AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK FOR THE STUDY OF.

GAMBLING
RONALD COURTNEY STUART
B.A., M c G i l l U n i v e r s i t y , 1969
A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF
: THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE. OF <
MASTER OF ARTS
We aocept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to
THE' UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH' COLUMBIA
i n the Department
of
Anthropology
the r e q u i r e d standard
September, 1972
In presenting thi s thesis in parti al fu 1 f i lment of., the requi rements for
an advanced degree at the University of Br i t i sh Columbia, I agree .that
the Library shall make, it freel y avai l abl e for,
;
referenee and study.
I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this t hesi s,
for schol arl y purposes: may be granted by the Head, of my Department or
by his ^representative's'';;. . I t is understood that copy i ng or pub 1 i cat ion
of this thesis for fi nanci al gain shal l hot be allowed without my
written, permission. .'
Department of Anthropology
The University of Br i t i sh Columbia
Vancouver 8, Canada ,
Date September. 1972
ABSTRACT
The s y s t e ma t i c s t u d y o f g a mb l i n g ha s n o t b e e n
u n d e r t a k e n by many a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s . Y e t , t h e r e e x i s t d a t a
w i t h i n t he e t h n o g r a p h i c l i t e r a t u r e o f n a t i v e No r t h Ame r i c a
t o wa r r a n t s e r i o u s c o mp a r i s o n o f g a mb l i n g p r a c t i c e s . . T h i s
t h e s i s a t t e mp t s t o f o r mu l a t e . a n a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l f r a me wor k,
f o r t he s t u d y o f g a mb l i n g .
The I mp l i c a t i o n s o f a n a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l f r a me wor k
. a r e e x a mi ne d by i s o l a t i n g t he v a r i a b l e s t o be c o n s i d e r e d . .
G e n e r a l l y t h e y f a l l i n t o t wo b r o a d f i e l d s , s y mbo l s o r
s y mb o l i c c o mp l e x e s a nd p o l i t i c o - e c o n o mi c I n s t i t u t i o n s o r
power r e l a t i o n s . The p e r s p e c t i v e o f a n t h r o p o l o g y c o n c e r n s
b o t h t h e s e f i e l d s a n d . t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t we e n t he m. T h i s
p e r s p e c t i v e i s t e r me d h o l i s t i c a nd i t i s p r o p o s e d t o s t u d y
g a mb l i n g h o l i s t i c a l l y .
A d e f i n i t i o n o f g a mb l i n g i s e n u n c i a t e d . The
p r o p e r t i e s o f g a mb l i n g a s a n i n s t i t u t i o n a r e d i s c u s s e d a nd
v a r i a b l e s a r e i s o l a t e d , i n c l u d i n g t he d i s t i n c t i o n de e p
p l a y / s h a l l o w p l a y ; . ' . The p o s s i b i l i t y o f t r e a t i n g g a mb l i n g
a s a c u l t u r a l
1
t e x t t o be i n t e r p r e t e d i s s u g g e s t e d . ' ,
F i v e c a s e s o f hand game g a mb l i n g i n No r t h Ame r i c a
a r e e x a mi ne d i n t e r ms o f t he f r a me wo r k . C e r t a i n common
f e a t u r e s a r e d e mo n s t r a t e d a nd t he c o n s e q u e n c e s o f s t u d y i n g
g a mb l i n g a r e c o n s i d e r e d . C o n c l u s i o n s a r e p r e s e n t e d i n
o r d e r t o s umma r i z e t he a n a l y s i s o f f i v e c a s e s a nd t o a s s e s s
t h e a p p l i c a b i l i t y o f t h e f r a me wo r k . > J, ., .
T A B L E O F C O N T E N T S
I N T R O D U C T I O N .
C H A P T E R O N E J A h o l i s t i c p e r s p e c t i v e ...
C H A P T E R TWO Gambling v a r i a b l e s
CHAPTER THREEJ, F i v e hand game c u l t u r e s ..
CHAPTER FOUR r Conclusions
BIBLIOGRAPHY
' y' ^^; ^^?^-^^-^ ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I V, f
:
: " >.' ' V ^ '
My u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f g a mb l i n g ha s i n c r e a s e d
i mme a s u r a b l y s i n c e t h e i n i t i a t i o n . o f t h e . r e s e a r c h wh i c h l e d
t o t h i s t h e s i s . L a r g e l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h i s p a r t o f my
e d u c a t i o n a r e n a t i v e I n d i a n a nd n o n - n a t i v e g a mb l e r s . T h e i r
s k i l l , e n t h u s i a s m and. i n v o l v e me n t dr e w a t t e n t i o n t o t h e
a c t i v i t y o f g a mb l i n g a s one wh i c h d e s e r v e d s t u d y . The
a n o n y mi t y o f t h e s e i n d i v i d u a l s o ug ht n o t t o c o n c e a l my ,
g r a t i t u d e . ,. V;-''.'
;
^:
:
''
Wendy, my wi f e , , ha s p l a y e d c o n s i d e r a b l y mor e t h a n
a s u p p o r t i v e r o l e i n t he r e s e a r c h a nd w r i t i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s
I t was h e r own i n t e r e s t i n t he mu s i c a s s o c i a t e d w i t h
s l a h a l t h a t b r o u g h t us i n t o a p o s i t i o n t o o b s e r v e a
g a mb l i n g ma t c h a nd me e t t h e g a mb l e r s . As t he r e s e a r c h on
g a mb l i n g mu s i c c o n t i n u e d , o u r i n t e r e s t s d e v e l o p e d , o f t e n i n
d i a l e c t i c a l f a s h i o n , y e t wi t h c o n g e n i a l r e s u l t s .
I; wi s h t o a c k no wl e d g e t he a s s i s t a n c e o f my t h e s i s
a d v i s o r , P r o f e s s o r Mi c h a e l ^ Ame s , a nd my c o mmi t t e e member s , -
P r o f e s s o r s Wi l s o n Du f f a nd Yu n s h i k Cha ng , i n t he p r e p a r a t i o n
o f t h i s t h e s i s . - '
INTRODUCTION
When I f i r s t b e g a n t o t h i n k a b o u t t h e s i g n i f i c a n c e
o f g a mb l i n g i t o c c u r r e d t o me t h a t I c o u l d r emember f ew-
r e f e r e n c e s t o i t i n t h e . p u b l i s h e d e t h n o g r a p h i e s , and no
me n t i o n o f t h e i n s t i t u t i o n i n a ny o f t h e t h e o r e t i c a l a r t i c l e s
I kne w. A b r i e f s e a r c h i n s e v e r a l b i b l i o g r a p h i e s r e v e a l e d
o n l y a c o u p l e o f books wh i c h made e x p l i c i t r e f e r e n c e t o
g a ml i n g i n t h e i r t i t l e s a nd; s o me s c a t t e r e d j o u r n a l a r t i c l e s
t h a t a p p e a r e d t o d e a l wi t h t he t o p i c ; A f t e r mor e r e s e a r c h
i t a p p e a r s t h a t t h e s t u d y o f g a mb l i n g ha s o c c u p i e d o n l y t h e
r e s i d u a l i n t e r e s t o f mos t a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s . D u r i n g my
i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f t h e l i t e r a t u r e a v a r i e t y o f a r t i c l e s a nd
bo o ks t u r n e d u p , many o f t hem w r i t t e n by p s y c h o l o g i s t s , v
s o c i o l o g i s t s , p s y c h i a t r i s t s a nd l e g i s l a t o r s . I n c o n t r a s t ,
a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l c o n c e r n wi t h g a mb l i n g , a s a n i n s t i t u t i o n ,
seems m i l d . '
The a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l l i t e r a t u r e o f g a mb l i n g c o n s i s t s
l a r g e l y o f d e s c r i p t i v e a c c o u n t s o f t he p a r a p h e r n a l i a , a nd i v
c a t a l o g u e s o f t h e games wh i c h a r e a s s o c i a t e d wi t h g a mb l i n g
i n d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r e s . I n t he mode s t body o f mo n o g r a p h i c
a nd t h e o r e t i c a l ma t e r i a l on g a mb l i n g a r e a f ew i t e ms , whi c hy
a r e g i v e n d e t a i l e d c o n s i d e r a t i o n b e l o w. ( s e e F l a n n e r y &
Co o p e r , 19^6; Des mond, 19521 He l m & L u r l e , 1966; e t c . )
Our a t t e n t i o n i s dr a wn o u t s i d e t he a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l ; >
l i t e r a t u r e q u i t e c o n s i s t e n t l y b y t h e p u b l i s h e d ma t e r i a l on
g a mb l i n g . I t i s c o n c e i v a b l e , b u t n o t a l wa y s f e a s i b l e , t o
d e r i v e d a t a f r o m s o u r c e s a p a r t f r o m t h e one s s a n c t i o n e d by
t h e . d i s c i p l i n e ( e . g . , e t h n o g r a p h i e s ) . The d i f f i c u l t y
a r i s e s , ho we v e r , i n r e c o n c i l i n g t he d i v e r s e p e r s p e c t i v e s
o f p h y s i c i a n s , l a wma ke r s a nd p s y c h o l o g i s t s , f o r e x a mp l e ,
w i t h t h e i n f o r ma t i o n t h e y g e n e r a t e . Any s e r i o u s c o mp a r a t i v e ,
, s t u d y o f g a mb l i n g f r o m a n a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e wo u l d
demand a t l e a s t a modi cum o f u n i f o r mi t y i n t h e d a t a p r e s e n t e d .
I f t h e o r e t i c a l v a r i a b l e s a r e t o be i s o l a t e d a nd g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s
t o be f o r mu l a t e d , s i m i l a r k i n d s , o f i n f o r ma t i o n a r e r e q u i r e d
o f e a c h c a s e t h a t i s s t u d i e d . F u r t h e r mo r e , o u r c a no ns o f ^
o b j e c t i v i t y d o n o t n e c e s s a r i l y p r e v a i l i n . o t h e r d i s c i p l i n e s , ;
p o s s i b l y d i s c r e d i t i n g t he a p p l i c a t i o n o f s u c h d a t a t o
a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l p r o b l e ms .
Th e r e e x i s t s a s ma l l c o r e o f a r t i c l e s , c h i e f l y t h e .
wor k o f s o c i a l p s y c h o l o g i s t s , wh i c h I n v e s t i g a t e s t h e n a t u r e
o f games a nd t h e i r s o c i a l f u n c t i o n s , on t h e one h a n d , a nd
s e e k s t o f o r mu l a t e a t y p o l o g y o f games a nd game c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s
wh i c h c a n be c o r r e l a t e d wi t h s o c i e t a l f e a t u r e s a nd l e v e l s o f
c o mp l e x i t y on t h e o t h e r . ( s e e R o b e r t s , A r t h , . a n d B u s h ,
1959) I n one c a s e ( Ro b e r t s a nd S u t t o n - S mi t h , 1962), t he
v a r i a b l e s t o be c o r r e l a t e d a r e t y p e o f game a nd c h i l d - t r a i n i n g
p r a c t i c e s . The c a t e g o r i z a t i o n h e r e o f games , b y . t h e
p r e d o mi n a n c e : o f s t r a t e g y , s k i l l , o r c ha nc e i n d e t e r mi n i n g
t h e i r o ut c o me , i s q u e s t i o n a b l e . . The s u b s e q u e nt c o r r e l a t i o n
o f t h e s e f e a t u r e s wi t h c h i l d - r e a r i n g p r a c t i c e s r a i s e s mor e .
q u e s t i o n s t h a n i t a n s we r s . Ho we v e r , t h e i n a d e q u a c y o f
'these, s o u r c e s f o r t he p r e s e n t . s t udy i s t h a t t h e y do n o t . r. ,.
p e r t a i n t o g a mb l i n g p e r s e . " Ga mb l i n g c a n be s e p a r a t e d \ , . .;
f r o m t he e v e n t s o r games g a mbl e d on. , b o t h c o n c r e t e l y a nd
a n a l y t i c a l l y . The s i m i l a r i t y o f g a mb l i n g games a nd .
n o n - g a mb l i n g games , a s w e l l a s r e l a t e d . p r a c t i c e s i s e x a mi ne d
b r i e f l y i n t h e n e x t c h a p t e r .
Some o f t h e a r t i c l e s c i t e d a b o v e may d e s e r v e mor e
a t t e n t i o n t h a n I c a n pa y t hem i n t h i s c o n t e x t . The
d e mo n s t r a t e d c o r r e l a t i o n s a r e p r o v o c a t i v e e n o u g h. F o r .
e x a mp l e , i n t h e a r t i c l e " Games I n C u l t u r e " i t i s s u g g e s t e d
t h a t t he p r e s e n c e o f g a me - t ype ( s k i l l , c h a n c e , s t r a t e g y ) i s
r e l a t e d t o t h e l e v e l o f s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l c o mp l e x i t y o f a
s o c i e t y ( Ro b e r t s , A r t h , Bu s h , 1959). Ye t , i s i t v a l i d , ..
e v e n f o r t h e i r p u r p o s e s , t o make t h a t c o r r e l a t i o n a f t e r
c a t e g o r i z i n g games . . the way t h e y do? Chance'
1
, s t r a t e g y a nd
s k i l l ; c l e a r l y a r e a s p e c t s ; o f a l l ga mes . ' I f i g a me s a r e
. c o n s i d e r e d t o be e x e r c i s e s i n ma s t e r y o f
:
d i f f e r e n t f e a t u r e s *.
o f t h e e nvi r onme nt . ^' p e r h a p s i t i s r e l e v a n t t o c h a r a c t e r i z e
t hem, a c c o r d i n g , t o t h e p r e v a l e n c e ' o f t h e s e f e a t u r e s . Howe ve r
t h i s t y p o l o g y t e n d s t o i g n o r e t h e p l a y e r ' s v i e w o f t h e game,
whi c h- ma y v e r y l i k e l y d i f f e r f r o m t h e o b s e r v e r ' s . (Games
o f c h a n c e ; . e . g . a r e o f t e n c o n c e i v e d o f a s b a t t l e s o f wi t o r
!
s t r a t e g y i n g u e s s i n g , a nd may i n f a c t be e x e r c i s e s i n
ma s t e r y o f t h i s t y p e f o r t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s . ) I t h i n k t h a t
t h e c a t e g o r i e s c h a n c e , s k i l l a nd s t r a t e g y a c t u a l l y r e p r e s e n t
t h e v a r i a b l e o f c o mp l e x i t y o f ga mes . T h i s b e i n g t h e c a s e ,
t h e a u t h o r s ha ve managed t o d e mo n s t r a t e t he d i r e c t
r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t we e n t he c o mp l e x i t y o f games p r e s e n t i n a
c u l t u r e a nd t h e c o mp l e x i t y o f t h e c u l t u r e i t s e l f . Wi t h o u t
some c l a r i f i c a t i o n o f t h e t r i - p a r t i t e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n o f
games , I t i s d i f f i c u l t . t o c o n c l u d e mor e f r o m t h e e v i d e n c e .
The s p e c i f i c s t u d y o f games a p a r t f r o m g a mb l i n g f a l l s
o u t s i d e t he s c o p e o f t h i s p a p e r . T h u s , t h e v a l u e o f t he
a b o v e me nt i o r i e d a r t i c l e s i n t h i s r e s e a r c h ha s b e e n ma i n l y
. ' s ug g e s t i ve . yV r ''.'. v' '";''
The b r i e f r e v i e w o f t he p u b l i s h e d ma t e r i a l on
g a mb l i n g i s n o t I n t e n d e d t o be e x h a u s t i v e o r c o n c l u s i v e .
I t i s i n t e n d e d s i mp l y t o show t he n a t u r e a nd e x t e n t o f
1
a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l i n t e r e s t i n g a mb l i n g . A . ' caveat e mpt o r i s
i s s u e d a g a i n s t t h e i n d i s c r i mi n a t e a d o p t i o n o f e i t h e r
c o n c l u s i o n s o r d a t a f r o m o t h e r s o u r c e s i n s u p p o r t o f
g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s d e a l i n g wi t h a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l v a r i a b l e s .
