Cohen Making Memories in A Medieval Miscellany

Making Memories in a Medieval Miscellany Author(s): ADAM S. COHEN Source: Gesta, Vol. 48, No.
2, Making Thoughts, Making Pictures, Making Memories: A SPECIAL ISSUE IN HONOR OF MARY J. CARRUTHERS (2009), pp. 135-152 Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of the International Center of Medieval Art Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/29764904 . Accessed: 02/09/2013 08:17
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Making Memories
ADAM S. COHEN University of Toronto
in aMedieval Miscellany
Abstract The manuscripts of the twelfth-century Regensburg-Pr?fen are no? and Saint George ing monasteries of Saint Emmeram table for the complex their schematic of iconography drawings.
as sites this essay these manuscripts departure, investigates on textual and visual mate? meditatio, for monastic cogitation rial to generate further contemplation. The case ofClm. 13002 is particulary instruc? (Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek) tive because it allows us to discern executed the Benedictine monks the process through which an entire gathering of pictures
TakingMary Carruthers' The Craft of Thought as a point of
were
an earlier dictionary-encyclopedia to complement miscellany. This process tells us as much about the ruminative activities of the monks as it does about the meaning which of the pictures, produced their mnemonic by means function to aid line drawings of schematic as "empty" locations for inventive
deliberation.
their ongoing reading, educational, and meditative activities. No scholar has done more to unravel the processes of monas? ticmemory, which Carruthers defines as a "matrix of a remi? niscing cogitation, shufflingand collating 'things' stored in a
random-access
In The Craft of Thought, as in her otherworks, Mary Car? ruthers revealed the medieval monks gener? multiple ways that ated and used mnemonic techniques as constituent elements in
twelfth-century miscellany manuscript and its immediate orbit thatprovides compelling evidence for the role of images in the monastic cogitation (collatio) just described and that serves, as itwere, as a meditation on The Craft of Thought itself. Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 13002 was produced in the thirdquarter of the twelfthcentury in theBene? dictine monastery of Saint George in Pr?fening, just outside Regensburg.2 The manuscript is best known for its image of themicrocosm (Fig. 1),which is the earliest extant figural rep?
architecture and a library built up during one's lifetimewith the express intention that itbe used inventively."1 In this essay, I offer as a tribute toMary an investigation of a fascinating
memory
scheme,
or set of schemes?a
memory
FIGURE
1. Glossarium
Salomonis, Munich, (photo: Bayerische
13002, fol. 7v, microcosm
Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Gm. Staatsbibliothek, by permission).
resentation of the ancient and medieval notion that, like the cosmos as a whole, each individual is made up of the four elements, fire, air, water, and earth, with each section of the body related to a specific part of the cosmos (the head, for example, is equated with the sky). The Pr?fening image has figured prominently in the work of such notable scholars as
Fritz Saxl, Bruno Reudenbach, and Marie-Therese d'Alverny, each of whom addressed the microcosm theme.3 meaning of the But while such scholarship can help us understand a general medieval concept about the relation between humans and the cosmos, itdoes thePr?fening picture itself a serious disservice in two fundamental ways. First, it removes the picture from its specific context, in particular, the individual manuscript of which it is a part.4 Second, it ignores an important principle
GESTA
48/2 ? The
International Center of Medieval
Art 2009
135
^ ?" 1^^^^^ ^^^^^^^ ^ ^^'^^^^y
FIGURE
2. Glossarium
Salomonis, Munich, Bayerische (photo: Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek, Clm. Staatsbibliothek).
FIGURE
3. Glossarium
Salomonis, Munich, Bayerische page (photo: Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek, Clm.
13002, fol. 2r, cauterization page
13002, fol. 3, anatomical
Staatsbibliothek).
a Glossarium Salomonis, it is in fact a miscellany with several parts. The Glossarium is the firsttext and, stretchingas itdoes from fols. 8v to 208v, is clearly theheart of thebook. Tradition? ally said to have been composed about 900 by Solomon, abbot of Saint Gall and bishop of Constance, theGlossarium com? prises two alphabetical glossaries and can best be described as a dictionary-encyclopedia, with a lengthyalphabetical listingof words and definitions.6The Glossarium is thenfollowed on fols. a much 209 to 218 by theHermeneumata Pseudodositheana, shorter text of Greek and Latin word lists; theHermeneumata has been called "a pedagogical dossier conceived in the context
for?'"5Although describing theprocess whereby mental images are generated by attentivemonastic literati in themanner pre? scribed by Augustine and Alcuin, Carruthers' question can be applied equally well to themicrocosm and to other pictures in Clm. 13002 as well as to similar monastic manuscripts. Although modern catalogues refer to thePr?fening book as
articulated by Carruthers: "The first question one should ask of such an image is not 'What does it mean?' but 'What is itgood
of the classroom and geared specifically for teaching fluency in spoken Latin."7 The manuscript closes with brief commentaries on Old and New Testament books on fols. 218v to 229.
Salomonis part of themanuscript (Fig. 9). Taken as a whole, thepictures in the first gathering appear to conform nicely to our expectations of thekinds of things that might be included in a school textmiscellany. In a sensitive
fol. 4v is an image of Jerusalem, with an excerpt of text from Bede's De locis sanctis (Fig. 6).12After a blank on fol. 5, fol. 5v contains, in the form of a great diploma, the Schatzverzeichnis list of its treasured holdings (Fig. 7).13 of themonastery?the On fol. 6 is a list of books belonging to themonastery (Fig. 8), while themicrocosm now appears as fol. 7v (7 is blank). The new gathering beginning on fol. 8 introduces theGlossarium
pages of illustration that show cauterization procedures (Fig. 2), drawn from ancient sources.9 These pictures lead into a series of five diagrams with text that represent the venal, arterial, skeletal, nervous, and muscular systems (Fig. 3), the so-called F?nfbilderserie, also based on ancient sources.10 Fols. 3v and 4 form a diptych with allegories of Vices on the left (Fig. 4) and Virtues on the right (Fig. 5).11 Immediately following on
Although the picture of themicrocosm is currently fol. 7v of the manuscript, itoriginally opened the first gathering of Clm. 13002, whose contents can be sketched in brief.8 After a blank page on what is now fol. 1 comes a series of 2 1/3
136
FIGURE
4. Glossarium Salomonis, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 13002, fol. 3v, Vices (photo: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek).
FIGURE
5. Glossarium Salomonis, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Gm. 13002, fol. 4, Virtues (photo: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek).
reading of the gathering, Elisabeth Klemm has outlined what she called the "learned," "encyclopedic" nature of the pic? The microcosm firstplaces the human body in relation tures.14 to the cosmos, and the following medicinal and anatomical diagrams focus on the "natural science" of the body. The Vir? tues and Vices serve as exemplars for the soul, and the repre? sentation of Jerusalem on the next page puts before themonk the goal towardwhich he is striving in perfecting his body and soul. Klemm's analysis certainly begins tomake sense of the suite of images inClm. 13002, but it does not go far enough in considering how the gathering relates to the texts that fol? low and above all to theprocess by which the book as a whole
to be made.
came
According to theopening preface of theGlossarium Salo? monis on fol. 8, the textual parts of themanuscript were com? pleted in 1158, at the direction of Abbot Erbo, by the librarian Wolfgang and the scribe Swicher, who recorded that the book was executed with relative speed.15The treasury liston fol. 5v, was not originally however, is dated 1165. The book, therefore, planned with the pictures inmind. Yet in or about 1165, some
FIGURE 6. Glossarium Salomonis, Munich, Bayerische (photo: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 13002, fol. 4v, Jerusalem Staatsbibliothek).
137
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FIGURE
7. Glossarium
Salomonis, Mwn/c/!, Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek,
Clm.
13002, fol. 5v, diploma
(photo: Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek,
by permission).
138
seven years after the 222 folios of textwere finished, the first gathering was executed and bound together with the earlier manuscript. Although one could imagine a scenario inwhich a short, independent fascicle of drawings in themonastery was united with another book,16 positing such a scenario fails to address the purpose forwhich the original suite of drawings was made and, even more significantly, why this gathering was joined with the earlier manuscript at all. Furthermore, the dimensions of themanuscript would seem to contradict such a scenario. Clm. 13002 is a relatively large (and ratherheavy) two book, measuring 53.5 by 36.5 cm (21 x 14 in.)?almost
theyappear in thisparticular sequence and with these particular texts.18 About seven years after the production of the text, then, something sparked the creation of these images to preface the book. The most obvious connection between the textual and visual parts of themanuscript comes from the very end of the Glossarium, which in the version found in Clm. 13002 ends with a short (and much abbreviated) list of parts of the body.19 I would propose that this list, in combination with the partly
Greek Hermeneumata?which must have seemed an ancient
feet tall.When flyleaves were added later, theywere stitched from four pieces of vellum. Presumably it took some trouble, and deliberation, tomatch the size of theparchment in the new opening gathering with thatof the preexisting texts. What, then,motivated both the creation of the drawings and their marriage to the textual part of the book? A closer look at both parts of thebook provides insights about the process by which the miscellany took the shape itdid. Although theGlos?
sarium Salomonis and theHermeneumata Pseudodositheana can be considered "pedagogical" works, broadly speaking, it is hard to imagine the 211 large-format folios of Clm. 13002 serving to teach fluency in spoken Latin; the texts contain fairly luxurious initials and, more important, are remarkably free of
The Glossarium and Hermeneumata, therefore, are not
glosses.
to be read or used for instruction but to serve as an extensive compendium, a storehouse of information to be consulted and to stimulate ideas. Their tabular columns and colored frames serve, as Carruthers has demonstrated cogently about other
to structure and locate the material, to turn it into a
works, monis
mnemonic agent (Fig. 9).17What unites theGlossarium Salo?

