Indian Anthropological Association

The Sacred Cow in India : A Reappraisal Author(s): Amar Nath Pal Source: Indian Anthropologist, Vol. 26, No. 2 (December, 1996), pp. 53-62 Published by: Indian Anthropological Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41919804 . Accessed: 21/01/2014 09:08
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Indian (1996) 26 : 2 , 53-62 Anthropologist

The

Sacred

Cow

in India

A Reappraisal

Amar Nath Pal

Introduction The doctrineof the sanctity of the cow is regardedas one of the The Hindusplace thecows dominant theHinduculture. symbols representing term on a level higher than other animalsand assigna glorified go-mata(cowbeef and consequently This prohibits theveryacts of cow-slaughter mother). debatedand widely eatingtoo. The Indian sacredcow has become a highly a number thescholars from acclaimed among topicthat getsimmense popularity etc. The various of disciplines, economics, sociology, namely, anthropology, as on theorigin of thisidea of "sacredcow" is debatable discourses byscholars thewaysinwhich the torecord itis stilla controversial issue.Thispaperintends the cow has been placed in the annalsof Indian history. It discussesbriefly about the originof thiscultural traitand seeks to theoretical controversies It concludeswithan attempt to providea possible their limitations. identify solution of thesacredcow dilemma. Historical background The historical recordsrevealampleevidencesof thecattlein Indian thebullsamongall animals Around 3000 B.C. intheIndusvalley, subcontinent. Vedic age2, were used forsacredpurposes(Basham, 1954). In thefollowing of Veda3 mention several The cattlewereof greater hymns Rig importance. the various of cattle. words to Throughout Vedic types distinguish specialized period,cattlewere a sourceof food and a measureof wealth(Brown,1964; was a popularcustom of Kosambi,1970). In thelaterpartof Vedic age, there a big ox to feeda distinguished (Prakash,1961). guestforhis honour killing his service withcattleforrendering Even thesacrificial priestwas rewarded of Anthropology, of Calcutta, AMAR NATH PAL,U.G.C.Fellow, University Department - 700019. Calcutta Circular Road, 35,Ballygunge

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THESACRED COW

ofcattle was notmerely an (Basham,1954).To theVedicpeopletheimportance roleinritual one. It hada significant Sacrifice was the economic performances. Cattlewerethechiefsacrificial cornerstone of the Vedic rituals. objectsand like etc. were offered their as oblation to the milk, oil), ghee (butter products Vedic deities (Brown 1964; Lodrick 1981). On the whole, the doctrine of 4 ahimsa or special sanctity on thecow was absentin theVedicliterature except in onlythebarest manner at its veryend whenit appeared (Brown1964). The to thedoctrine of ahimsa appearedfirst in the Chandogya textual reference marked the This was of theold Vedic by Upanishad5 disappearance period the favoured tradition. The centuries thedoctrine following Upanishadicage in Brahmanical circles. to the Brahmins were incharge mainly According Sutras, the the ofsacrificing animals. ofBuddhism During period preceding emergence and Jainism, animalkillings wererestricted to theextent of honouring guests andfor (Prakash, 1961). deity offerings in theseventh Withthe inception of Buddhism and Jainism century B.C. came the doctrine of ahimsa in its fullestmanner. Both the religious traditions sacrifice. Lord opposition posed a fundamental againstBrahmanical in had to animal sacrificewhereasJainism Buddha, particular, antipathy further theMaury on it.During a period, Asoka (304rigidity imposed emperor 232 B.C.) becameadherent to thedoctrine of ahimsaand madeBuddhism an in his own palace, imperialreligion.He set the example of vegetarianism of meatalmostto a vanishing theroyalhousehold'sconsumption curtailing A revival of followed with theriseofSunga (Kosambi 1970). point Brahmarism in From the third 185-72 B.C. B.C. the to fourth A.D., Dynasty centry century oftheconcept ofahimsawas notclearas theclassicaltexts therealposition viz. 7 8 and the the Bhagavata Gita Manusmriti Arthasastra remained 6, equivocal and ambivalent on thisissue (Brown,1964). Fromthethird A.D., the century ofbeefwas discouraged andfinally ittooktheshapeofa tabooby consumption theKrishna cultofVaishnavism9 which also started atthesametime (Lai 1967). Vaishnavism or theKrishna cultremained dormant forsome centuries. It was in the15th revived ofVaishnav and century bytheappearance poetsandsaints, also the translation of BhagwatPurana intoHindi. As the Krishnalegend maninIndia,Krishna's cow becamethecow-mother of appealedtothecommon Hindu (Lai 1967). every After theestablishment of theMuslimregime in India,someMuslim rulers towards thecows as reconciliation showed with theHindus (Parel respect 1969). They, ofstatesmanship, as a matter promulgated antislaughter legislation. Akbar Babar(1483-1530)hadissuedafarman cow slaughter. (1542forbidding the of the cow. 17th 1605) madeinjunctions against slaughter During century, thegreat Maratha rulet for Shivaji(1627-1680)usedcow symbolically political The protection ofcow gave himthepopular for hisopposition purpose. support