I t i s t he p u r p o s e o f t h i s p a p e r t o d e v e l o p a n a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l
f r a me wor k f o r t h e s t u d y o f g a mb l i n g . I n d o i n g t h i s , v a r i o u s
p o i n t s o f v i e w w i l l be c o n s i d e r e d . To be e x a mi ne d i n
d e t a i l a r e s e v e r a l a c c o u n t s o f g a mb l i n g i n n a t i v e No r t h
Ame r i c a n s o c i e t i e s T h e r e a s o n s f o r t h i s e t h n o g r a p h i c
f o c u s w i l l be e x p l a i n e d l a t e r o n . I n f o r u mu l a t i n g a n
a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l a p p r o a c h t o g a mb l i n g T ; h a v e l e a n e d h e a v i l y -
f;
on t wo a r t i c l e s . An e x p o s i t i o n o f t h e i d e a s c o n t a i n e d
t h e r e i n w i l l p r e c e d e t h e a n a l y s i s o f t he e t h n o g r a p h i c
m a t e r i a l . "
CHAPTER ONE
A h o l i s t i c p e r s p e c t i v e
I ha ve made s e v e r a l r e f e r e n c e s i n t h e p r e c e d i n g >U
pa ge s t o t h e a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l i n a d e q u a c y o f v a r i o u s a c c o u n t s ;.>+:
o f g a mb l i n g . T h i s i n a d e q u a c y , i t was s u g g e s t e d , l a y i n
t h e i r , f a i l u r e t o p r o v i d e a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l e x p l a n a t i o n s f o r
t h e p r a c t i c e s d e s c r i b e d . I t wo u l d h a r d l y be r e a s o n a b l e
t o e x p e c t s p e c i a l i s t s f r o m o t h e r f i e l d s t o e x p r e s s c o n c e r n
f o r t he same v a r i a b l e s a n d r e l a t i o n s h i p s wh i c h a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s
ha ve s t a k e d o u t a s t h e i r t e r r i t o r y . Ye t o u r i n t e r e s t s a r e
n o t e x c l u s i v e , a nd we mus t be c a r e f u l t o d i s t i n g u i s h t h e
p e r s p e c t i v e r f r om wh i c h ,we p r o p o s e t o l o o k a t t h e s u b j e c t . :
v What makes t he a n t h r o p o l o g i s t ' s a p p r o a c h t o
b e h a v i o r u n i q u e , i n my o p i n i o n , i s t h a t i t s h o u l d be
h o l i s t i c . . T h i s i s a f u n d a me n t a l , i a n d v e r y t r a d i t i o n a l ,
way o f d i s t i n g u i s h i n g t h e v i e wp o i n t o f a n t h r o p o l o g y f r o m t he
o t h e r s o c i a l s c i e n c e s . Mor e needs ' t o be s a i d a b o u t t h e <
t h e o r e t i c a l a nd me t h o d o l o g i c a l c o n s e q u e n c e s o f a n a l y s i n g
b e h a v i o r i n t h i s way, e s p e c i a l l y t o e l u c i d a t e t h e v a r i a b l e s :
a nd r e l a t i o n s h i p s wh i c h e n t e r i n t o a " h o l i s t i c " v i e w. T h i s
may a p p e a r t o be a d i g r e s s i o n f r o m t h e s t u d y o f g a mb l i n g ,
b u t i t I s n o t . I t i s a b s o l u t e l y c r u c i a l t o t h e s t u d y o f
g a mb l i n g , f i r s t o f a l l , t o c l a r i f y wha t i s meant ^by-Van
a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l f r a me wo r k . ' ' . v!'
;
'
;
'
:
' '
On a l i s t o f t he c a t e g o r i e s o f b e h a v i o r t o be
s t u d i e d by a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s . , one n o r ma l l y f i n d s a t l e a s t
t h e f o l l o w i n g m i n i m u m
:
e c o n o mi c , p o l i t i c a l , k i n s h i p a nd
r e l i g i o u s o r r i t u a l a s p e c t s . An a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l a c c o u n t
w i l l t he n, c o n s i s t i n some e x p l a n a t i o n wh i c h . r e l a t e s t h e s e
f e a t u r e s o f . a n i n s t i t u t i o n t o t h e c u l t u r e f r om, wh i c h I t i s
d e r i v e d . T h i s i s a d mi t t e d l y s k e t c h y a nd p r o v i d e s v e r y
l i t t l e i n t h e way o f a h e u r i s t i c d e v i c e i n s e e k i n g t o s t u d y
a p a r t i c u l a r I n s t i t u t i o n a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l l y .
:
I t s a y s l i t t l e
mor e t h a n l o o k a t a l l a s p e c t s o f t h e u n i t i n q u e s t i o n a n d
a l l t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p s be t we e n t h e s e a nd o t h e r f e a t u r e s o f
t h e c u l t u r e . ' ' . : "' /: ": ; "' : ]''.
;
'
:
'Z"
I t i s p o s s i b l e t o s p e c i f y mor e c a r e f u l l y how
:
a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l c o n c e r n s w i l l be s e r v e d i n e x a mi n i n g a
p a r t i c u l a r i n s t i t u t i o n . T h i s i s n o t t o be c o n s t r u e d a s a
p r o p o s a l o f new d i r e c t i o n s i n a n t h r o p o l o g y , b u t me r e l y a
s t a t e me n t o f what i s o r d i n a r i l y done i n t h e f i e l d . The
i n s p i r a t i o n f o r t h i s : s t a t e me n t i s t wo - f o l d i f i r s t , t he
ne e d t o s p e l l o u t what a n " a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l a p p r o a c h t o
g a mb l i n g " w i l l d o ; . s econd. , t h e d i s c o v e r y o f a l u c i d , a nd
i n s i g h t f u l a r t i c l e b y Ab n e r Cohe n i n t he j o u r n a l Man wh i c h
d e a l s wi t h t h e p r o b l e m a s i t a r i s e s i n a d i f f e r e n t c o n t e x t
( Co he n, 1969). K U ' H y : . \
Cohe n t u r n s o u r a t t e n t i o n t o a r a t h e r b a s i c c l e a v a g e
among t h e r e c e n t p r a c t i t i o n e r s o f a n t h r o p o l o g y . Th e r e i s
a t e n t a t i v e dichotomy of a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s i n t o two camps
according to the emphasis of t h e i r studies . ''the a c t i o n
t h e o r i s t s " and: "the thought, s t r u c t u r a l i s t s . " ! This i s not
a s t r i c t d i v i s i o n , as must be obvious, but i n many cases
an i n c l i n a t i o n t o concentrate on one v a r i a b l e more than
another, while h o l d i n g "other things e q u a l ' The v a r i a b l e s
under d i s c u s s i o n here, power r e l a t i o n s and symbolic a c t i o n , ,/.
are a t the r o o t of a l l a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l I n q u i r y and
i n t e r p r e t a t i o n according to Cohen. Furthermore, he s t a t e s
that a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s have been concerned p a r t i c u l a r l y w i t h /
the study of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between these two major
v a r i a b l e s . How Cohen a r r i v e s a t these, c o n c l u s i o n s and ,>
what relevance they have, f o r . the study of. gambling are J..-,
discussed: below.,
v
./ ,
1
'',.';'!' >'''.>''/:'>'
In a l l the v a r i o u s kinds of work .which a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s
do, there i s a common. thread, ..some, focus, which g i v e s
i d e n t i t y t o the a c c r e t i o n of techniques arid ideas... According
to Cohen,* the commonest element i s the attempt t o study
the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e h o l i s t i c a l l y . More s p e c i f i c a l l y , t h i s
concern of s o c i a l a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s has r e s u l t e d i n . t h e i r
d w e l l i n g on f o u r
:
broad' .areas;. of i n s t i t u t i o n s i. economic ,
. p o l i t i c a l , , k i n s h i p and. r i t u a l . . ' (This "averaging out" of
a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l , i n t e r e s t i s based' on the r e c u r r e n t format
and content of ethnographic monographs*) . Looking more
c l o s e l y at these f o u r i n s t i t u t i o n a l f i e l d s we see that
p o l i t i c a l and economic i n s t i t u t i o n s . a r e i n t i m a t e l y r e l a t e d
as are. k i n s h i p and r i t u a l i n s t i t u t i o n s ;
:
, It. i s taken f o r '
granted here t h a t these i n s t i t u t i o n a l : c a t e g o r i e s are, i n ' -
f a c t , r e a l l y a s p e c t s o f a l l b e h a v i o r . A l t h o u g h s ome t i me s
p r o b l e ma t i c , t he a n a l y t i c s e p a r a t i o n i s common e noug h to
> ? <;''^'i' -v.',. "''''', ' I U
:
;v';'v-v-' |.
,
y''."-'. ' .v'-' .:,:
:
';''/fi''-"
p e r mi t i t s a d o p t i o n h e r e . ' i '
The r e a s o n t h a t e c onomi c a nd p o l i t i c a l I n s t i t u t i o n s
t e n d t o b l e n d ' t o g e t h e r u n d e r a n a l y s i s i s t h a t t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p s
t h a t t h e y embody a r e o f t e n o v e r l a p p i n g o r i d e n t i c a l . T h i s -
c a n be s e e n by c o n s i d e r i n g how e c o no mi c i n s t i t u t i o n s a r e
c o mp r i s e d o f r e l a t i o n s be t we e n men a s w e l l a s t h e means o f
p r o d u c t i o n o f t he s o c i e t y . Cohe n p o i n t s b u t t h a t s u c h
r e l a t i o n s a r e r e l a t i o n s o f power a nd i n t h a t s e ns e n o t
u n l i k e p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s .
:
. I n a ny c a s e , by mo v i n g t o
a s l i g h t l y h i g h e r l e v e l o f a b s t r a c t i o n ' , we may o b s e r v e t h e
f u n d a me n t a l s i m i l a r i t y o f e c o no mi c a n d : p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s ,
a n d how t h e y c a n be s ubs umed u n d e r t h e h e a d i n g " po we r
r e l a t i o n s . " I n a s i m i l a r f a s h i o n i t c a n be s hown t h a t
k i n s h i p ; a n d r i t u a l , i n s t i t u t i o n s a r e f u n d a me n t a l l y a l i k e a nd
.may be s ubs umed u n d e r t h e . h e a d i n g o f s y mbo l s o r s y mb o l i c
c o mp l e x e s . . F o l l o wi n g Co he n , b o t h k i n s h i p a nd r i t u a l
I n s t i t u ' t l o n s . ' ' a r e c h a r a c t e r 1 s t i c a l l y n o r ma t i v e , c o g n i t i v e ,
a f f e c t i v e ( r a t h e r t h a n n e u t r a l ) a nd c o h a t i y e ( i mp e l l i n g men
t o a c t i o n ) . The s e common c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a r e i l l u m i n a t i n g
s i n c e t h e y s u g g e s t t h a t t he s e p a r a t i o n o f k i n s h i p a nd r i t u a l
I s somewhat a r b i t r a r y , a nd f o r p r e s e n t p u r p o s e s , u n n e c e s s a r y . '
The t e r m " s y mb o l " a s i t i s u s e d i n Co h e n ' s a n a l y s i s i s
i n t e r c h a n g e a b l e wi t h " c u s t o m. " Thus we a r e , l e f t wi t h two .'
b r o a d a r e a s wh i c h c o n c e r n s o c i a l a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s , na me l y '.>:
9
symbol systems and. power r e l a t i o n s .
Cohen proceeds to d i s t i n g u i s h between symbolic forms
and symbolic f u n c t i o n s . . We are a l e r t e d . t o the f a c t that
;
d i f f e r e n t forms may perform s i m i l a r f u n c t i o n s . I b e l i e v e
t h i s awareness In general Is acute among a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s ,
who have the advantage; of comparative ethnography to a s s i s t
the development of general p r i n c i p l e s . Nevertheless, the.
i h t e r c h a n g e a b i l l t y of k i n s h i p and r i t u a l symbols i n
a r t i c u l a t i n g e s s e n t i a l l y p o l i t i c a l groupings i s w e l l
demonstrated i n the l i t e r a t u r e . : Many of the recent s t u d i e s
of the .process of a c c u l t u r a t i o n t r a c e the s u b s t i t u t i o n of
symbolic complexes f o r one another while trie symbolic '
f u n c t i o n of a r t i c u i a t i n g groups w i t h i n t h e / s o c i e t y i n
q u e s t i o n i s unchanged. : The converse i s e q u a l l y p o s s i b l e ,
however, and symbolic forms may, be adapted to new purposes
( f u n c t i o n s ) i n s i t u a t i o n s of change.
; ;; ; S o c i a l a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s analyse symbolic
, forms i n order t o d i s c o v e r t h e i r symbolic
, '
: ;
f u n c t i o n s . One of the most important of
these f u n c t i o n s i s t r i e ; o b j e c t i f i c a t i o n of
. .; r e l a t i o n s h i p s between i n d i v i d u a l s and
; groups. We can observe i n d i v i d u a l s
. . -}'. o b j e c t i v e l y i n concrete r e a l i t y , but the
;V ; ; r e l a t i o n s h i p s between triem are a b s t r a c t i o n s
t h a t can be observed only through t h e i r
symbolism. Values, norms, r u l e s and;
a b s t r a c t concepts l i k e honor, p r e s t i g e ,
rank, J u s t i c e , good and e v i l are made,
t a n g i b l e through symbolism, and men i n .
s o c i e t y are thus helped to be aware of
t h e i r e x i s t e n c e , to comprehend them and
to r e l a t e them t o t h e i r d a i l y l i f e . *
: (Cohen, 19^9. p. 220)
: A n a l y s i s i n a n t h r o p o l o g y i s d i s t i n g u i s h e d f r o m
ii<^i J..,!. , d e s c r i p t i o n . . The f o r me r i s c o n c e r n e d wi t h I n t e r d e p e n d e n c e
/'i'^
:
%['
i
yJ. o r t he d i a l e c t i c a l i n t e r a c t i o n be t we e n t h e t wo b r o a d
v a r i a b l e s o f s y mb o l i s m a nd power r e l a t i o n s ^ : D e s c r i p t i o n
; -v' ' , i s u s u a l l y a c h i e v e d by a c o n c e n t r a t i o n on one
1
v a r i a b l e o r
t he o t h e r . . Ho we v e r , t h e s e t wo e n t e r p r i s e s a r e n o t
q u a l i t a t i v e l y d i s t i n c t b u t r a t h e r a ma t t e r o f / d e g r e e . T h i s
[S ' X; ' v . b r i n g s us t o Co h e n ' s d i c h o t o my o f a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l t r e n d s
. -\ i n t o t h e " a c t i o n t h e o r i s t " and: t h e " t h o u g h t s t r u c t u r a l l s t " , ,
A s c h o o l s . ' "/,][
:
'f
r : . A c t i o n t h e o r i s t s a r e a p p a r e n t l y c o n c e r e n e d wi t h
; d e s c r i b i n g t h e ma n i p u l a t i o n s o f i n d i v i d u a l s , w i t h i n t h e
. .; > / s o c i a l s y s t e m, i n t h e i r q u e s t f o r powe r . The: s y mb o l i c
c o mp l e x e s wh i c h g o v e r n t h e b e h a v i o r o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l s i s
k e p t o u t s i d e ; t he c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f t h e s e t h e o r i s t s . Co he n
,.:[ a r g u e s t h a t t h e s e a c c o u n t s a r e s u g g e s t i v e b u t n o t e x p l a n a t o r y
; b e c a u s e t h e y f a i l t o c o n s i d e r t h e d y na mi c i n v o l v e me n t o f
s y mb o l i s m i n b o t h t h e a c t i v i t i e s o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l s a nd t h e
f o r ma t i o n a nd ma i n t e n a n c e o f g r o u p s . The s o - c a l l e d " t h o u g h t > '
s t r u c t u r a l i s t s " i n Co he n* s v i e w ha ve o p t e d t o i g n o r e s o c i a l
r e l a t i o n s a l mo s t c o mp l e t e l y wh i l e s e a r c h i n g f o r t h e i n h e r e n t
l o g i c i n s y mb o l i s m. F o l l o w i n g L e v i - S t r a u s s , t h e i r
p r e - o c c u p a t i o n i s wi t h t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p of s y mb o l s among
'
vV
;
;
<V t h e ms e l v e s . Cohe n s u g g e s t s t h a t t he t h o u g h t s t r u c t u r a l i s t s
f i n d a n i mp e r f e c t c o r r e s p o n d e n c e be t we e n t he l o g i c o f
s y mb o l i c c a t e g o r i e s ' a nd t h e r e l a t i o n s o f men " o h t h e g r o u n d "
ari d o p t i n f a v o r o f I g n o r i n g t h e l a t t e r t o p r e s e r v e t h e
. f or me r . /. '-'[' " ,' '; :
I t i s c l e a r f r o m t h e a bo v e d i s c u s s i o n t h a t wh e t h e r
o r n o t we a g r e e t h a t mos t c u r r e n t a n t h r o p o l o g y ! c a n be
s ubs umed u n d e r t wo r u b r i c s , t h e p r e d o mi na nc e o f one v a r i a b l e
o v e r t he o t h e r w i l l l e a d us away f r o m a h o l i s t i c , a nd t h u s a
u n i q u e l y a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s . S i mi l a r c r i t i c i s m s t o
Cohe nVs may be l e v e l l e d a t o t h e r " s c h o o l s " o f a n t h r o p o l o g y
wh i c h o f t e n become r e d \ i c t i o n i s t i n t h e i r e x p l a n a t i o n s . ! F o r
e x a mpl e , t ri e Wh i t e a n s , a nd mor e p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e f o l l o we r s o f
S a h l i n s a nd S e r v i c e , t h e s o - c a l l e d n e o - e v o l u t i o n i s t s , may be
c ha r g e d wi t h n e g l e c t -of t h e v a r i a b l e o f s y mb o l i s m. The
c u l t u r a l m a t e r i a l i s t s l a n t i n t h e i r wor k a nd i n o t h e r s ' ,
d r a wi n g on Ma r x a s i t d o e s , ha s c e r t a i n l y h e l p e d us b a l a n c e
t h e mor e e x t r e me p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c movement s i n t h e f i e l d . ..