and Hermeneumata Pseudodositheana is not their func?
though, theprocess by which thepictures of Clm. 13002 were created reveals something of the core monastic mental practice in the twelfthcentury and so allows for a new appreciation of the pictures' function, if notmeaning, within thatpractice. As the new opening to the book, the microcosm image functioned as thedispositio, the foundation for and summary of what was to follow (Fig. 1). No less than literarypictures, that is, textual descriptions that served as orientingmaps,20 a visible picture inscribed on thebook's opening page situated the reader and communicated the nature of what was to follow. Although based on ancient, non-Christian ideas, this representation of themicrocosm is explicated by tituli drawn, sometimes ver?
text?stimulated amonk inPr?fening to ponder the microcosm, the nature of thebody, and to explicate it in a visual format.To do so, he turned to various pictorial models (a process analo? gous to that of Swicher, who seven years earlier generated the book using textualmodels) to create an original sequence of images. This hypothesis of the anatomical list as the specific spark for the pictures added toClm. 13002 may not be accu? rate. It is also possible that an independent engagement with, for example, a cauterization treatise led the Pr?fening monk to seek out theGlossarium volume in the library. In either case,
with which to learn to think and speak. What is particularly notable is thatmany of thewords are Greek (though written in Latin characters), which surely made the collection stand out. The biblical commentaries at the end would then have been generated as an example of thekinds of products expected by users of the dictionary-encyclopedia; the numerous glosses within the commentaries underscore the cogitative activity con? nected with thispart of the book. There is very little within the extensive lists of theGlossa?
rium, Hermeneumata, or the short commentaries that automati?
tion per se but their type?lists of words, many unusual, to be monastic audience. The diverse pieces of cogitated on by their the book are thus a product of the process of rhetorical ductus described by Carruthers as the structure ofmonastic meditation. The decision to create a copy of the Glossarium for Pr?fen? ing, Iwould suggest,was to provide the raw material formore complex intellectualwork. The Hermeneumata was copied next because, like theGlossarium, it is a compendium ofmaterials
batim, from the Elucidarium of Honorius Augustodunensis, the prolific theologian active in southernGermany in the first half of the twelfthcentury.21 These phrases are not themselves Christian in but theirsource in nature, Honorius, which patently the Pr?fening monk certainly knew (several Honorius manu? scripts survive from themonastery of Saint George), ensures
that the microcosm was cast at the outset as an
deliciarum of Herrad of Hohenbourg, compiled about 1165, where the depiction falls at the beginning of the compendium after thedays of Creation, among celestial diagrams, and before the forming of Adam and Eve (Fig. 10).23
The microcosm
an orthodox Christian worldview.22 A similar use of themicro? cosm can be found in the contemporary image in theHortus
expression
of
cally would have generated the "encyclopedic" suite of images in the added first gathering. It is important to recall, moreover, thatwhile these images may be related iconographically in some respects to others, only in this miscellany, Clm. 13002, do
penetrate beneath the flesh of themicrocosm (Figs. 2 and 3). The cauterization texts go back to a fifth-century work by Cae liusAurelianus, while the anatomical material ultimately owes its conception toGalen.24 In both cases, modern scholars have presumed Late Antique models for the images thataccompany
nection between human beings and the cosmos. The Pr?fen? ing monk followed this grand statement with more detailed deliberations, beginning with the pictures of cauterization and the anatomical systems, which fleshout or, to be more precise,
image
communicates
the essential
con?
139
FIGURE
8. Glossarium Salomonis, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 13002, fol. 6, list of books (photo: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek).
FIGURE
9. Glossarium
Salomonis, Munich, Bayerische
13002, fol. 8v, beginning of Glossarium
(photo: Bayerische
FIGURE
(destroyed), fol. 16v, microcosm ciarum, 2:30, pi. 9).
10. Hortus deliciarum, Strasbourg, former Bibliotheque de la Ville (drawing after R. Green et al, Hortus Deli?
FIGURE thek,Clm.
11. De
laudibus sanctae crucis, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbiblio? 14159, fol. 5, Crucifixion with Virtue and Vice (photo: Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek).
140
these texts, though the pictures inClm. 13002 are in fact the earliest known.Whether thePr?fening artistwas creating these pictures himself or, as ismore likely,had one ormore pictorial models available to him,25 it is important to recognize that in either case the inclusion of themedical and anatomical mate? rial represented a deliberate selection on the monk's part. These pictures and textsare logically, though uniquely, combined with Hortus deli thepreceding microcosm; the comparison with the ciarum demonstrates that other combinations, other choices,
possible.
above theVirtues, "The follower of reason is such that its life is bountiful with good; the sober mind weighs these carefully and aims toward this."33The use of the ablative plural "his" on fol. 4 can only refer to thepictures themselves: "from these [myemphasis] examples" of good and evil depicted pictorially and textually below can one discern how to steer away from sin and toward spiritual perfection. Appearing as they do after the
microcosm, medical, and anatomical
were
Scholars have pointed out that the cauterization and ana? tomical texts inClm. 13002 are inparts defective, and in other instances the pictures do not correspond precisely with them.26 It is hard to determine whether the Pr?fening monastic artist was simply copying some already defective model(s) faithfully or the extent to which he understood what was being writ? ten and drawn. I would suggest that in any event, what Clm. 13002 reveals is not so much an "encyclopedic" desire to fixfor posterity some scientific heritage but the demonstration of the meditational process itself and the creation of a site for further such activity. As Carruthers has said about pictures similar to
these scientific
viewer,"27 It is precisely this "movement" that is both recorded in and stimulated by Clm. 13002. The prospective mental pas? sage from thought to thoughtdescribed by Carruthers is driven physically in this case by turning the pages of the book itself, with itsoffering of one picture after another in a sequence that was itself the product of a particular monk's thought process. We can trace the development of themental chain28 of
ing of diagrams as the static and abstracted forms of already rationalized subject-matter, that it is difficult for us even to think of a 'picture' as requiring movement on the part of the
diagrams,
"We
are now
so accustomed
to think?
ond and very last scene, perhaps because thePr?fening monk had read Alcuin's De animae ratione, with its description of a mental imagining of Jerusalem,35 or perhaps for some other reason altogether. It is important to underscore thatwhat is depicted here is not theHeavenly Jerusalem,which might have made a more fitting end if the aim were to illustrate the theo? logical "goal" of the pictorial sequence. Rather, it is a visual?
tues pictures created by the Pr?fening monk were specifically part of a broader, innovative contemplation about the cosmic, internal, and spiritual nature of human beings. The following page contains a depiction of Jerusalem, which can be seen as a fitting finale to a sequence that tele? scopes the universe to the spiritual perfection of an individual monk (Fig. 6). But as logical as this depiction is, there is no was in any way inevitable. There were other reason to think it as demonstrated possibilities, by a contemporaneous Regens? in which the Virtues and Vices were linked burg manuscript, was in instead with theCrucifixion (Fig. II).34 But Jerusalem it on David because the of of Clm. 13002, perhaps King images the preceding Virtues page, where he appears in both the sec?
pages,
the Vices
and Vir?
sufferingpatience" {longanimitas), which is captioned by the As a whole, this opening marks end of Psalm 74, verse 11.30 the transition from the physical body to its spiritual comple? ment, as Klemm discerned, but once more it is possible to chart the creative process. Unlike the previous pages, which surely involved the use of some kind of model(s), these pages are de novo compositions,31 as the tituli above the frames of the bifo lium strongly imply. On fol. 3v above theVices, one reads,
associations by following themicrocosm through themedical and anatomical texts and pictures to thediptych of the allegori? cal Vices and Virtues on fols. 3v and 4 (Figs. 4 and 5). Each page is separated into six individual scenes; each one represents a particular Vice (on the left) orVirtue (on the right) illustrated by a biblical scene and an appropriate biblical verse.29The fac? ing pages form a carefully constructedmirror, both visually and textually. In themiddle leftof fol. 3v, for example, is "appe? tite for honor" (honoris appetentia) illustrated by the Hang? ing of Haman, captioned with the beginning of verse 11 from Psalm 74. On fol. 4, themiddle right also has a scene from the book of Esther, theTriumph ofMordechai, to represent "long
ization of the accompanying text, the beginning of Bede's De locis sanciis. In this relatively short passage beginning "De situ urbis Yerusalem," Bede, basing his text directly on the report of Adomnan, provides a topographical description of the city, in particular its towers, all of which are depicted and labeled crete location, complete with tourguide, meant to stimulate the
It is thus a perfect example of a "memory site," a con?
here.36
meditative
Nor is Jerusalem the last image in the series, which ends insteadwith thediploma listing the holdings of the monastery's treasury (Fig. 7). This constitutes a differentkind of memory, namely, the commemoration of the institution and its constitu?
ent
process.
noticeable is the yellow color framing the diploma, a contrast to the preceding outline drawings that,by suggesting a heav? enly golden realm, metonymically conveys the richness of the treasuryholdings and situates thedocument, and thus themon? astery of Saint George as a whole, in a cosmic setting. It is Christ himself who holds the document with both hands, aided by the founder, Bishop Otto (on Christ's right!), the patron, St. George, and two angels, who point below toAbbots Erbo and Eberhard, who also support the diploma. The top-to-bot? tom hierarchy ends with five nameless monks representing the community in the present, forwhom the spiritual elite of the monastery is fixed in perpetuity. Similarly, the actual list of treasury holdings simultaneously encapsulates the history of
parts?material,
spiritual,
and
human.
What
is immediately
"The lotof an animal is such that its life is full of sin; from these one can know how the mind should be guarded,"32 and on fol. 4
141
the institution through its accumulation of spiritual objects, records its current state in 1165, when the diploma was made, and crystallizes that information for the future.37 By situating the diploma at precisely this location in the book's gathering, the Pr?fening monk communicated several essential points. Most important, as the pictorial culmination of a series thatbegan with themicrocosm and the idea of indi? vidual spiritual perfection, the page indicates that such per? fection can be achieved only within a monastic, institutional microcosm encompasses not just the individual but setting; the the community as well. As a link in the pictorial chain thatpre? cedes it, thediploma also can be understood as both the product of and stimulus formonastic cogitation; like the Glossarium Salomonis that follows two pages later, the diploma, which is rial for collatio, themental process so central to themonastic enterprise. Although collatio generally refers to the gathering of and meditating on texts, ideas, and sometimes pictures, the term is also rooted in some of the communal activities of the monastery?-the meal at which themonks heard readings or
really no more than a long list of items, serves as raw mate?
method of collating and structuring raw elements into a new whole. Whether or not the particulars ofmy reconstruction of that original thought process are accurate, it seems clear that Clm. 13002 was a book produced through such ductus. Once created, the compilation would have functioned not to delimit knowledge within the confines of the book but to stimulate further meditatio in theminds of the Pr?fening monks using it Evidence that this did indeed happen can be determined from one instance of the later reception of Clm. 13002. In 1241 a monk named Conrad from themonastery of Scheyern copied the Pr?fening manuscript almost in its entirety (now Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 17403).41 The body of the text is theGlossarium Salomonis, followed by thebiblical com?
for that purpose.
