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With the arrival of the Roman legions in the cities of Greece and Asia
Minor from the second century BCE, individual Romaioi started to make
an appearance in the Greek cities:
in Latin texts they are known as the cives romani qui … negotiantur (the
Romans who are doing business) or as the Romani consistentes (the
Romans who are resident). In the Greek inscriptions we find them under
names as hoi Romaioi; hoi Romaioi pragmateuomenoi and hoi Romaioi
katoikountes.
Terminology:
Ῥωμαῖοι οἱ πραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι οἱ συμπραγματευόμενοι
Ῥωμαῖοι οἱ κατοικοῦντες
Ῥωμαῖοι οἱ παροικοῦντες
Ῥωμαῖοι οἱ ἐπιδημοῦντες
Ῥωμαῖοι οἱ παρεπιδημοῦντες
Ῥωμαῖοι οἱ ἐνεκτημένοι
Ῥωμαῖοι οἱ γεωργεῦντες
Ῥωμαῖοι οἱ παραγιγνομένοι
Ῥωμαῖοι οἱ ἐνγαιοῦντες
Ῥωμαῖοι οἱ παρ' αὐτοῖς ὄντες
Ῥωμαῖοι οἱ κατακληθέντες
τηβεννοφοροῦντες
In fact my perspective will not center on Rome, but on the Greek cities,
and my focus will be on the personal mobility of the Romans who
traded and settled in the Greek cities. I am interested in these groups as
cultural and politcal brokers, and on the form and effect of their
presence in the greek cities of Roman Grece and Asia Minor
What happened to these ‘new-comers’ in the Greek city: how did they
operate, and how did they find their place in the Kosmos of the Greek
city? Did they remain a colonial elite, who merely lived inside the Greek
city, but who were not an integral part of the city? How did Romans
accommodate themselves to the social, cultural and political realities of
life in a post-classical polis? Did they develop a collective identity, and
was the place of this collective in the city?
this seems to change, as I have seen (but not yet read) studies that apply this
concept to footbal, or other cultural forms such as music. Chris Bayly has suggested
the term ‘archaic globalisation’ for earlier forms of globalising proceses, (with an
emphasis on the developments round the Indian Ocean). He applies his analysis also
to the cultural and religious fields. Bayly, C. A. (2002). 'Archaic' and 'modern'
globalization in the Eurasian and African arena. c. 1750-1850. Globalization in world
history. A. G. Hopkins. London, Pimlico: 46-73, Bayly, C. A. (2004). The Birth of the
Modern World. Global Connections and Comparisons. Oxford, Blackwell
Publishing.In a recent article on the role of athletes and performers as the cultural
agents of a’globalising roman empire’ I have used the term ‘ancient globalisation’,
as ‘Archaic’ would be confusing. van Nijf, O. M. (2006). Global players: Athletes and
performers in the Hellenistic and Roman World. Between Cult and Society. The
cosmopolitan centres of the ancient Mediterranean as setting for activities of
religious associations and religious communities (Special Issue of
Hephaistos,Kritische Zeitschrift zu Theorie und Praxis der Arcäologie und
angrenzender Gebiete). I. Nielsen. Hamburg, van Nijf, O. M. (2006). "‘Global players’:
Griekse atleten, artiesten en de ‘oikoumene’ in de Romeinse keizertijd." Leidschrift..
OVN Staying Roman- Becoming Greek DRAFT VERSION 20-09-2009 3
There are two major omissions: I shall skip in this paper an important
phase: the troubles of the first century BCE and more in particular the ‘
Ephesian Vespers’ the massacres of the Mithridatic wars and their
aftermath. Nor shall I discus the Romans in Delos, which was not a
normal Greek city, and which I suspsect distr]ort the picture.
These I shall have leave to a different occasion, but I had to begin
somewhere.
Economic interests
Even though Roman foreign policy was not mercantilist in the sense
that it was shaped by the commercial interests; it is still obvious that
the presence of Romaioi was closely connected with the growth of
empire, even though it was more a case of trade following the flag, than
the other way around.
