with the examples
were printed on cards for participants to read before Q-sorting them (see
Appendix 1 for the 25 news media selected for analysis).
In the first phase, participants were asked to sort the 25 numbered cards using
a Q grid according to the role these media play in their daily consumption of
news (see Table 3). During Q-sorting the participants were asked to comment
using the think-aloud method on why they ranked the media as they did, and
the interviewer would ask probing questions, so as to ensure the occurrence of a
dialogue that gave the participant the opportunity to reflect and elaborate on the
specific role played by the different news media in everyday life. Thus, the inter-
view event integratively constructed both qualitative and quantitative data.
The Q grid is the tool by which participants attribute worthwhileness
values to each card. It is designed according to the well-known principle
of ipsatively ranking a range of items along a scale, but extends the tech-
nique of ranking to cover all the items (De Vaus 2004). The format of the
grid is usually an approximate normal distribution that forces the participant
125
5. The PQ method
software for statistical
analysis in Q (Schmolck
2010) was used for
analyses with both
centroid and Principal
component analysis
(PCA).
to carefully consider the ranking of a news media from 4 (plays the least
role) to +4 (plays the greatest role). This special feature of the Q technique
provides access to the subjective mind through the quantitative technique
(McKeown and Thomas 1988: 12), and hence it operationalizes the value
of one medium being perceived in relation to others, due to the principle of
self-referentiality in the subjective mind of the individual (Brown 1980: 43).
By choosing Q methodology, the epistemological foundation of the study
deviates from the conventional theoretical notion associated with psycho-
metrical scaling procedures, where it is assumed that a latent variable causes
the respondents valuation of the items (DeVellis 2003: 53). The analytical
focus thus shifts from what can be objectively measured across tests to what
characterizes the common subjectively held valuations across groups of news
media users.
In the second phase, the data were handled by Q factor analysis, which
calculates the correlations between Q-sorts and extracts a number of fac-
tors explaining the variance in each Q-sort. Thus, a map of the participants
grouped by the factors is produced, and the analysis of these common pat-
terns shows what configurations of media use exist. The analysis produced
a range of factor models, displaying different groupings and structures, that
we could choose from.
5
The evaluation and choice of model relied on statisti-
cal criteria as well as the meaningfulness of the structure of each factor. The
process resulted in the choice of a model with seven factors, which explained
79 per cent of the variance and had 25 participants loading significantly on
the factors. The model of seven factors was arrived at by PCA and varimax
rotation. This model overruled the models with four, five and six factors,
because of its high degree of explained variance and the better explanation
of the content of each factor array. The seven-factor model also turned out
to be better at explaining variance than the models produced by the more
traditional factor extraction technique; the centroid (Brown 1980: 208). These
models did not cover more than 60 per cent of the variance. Moreover, the
models with fewer factors derived from both PCA and centroid failed to ade-
quately illuminate the complexity of the media users rationales. For instance,
the models with 5 and 6 factors all included factors with just one positively
loading participant and one negatively loading participant. This meant that
the interpretation of these factors as constituted by a shared configuration
was complicated.
4
25 16 21
20 13 15 1 22
19 17 9 14 12 6 24
23 10 8 2 3 11 5 7 18
Table 3: Q grid of one informant.
Does not play Plays a role in
a role in my life my life
The numbers refer to the 25 elicitation cards which informants sorted on the grid
(see Appendix 1).
126
6. In the process of
determining the
suitability of the factor
models for explaining
data, we adhered
to the following
criteria: (1) at least
two participants must
correlate significantly
positive with each
factor in the model;
(2) a participants
correlation with a
factor is significant if
its square exceeds half
of that participants
communality
(communality is
the sum of squared
correlations with the
factor; in other words
the total variance
explained in that
participants Q-sort by
all the factors. Factor
array is the calculated
Q-sort that represents
the factor (Brown 1980:
215, 234) the factor
arrays for each factor
should enable a clear
and straightforward
interpretation (Brown
1980: 222). The two
first criteria in essence
support the idea that
the factor model
and its constituents,
i.e. the correlating
participants, should
account for the most
variance in each Q-sort
and in the entire data.
The last criterion is
linked to the aim of
arriving at a result that
provides a meaningful
construction
of patterns of
worthwhileness, and
therefore in addition
to these criteria we
analysed the factor
arrays of each model
to see whether it was
possible to interpret
each group as having
a certain pattern
differentiating it from
the others.