ment of Pr?fening's heavenly forces, the catalogue stands for the corporate knowledge of themonastery. It is a graphic sign of learning, the collective depository of raw materials that are thebasis ofmonastic cogitation. Although itsvisual impact can? not compare with thatof the diploma, the catalogue structures its contents within columns, as the following Glossarium text does, and it is thusa fitting intermediary thatemphasizes books as the bridge between the suite of images and the dictionary encyclopedia towhich the gathering was attached. As a whole, then, the quire of illuminations inserted at the frontof Clm. 13002 participates as an extension, or expression, of the book's "encyclopedic" nature.With their emphasis on themicrocosm and the body, thepictures distill from a greater body of knowledge information pertinent to understanding the cosmos and microcosmic man;39 with the turn to theVices and Virtues, Jerusalem, and themonastery of Saint George, they subsume that informationwithin the totalizing spiritual system of Benedictine monasticism.40 Yet the pictures inClm. 13002 reveal at least as much about how and why theywere gener?
ated as about what
the instruction in themonastery school.38 The inclusion of the diploma at the end of the gathering, therefore,suggests that this kind of intellectual activity is inpart a communal endeavor, and thatone of theproper goals of such mediiatio is themonastery itself. In short, theentire cogitative act represented by the series of pictures attached to theGlossarium Salomonis is, including the diploma page, embedded within the communal life of the Benedictine house of Saint George in Pr?fening. There isone final link in this chain?the monastery's library catalogue on fol. 6. If the diploma page represents the embodi?
Hermeneumata Pseudodositheana has fallen mentaries, but the out. Instead, the book contains other texts that are not inClm. 13002: parts of a herbal and a medicinal glossary with itsown supplementary texts.The original compendium of information thus generated a new version with slightly different informa? tion,material related as much by type as by content. This is apparent in theprefatory material as well, which for most part replicates the additional gathering of Clm. 13002: the
microcosm, cauterization and anatomical
mental process at work, since the Scheyern compiler gathered from similar manuscript contexts schematic items relevant to material he had before him inClm. 13002. Though all these the new pieces on the opening folio work together to express the harmony of the cosmos, two items aremost patently connected to the microcosm thatfollows on fol. 2. The Sphere ofApuleius was a divination chart, whereby numbers corresponding to a patient's name were added to the day of themoon on which he or she fell sick to determine whether the patient would live or die.42 Unlike the chart of the elements at the bottom of fol. 1v, which is also related to themicrocosm, the sphere was both theoretical and practical. As such, the sphere is conceptually linked to theherbal material added at the end of the manuscript. The position of the microcosm in the Scheyern manuscript confirms its original place at the head of the series in Clm.
and Virtues, and Jerusalem. Here, though, the series begins not with the image of themicrocosm but with an assortment of schematic diagrams familiar frommany medieval encyclo? pedic-miscellany works: the so-called Sphere of Apuleius, the labyrinth; a wind chart; T-map; and the four elements (Fig. 12). This new combination of elements once more reveals the
diagrams,
the Vices
is principally a function of themonastic meditative process. The different elements of the book were derived, in practical terms,from various textual and pictorial models, but conceptu? monastic ductus, the ally thisunique combination resulted from
they
"mean"?that
their meaning,
in fact,
13002 (Fig. 13).43At this point, the Scheyern artist, perhaps the scribe Conrad himself, began tomake adjustments to the pictures. He first stretched out the cauterization pictures from 2 1/3 folios to 3 1/3,which made more room for each scene but then forced theVices and Virtues pages onto the frontand Jeru? back of the same leaf (fol. 6), breaking theirvisual unity.44 salem then followed, as inClm. 13002, but the verso of that leaf has representations related tomusic (Fig. 14).45The top zone is devoted to church music, with an organist, and Gregory the Great with a monocfiord. The middle represents the Old
142
[Fol. 7 was originally before fol. 1]
Clm 13002: CurrentQuire 1
[Fol. 5 was originally between fols. 6 & 7]
Clm 17403: CurrentQuire 1
FIGURE
13. Diagram
of quire 1, Clm. 13002 and 17403
(drawing by John T.McQuillen).
with Testament, with David andMiriam. The sequence ends first personifications of musica mundana flanked by musica instru mentalis and musica humana, and thenwith three proponents ofmusical theory, Pythagoras, Boethius, and Guido ofArezzo. Renate Kroos and Elisabeth Klemm have suggested that thismusical page was also copied from Clm. 13002 (which subsequently lost the image), butmy own codicological analy? sis indicates otherwise.46 Just as in 1165, when the illuminator of Clm. 13002 created new images of theVices and Virtues tomake an exegetical point about the interrelationship of the physical body and its spiritual components, so too did Conrad in his copy extend the deliberations about the constituent parts of the universe to include these new musical representations.47 At the same time, Clm. 17403 dispensed with the Pr?fening diploma, which obviously held little or no meaning to Schey? ern,while adding a monumental figure ofMary surrounded by inscriptions of rhapsodic hymnal praise (Fig. 15).48The repre? sentation ofMary, to whom themonastery was dedicated, is thus a logical addition thatembeds the book within the Schey?
ern establishment.49
scripts embodies the performative act of monastic meditatio; microcosm is, therefore, beginning the series of images with the a logical expression of how this activity and each individual monk are enmeshed within the divine order of the cosmos.
twelfth-and thirteenth-century Bavarian monasteries inwhich these two books were made, what was meaningful was the very process of finding, pondering, copying, and manipulating raw materials (what we reductively call textual or pictorial "mod? els") to create new versions. The compilation of these manu?
Placing Clm. 13002 and Clm. 17403 side by side allows us to determine the extent to which one copied and deviated from theother; such comparisons are staples in manuscript stud? ies and are importantfor assessing the relation of one book to another and the decision-making process involved in the cre? ation of the copy. But more than that, it is importantto recognize that the changes in the twomanuscripts, both large and small, indicate clearly how rawmaterials could be supplemented and adjusted from one manuscript to the next. In the context of the
FIGURE Clm. Bayerische
12. Glossarium
17403, fol.
Salomonis, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, 1, labyrinth, wind chart, T-map, and four elements (photo:
Staatsbibliothek).
In Clm. 13002 and Clm. 17403, the very act of turn? ing the pages would have contributed to the building process throughwhich monks enacted mental invention. Individually, each book functioned as an exercise of and example for rhe? torical deliberation. But such books did not stand alone. Just as a monk would be encouraged tomake connections among
143
-_:.:
FIGURE
14. Glossarium
Salomonis, Munich, Bayerische
FIGURE Clm.
15. Glossarium
Salomonis,
Munich,
Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek,
17403, fol. 5v, representations of music
(photo: Bayerische
17403, fol. 7,Mary
(photo: Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek).
most directly to similar Creation pictures in theAdmont and Michaelbeuren Bibles from Salzburg,52 but in these Bibles the pictures are limited to a single page. Their expansiveness in the meditational Ambrose manuscript is unusual until we recall the context inwhich this book was used and, as themicrocosm in Clm. 13002 indicates, the attention paid inRegensburg to the
cosmos and its elements.
the components of a single book, so too would he (or she, for thatmatter) naturally make mental or visual connections to other texts and other books.50 Clm. 13002, for example, is sty? listically and conceptually linked closely to a manuscript of Hexameron (Munich, Bayerische Ambrose texts, including the Within this commentary on the Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 14399).51 is of each Creation, Days day prefaced by an unusual full-page drawing (Fig. 16). Iconographically, these pictures are related
quaternity (Fig. 17). This image, composed within a large cir? cular medallion, correlates various fours: the rivers of paradise, the evangelists, the cardinal virtues, and, most significant in relation to themicrocosm, the letters of Adam's name cor? responding to the four directions, Anatole, Disis, Arctos, and Mesembria.54 In a smaller medallion above, Christ, the new Adam, sits on the arc of the heavens, and his outspread hands may be another indication of how he encompasses the cosmos. A visual blending of Adam and Christ is evident in another Pr?fening manuscript, a copy of Isidore of Seville's Etymolo giae inwhich the consanguinity table is held by a figurewho is identified as Adam but depicted as Christ (Fig. 18).55The out? stretched hands of Christ circumscribing all time and Creation is a topos familiar frommedieval mappaemundi56 and under? pins another picture in Clm. 14159 even more clearly (Fig.
The pictorial exegetic strand leads toMunich, Bayer? ische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 14159, an anonymous treatise on the cross executed about 1170 that inmany ways is themost complex manuscript from twelfth-century Regensburg.53 The book as a whole has no known parallels. It contains a lengthy typological cycle (approximately forty-four scenes) and vari? ous schematic drawings, including theMystic Paradise as a
19). In this case, Christ's head (identified by the cross-nimbed halo), hands, and feet (identified by the stigmata) appear at the terminalpoints of the cross to indicate that the cross is a vehicle forChrist's dominion over theworld.57 What I call theVisionary Cross in Clm. 14159 conveys the spatial dimension through the cross and a temporal one through the inclusion of Old and New Testament generations
144
16. Ambrose, Hexameron, Munich, Bayerische FIGURE Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 14399, foi 21 v, Separation of theFirmament and Waters, Second Day of Creation (photo: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek).
FIGURE Clm.
17. De
laudibus sanctae crucis, Munich,
Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek,
14159, fol. 5v, Mystic Paradise
(photo: Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek).
in themedallions situated in the vegetal shoots of the cross. A titulus at the bottom of the page makes themeaning of the picture patently clear: "The image here shows that all the holy ones from the beginning of theworld until His Coming have been supported by theirbelief in the cross of Christ, and they partially saw theCrucified One by means of images. That is why Christ's face, hands, and feet are shown."58 The key word, repeated twice, isfigura', the page claims that throughfigu
rae?images?one can attain a vision of, and connection to,
instructional signpost forhow the entire page should be viewed: "The life of the good meditates on, or practices, the paradig? matic form of the cross."61 Hinging on the double meaning of meditatur, the inscription could not be more direct. Good peo? ple?the monastic viewers?meditate on the form of the cross, presented on thepage before them, and practice or pattern their behavior on the cross' paradigmatic schema.62 Despite the similar function these two images proclaim for themselves (and by extension for the others in their respective manuscripts), one significant difference distinguishes the Sym?
Regensburg itself, the Symbolic Crucifixion page of theUta Codex, produced in Saint Emmeram about 1025, made a simi? lar claim about the function of images (Fig. 20). One titulus is situated outside the compositional field and thus serves as an
of monastic contemplation.59 The example she adduced is the cross-carpet page of theLindisfarne Gospels, but the illustra? tion and inscription inClm. 14159 make the process explicit.60 Using pictures as a springboard formonastic meditation was not, of course, solely a twelfth-centuryphenomenon. In
whether one is an Old Testament notable or a Christ. This is true Bavarian monk. Carruthers has called attention twelfth-century to Prudentius' use of the term figura mystica to describe sites for "reading into," openings to stimulate the associative chains
bolic Crucifixion of theUta Codex from theVisionary Cross of Clm. 14159. Like virtually all the pictures in the twelfth century Regensburg-Pr?fening manuscripts, the Visionary Cross is a line drawing rather than a full-colored image. As the Uta Codex shows, a monastery's artistic products need not be materials, but a shiftclearly occurred between impoverished in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The predilection for line drawing is not the result of a twelfth-centurystylistic aesthetic in the abstract but,more likely, a conscious and suitable choice
tomake the form of the Pr?fening images follow their func? tion as memory machines. Carruthers has described the repre? sentations of theHeavenly Jerusalem in the illustrated Beatus
145
rpaularuti ptt>j?\^
jimoif itfq;
ft /
kftoir-ramw
tit Mm inn 1
?7..
xtftn- xd septum acne / -ua conftmna rs *r fd\ imindi ggnienrao
V*\ fmmu? Yen