Trie e v o l u t i o n i s t s ha ve r e - e mp h a s i z e d t h e i mp o r t a n c e o f
c r o s s - c u l t u r a l c o mp a r i s o n a nd g e n e r a l i z a t i o n a s a f o i l t o
i n t e n s i v e s t u d i e s o f s i n g u l a r c a s e s . Y e t , t h e i r t h e o r e t i c a l
p o s i t i o n ha s b e e n t o t r e a t wha t Co he n ha s c a l l e d s y mb o l i s m
a s me r e l y t he d e p e nd e nt v a r i a b l e i n a r e l a t i o n s h i p whe r e t h e
p h y s i c a l e n v i r o n me n t a nd p o l i t i c o - e c o n o mi c s t r u c t u r e s a r e '
t he i n d e p e n d e n t v a r i a b l e . Th e r e i s a t e n d e n c y i n t h i s \
s c h o o l o f t h o u g h t wh i c h a t i t s mos t e x t r e me mi g h t be c a l l e d . ,
" n e o - e n v l r o n me n t a l d e t e r mi n i s m. " The p o i n t h e r e i s t h a t
a l t h o u g h t h e . me t h o d o l o g i c a l c o n t r i b u t i o n o f . t h i s g e n r e i s
s i g n i f i c a n t a nd t h e i r p h i l o s o p h i c a l a nd t h e o r e t i c a l i n f l u e n c e
s u b s t a n t i a l , there i s a strong r e d u c t i o n i s t f l a v o r .
Cohen notes t h a t J. :"
^.
v;
' Thought s t r u c t u r a l i s t s have g r e a t l y
:
r e f i n e d our understanding of the nature .
..and working, of symbolism. They have ..
re-emphasized the view r e c e n t l y
\ weakened by the departure of many
a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s from some of the tenets
of c l a s s i c a l Durkheimian s o c i o l o g y :
''>}:' t h a t the symbolic order i s not j u s t a
mechanical r e l f e c t l o n or an epiphenomenon,
.': of the p o l i t i c a l order, but i s a f a c t
- . having an e x i s t e n c e of i t s own, i n i t s
. . . own r i g h t . , . , (Cohen, 1969 p. 225)
Let me summarize Cohen's argument as i t has impressed
. me. A n t h r o p o l o g i s t s are engaged i n the common e n t e r p r i s e of
J. studying the s o c i a l , s t r u c t u r e h o l i s t i c a l l y . . . T h i s i s
accomplished by the d e s c r i p t i o n and I s o l a t i o n of two major
v a r i a b l e s i n our data, symbolism or symbolic complexes and
, p o l i t i c a l or power r e l a t i o n s . Subsequently, our a n a l y s i s
c o n s i s t s of the working out of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between
these two v a r i a b l e s . These concerns d i c t a t e the format
- and content of our s u b s t a n t i v e work, the ethnographic
monographs. -They have a l s o dominated bur t h e o r e t i c a l
p a p e r s . H o w e v e r , recent, trends i n d i c a t e a tendency by
d i f f e r e n t schools to d w e l l on one v a r i a b l e t o the n e g l e c t
of the other, admittedly a matter of emphasis, but n e v e r t h e l e s s
undermining the unique p e r s p e c t i v e of s o c i a l anthropology.
We must r e - o r i e n t ourselves to the e x p l o r a t i o n of the c e n t r a l
t h e o r e t i c a l problem i n anthropology, namely the interdependence
of symbolism and power r e l a t i o n s . The f o l l o w i n g comment
i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s need !. . . . .
13
'/'This' i s noticeable' i n some .'. .';'."'' . - v : K \
;
-
;
. post-graduate work of recent years .;-.f':';V'MiZ
:
\
:
^yr /
which.tends t o concentrate on one
v a r i a b l e ; t o the^ri.eglect of the' other.- ' - ,'' .
The main reason why t h i s one-sidedness 'v^V; "ZZV
appeals t o beginners i s t h a t i t r e q u i r e s -3; hy\;'
:
l i t t l e a n a l y t i c a l effort.., I t solves for.'
'
v
' them the irksome problem of having to 'V '-... rtJ>-Z
',;'' find, a.'problem' f o r the a n a l y s i s , of
ethnographical data. To concentrate \-\ '
!
.-'
;
-
on the study of e i t h e r power r e l a t i o n s h i p s ''V.
;
%y './':.
: ;
-
or of symbolism does not i n v o l v e a great ;'-^'\
d e a l of a n a l y t i c a l e f f o r t ; i t poses : '..
" mainly, problems of unldlmensional %/.:'
d e s c r i p t i o n . An account of how ' tV'"'
i n d i v i d u a l s s t r u g g l e f o r power, or of how :
!
yy^-'-
people behave s y m b o l i c a l l y , i s a '',// ''.;*. v;'
;
c a t e g o r i c a l d e s c r i p t i o n of f a c t s which "':
can be e i t h e r t r u e or f a l s e . I t i s only '., "':
by posing problems I n v o l v i n g the y :
i n v e s t i g a t i o n of s o c i o l o g i c a l r e l a t i o n s ,
f
or of d i a l e c t i c a l i n t e r a c t i o n , between XyW
,. d i f f e r e n t s e t s of f a c t or i n v a r i a b l e s , t h a t
s i g n i f i c a n t a n a l y s i s can be undertaken. ".
:
'
;Zr:\(Cohen, 1969., P.22?) ^y.
I wish t o take up one l a s t p o i n t before going on t o ..
.y / r e l a t e t h i s paradigm of anthropology to gambling. Cohen does"
not make i t e x p l i c i t , but I f e e l t h a t h i s recommendat1ons f o r
y;.'-the'' p u r s u i t of a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l i n q u i r y can r e c o n c i l e two
/.;',;: f u r t h e r trends i n the f 1 e l d , namely the; part i c u i a r i s t i c
.y'..';'.'.;''.:versus t h e g e n e r a l i z i n g or comparative. In most ethnographies
the author attempts to g i v e a t o t a l p i c t u r e of the s o c i e t y i n
i | q u e s t i o n . Depending on h i s . own a f f i l i a t i o n he may emphasize ..
;
,';:
:y
)-J the: symbolic or the power r e l a t i o n s . Yet, as a r u l e , there
i s an.'attempt made a t an a n a l y s i s i n Cohen's sense, i . e . of
/""V y the interdependence of these two. v a r i a b l e s . Perhaps'
ethnographies are the most f a i t h f u l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of the
: e s p r i t of a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l research. However, papers or
i'"':-' monographs devoted to the e x p l o r a t i o n of t h e o r e t i c a l Issues
.1;
14
and comparative s t u d i e s may represent the f i e l d l e s s
f a v o r a b l y . Such works tend to.become more c o n t r o v e r s i a l
without any marked: improvement i n t h e i r q u a l i t y . .The dictum,
that we concern ourselves w i t h the symbolism of power
r e l a t i o n s ' i s v a l i d outside the p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c t r a d i t i o n o f '
ethnography. . Comparative and general s t u d i e s can be aimed
at the e l u c i d a t i o n of t h i s t h e o r e t i c a l problem*. I hope
that the study of gambling which f o l l o w s w i l l be judged as
p o s i t i v e - e v i d e n c e of t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y . '
\
CHAPTER TWO
Gambling v a r i a b l e s
: . : One of my f i r s t impressions of gambling as an
a c t i v i t y i s t h a t i t tends to evoke strong responses i n i t s
. p a r t i c i p a n t s .and even i n n o n - p a r t i c i p a n t observers.. I am
judging, of course, from a l i m i t e d number of gambling
experiences; but ones which belong to at l e a s t
1
t w o d i f f e r e n t
c u l t u r e s , namely the Euro-American and the contemporary
n a t i v e Indian. ], Without much persuasion I t h i n k niost -\,
observers or p l a y e r s themselves would agree that whatever
dynamic f a c t o r s are present i n the gambling r e f e r r e d t o above,
the a f f e c t i v e aspect of behavior i s overwhelmingly represented.
No doubt any gambling experiences the reader may have w i l l
corroborate t h i s common-sense d e s c r i p t i o n . I t i s important
that the expressive nature of gambling be made immediately
apparent. I do not deny the p o s s i b i l i t y of t r e a t i n g gambling
as a form of economic t r a n s a c t i o n . Indeed, t h i s has been I
done by game t h e o r i s t s and those I n t e r e s t e d i n questions of
s u b j e c t i v e p r o b a b i l i t y , e t c . (see e.g. Cohen and Hansel, 1956; J
Cohen
1
, i 960; B e r g l e r , 1970) Such accounts are not r e l e v a n t
t o the present study, however. The treatment of gambling
there i s formal and o f t e n mathematical and eschews the
examination of the v a r i a b l e s which dominate our i n t e r e s t .
That gambling has a strong a f f e c t i v e component and
that i t provides expressive o u t l e t s f o r : p a r t i c i p a n t s need
not be a source of c o n t e n t i o n . I t w i l l be u s e f u l , however,
to look a t gambling as an a b s t r a c t i o n and to s t a t e c l e a r l y
what i t i s we mean to study and thus provide some b a s i c
d e f i n i t i o n s . As a beginning I c i t e the f o l l o w i n g d e f i n i t i o n
provided by Devereux i n h i s e x t r a o r d i n a r i l y lengthy and
d e t a i l e d study of gambling i n the United States t
. . an a c t i v i t y i n which two or more /.
. persons engage, under c e r t a i n r u l e s ' I
; and c o n d i t i o n s s p e c i f i e d in. advance,' I '['>.
t o make a t r a n s f e r of any s p e c i f i e d '.
amount of property contingent upon the
outcome of a f u t u r e and u n c e r t a i n . J :4
event. . (Devereux, 19^91 p. 28)
I f we consider t h i s d e f i n i t i o n f o r a moment i t i s p o s s i b l e t o
i s o l a t e a few b a s i c .elements which c o n s t i t u t e gambling i n a
formal sense.
:
These a r e i the gamblers, the wager ( i n c l u d i n g
both the bet or stake and the terms) and the event. As' a
minimum, these elements must be present i n order t o c o n s t i t u t e
gambling. Games, i t can be seen, l a c k the wager element and
i n themselves cannot .be considered gambling. There are, of -.-<;
course, r u l e s and c o n d i t i o n s s p e c i f i e d ^ i n p l a y i n g games, but
the absence of,an agreement f o r t h e . t r a n s f e r of property
d i s t i n g u i s h e s them from gambling. I wish to d i g r e s s f o r a
moment to elaborate the d i s t i n c t i o n between games and
gambling and t o r a i s e the i n t e r e s t i n g question of d i v i n a t i o n \
as i t r e l a t e s to the above. v-\' .j
- I t may be. shown now t h a t an a l t e r n a t i v e way of
d i s t i n g u i s h i n g gambling from games i s t o note t h a t the i
former c o n s i s t s of the m o b i l i z a t i o n of e m p i r i c a l means to
e m p i r i c a l ends. That i s , one gambles i n order to win
property and t h i s understanding i s fundamental t o the
e n t e r p r i s e . One plays games to win, presumably, but the
reward i s . i r i t a h g i b l e and non-empiricalj. Thus a game i n .
t h i s sense i s comprised of the use of e m p i r i c a l means :
:
(1. e. the agreed upon r u l e s and c o n d i t i o n s ) - t o non-empirical
ends. At t h i s p o i n t the p s y c h o l o g i s t s Jump i n t o provide
:

explanations of game-playing and i t s s o c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e , .
(see Roberts, A r t h , and Bush, 1959, above). F o l l o w i n g
t h i s l i n e of a n a l y s i s we can consider the-frequently-noted
s i m i l a r i t y of: c e r t a i n games.and the p r a c t i c e of d i v i n a t i o n ,
(see e.g. Moore, 1957s Lesser, 1933) In d i v i n a t i o n the
d i v i n e r attempts t o a s c e r t a i n c e r t a i n i n f o r m a t i o n , e.g. the
l o c a t i o n of animals or water by means of c e r t a i n techniques
e.g. the examination and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n ; of'the cracks in' , j
burnt
1
shoulder .blades of a n i m a l s . Both ends arid means are' :
e m p i r i c a l , however there i s no s c i e n t i f i c connection between ]
them. ^Certain games appear t o be adaptable tp d l v i n a t o r y
purposes and v i c e versa * ..' This i n t ere hangeabi i i ty suggests
the s i m i l a r i t y i n the symbolic' forms of such customs d e s p i t e '
the d i s c r e p a n c i e s i n symbolic f u n c t i o n s . -
;
Consider b r i e f l y the i m p l i c a t i o n s of the d e f i n i t i o n
of gambling I propose t o adopt.
;
This may be done i n the way
of a s t r u c t u r a l a n a l y s I s of the p r o p e r t l e s ; o f .gambling as
they have been described thus f a r . Gambling i s f i r s t of a l l
a form of I n t e r a c t i o n among the p l a y e r / p a r t i c i p a n t s . The
nature of t h i s i n t e r a c t i o n i s q u i t e v a r i a b l e , , as I s h a l l
demonstrate below, but presupposes a means of communication.
The c o mmu n i c a t i o n r e f e r r e d t o he e d n o t be v e r b a l a s t he .
c a s e o f t he handgame i n No r t h Ame r i c a I l l u s t r a t e s .