One of the anonymous
reviewers has
suggested that we
make the scree plot
of the factor analysis
and the accompanying
interpretive
explanation available
to the academic
community. Readers
who are interested in
Since we are essentially using factor analysis as a generalization device, we
decided that it was analytically meaningful to include six additional partici-
pants, whose amounts of variance shared with the factors in their respective
Q-sorts are very close to the level of significance, and some of whom have
high negative correlations with one other factor. The latter inspires us to look
closer, because their Q-sort seems to be represented in a strong mirror image
by that other factor.
This is in line with the strategy of choosing the factor model and interpre-
tation in Q, in which not only eigenvalues and significance of loadings direct
the analytical process, but the researcher follows existing knowledge and
intuitions about the field being investigated (Brown 1980: 229). The remain-
ing four participants cannot be placed meaningfully within any of the seven
groups, because they are correlating relatively highly with more than three
factors. The analysis is thus very much conducted by following both objective
and subjective strategies of analysis in seeking the greatest explanatory power
(Brown 1980: 236).
6
Each of the seven factors comprises a grouping, or type, of participants
whose card sorts were relatively similar, compared with the sorts of other par-
ticipants. The factor scores of each type are arranged as a Top-25 list of news
media, which therefore expresses the news media worthwhileness profile of
the participants who belong to each grouping. In the third stage of analysis,
these seven profiles are subjected to perceptive interpretive work in order to
arrive at a verbal characterization of each type. Naturally, a purely qualitative
analysis of the interviews could also have been generalized into a typology
of media users. However, the advantage of generalizing the types through
computerized factor analysis of the grids of informant self-analysis is that the
computer is able to handle the enormous amount of data similarities and dif-
ferences much more reliably than the brain of the human scholar. The validity
cost lies in the data reduction required of the participant in order to distil the
complex discursive negotiation of each news medium down to one square on
the grid.
The factor analysis shows which participants in each factor grouping are
particularly typical. The researcher can therefore, in a fourth stage, draw on
the interview transcripts of such typical specimens, if not all members, of a
grouping, in order to put some discursive meat on the analytical skeleton sup-
plied by the factor analysis, thereby regaining some of the thick description
that was lost during the statistical operations. This analytical stage has not yet
been completed.
TYPOLOGY OF CROSS-MEDIA NEWS WORTHWHILENESS
Our integrated qualitative/quantitative study of the cross-media news con-
sumption of 35 Danish consumer-citizens, who are a typical selection across
relevant demographic groups, produces seven user types with clearly dif-
ferent profiles of news media worthwhileness (see Appendix 2). Here we
present a descriptive account, and a tentative labelling, of the seven types,
in which we account for the news media that they perceive as worthwhile,
and the news media to which they attribute less importance to their lives.
At the end we shall reflect briefly on the implications of the typology of
seven for the quality of public connection in Danish society, although real
in-depth insights about this aspect must await the analysis of qualitative
interview transcripts.
127
seeing these materials
are welcome to contact
us at kimsc@ruc.dk.
1. The traditional, versatile news consumer
The members of this type, which comprises nine participants, rely on a
number of fairly heavy news media, including national newspapers and seri-
ous current affairs TV programmes. Among the Top-5 we also find prime time
TV news, radio morning news and net-based news services, which confirms
that these people seek both overview and background news oriented towards
democratic citizen roles. They are fond of radio, with three types of radio news
in the Top-7. Radio current affairs programmes, specialized newspapers and
cultural news on the net also figure prominently in their news diet, which
more cursorily includes lighter news media such as more entertaining current
affairs programmes on TV and lifestyle magazines, as well as the consultation
of international news sources. Of low importance are mobile phone news,
blogs with news and tabloid newspapers. In our sample these people tend to
be college-educated and older than 3540 years of age.
2. The popular culture-oriented digital news consumer
The primary news sources for these participants (four individuals) are net-
based media, with social net media in first place closely followed by the net
sites of news institutions. Their chief kind of public connection thus appears
to be that generated by their own digital networks. This does not mean that
they are not also attuned to mainstream traditional news media, such as
prime time TV news and radio morning news. They get overview from free
newspapers and text-TV. When they seek background, it takes the form of
more entertaining, chat-based TV current affairs programmes and weekly
magazines. Net-based cultural news is also high on their agenda. Their more
cursory news media include news blogs, national newspapers and lifestyle
magazines. Of low importance are serious current affairs TV programmes,
international TV news and current affairs, and international net news. In our
sample these people tend to be in their twenties, and do not (yet?) have five-
year college degrees.