fttrmi"
/'/
:1Ti
- -j ?* -
FIGURE
18. Isidore of Seville, Etymologiae, Munich, Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 13031,fol.
102v, consanguinity
table (photo: Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek).
146
FIGURE
19. De
laudibus sanctae crucis, Munich,
Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek,
Clm.
14159, fol 8v, Visionary Cross
(photo: Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek).
147
FIGURE
20.
f/toCodex, Munich,
Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek, fol. 3v, Symbolic Crucifixion
(photo: Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek).
148
manuscripts as "empty" locations, sites for inventive gathering or collatio, and she has commented on the grisaille windows of Cistercian monasteries as devices suitable for stimulating the "clean" monastic memories advocated by Bernard of Clair vaux.63The line drawings of thePr?fening manuscripts operate in precisely the same way. They are simplified compositions meant to act as "empty" locations fromwhich, and intowhich,
the monks could generate their own visual and mental associa?
The Pr?fening pictures also conform beautifully toAugus? tine's description ofmemory in the Confessions, which
also contains schematic devices of numbers and mea?
surements, and innumerable principles, which no physi? cal sense has impressed onto it, for theyare not colored [my emphasis] nor do they sound nor smell nor are they
tasted by or touched. as ... I have seen artisans fine as a spider's filament. lines measuring . . .68 used
tive projections. Medieval artists were certainly sensitive to the formal qualities of art formaking theological points. Herbert Kessler has demonstrated how the absence or presence of color and figurationwas used as an argument by Byzantine Iconophiles
to distinguish between the shadow of the Old Testament and its fulfillment inChrist.64 In the eleventh century,Canterbury and Regensburg artists used color to indicate the higher onto logical status of a holy figure: in theEadui Psalter, Benedict is in full color while themonks of Christ Church are executed in line drawings, and a similar distinction ismade in a contempo? rary Saint Emmeram manuscript depicting St. Emmeram and
the monk Hartwic.65 In thirteenth-century Scheyern, a similar
Images like those inClm. 13002, with their clarity, order, and lack of color, were organizing structures to stimulate and nurture monastic meditatio. In The Craft of Thought,Mary Car ruthersrichly explored what she called "'literary pictures,' orga? nizations of images that are designed to strike the eye of the mind forcefully, and to initiate or punctuate a reader's 'prog? ress' through a text, in theway thatparticular images (or parts
structure the 'way' of one's eye through a picture."69 of images)
distinction might well be at play in the juxtaposition of the full colored image ofMary that ends the series of preceding line drawings.66 In twelfth-century Regensburg, artists rejected the use of color in favor of line drawings to provide the best com? memory work. They are essentially "empty"; they positions for do not overwhelm the eye with too much detail, and they do not promote spiritual "laziness" by providing completed, that is, fully painted pictures thatwould reduce a monk's ability to
generate his own mental images.67
Arts or Hugh of St. Victor's compositions.70 But theyhave the advantage of allowing us to hold and examine them and to con? sider how they functioned as tangible, or perhaps semitangible, monastic memory machines. As such, they provide important insight into the actual ruminative process of medieval monks and the important role of images in that spiritual endeavor.
I have attempted to extend this consideration by examining not "literarypictures," but some of theactual images that the twelfth century Benedictine monks of Pr?fening-Regensburg inserted into their books. These schematic pictures have not received the same kind of attention as some of themore famous liter? ary pictures, such as Theodulph's poem on the Seven Liberal
NOTES
* I am grateful first to Mary Carruthers, who was instrumental in involv? ingme in the original conference at theUniversity of Illinois and whose bayerischen Staatsbibliothek, Teil I: Die Bist?mer Regensburg, Passau und Salzburg, Katalog der illuminierten Handschriften der bayerischen in M?nchen 3, 2 vols. (Wiesbaden, 1980), 1:60-64 and 2: figs. 150-64; and A. Boeckler, Die Regensburg-Pr?feninger Buch? malerei des 12. und 13. Jahrhunderts, Miniaturen aus Handschriften der in ed. G. Leidinger, vol. 8 (Mu? M?nchen, Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek Staatsbibliothek
work has stimulated my thinking about the Regensburg miscellanies. Anne D. Hedeman has been a sage counselor and editor, and I thank her profoundly for her efforts at the conference and during the publica? tion process; the essay has also been improved by comments from Clark I have benefited as well from the remarks of the conference par? Maines. ticipants, especially those of Herbert Kessler, even if the essay here does not reflect them as much as it should. As always, Linda Safran has been
this essay, including the purchase of necessary photographic images. 1. M. J. Carruthers, The Craft of Thought: Meditation, Rhetoric, and the Making 2. 1998), 4. of Images, 400-1200 (Cambridge, On thismanuscript, see E. Klemm, "Die Regensburger Buchmalerei des
an invaluable critic and reader. A generous grant from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada supported the research for
nich, 1924), 20-29, 91-94. Clm. 13002 was also included in the recent of Art, Pen important exhibition New York, The Metropolitan Museum and Parchment: Drawing in theMiddle Ages (New York, 2009), by M. Holcomb, 91-93, where the manuscript is characterized as "the single best document of themonastery' s activities, interests, and holdings during the century inwhich itwas founded."
3,
12. Jahrhunderts,'1 inRegensburger Buchmalerei: Vonfr?hkarolingischer Zeit bis zum Ausgang des Mittelalters, ed. K. Dachs and F. M?therich (Munich, 1987), 40-42, 50; eadem, Die romanischen Handschriften der
the most important works to cite are E Saxl, "Macrocosm and Among in Microcosm Mediaeval Pictures," in Lectures, 2 vols. (London, 1957), "'In Mensuram 1:58-72 and 2: pis. 34-42; B. Reudenbach, Humani
und Illustration von Vitruv III Corporis': Zur Herkunft der Auslegung im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert," in Text und Bild: Aspekte des Zusammen? wirkens zweier K?nste in Mittelalter undfr?her Neuzeit, ed. C. Meier and
149
U. Ruberg (Wiesbaden, 1980), 651-88; and M.-T. d'Alverny, "L'homme comme symbole: Le microcosme," inSimboli e Simbologia neil'Alto Me Medioevo, dioevo, 2 vols., Settimane de Studio del Centro Italiano di Studie sulP Alto 23 (Spoleto, 1976), 1:123-83 (repr. in eadem, Etudes sur le [Aldershot, 1993], IX). symbolisme de la Sagesse et sur Viconographie imBild, z.B. die See also K. Clausberg, "Mittelalterliche Weltanschauung der Hildegard von Bingen, oder: Mikrokosmos-Makrokosmos 'Reconsidered' und Bildwerk und auf den neuesten im Hochmittelalter: (Ver-)Stand gebracht," inBauwerk Anschauliche Beitr?ge zur Kultur- und
further literature. The manuscript has been considered emplary essay by E. Sears, "The Afterlife of Scribes: in the Pr?fening Colophons 16. Isidore," in Pen inHand: Medieval and Tools, ed. M. Gullick (Walkern, Herts.,
recently in an ex? Swicher's Prayer Scribal Portraits, 2006), 75-96.
Visionen
Boeckler, Die Regensburg-Pr?feninger Buchmalerei, began his exami? nation of Clm. 13002 with a consideration of the dating problem and concluded
ed. Clausberg Sozialgeschichte, ing picture has been juxtaposed
(Glessen, 1981), 237-58. The Pr?fen? to earlier medieval rota diagrams from Isidore of Seville's De natura re rum, to a late-twelfth-century image from