Howe ve r , some mi n i ma l c u l t u r a l s ha r i ng ) i s n e c e s s a r y s i n c e ^ \
;
t h e g a mb l i ng , r e q u i r e s t h e o o mp r e h e n s i o n a nd . . a c c e pt a nc e o f
i t e ms I n t he wa g e r . T h i s f e a t u r e o f g a mb l i n g , i n d e e d o f
n e a r l y a ny k i n d o f i n t e r c o u r s e s h o r t o f ope n v i o l e n c e , i s o f . . .
ut mo s t s o c i o l o g i c a l i mp o r t a n c e . . I n c o n c e p t u a l i z i n g t h e
s e t t i n g f o r g a mb l i n g we mus t i mme d i a t e l y a c k n o wl e d g e t h e
p r e s e n c e o f s h a r e d i n s t i t u t i o n s , a t l e a s t a s p e r t a i n s t o t h e y|
wa g e r i n g i t s e l f . I t c a n be c o n s i d e r e d p r o b l e ma t i c , a nd }
made a f o c u s o f i n q u i r y , t o what d e g r e e s h a r e d I n s t i t u t i o n s
e x i s t b e t we e n g a mb l e r s o f g a mb l i n g g r o u p s . . . K b r e o v e r , t h e
s i m i l a r i t y o f g a mb l i n g a nd o t h e r i n s t i t u t i o n s a s i n t e r a c t i o n
be t we e n i n d i v i d u a l s and. g r o u p s c a n be c ompa r e d and. c o n t r a s t e d *
The s e and r e l a t e d q u e s t i o n s w i l l be a d d r e s s e d l a t e r o n , i n
r e c omme ndi ng a r e a s o f r e s e a r c h on g a mb l i n g . : ' " 'J
; De v e r e u x n o t e s t h a t " Ru l e s v a r y \ ( i n g a mb l i n g ) b u t ^
I n v o l v e p r o c e d u r e s f o r d e t e r mi n i n g who ha s l o s t and who ha s
wo n . " ( o p . c i t . , p . 29) The r e i s t hu s a d e t e r mi n a t e
r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t we e n t h e o u t c o me ; o f e v e n t s wa g e r e d on a nd
t he s e l e c t i o n o f a wi n n e r , i . e t he r e c i p i e n t o f t h e p r o p e r t y
t r a n s f e r . The g a mb l e r s a r e , i n e f f e c t , r e l y i n g on a d e c i s i o n
wh i c h i s e x t e r n a l t o t h e ms e l v e s b u t n o t o u t s i d e t h e i r s p he r e
o f i n f l u e n c e I n a l l c a s e s . To what d e g r e e c o n t r o l o v e r t he :
out c ome o f e v e n t s i s a v a i l a b l e t o t he p l a y e r s a nd t he n a t u r e '
o f t h a t c o n t r o l i s t he v a r i a b l e wh i c h c h a r a c t e r i z e s t he
e v e n t s o r games wh i c h p l a y e r s ga mbl e o n . " ( R e c a l l t h e
t y p o l o g y o f games b a s e d on t h e p r e d o mi na nc e o f p h y s i c a l
s k i l l , c h a n c e , o r s t r a t e g y ) A l s o - i n De v e r e ux (1949, l o c .
c i t . ) i s t he s t a t e m e n t
.' Ga mb l i n g t hu s i n v o l v e s t h e a d d i t i o n .
o f a n a r t i f i c i a l i n t e r e s t i n t he
out c ome o f a n u n c e r t a i n e v e n t , a n .
i n t e r e s t wh i c h d i d n o t e x i s t p r i o r -t o '
or. i n d e p e n d e n t l y of; t h e wa g e r . ..;
T h i s may be s t a t e d i n a d i f f e r e n t way wh i c h i s c o n s o n a n t wi t h
a n e a r l i e r r e f e r e n c e i n t h i s p a p e r t o Co h e n . Ga mb l i n g i s ( v
c o g n i t i v e a nd a f f e c t i v e i n t h a t i t d i r e c t s t h e a t t e n t i o n o f
t he p l a y e r s s e l e c t i v e l y a nd p r e d i s p o s e s t hem n e g a t i v e l y o r :
p o s i t i v e l y , b u t n o t n e u t r a l l y , t o wa r d t h e e v e n t . F o l l o w i n g
Co he n , we a r e a l e r t e d t o t h e i n h e r e n t . s y mb o l i c n a t u r e o f
g a mb l i n g . T h i s f e a t u r e w i l l be d i s c u s s e d mor e f u l l y b e l o w.
We may r e t u r n f o r a moment t o c o n s i d e r some f u r t h e r -.
s o c i o l o g i c a l - i mp l i c a t i o n s o f t h e d e f i n i t i o n o f g a mb l i n g .
The e x i s t e n c e o f t he. wa ge r a s a c r u c i a l e l e me nt o f g a mb l i n g
p r e s u p p o s e s b o t h t h e a v a i l a b i l i t y o f p r o p e r t y t o s t a k e a nd a :
means f o r d e t e r mi n i n g v a l u e i n o r d e r t o c o n c l u d e t he b e t .
wa g e r a b l e p r o p e r t y may be v a r i o u s l y d e f i n e d a c c o r d i n g t o t h e
g a mb l e r s a nd t h e c u l t u r e i n q u e s t i o n . Howe ve r , t h e c o n c e p t ,;
o f p r o p e r t y mi n i ma l l y s u g g e s t s a n e c onomi c s y s t e m i n wh i c h
p r o p e r t y i s c r e a t e d a nd a p o l i t i c a l s y s t e m by wh i c h i t i s ~
c o n t r o l l e d . T h i s h o l d s t r u e wh e t h e r t h e r e a r e s i mp l y t wo
g a mb l e r s o f a c o mpl e x s e t o f t eams o r s i d e s . The n o t i o n o f
v a l u e r a i s e s a g a i n t h e q u e s t i o n o f s h a r e d c u l t u r a l t r a i t s .
The: a s s e s s me n t o f v a l u e c a n be p a r t i c u l a r l y p r o b l e ma t i c i n
/ . . t h e absence of a code or currency. Yet, i n order to gamble,
at a l l , the;value.of the
:
wagered property must be recognized
by the p l a y e r s , however they accomplish i t . I mentioned
above that gambling c o n s t i t u t e d a t r a n s a c t i o n of s o r t s , ,.
and. that point may be elaborated. Devereux s t a t e s t h a t ,
" . . . the gambling t r a n s a c t i o n i s zero-sumV that i s , the
:
winnings are. e x a c t l y equal to the l o s s e s . " (op".clt. p. 29)
Whether or not there Is the i n t r o d u c t i o n .or removal of
property (the inverse of a zero-sum t r a n s a c t i o n , as I
V,,'' und .er stand i t ) , there i s a t l e a s t the c i r c u l a t i o n of property
c
;-'':yImplied by the wager. Thus, the p l a y e r s are i m p l i c a t e d i n
' an economic system t h a t r e g u l a t e s the production, and a
p o l i t i c a l system that regulates; the flow, of property.
^ y -As a preliminary' to the p r e s e n t a t i o n of Geertz s
m a t e r i a l I would l i k e to examine some s y m b o l i c aspects of
gambling i n the abstract...; . Regardless of; the event wagered '
/ ' on, there Is a d e f i n i t e assignment. of the I d e n t i t i e s of
'
;
winner arid of l o s e r to the gamblers. This q u a l i t y i s
".;.; i n a l i e n a b l e from .arid c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of gambling although
not e x c l u s i v e to i t (games, e.g. have means f o r determining
\ the winner and the l o s e r ) . P l a y e r s are thus. engaged de
f a c t o i n a competition f o r the scarce, status, of winner.
;
;
The. degree of competition .and . c o n f l i c t i s h i g h l y v a r i a b l e
among gamblers as we s h a l l see from a d i s c u s s i o n of Geertz's
paper. However, the competitive s i t u a t i o n i s never absent
from gambling d e s p i t e the s t r e n g t h of commitment of the
p l a y e r s to the I d e n t i t i e s the wager assigns them. It.must
be obvious, as w e l l , t h a t the determination of v i c t o r y or
f a i l u r e i n gambling,is more s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d , more black and .
white, than i n most everyday l i f e s i t u a t i o n s . The nature .
of gambling, that i s , the wagering of something of value on .
the u n c e r t a i n outcome of events, make i t analogous to many
r e a l - l i f e s i t u a t i o n s of the p l a y e r s . This i s a c r u c i a l
s i m i l a r i t y , one. which w i l l be shown.to c h a r a c t e r i z e the -
a c t i v i t y i n the minds of the p l a y e r s as w e l l as the observers
A b r i e f summary i s i n order to refocus our view of >
gambling- so -far..- In the,realm of symbols and symbolic .
complexes we have shown that gambling a :;
- has s t r o n g , a f f e c t i v e j c o g n i t i v e and conative :
components i n terms of Cohen's f o r m u l a t i o n
;. ";^:,v- comprises a purposeful competitive s i t u a t i o n
par excellence
- assigns an i d e n t i t y to p a r t i c i p a n t s , namely
the s t a t u s of winner and of l o s e r
i - c o n s t i t u t e s a dramatic r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of ;, .
everyday l i f e f o r the p l a y e r s
With regard t o the v a r i a b l e of power r e l a t i o n s , gamblingi
- i s a form of i n t e r a c t i o n and thus r e q u i r e s
a minimum of shared c u l t u r e to communicate
-'presupposes: an economic system which
generates property and a p o l i t i c a l .
system which c o n t r o l s access to i t
r requires- common values towards property '/';;>;;;,-
of i t s p a r t i c i p a n t s and by i m p l i c a t i o n , . v.;
mutual p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a system of
';''_ exchange .'.'.;.'
:
'. : j- . ...:-:
:
Ky.
These c h a r a c t e r i s e s are d e r i v e d i n d u c t i v e l y , so t o speak,
by an examination of the e s s e n t i a l elements of gambling
according t o our d e f i n i t i o n . Further'on, s i m i l a r kinds
of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s w i l l be suggested based bri a comparative
a n a l y s i s of gambling p r a c t i c e s i n s e v e r a l s o c i e t i e s . We
now t u r n to Geertz and h i s
:
d i s t i n c t i o n deep pl&y/shallow
.play
:
. '';.'.,.''f,;".'; ("'[ _;'.;> '.'{ '' - "]
;
'.}:; '' :;' ^
Geertz's c o n t r i b u t i o n to the study of gambling stems
from h i s i n t e r e s t i n the c o c k f i g h t and i t s s i g n i f i c a n c e t o \
the B a l i n e s e . : (Geertz, 1972) During a p e r i o d of f i e l d w o r k :
i n B a l l he discovered the remarkable involvement of h i s
subjects i n the b e t t i n g and f i g h t i n g of cocks. The s p e c i f i c
ways i r i which c o c k f i g h t i n g r e f l e c t s B a l i n e s e c u l t u r e need
not concern us here. However, he came to c e r t a i n c o n c l u s i o n s
about.;gambling, and the a t t i t u d e s of gamblers whom he observed,
that are very i l l u m i n a t i n g . F i r s t of a l l , he notes t h a t 'up
to a point one can e x p l a i n the m o t i v a t i o n of gamblers i n
terms; of the economic rewards of winning the wager
:
.- * In the .:
case of bets of r e l a t i v e l y small value v i s a v i s the
economic resources of the gambler, the marginal u t i l i t y of
winning i s apparent. However, Geertz c o n s i s t e n t l y observed
that gamblers were b e t t i n g enormous sums i n r e l a t i o n t o
t h e i r resources and: that the marginal d i s u t i l i t y of l o s i n g
f a r surpassed! - the b e n e f i t s of v i c t o r y . , In order t o r e c o n c i l e
t h i s seeming i n c o n s i s t e n c y , he borrows the d i s t i n c t i o n "deep
:
play/shallow p l a y " from Bentham.. Deep play occurs when the ;
economic u t i l i t y of the amount wagered i s l e s s than the
d i s u t i l i t y ; the gambler i s Vin over h i s head!". Shallow
p l a y i s - t h e converse of deep play and i s not;discussed .much
f u r t h e r , s i n c e i t c h a r a c t e r i z e s : gambling of minor s o c i o l o g i c a l
s i g n i f i c a n c e . I t i s c l e a r that s t r i c t l y economic or r a t i o n a l
i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of deep play are Inadequate, 'The e x p l a n a t i o n
as Geertz p o i n t s . o u t , i s r e a l l y simple; '' P l a c i n g a wager on
the outcome of any event creates i n t e r e s t i n t h a t event (see
Devereux above). P l a c i n g a l a r g e bet c r e a t e s c o n s i d e r a b l e ;
i n t e r e s t and an "excessive" bet makes the contest meaningful
indeed. And, the meaning here i s not d i f f i c u l t to l o c a t e ,
given the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of B a l i n e s e men and the cocks they- A
bet on.. The c o c k f i g h t , 1 * 6 . t h e "deep" c o c k f i g h t , i s a
symbolic b a t t l e to the death of the cock-owners, and t h e i r :
s t a t u s , t h e i r p r e s t i g e , i s a t
;
stake.
'''It i s i n l a r g e part because the marginal . -'/^yKiZ.
d i s u t i l i t y of l o s s i s so great at the higher '-yZZy^Z
l e v e l s of b e t t i n g that to engage i n such b e t t i n g
i s to l a y one's p u b l i c s e l f , a l l u s i v e l y and Z/'
m e t a p h o r i c a l l y ,^ through, the medium of one's ^
cock, on the l i n e . And though to a Benthamite ' J...
t h i s might seem merely to increase the . ..
i r r a t i o n a l i t y of the e n t e r p r i s e t h a t i.
much further,, to the B a l i n e s e what i t ;
mainly increases i s the meaningfulness
... ' , o f i t a l l . . iVnd as (to f o l l o w Weber
, -rather than.Bentham) the i m p o s i t i o n of
::; '.-;;'"
:
meaning on l i f e : ' i s the major end and
. primary c o n d i t i o n of human e x i s t e n c e , .
' that access of s i g n i f i c a n c e more than;
compensates f o r the economic c o s t s
'-. . i n v o l v e d . (Geertz, 1972, , p. 16) :
Having thus narrowed h i s f i e l d of i n q u i r y , Geertz proceeds to
examine thefesymbblism of the deep c o c k f i g h t as. i t r e l a t e s to
B a l i n e s e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e through the mechanism of " s t a t u s .
gambling." :He demonstrates \ that the symbolic i d e n t i f i c a t i o n
of cocks and ,men i s pervasive i n . t h e f o l k l o r e , mythology
and l i t e r a t u r e of B a l l . Furthermore, j the r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f ;
everyday s t a t u s concerns m e t a p h o r i c a l l y i n the c o c k f i g h t i s :
1
;
shown w i t h reference to anecdotes and cllche's. The behavior
of B a l i n e s e men i n the care and breeding of cocks i s ' "
/ c h a r a c t e r i z e d by symbols and symbolic complexes., What then
;; i s the p a r t i c u l a r importance of the gambling' p r a c t i c e s i n
r e i n t e r p r e t i n g the c o c k f i g h t ? Geertz answersi
'.; What makes . B a l i n e s e c o c k f i g h t i n g deep
i s thus not money i n i t s e l f , but. what,
the 'more of i t that i s i n v o l v e d the more
so, money causes to happen: the m i g r a t i o n
.. ^ of the B a l i n e s e s t a t u s hierarchy, Into the
body of the c o c k f i g h t . - ( p p . c i t . , p. 17)
The c r i t i c a l f e a t u r e of deep gambling i s the endowment of
meaning, through symbolic complexes, on the e n t e r p r i s e . The
s o c i o l o g i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of gambling i n the B a l i n e s e s e t t i n g
i s the a c t i v a t i o n of a symbolic f i e l d i n which the p a r t i c i p a n t s
act out i n mutually i n t e l l i g i b l e ways t h e i r concerns i n
everyday l i f e . ', f f.'' . -^i
v'
Cohen s t a t e s t h a t , "Symbolic forms are the products
of c r e a t i v e work. '. T h e i r i n t e r n a l s t r u c t u r e i s a dramatic
s t r u c t u r e and t h e i r study i s p a r t l y a study i n the s o c i o l o g y
of a r t . " ( p p . c i t . , p, 220)i In Geertz we f i n d , "As any
art-form f o r t h a t , f i n a l l y , i s whatj we afe d e a l i n g w i t h -
the c o c k f i g h t renders everyday, o r d i n a r y experience
comprehensible i n terms of a c t s and objects which have had;
t h e i r p r a c t i c a l consequences removed, and been .reduced (or,
i f you p r e f e r , r a i s e d ) t o the l e v e l of sheer appearances,
where t h e i r meaning can be more p o w e r f u l l y arid more .exactly
perceived." ( o p . c i t . , p. 23) "Trie p a r a l l e l s i n trie
approach advocated by Cohen to such behavior and the one .
adopted by Geertz, s i m p l i f i e s the task of working out the
v a r i a b l e s i n studying gambling. Geertz delves Into the ,:,
symbolic f u n c t i o n s of the c o c k f i g h t , a k i n d of s t r u c t u r a l
a n a l y s i s , i n order to demonstrate the l i n k s between the
symbolic and. t h e ' a c t u a l i n B a l l n e s e thought.-/ Given our
previous a n a l y s i s / o f gambling as an a b s t r a c t i o n , i t i s not
too d i f f i c u l t to f i l l i n the c o c k f i g h t and a r r i v e a t the
c e n t r a l theme, as Geertz does. ' That i s , the a s s o c i a t i o n of
s t a t u s ' a f f i r m a t i o n and r e - a f f i r m a t i o n w i t h the l i f e and
death s t r u g g l e of the oocks. The B a l l n e s e thus p o r t r a y
t h e i r own concern w i t h s t a t u s r i v a l r i e s , t o tliemselves, as
a l i f e and death s t r u g g l e . I t i s not necessary t o d w e l l on
the symbolism of c o c k f i g h t i n g any longer, i n t e r e s t i n g as i t
i s i n B a l l n e s e l i f e .