3. The background-oriented digital news consumer
The Top-5 profile of this group (three individuals) is almost identical to that
of Group 2, which means that their worthwhileness profiles do not differ very
much. However, entertaining TV current affairs programmes are ranked con-
siderable lower, and weekly magazines are below place 15. Conversely, seri-
ous current affairs programmes and international TV news are fairly high on
the list. They do not get news updates from text-TV, but perhaps from net
news, and to a limited degree from mobile news. Of low importance are local
daily newspapers, morning radio news and tabloid newspapers. In our sample
these people tend to be in their twenties and live in Copenhagen.
4. The light newspaper reader
While these participants (five individuals) like everyone else look to prime
time TV news and net news for substantial parts of their news diet, they
are clearly distinguished by their allegiance to tabloid newspapers and free
newspapers. They seek a mixture of entertaining and serious current affairs
programmes, and are not averse to international news sources. The overview
function is served by net news and text-TV. Social net media are used mod-
erately, as are morning and daytime radio, and weekly magazines. Of low
128
importance are professional magazines, international non-media news sites
and national niche newspapers. In our sample these people tend to be male,
do not have college degrees and live in the greater Copenhagen area.
5. The heavy newspaper reader
The news diet of these participants (three individuals) relies heavily on news-
papers, with the serious specimens (national newspapers, specialized newspa-
pers) in the Top-5, and local weeklies and free newspapers in the Top-10. But
these print media are strongly supplemented with prime time TV news and
net-based news, and cultural interests and background needs are also catered
to. Overview comes from net news, text-TV and 24-hour TV news. In relation
to Group 4, these participants are also distinguished by not having entertain-
ing current affairs TV and weekly magazines in the Top-15. Of low importance
are news blogs, morning radio news and mobile phone news. In our sample
these people tend to be college educated and over 60 years of age.
6. The news update addict
The labelling of this group (four individuals) springs from their having 24-hour
TV news in first place, while other groups have this news medium in place
1014 or lower. The craving for news updates is supported by text-TV, also in
the Top-5, and the highest place of mobile phone news of any group. But the
mainstream source of prime time TV news is also salient, while morning and
daytime radio news are cursorily salient. Current affairs programmes on TV
are secondary, with the more entertaining ones ranked higher. Of low impor-
tance are news blogs, radio current affairs and international non-media news
sites. In our sample these people tend to be male, are under 40 years of age
and have no college degree or bachelor degrees.
7. The regional omnivorous news consumer
The distinguishing feature of this group (three individuals) is the prominent
worthwhileness of regional dailies. Another feature is this groups high and
close ranking of news media that are either ranked lower or with greater rank
differences by other groups: serious and entertaining TV current affairs pro-
grammes, weekly magazines, and professional magazines (e.g. trade union
members magazines). But the similarity with other groups in terms of the
high worthwhileness of prime time TV news and net-based news is evident.
Compared with Group 1, the regional daily has taken over the role of the
national daily, and Group 7 are more open to social net media and 24-hour
TV news. Of low importance are international non-media news sites, news
blogs and international news media websites. In our sample these people
tend to live in a provincial town and to have less education than a master
degree from university.
CROSS-MEDIA USE IN A CHANGING NEWS ENVIRONMENT:
COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVES
The best way to put these preliminary findings of the Danish news consump-
tion landscape into perspective is perhaps to compare them to a recent study
of cross-media use in the United States, the Pew Research Centers News
Consumption and Believability Study 2008 (Pew 2008).
129
The Pew study is a large-scale, demographically sensitive study of news
consumption and news perceptions among the American public for 2008.
The latest study in a biennial series, it traces the development of the usage
of different news sources since the 1990s, making the fluctuations between
traditional media and Internet news media visible over time, and finding that
trends from previous biennial studies are continuing. The consumption of tra-
ditional news media is declining, while the use of online news is growing, but
not quite proportionally so as to make up for the losses. Therefore, overall
news consumption is declining.
The most interesting part of the study in our connection is its typology of
four news audience segments, defined in terms of (1) peoples interest in and
time spent on news, (2) their primary news source and (3) how often they use
the Internet to get news (see Table 4).