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Indian (1996)26 : 2 Anthropologist

55

theIndian totheMuslimrule.Cow was also usedas thepolitical symbol during set Gorakhshini Sabha Saraswati movement. nationalist (Cow up Dayananda as an important Protection Society) in 1882 and made "cow protection" Bal Gangadhar Tlakstarted the of Indiansolidarity. of his concept component and made thecow symbolan integral partof it. The political Shivaji festival of cow becamea rallying againstboththe symbol pointforHinduresistance Mahatma Gandhialso spoke arebeefeaters. andtheBritish sincethey Muslims But he itemwithin Hinduism. of cows as an inseparable manytimesin favour Gandhimostprobably thebeefeaterMuslims. never incited theHindusagainst Sabha. For him,thetermRaksha s Gorakhshini did not support Dayananda' he founded connotation. and aggressive anti-Muslim Instead, negative, implies to keepthe Go Seva Sangh(Cow ServiceSociety)in 1924.In doingso, he tried Gorakhshini Sabhas (Parel,1969). anti-Muslim theviolently Hindusawayfrom of India, Gandhi's vision came under the "Directive In the Constitution of the StatePolicy" (Article48). In 1952, theCentralCouncil of Principles was set up to fasten Councilof CattleImprovement) Gosamvardhana (Central of cattlebreeding Hindufeelings forthecow withmodern traditional concept in India's economy have led and care.The holinessof cow and its importance on theban ofcow slaughter. mostof thestatesin India to enactlegislation Theoretical Controversy existsamongthe scholars amountof disagreement A considerable of all theories of thesacredcow in India.A closerexamination overtheorigin of different One assumes fall under two these lines that thought. mainly suggests of cow as religiously a purelyclassical approachwhich sees the sanctity viewbyrelating itwith thetechnotakesan opposite whiletheother determined that ofclassicalapproach areofopinion factors. The proponents environmental from theactofahimsa.According is surplus and itresults thecattle population is in hrmony thepresent to techno-environmentalists, day cattlepopulation is not withnature; hencethepopulation size, through surplus. large, Classical Approach thesacredcow Brown(1964) refers theclassicaltexts, After analyzing a ofat He identifies constellation as beingprimarily inorigin. religious concept to theemergence in nature, as contributing leastfiveelements, mainly religious thefigurative These are - theroleof cattlein Vedicritual; of theseconcepts. and their literal use of wordsforthecow in the Vedic literature subsequent of the Brahmin's violations in the Vedas against prohibitions interpretation; themother Goddesscult;and theahimsa of thecow with cows; theassociation from and itgainedground utmost was of Of ahimsa importance concept. these, A.D. B.C. to 4thcentury aboutthe5thcentury