Another comment from Cohen on symbolic f u n c t i o n ! <
. . . a l l p o l i t i c s , a l l s t r u g g l e f o r
power, i s segmentary. This means that
enemies a t one l e v e l must be a l l i e s a t .-.-^.
a higher l e v e l . Thus a man must be an . : , .-
' enemy and an a l l y w i t h the same set of . .:. ...:*.;
people,.and i t i s mainly through the ..-,:/,<
.; ' m y s t i f i c a t i o n ' generated by symbolism
t h a t these c o n t r a d i c t i o n s are . r e p e t e t i v e l y
f o r c e d out and t e m p o r a r i l y r e s o l v e d .
( o p . C i t . p. 221)
Geertz r e f e r s to: the c o c k f i g h t as, ". .: . a s i m u l a t i o n of ,
the s o c i a l matrix, the i n v o l v e d system of c r o s s - c u t t i n g ,
overlapping, h i g h l y corporate groups v i l l a g e s , klngroups,
i r r i g a t i o n s o c i e i t e s , temple congregations, " c a s t e s " i n
which i t s devotees l i v e . " h. ( o p . c i t . , p. 18) He continues
to explore the p a t t e r n of b e t t i n g which emerged from h i s
observation of scores o f . c o c k f i g h t s . The most general
p r i n c i p l e which Is d e r i v e d s t a t e s that a man w i l l bet on a :
cock which i s owned .by a kinsmen', and i n ' the absence of a
c l o s e kinsmen, one bets on an a l l i e d group f a t h e r than an
u n a l l i e d one, and so on, i n c o n c e n t r i c r i n g s of a l l i a n c e .
The dramatic nature of the c o c k f i g h t thus serves the
symbolic f u n c t i o n of u n i t i n g or r e - u n i t i n g a l l i a n c e groups
through an expression of support and s o l i d a r i t y which i s
v a r i a b l e . Moreover, i n a s e t t i n g i n which a l l i a n c e s are
a dramatic matter, the c o c k f i g h t provides a p u b l i c forum
f o r the d i s p l a y of support and alignment. For example,
. ..
(
. .. the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d h o s t i l i t y <
r e l a t i o n , pulk, i s o f t e n f o r m a l l y .
i n i t i a t e d (though I t s causes always ;.
l i e elsewhere): by such a "pardon me"
/
27
bet (against the .grain) i n a deep
. f i g h t , p u t t i n g the symbolic f a t i n - . . -
the f i r e . V S i m i l a r l y , the end of
;.; ' . such a r e l a t i o n s h i p and resumption ;
of normal s o c i a l i n t e r c o u r s e i s :.
o f t e n s i g n a l i z e d (but, again not .
a c t u a l l y brought about) by one or " ..} ;
the other of the enemies supporting
the other's b i r d . ( o p . c l t . , P. 20)
In concluding the p r e s e n t a t i o n of Geertz*s m a t e r i a l
I wish t o draw a t t e n t i o n t o an approach which the author
advocates. He suggests t h a t , ". . . one takes the c o c k f i g h t ,
or any other c o l l e c t i v e l y sustained symbolic s t r u c t u r e as a
means of "saying something of something" . ... ." ( o p . c i t . , . -:
p. 26) Stated d i f f e r e n t l y , the author recommends studying
customs or symbols t o understand t h e i r meaning t o the people
who created and maintain them. He compares t h i s endeavour
with the exegesis of a l i t e r a r y t e x t and c o n t r a s t s i t w i t h
the " c l a s s i c a l " approach to a n a l y s i s of such c u l t u r a l forms.
This need not represent a r a d i c a l r e - o r d e r i n g of a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l
p r i o r i t i e s , but merely a s h i f t i n emphasis from " d i s s e c t i o n "
of c u l t u r a l systems to t h e i r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Thus,
What sets the c o c k f i g h t apart from the
o r d i n a r y course of l i f e , l i f t s i t from the
realm of everyday, p r a c t i c a l a f f a i r s and
surrounds i t w i t h an aura of enlarged
Importance i s not, as f u n c t i o n a l i s t
sociology.would have i t , that i t r e i n f o r c e s
s t a t u s d i s c r i m i n a t i o n s (such reinforcement
i s h a r d l y necessary i n a s o c i e t y where
every a c t proclaims them), but that i t .
provides a metasocial commentary on the
whole matter of assorting.human beings
i n t o f i x e d h i e r a r c h i c a l ranks and then
. o r g a n i z i n g the major part of c o l l e c t i v e
e x i s t e n c e around that assortment. I t s
f u n c t i o n , i f you want to c a l l i t t h a t , ;
i s i n t e r p r e t i v e I i t i s a; B a l i n e s e
reading of a B a l i n e s e experience? a
:
'
. ^ s t o r y they t e l l themselves about themselves. - ..
(Geertz, 1972, p. 26)
) 28
Geertz: would probably not argue with;the f a c t that good
.'. ethnographers have been engaged- i n ;
:
p r e c i s e l y the e n t e r p r i s e
he encourages f o f .many years. /However, many a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s
have avoided t h i s s o r t of a n a l y s i s , I n t h e i r c o n c e n t r a t i o n on
the s o c i o l o g i c a l f u n c t i o n s of the behavior they study.
What Geertz urges i s a more e x p l i c i t and r i g o r o u s treatment .
v
of c u l t u r a l forms which has as I t s c e n t r a l focus the
d i s c o v e r y of the meaning of those forms to the people who
s u s t a i n them. This i s q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from the " s t r u c t u r a l i s m "
of L e v l - S t r a u s s as the f o l l o w i n g statement explains
. . . . r a t h e r than t a k i n g myths, totem
r i t e s , marriage r u l e s or whatever as '
t e x t s to i n t e r p r e t , L e v l - S t r a u s s takes
... them as c i p h e r s t o s o l v e , which i s very
/-.. much not the same t h i n g . ... He does not
seek t o understand symbolic forms i n
.; terms of how they f u n c t i o n i n concrete
. s i t u a t i o n s to organize perceptions
:
-(meanings, emotions, concepts, a t t i t u d e s ) ;
he seeks t o understand them e n t i r e l y i n [''":'''
terms of t h e i r i n t e r n a l s t r u c t u r e ,
/ independant, de tout s u j e t , de tout
o b j e t , et de toute coritexte.
:
' y.
:
''''//,
;
:- P;.V '.. ' ''yj\
!
( o p . c i t . , p. 3^),' .. ::^-^
r
Z'S ''0-
The r a d i c a l nature of Geertz's proposal t o t r e a t
. c u l t u r a l forms as t e x t s a r i s e s not from the methodology of
doing so, or even from the d e s c r i p t i o n s one might expect
from such a method.. Rather i t . i s the i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the
a n a l y s i s of symbolic f u n c t i o n which are r e v i s e d . He t e l l s
us, i n essence, t h a t the symbolic f u n c t i o n Of an event l i k e
the c o c k f i g h t r e s i d e s i n i t s a b i l i t y t o dramatize s o c i a l
concerns of the observers adn to r e o r i e n t t h e i r perceptions
by s e l e c t i v e l y emphasizing t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r values, a t t i t u d e s ,
concepts, e t c . By extension, the c o g n i t i v e o r i e n t a t i o n
thus r e i n f o r c e d w i l l tend to. support c e r t a i n p o l i t i c a l :
s t r u c t u r e s . However, he I n s i s t s that the c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f ?
s o c i o l o g i c a l f u n c t i o n s should f o l l o w the a n a l y s i s of c u l t u r a l ^
forms and the working out of the r e l a t i o n s and values which
they make e x p l i c i t to the p a r t i c i p a n t s . Geertz exhorts us
to t r e a t the; c o c k f i g h t as a t e x t In order t o see an e s s e n t i a l
f e a t u r e of i t which might be obscured by t r e a t i n g i t as a
r i t e of pastime; namely, i t s use of emotion f o r
c o g n i t i v e ends." (op.ci't., p. 27)
In summary I wish t o review the s a l i e n t p o i n t s of . .;
Geertz*s a r t i c l e f o r our framework of gambling. .' ; ;
- the d i s t i n c t i o n deep p l a y / s h a l l o w play e s t a b l i s h e s the ,]
d i f f e r e n c e s between gambling for:money (where marginal '
u t i l i t y is',greater than d i s u t i l i t y ) and gambling f o r
s t a t u s (the u t i l i t y i s l e s s than the d i s u t i l i t y )
- two c o r o l l a r i e s of deep p l a y / s h a l l o w play a r e i
1) the r o l e of s t a t u s concerns i n wagering
s p e c i f i c a l l y the determination of bets
according to a l l i a n c e s
2) the r o l e of money i n gambling a means
,- of endowing the event w i t h meaning and
s i g n a l l i n g the gambler's concern w i t h
extra-economic issues
- the dramatic natures and
V the expressive and. symbolic aspects ^ f . t h e gambling
: which enriches i t
- the treatment of. c u l t u r a l forms such as the c o c k f i g h t
'.. i n B a l i as a t e x t to be. interpreted. : ......
- t h e i m p l i c a t i o n s of the a n a l y s i s of symbolic forms as
' t e x t s f o r .the d i s c o v e r y of symbolic f u n c t i o n s (spec i f l e a l l y r*
t h e i r c o g n i t i v e q u a l i t i e s ) ':
-. the consequences ,6f- the f o r e g o i n g d i s c u s s i o n of symbolic ;
form and f u n c t i o n f o r the problem of d i s c o v e r i n g the
r e l a t i o n s h i p , between symbolism and r e l a t i o n s of power.; . '
I have not elaborated the l a s t p o i n t b u t I f e e l that,
i t has been stated and r e s t a t e d ,:in d i f f e r e n t ways i n the
previous review of Geertz. Geertz makes the ': r e l a t i o n s h i p /; c
between symbolism and power r e l a t i o n s problematic. He
i n d i r e c t l y i n v i t e s us t o r e c o n s i d e r how symbolic forms may
f u n c t i o n t o a r t i c u l a t e p o l i t i c a l groupings (see e.g, the
d i s c u s s i o n above of i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d h o s t i l i t y r e l a t i o n s h i p s
and the c o c k f i g h t and a l s o the network of a l l i a n c e s and. the . . :
c o c k f i g h t ) . His way of t r e a t i n g c u l t u r a l forms maintains
them as a separate v a r i a b l e (symbolic) from p o l i t i c a l
r e l a t i o n s . The Interdependence of the two v a r i a b l e s i s
a s s e r t e d , n e i t h e r one being subsumed under the;other i n an
Independent-dependent r e l a t i o n s h i p . The p r e c i s e nature of
the r e l a t i o n s h i p i s not s t a t e d , .but h i s a n a l y s i s of c o c k f i g h t s
i s r e p l e t e w i t h suggestions about how symbolic complexes .
r e l a t e t o concrete s i t u a t i o n s .
'' , " ' ' "'
:
' t ' ' ' . "\ . .'. ' . > : V p l ' , '
1
. '' ' *.. ' *, "
' * i " . . '
:
' . : , ^
1
i - ' '
:
" . . '. " -^
We move now to a t e n t a t i v e f o r m u l a t i o n of the
v a r i a b l e s ' i n v o l v e d i n a study of gambling, p r i o r to attempting :>'
an a p p l i c a t i o n of the framework. We s h a l l be almost e x c l u s i v e l y
i n t e r e s t e d . i n what 'Geertz has termed " s t a t u s gambling." ,.
Status gambling a r i s e s from deep play and i s s i g n a l i z e d by ;
the. amount/and. nature' of the property wagered. .
:
Why exclude
(
s o - c a l l e d ' "money /gambling?" For a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l , purposes i t
i s j u s t i f i a b l e t o focus on the c u l t u r a l forms which promise
to y i e l d the most provocative r e s u l t s i n a n a l y s i s . I t has
been demonstrated above that gambling;of the former type can
be f r u i t f u l l y analyzed f o r i t s symbolic f u n c t i o n s . Furthermore;;
the m a j o r i t y of ethno g r a p h i c / m a t e r i a l i s concerned w i t h s t a t u s
r a t h e r than.money gambling. Geertz a l s o p o i n t s out t h a t the
gamblers i n v o l v e d i n deep play are a l s o the i n d i v i d u a l s who '
i n o r d i n a r y l i f e are i n v o l v e d i n long-term s t a t u s r i v a l r i e s
s
( o p . c i t . , p. 17). Such gamblers are the " s o l i d c i t i z e n s " , :
the "establishment" i n s o c i e t y . Money gambling appears
c o n s i s t e n t l y to a t t r a c t the lower s t r a t a /and/women and
c h i l d r e n . The c o r r e l a t i o n of s o c i a l r o l e and s t a t u s w i t h "
gambling p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s i n t e r e s t i n g i n i t s e l f . However,
i t Is secondary, though r e l e v a n t , to the a n a l y s i s of the
symbolism of s t a t u s gambling.
We have seen from the previous a n a l y s i s of gambling
i n the a b s t r a c t , that questions of i d e n t i t y , c o m p e t i t i o n ,
i n t e r - g r o u p ' r e l a t i o n s , shared c u l t u r a l t r a i t s , and general
economic and p o l i t i c a l issues may be asked. In the d i s c u s s i o n
of Geertz's ideas we, were introduced t o the concept of
c u l t u r a l t e x t and the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of gambling i n terms
of i t s c o g n i t i v e f e a t u r e s . Moreover, we have noted the
dramatic, symbolic nature Of gambling i n g e n e r a l F o r m u l a t i n g
a coherent prof l i e ; of 'gambling from these f e a t u r e s , we might-:,.
a r r i v e a t something as follows. ,
Beneath the s u p e r f i c i a l economic aspects of gambling r e s i d e s :
a substratum of symbolism which lends a dramatic q u a l i t y to
the a c t i v i t y . Our purpose i n d e s c r i b i n g gambling p r a c t i c e s
Is to cllscover the meaning of the patterns of wagering and
p l a y i n g as they are understood by the gamblers. We can .then.
begin to ask questions about the symbolic f u n c t i o n s of the
a c t i v i t y - - e.g. ;.:;;-^;'.y ;.-.; '
What i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , are emphasized?
/: What c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are a s s o c i a t e d w i t h winning
7-,.
;
and l o s i n g ? ' .
;,t
)>
How does gambling reorganize, r e o r i e n t or \
r e a f f i r m the p l a y e r ' s perceptions of the game j
and everyday l i f e ? . : ' . ' , V.
We may a l s o i n v e s t i g a t e , the ways i n which, on an a b s t r a c t
l e v e l , r e l a t i o n s of power I n t e r a c t w i t h the symbolism of
gambling .' e.g. '
Which r e l a t i o n s are i s o l a t e d by gambling? -i
y
r:
:
-
As a p u b l i c arena f o r the statement of
personal alignments, how does the b e t t i n g . ; ; .: , :
p a t t e r n a f f e c t group formation?