There are certain resemblances between the Pew news consumption land-
scape and that found in our study, but also some significant differences. The
Pew study segments the respondents on the basis of a few key usage criteria,
which basically amounts to a 4-by-2 matrix based on time spent on different
news media (TV, radio, newspapers and net news):
Traditional news media Net news media
Traditionalists +
Integrators + +
Net-Newsers +
Disengaged
Our study establishes its typology on the basis of the participants detailed
relational evaluations of the perceived worthwhileness of 25 different news
media and genres. Consequently, the Pew typology is simple and close to com-
monsensical (but illuminating nonetheless, thanks to its representativeness and
demographic detail), while our typology is more inductive, complex and subtle.
TV news Newspaper Radio Online Total
Traditionalists 35 14 14 1 64
Integrators 37 16 21 14 88
Net-Newsers 23 12 15 28 78
Disengaged 13 5 7 4 29
Table 4: The Pew study typology of news consumption in the US 2008
(minutes per day).
Traditionalists, 46 per cent of the population, use traditional media sources (TV, news-
papers, radio) almost exclusively (p. 45), and rarely go online for news (less than
three days a week) (p. 47).
Integrators, 23 per cent of the population, name a traditional source as their main
source, but are also frequent consumers of online news (3+ days a week) (p. 47).
Net-Newsers, with a 13 per cent share of the population, point to the internet as their
main news source and consume online news frequently (3+ days/week) (p. 47).
Disengaged, 14 per cent, do not closely follow any of the following: local, national,
international, or business and finance news (p. 47).
130
Heuristically, one could pose the following resemblances between the two:
Pew typology Danish typology
Traditionalists Group 5 and Group 7
Integrators Group 1, Group 4 and Group 6
Net-Newsers Group 2 and Group 3
On closer inspection, however, there is a lack of fit between the types,
due mainly to the fact that even for the Danish traditionalists Group 5 and
Group 7, Internet news is among the top-five news media. This is also the case
for the Danish integrators Group 1 and Group 4, while for Group 6 social net
media also squeeze themselves into the top-five news media. Conversely, the
Danish net-newser groups both rank TV news in third place, while for their
American not-exact-counterparts fewer than half (47 per cent) watch televi-
sion on a typical day (p. 2). Some differences between the American and the
Danish study (for instance the absence of the Disengaged category from the
Danish study) may be due to the fact that the former is based on time use,
while the latter is based on the participants perceived worthwhileness, irre-
spective of time spent.
The conclusion of the Pew study that for audience segments in a chang-
ing news environment in the United States it can be said that key news
audiences now blend online and traditional sources requires a different
formulation in the case of the Danish study. It is not just the case that cer-
tain key segments are blending online and traditional sources: the blending
phenomenon is so widespread in Danish society, due in large part to the con-
tinued salience of public service TV, that blending is characteristic of all news
users, although the rank-order of traditional (especially TV) news sources and
online news sources among the top-five news media is different between the
Danish newser traditionalists and newser innovators.
So far we can conclude that for those who believe that it is necessary to
define an enlightened citizen as someone who reads a serious daily newspa-
per, there are many contemporary Danes who do not qualify. Only in three of
the seven groups do we find serious newspapers (national or regional) in the
Top-5; in three they are placed lower than Top-10.
If, however, one disagrees with Neil Postmans claim that serious televi-
sion is a contradiction in terms (Postman 1985) at least in a country with a
still strong public service tradition, then one does not have to worry too much
about the state of democracy, since prime time TV news is in the Top-3 of
all seven groups (and number 1 in three). The news consumption study of
Curran et al. (2009) confirms that extensive use of public service television
produces a citizenry with a high level of democratically relevant knowledge.
If, moreover, one believes that net-based news media are capable of deliv-
ering balanced quality information for both overview and background func-
tionalities, one may take courage from the fact that the net news media run
by the major publishing and broadcasting houses in Denmark are placed in
the Top-5 of all seven newser groups, who are thus to some extent all Net-
Newsers, although to varying degrees. In addition, even though obviously
the social net media are used for very heterogeneous purposes, many of
which can only remotely be defined as political or civic, the fact that the par-
ticipatory affordances of social net media and/or news blogs are now deemed
worthwhile to varying but fairly high degrees by the members of Groups 2, 3,
4, 6 and 7 could be regarded democratically with cautious optimism (see also
Jenkins 2006; Torpe 2006).
131
It is now up to the next stage of the Danish analysis to provide qualitative
thick description of the participants worthwhileness reflections underlying
the Danish typology.
APPENDIX 1: THE NEWS MEDIA UNIVERSE OF THE Q STUDY.
Prime time Danish TV news 1.
24-hour TV news 2.
Serious current affairs programmes on Danish TV 3.