OVN Staying Roman- Becoming Greek DRAFT VERSION 20-09-2009 4
To the Greeks there may have been simply not too much difference, as
became in fact clear in the early first century BC. When Roman
negotiatores and publicani – the usual villains- were so closely associated,
that they were massacred together during one of the most terrible
events of the first Mithridatic War the so-called ‘Ephesian Vespers’ in
2
The term negotiator seems to have conveyed the idea of trade and commerce on a
wider scale, and may have given them an air of respectability
3
Errington, R. M. (1988). Aspects of Roman acculturation in the East under the
Republic. Alte geschichte und Wissenschaftsgeschichte. Festschrift für K. Christ zum
65. Geburtstag. P. K. a. V. Losemann. Darmstadt: 140-157., 143
4
See Van Nijf (Forthcoming) The social world of Roman Tax farmers.
OVN Staying Roman- Becoming Greek DRAFT VERSION 20-09-2009 5
the spring of 88 BC. The eighty thousand Romans or more that are
reputed that were massacred were surely not only tax farmers.
Greek cities
Where do we find these Romans? It is clear that we should differentiate
between the different types of cities: the integration of the Romans did
not happen everywhere in the same pace or along the same lines. Jean
Louis Ferrary has recently argued that Roman business men would have
been particularly attracted to cities where Roman magistrates and pro-
magistrates were based.6 The absence of a system of international law
would have made it attractive for Roman traders to have easy access to
a Roman official with ‘imperium’ or ‘iuris dictio’, who could guarantee the
security of personnel and property, and intervene when transactions
went wrong. Roman traders will have sought protection one way or
another: protection of the law where available, but there is sufficient
evidence to proof that they will have resorted to exerting pressure and
bullying or buying their way around where necessary.
In these bigger centres, Romans may have been numerous enough to
form a kind of large expat-communities, but Romans were also to be
found – in smaller or larger numbers- in many different smaller cities.
We find evidence for the presence of associations and groups of Romaioi
in many cities, including as Pagai, Amorgos, Adramytteion, Priene,
Abydos, Ilion Erythrae and many others (but the number of cities in
which individual Romaioi are attested is many times greater), where
they will have had to accommodate themselves to their new
environment and way of life more or less on their own.
5
Ferrary, J.-L. (2001). Rome et la géographie de l'hellénisme: réflexions sur les
"hellènes" et "panhellènnes" dans les inscriptions d'époque romaine. The Greek
East in Roman context. Proceedings of a colloquium organised by the Finnish
Institute at Athens, May 21-and 22 , 1999. O. Salomies. Helsinki, Finnish Institute at
Athens: 19-36.
6
Ibid.
OVN Staying Roman- Becoming Greek DRAFT VERSION 20-09-2009 6
What was the place in the cities of these settlers? Were they all (hated?)
outsiders, or do we find evidence of their integration within the kosmos
of the polis?
9
IG II.2, 960
10
Robert, L. (1978). "Catalogue agonistique des Rômaia de Xanthos." Revue
Archéologique: 277-290 [= OMS VII, no 176].. - Incidentally, this texts shows that
many of these games had their part to play in the symbolic integration of Greek
cities in the Roman imperial system. From the third onwards we also find games in
traditional Greek style that were celebrated in honour of Rome – the Romaia- that
were celebrated separately or joined with existing festivals, as for example in
Xanthos where the Koinon (league) of the Lycian cities organised ‘Roman Games.’ I
shall discuss this feature in more detail in a forthcoming paper ‘ Sporting for Rome:
Greek athletic festivans in the servie of the cult of Rome and the Emperors.’
OVN Staying Roman- Becoming Greek DRAFT VERSION 20-09-2009 8
This type of honorific inscriptions was often set up for individuals who
were not so much members of the community, but outsiders who
somehow towered over the cities, like kings, military commanders, and
magnates. Many of the inscriptions were actually set up for Roman
11
NB the ephebeia was of course an entry into citizenship. Cf Habicht
OVN Staying Roman- Becoming Greek DRAFT VERSION 20-09-2009 9
12
IG 5.2, 1146.
OVN Staying Roman- Becoming Greek DRAFT VERSION 20-09-2009 10
investigate the evidence for the rich ritual life of the post-classical
Greek cities. Civic rituals and ceremonies, and in particular sacrificial
banquets and processions are a particularly good place to look as these
often serve as a dramatic representation of the social and political order
in the city. Moreover, regulations about and records of ritual activities
often list the participants, and can serve as a kind of ‘Who is who?’ in
the Hellenistic city.
In this context I can only discuss to the public banquets, that were
organized by priests, magistrates or benefactors in the Greek cities of
the Hellenistic period. Banquets (and especially sacrificial banquets)
had always been a major event in Greek cities. The distribution of
sacrificial meat, which is at the core of banquets, had always been one
an important collective activity. In the words of Pauline Schmitt-Pantel
who has studied public commensality in the Greek city, “participation
in the civic sacrifices and the civic banquets is of the same nature as
integration into the civic group.”