Thus, our general o r i e n t a t i o n towards gambling i s h o l i s t i c . :i > '
Our concerns i n c l u d e n e i t h e r the symbolism nor the s o c i o l o g i c a l
s i g n i f i c a n c e of gambling e x c l u s i v e l y . .. ; Rather, we s h a l l : . '
Inquire i n t o both these aspects and the r e l a t i o n s h i p .:
between them.
CHAPTER THREE
hand game cultures
34
In the next s e c t i o n of the paper I s h a l l examine. : ;
f i v e ethnographic accounts of gambling. My purpose i n \
reviewing t h i s m a t e r i a l i s t o demonstrate-how gambling may .
be s t u d i e d a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l l y . Why I have chosen these :
p a r t i c u l a r groups i s explained p r e s e n t l y .
The a v a i l a b i l i t y of l i t e r a t u r e on gambling i s r e a l l y >,
q u i t e l i m i t e d as I noted e a r l i e r . I r e f e r . s p e c i f i c a l l y to
a r t i c l e s or monographs which have as t h e i r main t o p i c , r
f
,
gambling, or a r e l a t e d game complex. In the general
ethnographic l i t e r a t u r e there.are numerous references to
:
;
games and gambling as part of an inventory of the c u l t u r e
'under, s c r u t i n y . (see e.g. Brewster, 1970). '"; However, the
" p i c k i n g s " are meagre, indeed, when one i s l o o k i n g f o r an
a n a l y s i s of gambling. Thus,' f i n d i n g any s o r t of I n t e r e s t i n g
a r t i c l e on gambling i s e v e n t f u l ' and. I have had t o c a r e f u l l y
consider each one. I have been f o r t u n a t e i n one r e s p e c t .
My i n i t i a l i n t e r e s t i n gambling was more or l e s s r e s t r i c t e d -.
t o the gambling complexes of. n a t i v e '.Indians .of. North America
e s p e c i a l l y one r e f e r r e d to as the "hand game." Seemingly .' '
by c o i n c i d e n c e , s e v e r a l of the r a r e a r t i c l e s which delve i n t o
gambling f e a t u r e s have been concerned with the hand game.
I s e r i o u s l y doubt that I could have l o c a t e d f i v e reasonable
d e s c r i p t i o n s of other gambling complexes without an i n o r d i n a t e
amount of b i b l i o g r a p h i c work, i f : a t a l l . : Thus, I decided t o
d e a l s o l e l y w i t h these accounts, r e l a t e d as they a l l are t o ./
the hand game. There are some, methodological advantages
to t h i s s e l e c t i o n of m a t e r i a l s , o b v i a t i n g the need t o d w e l l
on the nature of the gambling game a f t e r the I n i t i a l
presentation.. Moreover, i t permits me to focus on the
v a r i a t i o n s i n wagers, b e t t i n g , and r e l a t e d f e a t u r e s , other
t h i n g s being ( f a i r l y ) equal. The goals of the a n a l y s i s are
comparative and general, whereas the i n d i v i d u a l sources are
mostly p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c s t u d i e s .
. I s h a l l provide a b r i e f , general d e s c r i p t i o n of the
hand game so that' the subsequent d i s c u s s i o n of t r i b a l '
v a r i a t i o n s i s more meaningful. The hand game i s u s u a l l y
described i n t h e ' l i t e r a t u r e as a guessing game or a game of >
chance. (see Lesser, 1933; C u l l n , 190?) The opponents
i n the game are arranged on opposite s i d e s of an area which ,
they enclose, f a c i n g each other The .play c o n s i s t s of one;
or more members of one side,/ which i s designated the " h i d i n g
s i d e " f o r the play, c o n c e a l i n g a s m a l l token or tokens In
the hands. ' The other s i d e , or. "guessing s i d e " , must guess
f o r the. proper l o c a t i o n of the token*'' ,. The; r o l e s of h i d i n g
side and guessing side a l t e r n a t e when the l o c a t i o n of the
tokens i s s u c c e s s f u l l y determined. . S t i c k s are o f t e n used
to keep score of the i n c f o r r e c t guesses arid 'the game i s over
when a l l the s t i c k s (or a m u l t i p l e of that number) i s i n the
possession of one s i d e . There are elaborate v a r i a t i o n s of
t h i s b a s i c format. For example, the v a r i a b l e elements of
the hand game are p a r a p h e r n a l i a , musicalaccompaniment,
t a l l y s t i c k s and method of s c o r i n g , seating-arrangements,
value and t i m i n g of bets to name, a few. The common features;- ,
of a l l the games include the b a s i c group nature of the
game, d e s p i t e the assignment of s p e c i f i c r o l e s such as guesser
and h i d e r to members of the s i d e ; the symbolism of c o n f l i c t
and competition which comprises game l o r e 5 the opportunity . ,-
f o r . p l a y e r s to u t i l i z e s t r a t e g y and s k i l l i n ' t h e game, as
w e l l a s . r e l y i n g on chance or luck to determine the. outcome;
the absence of v e r b a ! communication, other than the music;
and the r e l i a n c e oh hand signals-and gestures t o conduct the
game.. ' .
:
. ' ?V,::V '>".:'>.; '
:
' \
;
- \ ' i r K' " './;'':
v
'
:
. -I'v" ' ' y~y^ rf^jji-,
The hand game was commonly a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t r a d i n g . .
and f e s t i v a l gatherings of d l s p e r s e d bands and v i l l a g e s .
Since v e r b a ! exchanges were not e s s e n t i a l f o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n ,
i t was p o s s i b l e for,-even l i n g u i s t i c a l l y u n r e l a t e d groups to
play.together. The gambling- was o f t e n heavy,.with c o n s i d e r a b l e
wagering of property i n an atmosphere of economic r e c k l e s s n e s s .
A l l u s i o n s to gambling i n d i f f e r e n t mythologies. e x i s t , but
the.moral value they a t t a c h to i t s p r a c t i c e , 1 s q u i t e v a r i a b l e .
There are even frequent references t o the i n t e r v e n t i o n , i n
trad111 ona1 times, of supernatural f o r c e s In the. hand'games.
The purposeful search f o r , and a c q u i s i t i o n of, s p i r i t power .:.
or a s s i s t a n c e ori s p e c i f i c occasions i s not unknown.
:
Where
people gambled on the hand game they o f t e n gambled on other
games.and sports as well'. However,/ In many cases, the hand .
game sessions .attracted, the most s e r i o u s gamblers who made,
the l a r g e s t commitment i n terms of property,, p a r t i c u l a r l y
i n the s e t t i n g of i n t e r - t r i b a l matches. The a e s t h e t i c "
aspects of the games were o f t e n enhanced by musical
accompaniment which was sometimes simply v o c a l , and sometimes
percussive and v o c a l . was . o r d i n a r i l y of two kinds i
i n i t i a l bets on the outcome of the e n t i r e game which were
placed, i n advance of the play 5 " s i d e bets", which were _
<
determined, by the outcome of a s i n g l e guess and were
consummated immediately. Wagers were a l s o c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y
dyadic, and. without odds, so that the standard, bet of one
u n i t of property brought the v i c t o r a u n i t of s i m i l a r value
( i . e . i f gamblers bet one d o l l a r each, the winner has two -
d o l l a r s , the l o s e r , nothing.) / These general f e a t u r e s w i l l
become more comprehensible as s p e c i f i c . c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are
;
presented and discussed below.
The f i r s t a r t i c l e I want to examine d e s c r i b e s
gambling among the Gros Ventre of Montana during.the l a t t e r
h a l f of the nineteenth century. The authors (Flannery and
Cooper, 19^6) are concerned w i t h s o c i a l i m p l i c a t i o n s of
gambling and s t a t e , '
Our a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l sources y i e l d a 'x,^.
f a i r l y generous amount of i n f o r m a t i o n
on the world d i s t r i b u t i o n of gambling, y : .
the games and sports gamled on, the
v a l u a b l e s wagered, the payment of .. r.
gambling debts, and the r i t u a l
accompaniments of gambling. On the .. . '^r^;,::
other, hand,, the same sources y i e l d . i
, ..extremely meager i n f o r m a t i o n , and f o r
'; most gambling peoples none a t a l l , on i
;
such s o c i a l ; aspects of gambling as: , '
./.'its mode of meshing i n t o . t h e prevalent
s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n (who gambles, w i t h .
whom, and f o r what), i t s e f f e c t i v e n e s s .'.
;
'
V i n f u l f i l l i n g or thwarting the wishes ,
of the i n d i v i d u a l gambler and i n meeting
or b l o c k i n g the needs of i n t e g r a l and
f r a c t i o n a l s o c i a l groups; i n d i v i d u a l .
d i f f e r e n c e s i n p a r t i c i p a t i o n and the
motivations r e s p o n s i b l e f o r them;
n a t i v e a t t i t u d e s towards gambling;
the Economic and other f a c t o r s t h a t
:
' are f a v o r a b l e or unfavorable t o the
1
r i s e and p e r s i s t e n c e of gambling i n
' c u l t u r e as such or i n given c u l t u r e s .
F i e l d , and l i b r a r y s t u d i e s of these and
most other s o c i a l aspect of gambling
1
have been almost e n t i r e l y neglected by
anthropologists. ( o p . c i t . , p. 391)
Flannery and Cooper's i n t e r e s t i n the s o c i a l I m p l i c a t i o n s of..
gambling has l e d them to r e p o r t d e t a i l s of what they t i t l e .
the "bettor-wager" p a t t e r n of the Gros Ventre. T h e i r
emphasis on the r e l a t i o n a l ' a n d p o l i t i c a l aspects of gambling-
r e s u l t s i n some provocative conclusions but leaves the realm
of symbolism l a r g e l y unexplored. Enough ethnographic data
i s provided, however, t o b u i l d up, i n d u c t i v e l y , a d e s c r i p t i o n
of gambling which combines a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the symbolic
and r e l a t i o n a l aspects > S;'jZ;'.-
:
-
The Gros Ventre
:
gambled on games other than the
hand. game. ' One i n p a r t i c u l a r , ' the wheel game, was considered
a s e r i o u s event when played f o r high stakes, as i t o f t e n was;
There appears to be a f a i r amount of t r i b a l l o r e about such
:
games between i n d i v i d u a l s i n the s p e c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p of
"enemy-friends." Enemy-friendship was a d e l i b e r a t e pact
s t r e s s i n g competition f o r s t a t u s w i t h i n the t r i b e and l o y a l t y
t i n defense a g a i n s t o u t s i d e r s . Enemy-friends were capable ..!;
of, and expected t o be, r u t h l e s s l y competitive w i t h one
another. In gambling they played f o r the highest stakes,
and sought the t o t a l " r u i n " of each other. However severe
the l o s s of property i n such s e s s i o n , the " r u i n " was more ...
metaphorical than a c t u a l , as there were always kinsmen and
a l l i e s to provide f o r the l o s e r . The Gros Ventre recognized;,
themselves, t h a t defeat i n a wheel game w i t h enemy-friends
r e s u l t e d In a ruinous l o s s of p r e s t i g e : This type of. :. -V:-.-.''I
gambling i s mentioned to i l l u s t r a t e i t s e s s e n t i a l l y dramatic
or metaphorical riatufe, and the awareness of t h i s c n a r a c t e r r;;
by the p a r t i c i p a n t s iand observers.- '
1
-. - We need not dwell-on the l o c a l v a r i a t i o n of the hand
game proper (i> e. s t y l e
:
of implements , music etc .) . The. v ;..:)
authors p o i n t out that the hand; game was the most widespread
object of s e r i o u s gambling among.the Gros Ventre d e s p i t e the
)somewhat more s e n s a t l o n a l whee 1 games between enemy-f r l e n d s . ;; :.
Enemy-ffiends a l s o gambled on the hand game and, i n any event,
the hand game attracted, wider p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the community.
v
The authors discovered an ambivalance of a t t i t u d e among the
p a r t i c i p a n t s towards gambling and e x p l a i n i t t h u s i
The foregoing ambivalent a t t i t u d e can,
-.we b e l i e v e , be accounted f o r , i n l a r g e
part at l e a s t , by the data we have, v
incomplete though these data are. I t
i s p r e t t y c l e a r from the prevalent
bettor-wager p a t t e r n that the Gros Ventre
recognized, two more or l e s s c o n f l i c t i n g
aspects of t h e i r gamblingi a r e c r e a t i v e
one and a predatory one. C e r t a i n kinds
!. ' _ ;_/ of gambling were indulged i n . . 7
predominantly f o r f r i e n d l y r e c r e a t i o n ,
: ; .to have a good time; together. The
..minor wagering t h e r e i n merely added a
(
l i t t l e s p i c e and. zest to p l a y , while
;.;y.'
;
v'Vthe l o s e r s s u f f e r e d no a p p r e c i a b l e
. l o s s or h u r t . ; Other k i n d s , the common . . . . -. v
games f o r l a r g e stakes and the o c c a s i o n a l < <:: ..:}.,
ones f o r career p r e s t i g e were indulged i n . . ;i ; 7u
predominantly f o r gain at the expense of . y
the l o s e r s , f o r a c q u i s i t i o n i n which the
l o s e r s s u f f e r e d l o s s e s t h a t were g r i e v o u s l y
f e l t and t h a t s e r i o u s l y h u r t . As the :v,7
bettor-wager p a t t e r n shows, gambling of (.
. ' / > t h e f i r s t kind was recognized as c o n s i s t e n t |
. \ with the accepted canons of in-group '
a l t r u i s m and benevolence; t h a t of the .
second, as i n c o n s i s t e n t , t h e r e w i t h . _
' ( o p . c i t . , p. 4l 6) -ry
I t h i n k the best c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n of these sentiments on the f
part of the Gros Ventre p o i n t s t o the r e c o g n i t i o n of deep 'j;
play and. shallow play i n t h e i r gambling. The s o - c a l l e d . . . 7
"predatory" gambling i s s t a t u s gambling and. the depth of |
meaning i n such p l a y i s i t s d r a m a t i z a t i o n of concerns of
personal i d e n t i t y and group s o l i d a r i t y . P r e c i s e l y because
p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n high stakes games put personal r e l a t i o n s h i p s "
"on the l i n e " , d i d they threaten the c o n s t i t u t i o n of the s
community. In a sense, the stake i n a s e r i o u s or "deep"
game was not only the p r e s t i g e of. the p l a y e r s , .but because %
of t h i s r i s k , t h e i r a b i l i t y to r e l a t e to one another i n
a p p r o p r i a t e ways subsequent to the game. The authors note
t h a t , "The Gros Ventre were c o n s c i o u s l y concerned w i t h
fomenting s o l i d a r i t y w i t h i n t h e i r ranks f o r one t h i n g they
were a f i g h t i n g people beset w i t h powerful enemies." (op.
c i t . , p. 4l 6) Thus, " . . , Gros Ventre a t t i t u d e s on gambling
appear to have been i n f l u e n c e d very much by concern f o r
a l t r u i s m and accord, very l i t t l e by economic values."
1
( o p . c i t . , p. Ifl8) The ambivalence of the Gros Ventre -
serves as a note of c l a r i f i c a t i o n on the nature of deep play
In general.' ; .
Flannery and Cooper discovered t h a t the c o m p l e x i t i e s
of the bettor-wager p a t t e r n could be reduced t o a f a i r l y , .
simple set of determinants.. Each of these f a c t o r s says
something about how the Gros Ventre viewed gambling, and, .
by I m p l i c a t i o n , how they viewed the s o c i a l matrix of t h e i r
group. F i r s t , gambling, was more frequent and f o r l a r g e r
stakes when the "we-group a l t r u i s m , cohesion, and l o y a l t y "
was l e s s Intense. ( o p . c i t . , p. 4 l 3 - l 4 ) The Importance
of group s o l i d a r i t y and the need to promote l o y a l t y i n Gros
Ventre v i l l a g e s was noted above.