Entertaining current affairs programmes on Danish TV 4.
News and current affairs on international TV channels 5.
Radio news (mornings before 9 am) 6.
Radio news (after 9 am) 7.
Radio current affairs 8.
National mainstream newspapers 9.
National specialized newspapers 10.
Free daily newspapers 11.
Tabloid newspapers 12.
Local/regional dailies 13.
Local free weeklies 14.
Professional magazines 15.
Family and womens magazines 16.
Magazines about lifestyle, health, culture 17.
News on Danish newspapers and TV channels websites 18.
News on other Danish websites 19.
Blogs with news on the Internet 20.
Social net media (Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, etc.) 21.
News on international news media websites 22.
International news sites not produced by media 23.
Text-TV news 24.
News on mobile phones and other handheld media 25.
APPENDIX 2: TYPOLOGY OF CROSS-MEDIA NEWS USERS
The numbers refer to the 25 elicitation cards, which informants sorted on the
grid (see Appendix 1). JuneSeptember 2010
Factor 1 nine participants
1. Prime time Danish TV news
9. National mainstream newspapers
6. Radio news (before 9 am)
3. Serious current affairs TV
18. News on Danish Internet news sites
8. Radio current affairs
7. Radio news (after 9 am)
19. Internet: culture sites
10. National niche newspapers
15. Professional magazines
4. Entertaining current affairs TV
17. Magazines: lifestyle, health, culture
11. Free daily newspapers
132
22. International news media websites
5. International TV news/current affairs
21. Social net media
14. Local free weeklies
23. International non-media news sites
24. Text-TV news
2. 24-hour TV news
13. Local/regional dailies
16. Family and womens magazines
25. Mobile phone news
20. News blogs on the internet
12. Tabloid newspapers
Factor 2 four participants
24. Text-TV news
20. News blogs on the Internet
2. 24-hour TV news
Factor 3 three participants
133
2. 24-hour TV news
24. Text-TV news
24. Text-TV news
2. 24-hour TV news
24. Text-TV news
134
2. 24-hour TV news
2. 24-hour TV news
24. Text-TV news
135
2. 24-hour TV news
24. Text-TV news
5. TV news/current affairs, international
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This research project is one of seven that together make up the research initia-
tive The Transformation of Newspapers and Journalism, which is funded in
part by the Danish Research Council for Culture and Communication (http://
aviser.mef.ku.dk/front/). The fieldwork has been implemented with the assist-
ance of Bent Steeg Larsen and Poul Melbye, researchers in the media analysis
department of the Danish publishing house Politiken. The interviews were
carried out by Sophie Bo Schmidt, Mette Frkir Schou og Nynne Bomholt
Gravesen.
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CONTRIBUTOR DETAILS
Professor Kim Christian Schrder, CBIT, Dept. of Communication, Roskilde
University, Denmark.
Contact: POB 260, 4000 Roskilde, Denmark.
E-mail: kimsc@ruc.dk
Doctoral student Christian Kobbernagel, CBIT, Dept. of Communication,
Roskilde University, Denmark.
Contact: POB 260, 4000 Roskilde, Denmark.
E-mail: chko@ruc.dk
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Susan Hill ano John Sloin. Slrolch our chiloron's minos
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Clive James
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CaroIine Moore,JonaIhan Ioreman,George WaIden,MichaeI Weiss
Iobin AiIken,MineIIe Marrin,Iazeen SaIIy,Myron IbeII,IIIen AIsIen
roooric aphaol: is Holocausl hokum
OverraIed: SamanIha Power, HiIIary's bIe noire
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Iobin AiIken,MineIIe Marrin,Iazeen SaIIy,Myron IbeII,IIIen AIsIen
roooric aphaol: is Holocausl hokum
OverraIed: SamanIha Power, HiIIary's bIe noire

PeerIess: Our MoIe in Ihe Lords siIIs Ihe beans
^iceness: KenneIh Minogue says Ihere's Ioo much oof f iI
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alriols or osours` !ouis Amis on lho !nlish Dolonco !oauo
Sarah uoon. \hy !'m balllin aainsl lho Goolo Golialh
Daniel Johnson
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NL 8 pp. 115138 Intellect Limited 2010

Marcl 2uu9,:4.u,Issuo Iu www.slandpoinlmag.co.uk

Id SmiIh,KaIhryn Hughes,PhiIi ManseI,Adam Zamoyski, James Shinn

OverraIed: SamanIha Power, HiIIary's bIe noire

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