that the two parts of the book were not the result of one long but in fact two wholly separate parts. Nonetheless, he did not campaign address why the two parts were joined altogether. A Study ofMemory in Medieval
17. M.
J.Carruthers, The Book ofMemory: Culture (Cambridge, 1990), 248-57.
Hildegard of Bingen's Liber divinorum operum, and especially to Leo? nardo da Vinci's famous depiction of theVitruvian man. See, finally, the Miniature, stimulating work by S. Stewart, On Longing: Narratives of the theGigantic, the Souvenir, the Collection (Durham, NC, 1993). 4. In the pithy formulation of Carruthers, The Craft of Thought, 223: "Each work is a composition articulated within particular rhetorical situations of particular communities." For a welcome call to investigate the organiza? see S. Nichols and S. Wenzel, tional principles of individual miscellanies, Medieval Miscellany eds., The Whole Book: Cultural Perspectives on the (Ann Arbor, 5. 6. 1996). 118.
18.
The one exception is a copy of Clm. 13002, discussed below. The case in general, is a salutary reminder of the of Clm. 13002, and miscellanies uniqueness of every manuscript, which must be set against the tendency inmodern scholarship to emphasize iconographic and stylistic connec? tions among differentmanuscripts, which, while certainly important con? siderations, direct attention away from consideration of use.
19.
I provide here the first several lines as an example: "Anima est dicta avento. Animos g[re]ce latine d[icitu]r ventis. Caput acapiendo sensus. Caluaria. Sinciput anterior Occiput posterior pars capitis. Calviciu[m]. pars capitis." Carruthers, The Craft of Thought, esp. 196-204, at 199: "Introductory rhetorical pictures serve as orienting maps and summaries of thematters within the work."
Carruthers, The Craft of Thought,
20.
J.A. McGeachy Jr.,"The 'Glossarium Salomonis' and ItsRelationship to " the 'Liber Glossarum,' Speculum, 13 (1938), 309-18. The Glossarium on is based closely the eighth-century Liber glossarum, though it cannot be surely attributed to Solomon. S. Gwara, "The 'Hermeneumata pseudodositheana,' Latin Oral Fluency, and the Social Function of theCambro-Latin Dialogues Called 'De raris fabulis,'" in Latin Grammar and Rhetoric: From Classical Theory to Medieval Practice, ed. C. D. Lanham (London, 2002), 109-38, at 110.
which are developed 21.
7.
See, in general, V. I. J. Flint, Honorius Augustodunensis of Regensburg, Authors of the Middle Ages: Historical and Religious Writers of the Latin West, vol. 2, 6 (Aldershot, 1995), who argues thatHonorius wrote many of his works inRegensburg. There is still no modern critical edition of the Elucidarium; one must continue to consult Migne, PL, 172, 1109-92. For a modern edition inLatin and French (based solely on French manuscript witnesses), see Y. Lefevre, L 'elucidarium et les lucidaires (Paris, 1954).
8. 9. 10. 11. 12.
For the codicological See, in general, P. M. 96-118. Y. V. O'Neill, ofMedicine, Klemm, Bede, P. Geyer
details, see Fig. Jones, Medieval
13 and at n. 45 below. Medical Pictures (London, 1984),
22.
"The F?nfbilderserie Reconsidered," 43 (1969), 236-45. Buchmalerei,"
Bulletin of the History
"Die Regensburger
42 and colorpl. 25. 23.
de Mayence: Ou l'image du monde au Xlle siecle," in Iconographie medievale: (Paris, 1993), Image, texte, contexte, ed. G. Duchet-Suchaux 155-207. ed. R. Green, M. Evans, C. Bischoff, and M. Cursch Hortus Deliciarum, mann, 2 vols. (London, 1979), 1:96 and 2: pl. 9 (fol. 16v). This image is also accompanied by tituli drawn from the Elucidarium, which informed see now to a great extent. On the manuscript, theHortus deliciarum the important work by F. Griffiths, The Garden of Delights: Reform and Renaissance for Women in the Twelfth Century (Philadelphia, 2007). 24. Boeckler, Die Regensburg-Pr?feninger romanischen Handschriften, 1:61-62; and O'Neill, 25. The "Die F?nfbilderserie." Buchmalerei, 22-24; Klemm, Die Jones,Medieval Medical Pictures;
imWeltbild des Mit? See esp. B. Maurmann, Die Himmelsrichtungen von Bingen, Honorius Augustodunensis und andere telalters: Hildegard d'Henri "La Mappemonde Autoren (Munich, 1976); and D. LeCoq,
Sanctis," CSEL, 39, ed. (Vienna, 1898), 301-24, esp. 302-3; and Liber de Locis Sanctis, 175, ed. I. Fraipont (Turnhout, 1965), 251-80, esp. 252-53. P. CCSL, Verdier, "La colonne de Colonia Aelia Capitolina et Vimago clipeata du Christ Helios," CA, 23 (1974), 17-40. The figures accompanying Christ flanked by Bishop the diploma Otto proper are (from top to bottom) of Bamberg (r. 1102-39), founder of
"Liber de Locis
in Itinera Hierosolymitana,
13.
Pr?fening, and St. George, patron of Pr?fening. Next appear two angels holding the inscribed frame of the diploma. Below them appear Abbot Erbo (1121-1162) and his successor, Abbot Eberhard (1163-68). Out? Paul Eberhard and St. (of Bamberg [1146-70]) is hard to explain), each (whose presence, according to Klemm, holding an inscribed scroll. Finally, at the bottom of the painted area are heads and shoulders appear above another inscribed scroll. side the frame are Bishop
abrupt transition on fol. 2v from the cauterization pictures, which occupy one register divided into four scenes by slim columns, to the first two anatomical diagrams, which take up about two-thirds of the page and are not divided by architectural elements, does suggest the stitching together of two separate models. See the illustration inNew York, Pen
five nameless monks whose
50. For a fine consid? 14. Klemm, "Die Regensburger Buchmalerei," 40^2, eration of the conceptual and practical understanding of the term encyclo?
and Parchment, 26.
93. 23-24; and Klemm,
pedia, see B. Ribemont, "On theDefinition of an Encyclopaedic Genre in inPre-Modern Encyclopaedic theMiddle Ages," Texts, Proceedings of the Second COMERS Congress, Groningen, 1-4 July 1996, ed. P. Binkley (Leiden, 1997), 47-61. Clm. hand is also evident in Munich, Bayerische Stadtsbibliothek, 13031, another Pr?fening manuscript. See, in general, New York, Pen and Parchment, 89-91; Klemm, "Die Regensburger Buchmalerei," and Klemm, Die romanischen Handschriften, 1:64-65, with 48-49; Swicher's
Buchmalerei, Boeckler, Die Regensburg-Pr?feninger Die romanischen Handschriften, 1:61. Carruthers, The Craft of Thought, 251.
27. 28.
The notion of a mental chain employed here is similar to the notion of the since chaine operatoire in use among anthropologists and archaeologists parole, introduced by Andre Leroi-Gourhan: Leroi-Gourgan, Le geste et la vol. 1,Technique et language, vol. 2, La memoire et les rythmes (Paris, 1964); and idem, Gesture and Speech, trans. A. Bostock Berger itwas (Cambridge, MA, 1993).
15.
150
29. 30.
The
single extrabiblical scene is that of Croesus and Cyrus. For the full list of scenes, see Klemm, Die romanischen Handschriften, 1:62.
I plan to make a more complete study of these pages in a forthcoming book on facing-page illuminations inmedieval manuscript illumination. Buchmalerei, 25, Also, note thatBoeckler, Die Regensburg-Pr?feninger incorrectly writes that the verse is from Psalm 71, not Psalm 74. Ibid., 26, presumed from the complexity of the pages that there must have been some textual source, but there is no reason necessarily to give priority to thewritten word for such a compact typological tour de force.
(MS 66), and currently split between Cambridge, Corpus Christi College Cambridge, University Library (MS Ff. 1.27). See C. Norton, "History, Wisdom and Illumination," inSymeon of Durham: Historian of Durham and theNorth, ed. D. Rollason (Stamford, UK, 1998), 61-105. Norton's reading of the so-called Sawley manuscript is in several respects similar tomy analysis of Clm. 13002, though I am here more concerned with elucidating the process of making and using such books than in deriv? Marner for
31.
ing a single interpretation of their contents. 1 thank Dominic bringing this article tomy attention. 41.