;
. Given t h i s c o n s i d e r a t i o n ,
gambling was thus regarded as a s e r i o u s competitive and even
d i v i s i v e , f a c t o r i n , i n t e r p e r s o n a 1 r e l a t i o n s i ? Once again,
'gambling was more frequent and f o r l a r g e r stakes,
:
the g r e a t e r
the degree of f a m i l i a r i t y and l i c e n c e permitted between
p l a y e r s . The opposite was t r u e as w e l l t the g r e a t e r the
degree of respect and avoidance demanded, the l e s s frequent
the gambling and the s m a l l e r the stakes. Here we n o t i c e t h a t
competition f o r s t a t u s i n gambling.is r e s t r i c t e d to i n d i v i d u a l s
whose r e l a t i o n s h i p i s l e s s bound by conventional behavior
e.g. the people whose i n t e r a c t i o n i s f a m i l i a r and c a s u a l .
Where behavior i s circumscribed among i n d i v i d u a l s , e.g. those
r o l e s demanding respect, and even avoidance, the p o s s i b i l i t y
42
of competition f o r s t a t u s i n gambling i s r u l e d out. This
a t t i t u d e i s i n s t r u c t i v e , f o r i t t e l l s us t h a t s t a t u s
r i v a l r i e s are r e a l l y p o s s i b l e Only between s t a t u s equals
or near equals. In other words, one doesn't gamble
s e r i o u s l y w i t h a c l o s e kinsmen such as;a parent because /
there i s no prospect of a l t e r i n g one's
1
s t a t u s v i s a v i s that.'
i n d i v i d u a l . On the other hand,, one gamles f i e r c e l y w i t h a ;;
r e l a t i o n such as an enemy-friend because the s i m i l a r i t y of 7
one's s t a t u s promotes r i v a l r y f o r p r e s t i g e i n the v i l l a g e .
This f e a t u r e of deep play a l s o e x p l a i n s the e x c l u s i o n of f
women and c h i l d r e n from the r e a l l y s e r i o u s games.; ^'In.'order
to have a t r u l y . c o m p e t i t i v e s i t u a t i o n , i t must be a t l e a s t
f a i r l y matched. (Geertz notes t h a t the most s e r i o u s , most
intense c o c k f i g h t s are the, ones i n which the cocks are most
c l o s e l y matched and the b e t t i n g i s consequently.at short
odds, i . e . even money G e e r t z , 1972, p. 22)
': ;';-..;:>,;}:[' y. Vf y,y
;
-^'. ''i'.!'! V.
;
'^i.7'
,
""f;!v^';^.'/'/ U0-^^P:'^0M
A f a c t o r which barred gambling e n t i r e l y was the
element of the sacred and/or a s c e t i c which was a s s o c i a t e d
w i t h c e r t a i n o f f i c e s and the persons occupying them* One
c o n c l u s i o n we might draw from the p r o h i b i t i o n of gambling
with i n d i v i d u a l s of sacred a s s o c i a t l o n i s t h a t gambling was >"
an a c t i v i t y somehow o f f e n s i v e t o sacred I n t e r e s t s . However,
I t h i n k t h a t there i s a more s a t i s f a c t o r y e x p l a n a t i o n which
i s f a i t h f u l to the a t t i t u d e the Gros Ventre maintain.
Gambling i s p r i m a r i l y an a c t i v i t y f o r s t a t u s - e q u a l s and an
opportunity f o r the v i c t o r i o u s p l a y e r s or team to demonstrate
s u p e r i o r a b i l i t i e s and. e nha nc e d p r e s t i g e . We ha ve a l r e a d y
o b s e r v e d t h a t "the r i v a l r y i n g a mb l i n g i s . k e e n e s t b e t we e n
I n d i v i d u a l s
1
i n a n I n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d c o mp e t i t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p . .
To ga mbl e wi t h t h e , , o c c u p a n t o f a s a c r e d o f f i c e wo u l d n o t
o n l y c o n t r a v e n e t h e r e q u i r e me n t s o f r e s p e c t . t o wa r d t he
i n d i v i d u a l , ' b u t wo u l d c r e a t e a c o n t e s t be t we e n t h e c h a l l e n g e r ,
a nd t he d i v i n e f o r c e s wh i c h endow t h e i n d i v i d u a l wi t h
s a c r e d n e s s . The a u t h o r s n o t e t h a t , " I t Was b e l i e v e d , t o o ,
t h a t t he k e e p e r ( s a c r e d o f f i c e ) c o u l d n o t l o s e i f , a g a i n s t v.-,
. ' i . .
1
! . ' . . ' - . "
:
( , ,
t he r u l e s , he r e a l l y d i d g a mb l e . " ( o p . c i t . , p . 4l 3)
I t i s t hu s n o t c o n c e i v a b l e , I n' t he Gr o s Ve n t r e v i e w, t o
a r r a n g e t o c ompe t e i n a c o n t e s t , t he out come, o f wh i c h i s
p r e - d e t e r mi n e d . Ev e n s e r i o u s , r u t h l e s s g a mb l i n g , i n o r d e r :
t o c o n f e r p r e s t i g e , mus t a l l o w t h e p o s s i b i l i t y . o f e i t h e r . v ^ ;
p l a y e r wi n n i n g . The f i n a l f a c t o r i n t he p a t t e r n i s t h e . < :
a b s e nc e o f g a mb l i n g o f a ny k i n d be t we e n b i t t e r e ne mi e s , i n
t h i s c a s e t he Gr o s Ve n t r e a nd t he S i o u x . As t h e a u t h o r s
n o t e , t he e x i s t e n c e o f g a mb l i n g p r e s u p p o s e s , " . . . a
mi ni mum o f f r i e n d l i n e s s be t we e n t he p l a y e r s , o r a t l e a s t . . .V?.
t he a b s e nc e o f d e a d l y a nd u n q u a l i f i e d h o s t i l i t y . " (op\:'^^i-:<i^
c i t . , p . 4l 4) We a r e t h u s r e mi n d e d t h a t d e s p i t e t h e
u n l e a s h i n g o f c o mp e t i t i v e z e a l i n t h e mos t I n t e n s e g a mb l i n g
ma t c he s , t he v a n q u i s h i n g . o f o n e ' s o p p o ne nt s i s s t i l l s y mb o l i c
o r me t a p h o r i c a l . - Ga mb l i n g may p e r mi t t he d i s p l a y o f c o n f l i c t
b u t i t d o e s s o i n a d r a ma t i c f o r m i n wh i c h t he h o s t i l i t y o f
t he p l a y e r s i s c i r c u ms c r i b e d .
.'; We ha ve a p i c t u r e o f Gr o s Ve n t r e g a mb l i n g wh i c h
emphas i zes ' ; t h e f u n d a me n t a l l y compe11 t i v e , b u t ' o r d e r l y ;
c h a r a c t e r 1 s t i c s o f i t s p r a c t i c e . I n s u mma r y
- g a mb l i n g i s r e l a t e d t o t he s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e o f t h e Gr o s
V e n t r e ; i t s e r v e s t o d r a ma t i z e t he a l l i a n c e s wh i c h
ma i n t a i n t he s o c i e t y a nd i s t h e r e f o r e s u b j e c t t o t he
same e x p e c t a t i o n s o f p r o p e r b e h a v i o r a s e v e r y d a y r e l a t i o n s
a r e . When t h e s e e x p e c t a t i o n s a r e o b s e r v e d , g a mb l i n g i s
a l e g i t i ma t e a c t i v i t y wh i c h a t t r a c t s t h e p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f
mos t members of t he s o c i e t y '
- s e r i o u s g a mb l i n g i n v o l v e s c o mp e t i t i o n f o r s t a t u s a nd
r e s u l t s i n i n c r e me n t s i n p r e s t i g e f o r t he wi n n e r s a nd
l o s e r s ; / t r i b a l l o r e u n d e r l i n e s t h e g r a v i t y o f a l l - o u t
g a mb l i n g f o r c a r e e r p r e s t i g e and t h e d e v e s t a t i o n o f
o p p o n e n t s ; ho we v e r , t h e l o s s e s , even: wh e n ' e x t e n s i v e ,
a r e n o t pe r ma ne nt a s t h e y mi g h t be i n a c t u a l wa r f a r e ;
l o s e r s c a n make a new. b e g i n n i n g a nd t h u s t he l e s s o n s ;
f r o m g a mb l i n g may be . we l l l e a r n e d wi t h o u t i n c u r r i n g
i r r e v e r s i b l e damage
t he b e t t o r - wa g e r p a t t e r n c o n s t i t u t e s a c o de o f g a mb l i n g
a nd a p p l i e s e q u a l l y t o games and. s p o r t s b e s i d e s t h e ha nd
game; t o t he e x t e n t t h a t t h i s i s a c o n s c i o u s l y r e c o g n i z e d
c ode o f t h e Gr o s V e n t r e , we ha ve e v i d e n c e s u p p o r t i n g t h e
previous i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of gambling
': Plannery and Cooper o f f e r some i n s i g h t f u l
observations about the nature of Gros Ventre gambling which
permit g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s about, the a c t i v i t y . Although t h e i r .
i n t e r e s t i s e x p l i c i t l y s o c i o l o g i c a l and they tend t o focus
on the r e l a t i o n a l aspects of gambling,, i t has been p o s s i b l e
to d e r i v e a p r o f i l e ' -of the symbolism of gambling i n t h a t
s o c i e t y . The
1
symbolic aspects of Gros Ventre gambling seem
to emphasize!the competitivenature of gambling and.thus,.
of l i f e i n general, but the need to:engage i n competition i n
o r d e r l y ways. Furthermore, the a c q u i s i t i o n of p r e s t i g e . /
through gambling, as through e x p l o i t s i n everyday l i f e , can
p r o p e r l y occur only with reference to c e r t a i n i n d i v i d u a l s . :::
Stated d i f f e r e n t l y , one s t r i v e s In gambling,' as i n l i f e , t o
achieve high s t a t u s , but not a t the r i s k of J e o p a r d i z i n g
c r u c i a l - r e l a t i o n s w i t h k l n f o l k i n one's
1
community. The
p u r s u i t of s t a t u s i n gambling, because of i t s d r a m a t i z a t i o n
of c o n f l i c t , i s viewed a m b i v a l e n t l y , unless .certain r e l a t i o n s
of harmony and peaoe are e x p l i c i t l y excluded from the
competition.
Flannery and Cooper a c t u a l l y advance our study of
the r e l a t i o n s h i p .between, the symbolism of gambling and power
r e l a t i o n s , without addresising themselves to t h a t q u e s t i o n .
Various f a c t o r s have been discussed to show that the Gros
Ventre regard gambling as a d r a m a t i z a t i o n of c o n f l i c t through
competition. The l i m i t a t i o n s of gambling In vanquishing
opponents are noted, above. .Moreover, the bettor-wager
p a t t e r n .eliminates the .most d i s r u p t i v e k i n d of c o n f r o n t a t i o n s >
such as those between c l o s e r e l a t i v e s and sacred o f f i c i a l s
against" o r d i n a r y tribesmen. [ Given a l l . these r e s t r i c t i o n s ,
what: gambling says t o the Gros Ventre i s t h a t one engages
i n c o n f l i c t w i t h one's opponents and v i e s f o r power but
chooses the enemy c a r e f u l l y and never forgets' one's f r i e n d s . .
Yet, the ambivalence p e r s i s t s : '.
' y '.!'. Toward gambling p r a c t i c e d w i t h i n the
l i m i t a t i o n s of bettor-wager p a t t e r n , there
was, by and l a r g e , no strong d i s a p p r o v a l . .
Such gambling was i n the main taken f o r
' grant ed. Yet such approval as was given,
. even as regards much of the gambling t h a t
conformed to the bettor-wager p a t t e r n , was
.. i n c e r t a i n respects q u a l i f i e d and.
y
:
7 c i r c u m s c r i b e d . ( o p . c i t . , p. 4l5)
Because they were conscious of fomenting s o l i d a r i t y i n t h e i r
ranks the Gros Ventre were s u s p i c i o u s of any a c t i v i t y which
promoted:. c o n f l i c t too . c l o s e to home. 7 In gambling, the
.'symbolism of conf liet'.' was..'balanced with. the .symbolism of
harmony. Apparently t h i s was a d e l i c a t e balance which was
c l o s e l y observed by p a r t i c i p a n t s . Gros Ventre gamblers
( t h i s i n c l u d e d most every man, woman, and c h i l d i n the s o c i e t y )
were faced w i t h r e c o n c i l i n g the c o n t r a r y i d e n t i t i e s of
competitor; and a l l y . Gambling appeared t o do t h i s , but
only when c o n s t r a i n e d by a code of, proper behavior. <
. The next a r t i c l e I' wish to examine begins as f o l l o w s i
. . The purpose of the present study i s to '^
. describe the gambling complex as i t " /','ftB
; existed ' among the, Yakima i n the period .;.:,
; from 1860-1880, to see i t s integration' /'/
into Yakima culture and to discover, so
f a r as possible, i t s functions i n that .'
:}.' culture. '",;-' (Desmond, .1952, p. 1)
The Yakima, reside i n southern Washington.and the information r
provided relates to the l a t t e r half of the nineteenth ('
century. Their gambling complex was characterized by -..^
.seasonal variations i n the.intensity and frequency of play ;
' and an emphasis on .two p r i n c i p a l forms arid a host of minor /
ones. . Gambling was heaviest on the bone giame and on horse.:;"->-'
races.; .. The a t t i t u d e of Yakima breeders towards t h e i r
horses is.not unlike the Balinese sentiments towards cocks. ,
.Considerable time, energy and walth were Invested.in the
c u l t i v a t i o n of race horses, and i t was often the wealthiest,
most established Individuals who were Intensely committed to ',.
the sport. - Horses had the a d d i t i o n a l q u a l i t y of comprising
a. standard of value of property, the race horse being the most
,valuable and sought a f t e r possession of the Yakima. The
bone game was the two-set, four bone variety i n which one
bone of each set was marked by a groove i n the center. The.:,
object of the game was to guess the location of both unmarked
bones, each set being manipulated by a hider on the same
side. Gestures and signals obviated the need f o r verbal
communication i n both the playing and the betting. / We s h a l l
now explore the incorporation of gambling i n the culture of ..'
the Yakima.
, Desmond's c l o s i n g statement on Yakima gambling
provides a good p o i n t of departures
. : Thus, although out-group r i v a l r y was
; keen, and expressed I t s e l f c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y ,
i n gambling, i t was so c o n t r o l l e d t h a t t h e . v ;.-
harmonious r e l a t i o n s among a l l people of
the r e g i o n based as i t was on intermarriage,.
frequent contacts f o r t r a d i n g , common
e x p l o i t a t i o n of.some resources, and the l i k e
were not unduly d i s t u r b e d . (Desmond, 1952, P 5^)
This statement t e l l s us something about the.context of Yakima
gambling, namely the.complex network of i n t e r - v i l l a g e and
r e g i o n a l a f f i l i a t i o n s . While l o c a t i n g gambling i n t h i s
s e t t i n g , Desmond demonstrates how i t i s f u n c t i o n a l l y r e l a t e d
t o the two broad I n s t i t u t i o n a l f i e l d s of symbolic complexes
and p o l i t i c o - e c o n o m i c r e l a t i o n s . The Yakima a t t i t u d e towards
gambling'contrasts With the Gros Ventre amblvalance, "Anyone
who had anything t o bet could bet.. / No one advised a g a i n s t
i t . " ( o p . c i t . , p; 49), In g e n e r a l , the Yakima appeared t o ;
s t r e s s the Importance of s u c c e s s f u l i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s , :
whether at the l e v e l s of ^ the v i l l a g e or the r e g i o n . The
coneept of ':generos 1 ty was,'well e s t a b l 1 shed and f i r m l y rooted
i n Yakima psychology. I t was the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a t t i t u d e i n
personal d e a l i n g s and gambling was no exception i n demanding
a w i l l i n g n e s s to part w i t h property. ., Desmond notes t h a t 1
A person who was In a p o s i t i o n to meet
wagers o f f e r e d and who c o n s i s t e n t l y refused
;':? t o do so, or one who bet only a "sure t h i n g " ,
: was considered n i g g a r d l y and l o s t s t a t u s ,
;/ . ' vv/ ::' / r e g a r d l e s s of h i s other attainments. The '
r e g u l a r bets were p u b l i c l y d i s p l a y e d and
everyone would know who bet what and could
estimate how b i g the wagers were i n
p r o p o r t i o n to,the property owned by the
49
i n d i v i d u a l . Thus, even a person i n . ,!