Rules about participation to Greek civic banquets had always been
strict. In the third part of her study Schmitt-Pantel investigates the
development of public commensality in the Hellenistic period. She
shows how the organization of public banquets responded to, and was a
factor in, the structural transformation of Greek polis society in this
period. Just as Greek cities were gradually taking on a more
cosmopolitan character there was also ‘A gradual widening of the
groups that were entitled to participate, and an increasing participation
of strangers in these quintessential civic rituals’.13
From the second century BC onwards we find that Roman citizens got
invited to these banquets, as a separately mentioned category. The
earliest examples are found in Eretria (IG 12.9, 234)14 and Aigiale on
Amorgos (IG 12, 7, 515)15, but they are also found in Priene, Pergamon,
13
“ une ouverture plus grande du groupe des ayants droit et la participations
fréquente des étrangers, qu’ils soient domiciliés dans la cités ou de passage.” SP 490
14
“…at the sacred gathering of the Artemisia he met the expenses of the unguents
out of his own pocket; accepting this expense not only for the citizens but for the
rest of those who attended the gathering and shared common privileges, and, in
undertaking the sacrifice to Hermes, he invited by public proclamation both the
citizens and those Romans who were resident, and on the fourth day he banqueted
those who shared the common privileges and on the fifth others of the citizens and
many of the strangers…”
15
... he provided a deipnon (meal) to all citizen who happened to be in Aigiale and
the residents and the foreigners and those of the Romans who happened to be
present and their sons (or wives)…
OVN Staying Roman- Becoming Greek DRAFT VERSION 20-09-2009 11
There are some caveats here: this may not have happened everywhere
at the same rate, and the inclusion of the Romans may at times have
been a personal choice of the benefactor who paid for the banquets.
This was so in the case of Kritolaos, the benefactor from Aigiale who
was one of the first to invite the Romans (2BC), but this appears to have
been still the case at the end of the first century BC when the
benefactor Kleanax invited Romans to a number of banquets in Kyme
(SEG 32, 1243)16.
16
“... As the first and only person he hosted in the prytaneion (town hall) the
citizens and the Romans and the foreigners and after a proclamation he gave a
treat in the market place to the Hellenes by Phyle (district) and to the Romans, and
the residents and the foreigners …”
OVN Staying Roman- Becoming Greek DRAFT VERSION 20-09-2009 12
17
For an interpretation of associations of athletes and perfoprmers as quasi agents
in the servie of Rome see my: van Nijf, O. M. (2006). Global players: Athletes and
performers in the Hellenistic and Roman World. Between Cult and Society. The
cosmopolitan centres of the ancient Mediterranean as setting for activities of
religious associations and religious communities (Special Issue of
Hephaistos,Kritische Zeitschrift zu Theorie und Praxis der Arcäologie und
angrenzender Gebiete). I. Nielsen. Hamburg..
OVN Staying Roman- Becoming Greek DRAFT VERSION 20-09-2009 14
But there are some problems: the term conventus for a group of traders
is awkward, as these conventus would have to have been distinguished
from the juridical conventus, which had a precise and recogniseable
meaning of court districts, as well as the court assemblies that were
held there on fixed days with the governor presiding. Moreover, it is
not clear to that the term conventus of traders was universally adopted-
and even less that it was promoted by the Roman state. This view was,
therefore, discredited, i.a. by Hatzfeld, but in an unpublished Leiden
MA thesis, Hermann Roozenbeek has argued that we need to reconsider
our views, as these groups of Roman residents and traders must have
had a kind of more formal status. He suggests that these conventus were
linked to the cities in a kind of sympoliteia (joined citizenship), which
would have given them a separate status and a close link to the city at
the same time: again an expression that is found in the epigraphical
record.
However, I am not sure that this solution can be employed in all cases.
Surely not all Romans would have established a settlement that could
be described in terms of sympoliteia. In some cases groups of Romans
seem to have an identity that exceeded the limits of an individual city:
various inscriptions refer to the Romans that were active in a region or
an entire province, which suggests that these associations could have a
‘translocal’ character, which would preclude any idea of sympoliteia.