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THESACRED COW

Dandekar(1964, 1969a) assertsthatthe bullocksare essentialfor in India and cows are keptchiefly forproducing youngbullocksin ploughing and orderto maintain bullockstock.Considering theprevailing technology in agriculture, he arguesthatthepresent bullock institutional arrangements is verymuchneededwhiletheexistence of largenumber of cows population In terms of bullock-replacement, seems to be unjustified. he calculatesthat India had 43.50% surpluscows in 1961. This huge surplus resultsfrom the Hindusentiment to thecow. thesameprinciples ofDandekar, in Heston( 197 1), applying showsthat thestate Uttar adult bovine male of 72.5 of millions Pradesh, present population for as opposed wouldrequire itsmaintenance females only24 millions breeding to theactual54 millions. thesurplus is 30 millions. He finds female Therefore, of cow in districts Hindupopulation higher proportion havingpredominantly thandistricts dominated by Muslims. Similarresultsare obtainedwhenhe with ofEast Pakistan AssamandWestBengal,WestPunjaband parts compares and Gujarat. East Punjab,and Sind withRajasthan that theHindu He remarks of female does lead to unusually cattle. religion largeholdings thesurplus Misra (1973) observesthat bovinesin India datesback at to leasttothe19th areindeedsurplus atpresent bovines century. According him, He works as itwas before. outthe extent of surplus cow at 19.37% bytaking a of 2.4 His interval is to similar that of conclusion Dandekar, years. calving Hestonand others. Lodrick(1979) explores theimpact of religion on cattle in population urban situation, thus eliminatingthe agriculturalvariables. The two districts Hinduand other (one is predominantly Muslim) were neighbouring chosenfor thepurpose. His samplesshowthat theMuslims buffaloes, only keep notcows atall, whiletheHindus do favour cow overbuffalo a ratio ofalmost by 4 to 1. He opinesthatthepredominance of cow amongtheHindusappearsto reflect a religious for thecow,whereas theMuslim for the preference preference - thesuperiority buffalo is based on economic consideration ofthebuffalo as a milkanimalunderlocal conditions. Freedand Freed(1972; 1981), in explaining theinfluence of religion on thedemography of cattle, made a diachronic micro-level at a village study level.In the1950s,thevillageagriculture was totally on bullocks. In dependent were95 bullocks and47 cows in thevillage.Adopting theratio 1958-59,there of 1 cow to 3 bullocksfrom have found Heston(1971), they outthat about32 cows would have been sufficient theexisting stockof bullocks, to maintain ofabout15 cows or47% (FreedandFreed1972). From1958leavinga surplus 59 to 1977-78, themajortechno-environmental of changewas theintroduction tractor for As a result, thenumber ofbullocks hasreduced. agriculture operation. In 1977-78,therewere only 12 bullocksand 47 cows. In terms of bullock-

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Indian (1996)26 : 2 Anthropologist

57

of replacement, onlyabout4 cows wouldhavebeenrequired, leavinga surplus 43 cows. Not onlythecows appearto be surplus in boththeperiods, are they also uneconomic becausethecattle censusshowthat thebuffalo, notthecow,is theanimalofchoicefor theproduction ofmilk, gheeanddung.Thusthetechnoenvironmental function for thepresence ofmost ofthecows hasbeeneliminated and their existence is ascribedto thereligious veneration of cows (Freed and Freed,1981). Techno-EnvironmentalApproach Harris(1966) explainstheentire cattlecomplexof Indiain ecological He addressescattlemanagement terms. and policies as positivefunctioned of whichtheyare a part, probably adaptiveprocessof theecological system rather than theinfluence The sanctity ofHindutheology. ofcow,as heconsiders, to be an the It derives of Hindus. from identity appears ecological meaning in since India. It is a naive statement India a singleunified was never regularities rather itis a cultural NoniniandRobkin, (Diener, 1978). ecologicalentity, unity to Alland (1975), thisis an ancienttraitwhichdevelopedunder According different in the conditions from thosefound vastly ecologicalanddemographic present day. Harris makesan association between cattle andagro-economic complex inIndia.The cattle usedfor arechiefly traction, milk, system dungandhide,etc. In addition, cows givebirth tocalves andthus playa crucialroleinmaintaining bovinestock(Harris, is featured 1966).Indianagriculture byprivate ownership, smallholding a size and seasonalrainfall. is done within Ploughing veryshort of time which farmers take no risk of animals from period hiring draught during others. there but to a is no other number of cattle Therefore, (Bhatia way possess itleadstothegrowth 1963; Harris, 1966).As thelandsarefacing fragmentation, ofcattle which Butthis limit beyond population. process operates uptoa certain cost of cattlecompelsfarmers to give up theownership of highmaintenance animals Nair and this theoretical Harris, However, 1982). draught (Vaidyanathan, from others. formulation facesunrelenting toCrotty (1982), According pressures the statistical cattledemography and agriculture does not correlation between of landlesspeople. Azzi speak of thepossessionof cows by a largenumber that cow mayhavesomeeconomicimportance, butitdoes not (1974) remarks that thecattleare unaffected suggest byahimsa. ofcattle andstates, Harris further reasons outtheadaptiveness complex 'Men and bovinecattledo notcompeteforexistence'(Harris,1966). It is a falsified statement. also Because cropresiduesand other cropsused as fodder If thecattleareless,thelandput havealternative uses forhuman consumption. for human menand under fodder cultivation wouldbe diverted uses. Therefore, cattlealwaysdo compete forexistence (Dandekar,1969b;Heston,1971).