In fact, the pictorial format of Chn. 13002, as inmore famous works like theKlosterneuberg Altar, is probably a more fittingmedium inwhich to develop such ideas. 32. 33. "Q[uo]t [quodj repleta malis sit vit[a]e sors animalis ex his nosse datur quo cognita precaveatur[.J" Qua[m] fecunda bonis sit vita comes rationis ex his perpendat et ad hanc mens sobria tendat[.J"My translation construes these sentences as rela? tive clauses of characteristic using the subjunctive in primary sequence. Hence, sors and comes are the subject and animalis and rationis are the genitive nouns that generate the relative pronouns. I translate cognita as a noun by analogy tomens sobria on the following page.
E. Klemm, Die illuminierten Handschriften des 13. Jahrhunderts deutsche Herkunft in der bayerischen Staatsbibliothek, Katalog der illuminierten inM?nchen, Handschriften der bayerischen Staatsbibliothek 4, 2 vols. 1998), 1:38-41 and 2: figs. 61-66. The identity of Conrad, (Wiesbaden, who is listed as the scribe, and whether he also participated in the decora? tion of the book are open questions. On Conrad inparticular and Scheyern
manuscripts ingeneral, see R. Kroos, "Die Bildhandschriften des Klosters Scheyern aus dem 13. Jahrhundert/' inWittelsbach und Bayern: Die Zeit der fr?hen Herz?ge; Von Otto L zu Ludwg dem Bayern, vols. (Munich, 1980), 1:477-95, with older literature. 42. E. Wickersheimer, ed. H. Glaser,
34.
This
mous
is the lastpicture in a frontispiece sequence in Clm. 14159, an anony? treatise on the cross (De laudibus s. crucis). For themanuscript, see further at n. 53 below. In this picture, the titulus reads, "the pride of the
des IXe, Xe et Xle "Figures medico-astrologiques siecles," Janus, 19(1914), 157-77; and H. Sigerist, "The 'Sphere of Life 11 and Death' in Early Mediaeval Manuscripts," History ofMedicine, (1942), 292-303. page has never been published. most scholarly attention tomicrocosm images has focused on iconographic and intellectual considerations, a "mere derivative copy" of
devil
as well as the beheading of Holofernes by Judith. dentius' Psychomachia A similar image that combines many of these elements was also used in manuscripts of the Speculum virginum (see Speculum virginum, CCCM, 5, ed. J. Seyfarth [Turnhout, 1990], fig. 6). My point inmaking this visual comparison is not to indicate some iconographic link between Clm. 14159 and a Prudentius or Speculum virginum manuscript (though such a link
is vanquished by the humility of Christ's cross" [Superbia diaboli vincit[ur] humiltate cruci[s] xp[istji], while the image is reminiscent of the confrontation of Vices and Virtues in illustrated manuscripts of Pru
43.
As far as I know, the Scheyern microcosm Because
the Pr?fening original would have served littlepurpose. When considered from the standpoint of individual manuscript histories, of course, themi? crocosm pictures inClin. 13002 and Clm. 17403 deserve equal attention. 44. Conveniently summarized schriften," 489-90. in tabular diagrams by Kroos, "Die Bildhand?
45.
is evident and worth further exploration) but to underscore the kind of visual and mental associations that both motivated this representation and could have been stimulated by it. 35. See Carruthers, The Craft of Thought, 118-20, for an analysis of Alcuin's description of memory with reference to Rome and Jerusalem. See n. 12 above. The text of the diploma is reprinted by B. Bischof! in Mittelalterliche h Von der Zeit Karls des Grossen bis zurMitte des Schatzverzeichnisse 13. Jahrhunderts, Ver?ffentlichungen des Zentralinstituts f?r Kunstge? schichte, 4 (Munich, 1967), 77-79. As Adam Stead, a graduate student
conjoint with fol, 4. Whether the current fol. 5 was originally conjoint with fol. 3, also a singleton, cannot be determined for certain. 46. Kroos,
In its current state, Jerusalem and themusic images are on fol. 5. This folio, however, is a singleton and almost certainly originally followed, rather than preceded, the Vices and Virtues on fol. 6, which is a leaf
36. 37.
"Die Bildhandschriften," 490; and Klemm, "Die Regensburger Buchmalerei," 50. The question is,where would the putative musical page have appeared inClm. 13002? There are only two possibilities based on structure of the quire. First, such a page could have been the codicological
and the page as a whole. These are reprinted by Boeckler, Die Regens? burg-Pr?f eninger Buchmalerei, 27-28, with corrections by Klemm, Die romanischen Handschriften, 1:63. These speech inscriptions refer to the "planting" and "watering" of the items listed in the diploma, though this horticultural metaphor was not expressed pictorially. Also included is a curse against anyone who might steal one of the listed objects. the various aspects of collatio, see U. K?sters, Der verschlossene und monastische Lebens? Hohelied-Auslegung
at the University of Toronto, pointed out in seminar, Bischoff was so narrowly focused on the contents of the diploma that he did not provide the contents of the banderoles that are an integral part of the diploma itself
in the text of the library catalogue and the beginning of the Glossarium next quire, which seems an unlikely placement. Alternatively, based on its position relative to Jerusalem in the Scheyern manuscript, themusical pictures could have come after the representation of Jerusalem on Clm. 13002, fok 4v. But the facing folio, 5, is currently blank; had themak? ers of Clm. 13002 wanted to include musical imagery, this would have been the logical place to do so. After having examined the manuscripts together on this point, Klemm accepted my analysis of the codicology. I am grateful toDr. Klemm for her assistance in allowing me to see these manuscripts and above all for her true intellectual generosity in discussing the Regensburg manuscripts with me over many years. 47. the relationship of music to the spheres, see, for example, the intro? ductory comments by T. Karp, "Music," in The Seven Liberal Arts in the Middle Ages, ed. D. Wagner (Bloomington, IN, 1983), 167-95, esp. 174 On 76. For more and Christian in-depth studies, see L. Spitzer, "Classical to an Interpretation of the Word Ideas ofWorld Harmony: Prolegomena 'Stimmung,'" Traditio, 2 (1944). 409-64 and 3 (1945), 307-64; R. Ham?
conjoint with theoriginal fol. 1, themicrocosm page. In this case, themu? sical depictions would have come at the very end of the quire, between the
38.
On
Garten: Volkssprachliche 1985), esp. 24-29; and Car? formen im 12. Jahrhundert (D?sseldorf, ruthers, The Book ofMemory, esp. 36, 123, 196-218, and 253-57 for a consideration of the role of diagrams in collatio and meditatio. 39. 40. See Ribemont, uOn theDefinition," esp. 53-54.
C. Meier, "Organisation of Knowledge and Encyclopedic 'Ordo': Func? tions and Purposes of a Universal Literary Genre," in Binkley, Pre Modern Encyclopaedic Texts, 103-26, esp. 115-18. In an exemplary essay, Christopher Norton draws similar conclusions about a Cistercian manuscript made in Durham
at the end of the twelfth century. The book is
zur Musikanschauung merstein, Die Musik der Engel: Untersuchungen des Mittelalters, 2nd ed. (Bern, 1990); andM. Teeuwen, Harmony and the " Music of theSpheres: The "Ars Musica inNinth-Century' Commentaries on Martiamts Capella (Leiden, 2002), esp. 190-232.
151
48.
was in part the hymnological character of I am tempted to suggest that it theMary page that stimulated the facing musical depictions, but this is simply conjecture. The dedication to Mary, patroness of the foundation, is one of three such images from thirteenth-century Scheyern manuscripts. On themonastery, see A. Reichhold, "Das Kloster Scheyern als Grundherr in der Hofmark
57.
On
49.