We find, for example: associations of romaioi
“ Οἱ κατὰ τῆς Ἀσίας πραγματευόμενοι Ῥωμαῖοι: (IEphesos 5, 1517)
The Roman businessmen throughout Asia”
And In Smyrna (IK 24.1, 642)
“ Οἱ ἐπὶ ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀσίας πραγματευόμενοι Ῥωμαῖοι.
The Roman businessmen in Asia”
For the purpose of this paper I suggest that we leave this matter open: I
for one am ready to accept that associations of Romans often enjoyed a
permanent and fixed status in the cities, but that the precise legal
OVN Staying Roman- Becoming Greek DRAFT VERSION 20-09-2009 15
installation of such groups could differ from case to case, and that it
may have been a matter of local conditions and local preferences.
Civic identity
More important than their legal status is to see what these Romans
were actually doing in the city, and how they expressed their role in
what I have called ‘the civic world’. It is quite obvious that these
Romans often expressed a close tie, if not their identity, with the Greek
cities in which they were active. Associations of Roman negotiatores
often had titles that clearly indicated their belonging to a particular
city
They could be known as
- “Οἱ τε παρ᾽αὐτοῖς ὄντες Ῥωμαῖοι (Chios 5-14 AD SEG 22, 507)
The Romans who are with them”
- “[οἱ κατοικοῦντες ἐν] Ἰλίῳ Ῥωμαίοι.) (Ilion IK 3, 230)
The Romans who are living in Ilion”
- τοῖς πραγματευομένοις παρ' ἡμῖν Ῥωμαίοις in Assos (IK 4, 26)
The Romans who do business amongst us
- οἱ πραγματευόμενοι ἐν τῇ πόλει Ῥωμαῖοι (Kyzikos, SEG 28, 953)
The Romans who do business in the city
- Οι εν Eφέσῳ πραγματευόμενοι ἔμποροι Iταλικοι or Ῥωμαῖοι
(Ephesos, IEphesos 3, 800) The Roman (or Italian) traders who do
business in Ephesos.
- Oἱ ἐν Tράλλεσι κατοικοῦντες ρωμαῖοι, in Tralleis, ITralleis, 77 The
Romans who live in Tralleis
- οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι οἱ ἐν Ἰασωι πραγματευόμενοι IIasos 90 The Romans who
do business in Iasos
But later texts were much more detailed. When we consider the
aforementioned inscriptions from Hierapolis and Thyateira we see
Romans appearing as a civic institution, passing its own honorific
decrees for important citizens. Such inscriptions highlighted the
essential solidarity of the Romaioi with the city, and by adopting the
discourse of public praise the Romaioi now showed that they had
effectively internalised the core values of their host communities.
Initially the Roman associations acted still alone, but it became
increasingly common that Romaioi appeared as the (joint) authors of
inscriptions and even decrees, alongside cities, or alongside political
institutions of cities, suggesting that they were fully integrated in the
decision making process. This phenomenon, which we encounter also in
the case of artisanal collegia associated the Romans even closer to the
core interests of the city in which they were active.
A text from Apameia in Phrygia shows that the Romans were even
allowed to take part in a pandemos ekklesia – a general assembly- which
a clear sign of a near full social and political integration in the city.
IGR 4 791; formal status
“The boule and the demos and the resident Romans, at a plenary
meeting of the assembly, honour Publius Manneius Ruso, son of
Publius, of the tribe Romilia, a good and high-minded man for the
benefactions of his ancestors and his own comparable benefactions
towards the fatherland. He frequently nourished the city in difficult
circumstances and he led embassies to the emperors concerning many
useful matters, and he obtained generosities from the imperial priests,
and he was a friend of the people at every occasion and he increased the
income of the people. The statue was set up by the tradesmen (ergastai)
of the Thermaia Plateia. Eumenes son of Dionysios and Iulius son of
Doubassion were responsible. In accordance with a decree of the city.”
These examples show, I think that full integration into the city, that ‘an
identity of interest’ was not, as Errington suggested achieved, when
Romans started to appear as the recipients of civic honour, but rather
when they start to side with the cities and make an appearance as the
authors of inscriptions and honorific monuments for civic benefactors.