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theHindusnever Harris cows,becausepeopleget slaughter opinesthat are As the pastureand cattlefeed fromthosetill their(cattle)death. benefit ofhiswritings a largenumber ofcattle starvation. He, inmost limited, undergoes or neglect of cattleby that starvation (Harris,1966; 1974; 1977),demonstrates or unknowingness. It theHindusis a statewhicharisesoutof unconsciousness that the mode of starvation statement. evidences is a fallacious Empirical prove starve thosecattle that areless deliberate andtheHindus is entirely consciously or have lost usefulness (Sebring,1987). productive Raj (1969) establishes the age-sex compositionof the required demandof USA, a of consumption livestockpopulationforgiven pattern He then and of an India, country. underdeveloped compares developedcountry and there therequired with theobserved outthat is consumption pattern points nomarked differences between thetwoinboth USA andIndia.Later, Raj (1971) ofcow tobullock 0.33 orevenlowerinseveral also computes theratio is around Notall of thesedistricts have largeMuslim districts ofWestern Uttar Pradesh. thanin religion. and as a result, thecause lies elsewhere Following population that base and he concludes thecattle ofIndiahaveeconomic Harris, population sentiment does notoperate on itsdemography. religious Rao (1969) advances his view which is based on 'Cobb-Douglas ofmilch as he suggests, Production Function'. The actualnumber animals, may Dandekar(1970) opposes the use of not have exceeded thedesirednumber. shouldbe based correct formulation and arguesthat 'Cobb-DouglasFunction' on marginal is not free from Rao's estimation bias, because the productivity. are drawn the milk butalso from not from least only region producing samples rather than where buffaloes cows predominate (Misra,1978). Limitations The classical and techno-environmental theoriststhough have the of their scholastic views on basis advanced analysisof cattle demographic the stilltheapproaches have got certain limitations judgingfrom population, Theclassicaltheorists see thecow cultas oneoftheancient Hinduvaluesystem. traits and Jainism in the7thcentury that came withtheriseof Buddhism B.C. in the 3rd centuryA.D. The and laterpopularisedwiththe Vaishnavism of thisstatement is undoubtedly true,but it stillcasts doubton authenticity other areas.Thedoctrines ofBuddhism, Jainism andVaishnavism ahimsa preach towards all animalsnotspeciallycows. How and whythecows, notanyother thepeopleofthese cametobe a symbol in Hindutheology ? Eventoday animal, followvegetarianism the of their to dictum sects,though religions, according cows in all and as such cow is almost ceremonies worshiponly religious accordedspecial sanctity other amongthem.Do thecows have significance thanreligiousone ? These are the questionswhichdo not findadequate in classical theoretical model. expfanation

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Indian (1996)26 : 2 Anthropologist