Honor of Albert Mathias Friend, Jr., ed. K. Weitzmarin (Princeton, 1955), 88-95; and A. S. Cohen, The Uta Codex: Art, Philosophy, and Reform in Eleventh-Century Germany (University Park, PA, 2000), 60-63. See also in general Maurmann, 58. Himmelsrichtungen. "Figura praesens hoc praetendit, quod omnes sancti ab exordio mundi usque adventum christi in fide crucis christi pependerunt et crucifixum per figuras quasi ex parte videbant. Unde facies manus et pedes apparent." Carruthers, The Craft of Thought, 1 have analyzed this remarkable Cohen, 165-70. image inmore depth elsewhere: A. S. "Art, Exegesis, and Affective Piety inTwelfth-Century German in and Monastic Culture: Religious Reform Manuscripts Manuscripts," and Intellectual Life in Twelfth-Century Germany, ed. A. Beach (Turn? hout, 2007), 45-68. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. "Scema Cohen, crucis typicum meditatur The Uta Codex, 60-61 vita bonorum[.]" 150-55 and 257-61. at the Cross? and n. 28.
the symbolism of the cross extending to the four corners of the uni? verse, see G. Ladner, "St. Gregory of Nyssa and St. Augustine on the Studies in in Late Classical and Mediaeval Symbolism of the Cross,"
Scheyern (I. Teil): Von der Gr?ndung des Klosters um 1100 bis zur S?ku? larisation im Jahre 1803," Studien undMitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktiner-Ordens und seiner Zweige, 106 (1995), 247-93; and, for the series of dedication images, H. Hauke and R. Kroos, Das Matutinalbuch aus Scheyern: Die Bildseiten aus dem CLM 17401 der Bayerischen Sta? atsbibliothek (Wiesbaden, 1980), esp. 7-8. 50. 51. J. Leclercq, Monastic On The Love of Learning see Klemm, and theDesire for God: A Study of Culture (New York, 1982).
59. 60.
"Die Regensburger Buchmalerei," 1:32-34, with 39-46, 51; and Klemm, Die romanischen Handschriften, further literature.Although the book was in the library of Saint Emmeram in Regensburg, in Pr?fening led the close connections to Saint George to hypothesize for both monasteries. the transfer of books that the book was painted by artists who worked such as There are, of course, other possibilities, from one institution to the other. The question of
this manuscript,
Klemm
whether this and other similar books were produced by or for either Saint Emmeram or Pr?fening is a vexed question that cannot be resolved here.
H. Kessler, "Medieval Art as Argument," in Iconography roads, ed. B. Cassidy (Princeton, 1993), 59-70. MS
See, for example, the comments by C. R. Dodwell, The Pictorial Arts 1993), 307. I would argue that the (New Haven, of the West, 800-1200 shared monastic culture of the two houses would make themmore similar than not in their use of books, and so the issue of localization in this instance, secondary. becomes,
in the Arundel Psalter (British Library, For the image of Eadui Basan Arundel 155), see, for example, R. Gameson, The Role of Art in the Late Anglo-Saxon Church (Oxford, 1995), 84-86. A color reproduction
52.
See Dodwell, The Pictorial Arts, 308, with reference to earlier literature. notes the iconographic "borrowing" from the Admont Bible Dodwell without considering the unusual expansion of the imagery in theRegens? burg manuscript. New York, Pen and Parchment, Klemm, "Die Regensburger and Klemm, Die romanischen Hand? 94-96:
ed. J. in The Golden Age of Anglo-Saxon is available Art, 966-1066, Backhouse, D. H. Turner, and L. Webster (Bloomington, TN, 1985), pi. xviii. On the picture of Hartwic, see Cohen, The Uta Codex, esp. 42 and colorpl. 16. The effect can be gauged somewhat in the facing black-and-white inKlemm, Die illuminierten Handschriften, 2: figs. 61 and 62. plates
66. 67.
Carruthers discusses
53.
Buchmalerei," 54.
39-46, 52-53; schriften, 1:34-37, all with further literature.
these concepts with regard to the images of Pruden in The Craft of Thought, 87, tius and thewritings of Bernard of Clairvaux 148. 10.12.19.1-11; cited in ibid., 32-33. 122.
68. 69. 70.
Confessions
The Mystic Quaternity is related to a very similar image inmanuscripts of the Speculum virginum; see Seyfarth, Speculum virginum, fig. 4. On the paradise quaternity, and themethod of visual correlation in general, see A. Esmeijer, Divina Quaternitas: A Preliminary Study in the Method and Application of Visual Exegesis (Assen, 1978), esp. 59-72. 13031. On thismanuscript, see n. 15 above.
55. 56.
Clm.
See, for example, M. Kupfer, "Medieval World Maps: Embedded Images, 10 (1994), 262-88; and E. Edson, Mapping Interpretive Frames," W&I, Viewed Their World (Lon? Time and Space: How Medieval Mapmakers don, 1999).
de Hugues de Saint-Victor (Paris, 1988); G, Zinn, "Hugh of St. Victor, Isaiah's Vision, and De area Noe," in The Church and theArts, ed. D. Wood (Oxford, 1992), 99-116; P. Sicard, Diagrammes medievaux et exegese visuelle: Le Lihellus deformatione arc he de Hugues de Saint mundi" Victor (Turnhout, arche, CCCM, 1993); and De archa Noe: Libellus 176, 176a, ed. P. Sicard (Turnhout, 2001). deformatione
On Theodulph's poem, see, for example, L. Nees, A Tainted Mantle: Her? Tradition at theCarolingian Court (Philadelphia, cules and theClassical 1991). For Hugh, see among others, P. G. Dalche, La "Descriptio mappae
152
PLATE
5 (Kessler, Fig. 5). Milan,
S. Ambrogio,
cross (photo: author).
PLATE author).
(Kessler,
Fig.
6). Milan,
S. Ambrogio,
brazen
serpent
(photo:
PLATE MS Bremen).
(Kessler,
a244, fol.
Fig. 10). Bremen, Staats- und Universit?tsbibliothek, 113v, Crucifixion (photo: Staats- und Universit?tsbibliothek,
PLATE
(Cohen,
Staatsbibliothek, Staatsbibliothek,
Fig. Clm.
1). Glossarium 13002, fol.
Salomonis, 7v, microcosm
Munich, (photo:
Bayerische Bayerische
by permission).
M><? llf Ûw?fwiAAWUUt . A if?XwflV^Ûm* *?rr ftltnoJUr. (?an? n??urounr ?Kwquifiu boot m nwiiniu 3? ? ?v fKMpina fan* * likr f* :\ ^rr? *w ??w Icnw 4* lr?ufc* v n? m t? Wr Inwmiti iwmdijfc bfcw iîumiifintfe wyf jmuif ror.tnqfr; Ifi j?u???? uiMmh n?t?uUj &?**u IT^mjIu i^wm' (?rjJ?iUf?fimcrfi Vi4 W ,um< nuUrd?n? <v 3J?tmriwwi lk'?wKuitfu v* f*? im 6fW pin*!n*e iuAw .?u'cnm'.ufrii;!! JpJwT^tuir twHU <Mjptm fLtanntttunt* (tamnr ?ymm i I^Lnm?a ?wiatfCe?f*??rf'.liw?*A?i#Ji?l?i<?t*i? Jnittfifnimi j iiwm 'k ujj'pjrii *i MlttuV yiwiitHimiAc.uymmf iu*. Aauru fjWJwairiiM* MMfji (UwninA !hu .Vftuiifi ttv?ma*t>n* Imptlfar-ii^nnca m>rr?(rJWM?4i?t?ri?Ma'U*'f?i ? v.??, cwJ.J^bltf <,wuij t-"-^-r> t Tim? t>0 in?* .XwMmMiut/ltttauJkb ? ??? 4????f I Ate**?? ? '?qui? li ?? r? ..?rwlv?ifH?^.hP^w|,nVM^H^W|^VH^mV>Ltf^ (MntniK tn-wMW/iWjfar lar&Lrt Ar?rn*mifUiiWwftw r?'/\Wf
Mix, U.-nttpil? ?? fr,I?vi.n,v!< Sitrn.^? iwukiM? 11 .? Cmf,it? Riio.r,n.|T?L?4?l.pnrîjBfe" f,M.V..-i....mr. .n.ffi" r Sn?f Aim* miw? A?4? Ltdtfn o>miir i Ilimhttw l-innnilLi CrJtOTiutinf And**** .f.iii?( tiimidm ?"?mmAi (??f .Tljc .1?>. MI.-LI JIUOI" Tr? ntu< S?Wl4?HM (tlWlA Minfrmy1' )5*tM*.tlUIlt??MIT g", fuMli <j>w Ami? Ju^tiumpWl |yr /*C?i?tiJO? JJ^mjftljpjMiKinhi? num>u<.L?u>it < cjfU<iJM*TtM(i ?ukbmu. lW??ni?<t?ynfci/j ?"'/y'^ a M.niun W n? iWti|ti im"? r.uklriihra ?nardfuaa tdiû jrjpnfi **r* 'rt .atkbUh.i fmrr ?um ua .i/.iiinci<a* cmiCi V4? <vn numfe 4f>3 in.t.nr.i imim iuhnj l^wkkf... f>h J< 4r*Ut ?twilMÎ Iii .*?u. tjff*"< *tiJUu<a? viitnqiugtiKJ loui* iA<u <npr.< <l<m> fubmi?? ?1M91IM ?um? ??*. .x<"inii?* Irw At? <uifaj(|iin.t . fi'mitl ran? f?im <4pwwK *x)iminu* mir mu^ndi?X^<itikT4eju#HMlri k tTj?<*ti? 3C?i. ii> Hjlrma?(ili7j'*iirf.l ?Harru-inr?tu; r?i^ .fnittiatt * _~-^SlwO i irtiifiu??M?C
PLATE
Staatsbibliothek,
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PLATE
Staatsbibliothek,
10 (Cohen, Fig. 7). Glossarium Salomonis, Munich, Bayerische Clm. 13002, fol. 5v, diploma Staats? (photo: Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek).
bibliothek, by permission).
PLATE Bayerische
11 (Cohen,
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18). Isidore of Seville, Etymologiae, Munich, Fig. Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 13031, fol. 102v, consanguinity table (photo: Staatsbibliothek).
12 (Ousterhout, Fig. 7). Taking of Jerusalem, from the History of nationale de France, MS of Tyre, 14th cent., Paris, Bibliotheque fr. 352, fol. 52 v (photo: courtesy of theBnF). William
PLATE