Dedications
- IK 4. 240 : Thea Rome, benefactress of the world
- IK 4, 13: Gaius Caesar hègemon of the neotes (princeps juventutis)by the
dèmos and the Roman traders
- IK4, 19 to Livia Hera
- IEphesos 2, 409 To Claudius
- IGR 4, 684 To Domitian and the Demos Romaiôn
Moreover many other inscriptions that were not used to explicitlly for
the emperor can still be read as an expression of loyalty with Rome:
Mantineia
the city of the Antogoneans and the Roman businessmen there honour
Epigone, their benefactress
having paid for a variety of benefactions to the polis he went beyond
the boundaries of Hellas and sailed until the signet ring of the Augustus,
over the Adriatic -a sea that even the coastal residents hesitate to sail
only once, he the landlubber despesed by sailing it a second time
Maroneia
OVN Staying Roman- Becoming Greek DRAFT VERSION 20-09-2009 18
“Resolution of the bouleutai and priests and the magistrates and the
Romans resident in the city and all other citizens”
This text shows how the roman residents - as the co sponsors of the
decree- were playing a major part in organising and regulating the
relations between the city and the emperor.
Moreover, the texts also shows how the mention of the Romans in the
series of decision making bodies contributed to a new representation of
local society- not as an isonomic community- but as a hierarchy of
status groups that were linked symbolically and effectively to the
imperial centre:
other examples of this practice (alo involving romans) are not difficult
to find: the text from Apamaiea in Phrygia that I mentioned earlier
(where the Romans took part in a pandemos ekklesia) was another. But
the most spectacular example of this practice is found in a long
inscription of Assos that I shall quote in full:18
IK 4.26
“In the consulship of Gnaeus Acerronius Proculus and Gaius Pontius
Petronius Nigrinus. The Assians on motion of the people.
Whereas the rule of Gaius Caesar Germanicus Augustus, hoped and
prayed for by all men, has been proclaimed and the world has found
unended joy and every city and every people has been eager for the
sight of the god since the happiest age for mankind has now begun, it
was decreed by the council and the Roman businessmen among us and
the people of Assos to appoint an embassy chosen from the foremost
18
IK 4. 26. Other texts that show the involvement of the Roman communities in such
declarations of loyalty, include a text of the year 3BC that records the oath of
loyalty sworn to Augustus by the inhabitants of Paphlagonia. The Romans from
Assos were clearly not exceptional.
OVN Staying Roman- Becoming Greek DRAFT VERSION 20-09-2009 19
IGR ??Gangra
19
IGR ?? cf Herrmann, Peter. 1968. Der römische Kaisereid. Untersuchungen zu
seiner Herkunft und Entwicklung. Hypomnemata; untersuchungen zur Antike und
zu ihrem Nachleben, Heft 20. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck u. Ruprecht.
OVN Staying Roman- Becoming Greek DRAFT VERSION 20-09-2009 20
and descendants all the time of my life in word and deed and thought ....
etc.
In the same words was this oatch sworn by all the inhabitants of the
land in the temples of Augustus throughout the districts of the
province, by the altars of Augustus. And likewise the Phazimomians
living in what is now called Neapolis swore the oath, all of them, in the
temple of Augustus by the altar of Augustus”
Again we see that the Romans took a prominent part in this highly
charged occasion.
It would appear then that the one of the functions of these associations
of Romans in the civic world of the Greek city was somehow to monitor
or channel the symbolic exchanges between the Greek cities and the
imperial center. It is not possible to establish whether in these cases the
Romans took the initiative, or whether they merely responded to local
demands or pressures, but that may be besides the point. One way or
another, the associations of Romans in Greek cities had an important
part to play as a exemplry trait d’union, as the political and cultural
brokers in a globalising Roman empire.
There is one final stage of this history that I have not discussed as yet:
how did it finish? When I started my research for this paper. I was
OVN Staying Roman- Becoming Greek DRAFT VERSION 20-09-2009 21
Bibliography
20
I argue this more fully in a forthcoming paper.
OVN Staying Roman- Becoming Greek DRAFT VERSION 20-09-2009 22
van Nijf, O. (1999). "Athletics, festivals and Greek identity in the Roman
East." Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 45: 175-
200.
van Nijf, O. M. (2006). Global players: Athletes and performers in the
Hellenistic and Roman World. Between Cult and Society. The
cosmopolitan centres of the ancient Mediterranean as setting for
activities of religious associations and religious communities
(Special Issue of Hephaistos,Kritische Zeitschrift zu Theorie und
Praxis der Arcäologie und angrenzender Gebiete). I. Nielsen.
Hamburg.
van Nijf, O. M. (2006). "‘Global players’: Griekse atleten, artiesten en de
‘oikoumene’ in de Romeinse keizertijd." Leidschrift.