59

The techno-environmental whileestablishing their standin theorists, this have also done some to the errors. debate, them, popular According present results from theadaptation to agro-ecological and daycattle population system is never under theinfluence ofreligion. theroleofreligion cannot Nevertheless, be completely riotsbetweenHindus and ignored.At the timeof communal indiscriminate of cows the latter was an attempt on to strike Muslims, killing by Hindu sentiment. The Hindu fundamentalists raised occasionally slogans in whichban on cow-slaughter In emulate took a significant order to position. a caste and have number of tribal lower caste Hindus, upper great people given theconceptof ahimsaimposesban on beef-eating Moreover, up beef-eating. which Hindusto takea very It is notunusual prohibits cheapsourceofprotein. to see in almostall citiesthat theMuslimproprietors of hotelsand restaurants locatedin areaswith mixedpopulation "No-Beef' written on hanga boardwith it to attract Hindusthere.All thesephenomena do notrule out theeffect of atleast in on the of cattle religion, part, management population. The techno-environmentalists further comment thatthe Hindus are or either sell the cattle to house starve themto death rational; they slaughter when lose their economic in that the This, turn, only they potentialities. implies Hindusdo notlove and respect their rather what do is cows, they just-being In reality, of statement. opposedto ahimsa.This is indeedan ironical majority theHindusdo notsell their the a of cows to house. section Only slaughter aged themdo it and neglectthemto deathdue theirpoor economicconditions. Milkmen in thecityof Calcuttaand other areasiiold-the-same suburban view. But their in a number of ways. In many love towards cows is stillreflected mourn houses. fortheir cattlewhichare sold out to slaughter occasions,they The eldest membersof such familiessometimesbecome nostalgicwhile to other members who associatedwith thosecattle narrating family pastevents listen in rural tothem with Even new born attention. area, babies, specially rapt aregiventhenamesoftheir havelost.Theseinstances belovedcows whom they show that theactionof Hindusin thiscontext is notalwaysan expression of their belief.Thereseemsto be a majortheoretical limitation of transformative theemicaspectcan notbe derived ruleinempirical analysis. Epistemologically, the etic of from culture. fully aspect Conclusion stated that thesanctity Whilereviewing thetopic,itcan be positively ofcow inIndiais nota recent Itsgenesisdatesbackat leastto the phenomenon. a religious 7thcentury B.C. Earlierattempts explainthecattlecomplexfrom credentials in ambit to getmodern of view.It emanates from itsreligious point the in Marvin Harris who theworks 1960slargely of explains problem through and the hiatus between the two increased Since then, ecological perspective. divided the entire of fact,is marked discussion,as a matter by two sharply theories. polarised

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The polemicsclustering around thesacredcow dilemma havealready reached its pinnacle withouthavinga single exposure to its solution.In theoretical parlance, both the analyticalmodels, thoughhave theirown are equally important. to each limitations, They are, in fact,complementary other and constitute twosides of a coin.The analytical of each one power gets momentum if it recognizesthe importance of the otherone. Moreover, the limitations of one theory are thesourceof explanation fortheother theory. In India,thesacredcow encompasses an intricate between relationship and It factors. would be unrealistic to trace which economic-ecological religious one precedes theother. must be viewed within the of framework feedback They An ecologically adaptivesocio-cultural relationship. phenomenon operates well ifitis protected On theother thepositively hand, byreligious prescription. functioned whenit is economically religious phenomenon performs smoothly viable and ecologicallyadaptive.In thiscontext, themostimportant issue is whether thefeedback mechanism is in balanceor not.With to the Indian regard cattle complex, the feedbackmechanismis not balanced as the overdue on theahimsa. results intoa largenumber of emaciated cattle which importance are indeeduneconomic and less adaptive too. Notes 1. This isbased ona paper submitted for "Research inSocial report Training Programme atCentre ForStudies inSocialSciences, Calcutta. (1988-89)" Anthropology 2. Theperiod extends from 3000B.C. to200 B.C. andis marked successive byfour - Samhita, - Aranyaka, - Vedanga. Brahmana andSutra In stages Upanishadic four collections oftext from the Samhita arereferred toas the four particular, period Samaveda and Athararvaveda, Vedas-Rigveda, Yajurveda. 3. Theearliest Vedathat contains a large number ofhymns, most ofwhich dealwith A few ofthem alsocontain socio-historical andphilosophical mythology. aspects. 4. TheIndian doctrine ofnon-violence ornon-injury toany oflife. form 5. Theearliest which isattached toSamaveda and isaligned with the Upanishad teaching ofpantheism. Itstext ishighly andsymbolic. allegorical 6. Concise form ofHindu the ofKrishnaism. philosophy containing gospel 7. Itdepicts ancient Indian codified social customs andpractices the fourth laws, upto A.D. century 8. Itis written and anaccount ofIndian customs and byKautilya gives society, practices between 1000B.C. to400B.C. 9. A monotheistic tradition that centres round the ofthe Visnu. Since religious worship the Vedic cult of Visnu modifications hasundergone incarnations age,the byseveral such as Rama, Krishna etc. Inits the most ones are Mahabharata literatures, important andBhagavata Purana.

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