Cohen Making Memories in A Medieval Miscellany

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Making Memories in a Medieval Miscellany Author(s): ADAM S. COHEN Source: Gesta, Vol. 48, No.

TakingMary Carruthers' The Craft of Thought as a point of

Salomonis, Munich, (photo: Bayerische

13002, fol. 7v, microcosm

Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Gm. Staatsbibliothek, by permission).

International Center of Medieval

^ ?" 1^^^^^ ^^^^^^^ ^ ^^'^^^^y

Salomonis, Munich, Bayerische (photo: Bayerische

Staatsbibliothek, Clm. Staatsbibliothek).

Salomonis, Munich, Bayerische page (photo: Bayerische

13002, fol. 2r, cauterization page

13002, fol. 3, anatomical

4niu lion oinulu / utWicrr i cputem. ftxica /^pTulufc tytirjiiornjjrPmcpdl k&sy$ \

, fiin 111 cayuuac fmrr miiii.crjHmbrntf ?1

Salomonis, Mwn/c/!, Bayerische

13002, fol. 5v, diploma

mnemonic agent (Fig. 9).17What unites theGlossarium Salo?

Salomonis, Munich, Bayerische

Staatsbibliothek, Clm. Staatsbibliothek).

13002, fol. 8v, beginning of Glossarium

(destroyed), fol. 16v, microcosm ciarum, 2:30, pi. 9).

[Fol. 7 was originally before fol. 1]

Clm 13002: CurrentQuire 1

[Fol. 5 was originally between fols. 6 & 7]

Clm 17403: CurrentQuire 1

of quire 1, Clm. 13002 and 17403

(drawing by John T.McQuillen).

FIGURE Clm. Bayerische

Salomonis, Munich, Bayerische

Staatsbibliothek, Clm. Staatsbibliothek).

17403, fol. 5v, representations of music

17403, fol. 7,Mary

laudibus sanctae crucis, Munich,

14159, fol. 5v, Mystic Paradise

xtftn- xd septum acne / -ua conftmna rs *r fd\ imindi ggnienrao

V*\ fmmu? Yen

18. Isidore of Seville, Etymologiae, Munich, Bayerische

Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 13031,fol.

table (photo: Bayerische

laudibus sanctae crucis, Munich,

14159, fol 8v, Visionary Cross

Staatsbibliothek, fol. 3v, Symbolic Crucifixion

recently in an ex? Swicher's Prayer Scribal Portraits, 2006), 75-96.

ed. Clausberg Sozialgeschichte, ing picture has been juxtaposed

J.Carruthers, The Book ofMemory: Culture (Cambridge, 1990), 248-57.

Carruthers, The Craft of Thought,

which are developed 21.

8. 9. 10. 11. 12.

details, see Fig. Jones, Medieval

13 and at n. 45 below. Medical Pictures (London, 1984),

"The F?nfbilderserie Reconsidered," 43 (1969), 236-45. Buchmalerei,"

Bulletin of the History

42 and colorpl. 25. 23.

five nameless monks whose

and Parchment, 26.

93. 23-24; and Klemm,

As far as I know, the Scheyern microcosm Because

at the end of the twelfth century. The book is

Carruthers, The Craft of Thought,

39-46, 52-53; schriften, 1:34-37, all with further literature.

68. 69. 70.

Carruthers, The Craft of Thought,

5 (Kessler, Fig. 5). Milan,