:.'} r e l a t i v e l y modest circumstances could
maintain p r e s t i g e by b e t t i n g according
t o h i s means* : ( o p . c i t . , p. 50)
Gambling was a s s o c i a t e d s y m b o l i c a l l y and i n
: p r a c t i c e w i t h c e r t a i n m a g i c o - r e l l g i o u s observances. Notably,
"sweat house r i t e s " were enacted f o r e n t e r p r i s e s such as
hunting and gambling "The procedure included songs by the
sweat house l e a d e r , . t a l k i n g to the sweat house as i f t o "a
wise o l d man, a shaman,"and a s k i n g f o r success." The
a s s o c i a t i o n of supernatural power w i t h gambling ventures was
; common./ I t was believed, that the s i n g i n g accompaniment
Of the p r i n c i p a l p l a y e r somehow a c t i v a t e d the power and
improved the chance of winning. A s i m i l a r concept was
attached t o shamanistic c u r i n g . yet i n two respects gambling
was d i s t i n c t from other m a g i c o - r e l l g i o u s p u r s u i t s . C e r t a i n
objects: were e x p l i c i t l y excluded from the u n i v e r s e of wagerable
property. Among these were m a g i c o - r e l l g i o u s o b j e c t s such as
b e l l s and drums. 'Furthermore, gambling.was t o t a l l y absent
from the w i n t e r dances and ceremonies. In f a c t , d u r i n g
1
. s e r i o u s games between important p r i n c i p a l s , " . . . pregnant
women stayed away, l e s t t h e i r c h i l d r e n be born w i t h a ' p r i d e '
f o r gambling. C h i l d r e n under two years were a l s o kept away -. .
; l e s t the power i n j u r e them, and mourners d i d not attend to
avoid b r i n g i n g bad luck t o t h e i r companions." ( o p . c i t . ,
p. 40) A l s o , "Gambling was t a k e n . s e r i o u s l y and was not
considered a time f o r j o k i n g or l a u g h t e r . " ( o p . c i t . , p..".37)..' . y
In a more recent a r t i c l e on the ceremonial i n t e g r a t i o n
of the P l a t e a u area Brunton s t a t e s t h a t :
50
Ga mb l i n g was a f or m o f c o n f l i c t . . : .
:
, ' " . . ' ' ' ' " ' S t i l l , I t was a n i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d , ' <.
:
c e r e mo n i a l v e h i c l e f o r t h e e x p r e s s i o n
.. o f c o n f l i c t a nd i t a l l o we d e x p r e s s i o n
. on i n t e r g r o u p c o n f l i c t i n a c o n t r o l l e d , '
c e r e mo n i a l s e t t i n g . I n t h i s l i g h t i t
may be v i e we d a s c a t h a r t i c .
, ( B r u n t o n , 1968,. p p . 7-8)
. Th a t t he g a mb l i n g c ompl e x o f t h e Ya ki ma was n o t u n d r a ma t i c
I s c l e a r f r o m t h e f o r e g o i n g s t a t e me n t by B r u n t o n and b y
:-..,- . o t h e r . . bi t s , ' of e v i d e n c e
r
o f Ya ki ma a t t i t u d e s t o wa r d s t h e
p r a c t i c e . pes mond r e ma r k s t h a t g a mb l i n g :
. ; .. . h e l p e d t o c ement i n - g r o u p s o l i d a r i t y
. .'7 wi t h o u t c a u s i n g . o u t - g r o Up r i v a l r y o f s u c h
'.''-' d i me n s i o n s a s t o t h r e a t e n ha r mo ni o u s
'.:;'/ . r e l a t i o n s , . . S t r o n g i n - g r o u p . s o l i d a r i t y '
:
:i'r.\ r e s u l t e d , o f c o u r s e , i n o u t - g r o Up , ..
c o mp e t i t i o n , b u t t he g a mb l i n g s i t u a t i o n
was s u c h t h a t i t ha d no s e r i o u s ;
. ' . ' / ; - c o n s e q u e n c e s . ( Desmond, - 1952. p . ,53)
- He r e f e r s h e r e n o t o n l y t o t he n a t u r e a nd amount o f wa g e r a b l e
we a l t h, g a mbl e d, - ' but more I mp o r t a n t l y t o t he e s s e n t l a 1 l y
. me t a p h o r i c a l ' n a t u r e o f c o n f l i c t - i n g a mb l i n g .
; ' v-.''' \ We . ' observe' , t hen' , among t h e Yaki ma, ' , a C o n t i n u i t y , i n
: , r ' ; t h e s y mb o l i c a s p e c t s o f g a mb l i n g and o t h e r ma g i c o - r e l l g i o u s -.
p r a c t i c e s . I n t h e h i e r a r c h y o f c e r e mo n i a l ' o b s e r v a n c e s
, g a mbl i ng , i s c l e a r l y - b e n e a t h t he wi n t e r d a nc e s a n d o t h e r
e x p r e s s l y s a c r e d r i t e s , i n i mp o r t a n c e . Howe ve r , t h e r e a r e some
i mp o r t a n t d i s c o n t i n u i t i e s i n t he . s y mb o l i c a s s o c i a t i o n wi t h
g a mb l i n g , a s n o t e d a b o v e . Ga mb l i n g , p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e bone
game, a p p e a r s t o be l o c a t e d a t a mi dway p o i n t i n t h e ma g i c o -
r e l i g i o u s s c a l e , be t we e n t he s u b s i s t e n c e t e c h n i q u e s o f
e v e r y d a y l i f e ; and. vt he c e r e mo n i a l o b s e r v a n c e s o f t h e mos t
51
sacred order..- One interpretation might be that gambling '
i s concerned, with, fundamentally "secular" interests.,
namely property and. prestige* . However, i t elevates these .
concerns to a more general l e v e l by means of the dramatic
interest created'by.the betting and. the aesthetics of the
game. Compare, f o r example, the Yakima attitude with the .,
Gros Ventre p r o h i b i t i o n of gambling by.occupants of r i t u a l
o f f i c e s . Desomond,provides considerable information on
the intertwining of gambling and the Yakima economy and
t h i s i s discussed presently.
The Yakima exploited t h e i r resources on a seasonal
basis, thus creating a recurrent pattern of a c t i v i t y which
was c l o s e l y linked,to the a v a i l a b i l i t y of roots, game, f i s h ,
etc. Added, to t h i s were; the changes In geographical im-
mobility occasioned by the extremes of winter.- . The basic :
pattern consisted of:
- a winter period of r e l a t i v e l e i s u r e and
:. confinement to home v i l l a g e s ; minimal
subsistence a c t i v i t i e s , repair of
equipment; celebration of winter dances
, -. and ceremonies /..
, . - a spring period of intensive economic -.^ :
e x p l o i t a t i o n and. d i s p e r s a l to root
grounds and hunting areas
52
- an e a r l y summer p e r i o d of convergence
on a common s i t e f o r the e x t r a c t i o n of ,v
r o o t s and the c e l e b r a t i o n of f e a s t s
"the big. time" ' ' l V
;
' S
'"".-' - a l a t e summer convergence on camas grounds
by two groups and the c e l e b r a t i o n of a
second, " b i g time"
- an e a r l y f a l l d i s p e r s a l to hunting and ,
. berry s i t e s d u r i n g which a c t i v i t y was ...
' intense
- a l a t e f a l l period, of congregation a t
w i n t e r s i t e s i n p r e p a r a t i o n of accomodation,
but w i t h r e l a t i v e l e i s u r e and the p e r s i s t e n c e
of high geographical m o b i l i t y
i
Gambling was practiced, throughout the year but the-
correspondence; o f i n t e n s i v e gambling w i t h c e r t a i n periods
i s marked. The . l a r g e s t gatherings d u r i n g e a r l y and l a t e
summer, the " b i g times" were witness to i n t e n s i v e gambling'.
A l s o the period of r e l a t i v e l e i s u r e preceding the winter,'
saw the l a r g e s t c o n c e n t r a t i o n of gambling. The economic
a s s o c i a t i o n s here are c l e a r . Gambling f l o u r i s h e d d u r i n g
times of i n t e r - v i l l a g e gatherings i n an atmosphere of f e a s t s
and trade:and d u r i n g the round of i n t e r - v i l l a g e v i s i t i n g in<
t he l e i s u r e p e r i o d p r i o r t o . w i n t e r .
Desmond, n o t e s t h a t ,
Wager s wer e a l wa y s o f t he dyad, t y p e ,
r e g a r d l e s s o f v a l u e . . The i n t e n s i t y o f \
i n t e r e s t a nd t he amount wa ger ed, , ho we v e r ,
. d e p e n d e d p r i m a r i l y on t h e s o c i a l d i s t a n c e
f t h e o p p o n e n t s . L i t t l e was wa g e r e d on
i n t r a f a m i l i a l o r l n t r a v l l l a g e games and.
s p o r t s . C o mp e t i t i o n was much k e e n e r a nd
t he s t a k e s h i g h e r o n i n t e r v i l l a g e c o n t e s t s
. . e s p e c i a l l y when t he v i l l a g e s wer e i n :
d i f f e r e n t a r e a s o r r e p r e s e n t e d , d i f f e r e n t
' 1 i n g u i s t i c g r o u p s . ( o p . c i t . , p . 47)
The' b e t t or - - wager ' p a t t e r n . I s f u n d a me n t a l l y t h e same f o r t he
Ya ki ma a s i t i s f o r t h e Gr o s V e n t r e . Ga mb l i n g s t a k e s
d e c r e a s e d and. t h e I n t e r e s t i n t he game l e s s e n e d a s o ppo ne nt
became more f a m i l i a r . Ho we v e r , e s p e c i a l l y g i f t e d g a mb l e r s
s o - c a l l e d " p r o f e s s i o n a l s " ( u s u a l l y t h o s e who had g a mb l i n g .
" " powe r " ) . ' Were, o f t e n t h e s o u r c e o f t h e mos t i n t e n s i v e games .
As mi g h t be - e x pe c t e d, men o f we a l t h ' we r e o f t e n t he mos t .
n o t o r i o u s g a mb l e r s a nd t h e . par ad. i gm f o r -the. u l t i ma t e ga mbl e
i n Ya ki ma e ye s i s t he wa g e r i n g , by men o f mea ns , o f a l l
t h e i r * p r o p e r t y on a s i n g l e g a mb l e . . T h i s i s l o o k e d up o n
f a v o r a b l y and e nha nc e s t he . p r e s t i g e o f s u c h a g a mb l e r
e n o r mo u s l y .
I wi s h t o p r o v i d e a b r i e f o v e r v i e w , of t h e g a mb l i n g
h a b i t s o f t he Ya ki ma and a f ew comment s on t he s y mb o l i c
f u n c t i o n s o f g a mb l i n g a s t h e y p r a c t i c e i t . ' F i r s t o f a l l ,
t he Ya k i ma ' a r e i n e x t r i c a b l y bound i n a c o mpl e x ne t wo r k o f
a l l i a n c e s wi t h n e i g h b o r i n g t r i b e s a s Des mond and B r u n t o n
point out. The economic system of the, entire region i s
based on seasonal, but intensive, e x p l o i t a t i o n of p a r t i c u l a r
Sites and the subsequent exchange of goods over the entire
region to f a c i l i t a t e equitable d i s t r i b u t i o n arid consumption.
I t i s incumbent, on the Yakima to sustain, good r e l a t i o n s with >.
t h e i r trading partners, since the transactions deal not only
with manufactured items, but primarily with foodstuffs
unobtainable i n t h e i r e x p l o i t a t i o n region. The Yakima thus,
encourage attitudes of generosity i n the deployment of
property. There i s a connection between the use of property
and, the a c q u i s i t i o n of prestige. . . Gambling .is a basic model ,.
for this,type of behavior, since the accepted canons of betting-
urge not only generosity, but. recklessness i n wagering property.
However, .as Desmond .'points out, the wagers are restricted, to
property at hand and i n the possession of the i n d i v i d u a l r ;.
. betting. Furthermore,
;
foodstuffs are never wagered. Thus
the spectacle of the intensive game with high stakes, and i t s .
message about proper - attitudes towards, wealth and prestige,
has l i m i t e d costs i n terms of everyday goods and resources,
(see the opening c i t a t i o n of Desmond) .
:;
v'; y: .'iu^-
\ y In keeping with the previous analysis of gambling
we may ask, what does gambling say to the gamblers about
t h e i r own social.order? , The meaning of the.gambling i s i n
the way i t associates wealth and prestige.
1
In a society of
traders i t says that property ought not be coveted but given
f r e e l y and generously, to promote the esteem of one's
fellowmen. [ In the context of Yakima regional economy and
s o c i a l organization t h i s appears: to be an Important, lesson.
Moreover, the enterprise of gambling was. regarded as a
legitimate form of competition. I t carried the p o s s i b i l i t y
of supernatural intervention i n the form of gambling power
and demanded, the same preparation (sweat bath r i t e s ) as
other ventures of import. In a sense, there i s a v a l i d a t i o n
of the meanlngfulness of enterprises i n the interpersonal
f i e l d . That i s , gambling, l i k e hunting, commands preparation
and d i l i g e n c e , and the rewards of the two ventures are thus
likened symbolically.' To win at gambling i s akin to success
i n hunting -- thus the a c q u i s i t i o n of prestige and property
compares with the production of food. . The main points of
contrast between the gambling of the Yakima and. of the Gros
Ventre seem to be related to the differences i n the
s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l environment of the two.groups and t h e i r
economic systems.
t
.,In the gambling l i t e r a t u r e i n anthropology i s a
monograph on the Pawnee hand, game by Alexander Lesser
(Lesser, 1933)- His interest i n the gambling complex of
that t r i b e was rather d i f f e r e n t from the perspective on
gambling advocated here,. He was e x p l i c i t l y concerned with
the study of c u l t u r a l change and selected the transformation ^
of the Pawnee gambling hand game into the Ghost Dance hand '
game during the l a t t e r years of the nineteenth century as
his case In point. , Nevertheless * he. provided, some d e t a i l
about the gambling habits of the Pawnee arid.enlightens us
further by his analysis of the change from gambling to
ceremonial features of the game. We s h a l l be e s p e c i a l l y
interested i n noting the modification of hand game symbolism
as, I t was adapted to the new context, of the Ghost Dance.
The play of the Pawnee hand game was e s s e n t i a l l y the
same as f o r the ones already; described./ / The tokens f o r
concealment were'; single bones "instead:: of /pairs/and the
seating.arrangement, was semi-circular but. opponents s t i l l
faced each other. Betting "was dyadic arid the property
wagered ineluded'the items of highest value i n Pawneee soclety
i.e. blankets, s h i r t s , horses, etc. The game was t y p i c a l l y
i n i t i a t e d by a challenge, as among the Yakima, and competition
i n t e n s i f i e d as the s o c i a l distance between opponents increased.
Thus, i n t e r - t r i b a l games were the keenest, inter-band games
next, and intra-band games rather small and modest i n stakes.
The f a m i l i a r themes of competition and c o n f l i c t were c l e a r l y />
T
present. Lesser observes that:
. . . I t was a game f o r men. only; and
p r i m a r i l y an adult's game? the women
did not p a r t i c i p a t e and were not supposed
to come near where the men were playing.
The game was conceived as a warpath, and
so dramatized: and warpaths f o r the Pawnee
were a c t i v i t i e s excluding the p a r t i c i p a t i o n
of women. The men's game was usually a
contestbetween two Pawnee bands, i n Whi ch
one would v i s i t the other f o r the express
purpose of playing a hand game and gambling
on the. r e s u l t . ; (Lesser, . 1933, .p. 139)
There was considerable ceremony i n the preliminaries and
the seating arrangements, during the games between bands or
t r i b e s . One gets the f e e l i n g that h o s t i l i t y was lurking
behind much of the v i s i t i n g and gambling forays of the
Pawnee;; and to assuage mutual fears of -attack and r e p r i s a l
the participants tended to rely, on established conventions
and f o r m a l i t i e s of behavior. ";;. ,.-;
i Once again we may note the dramatic nature of the ,
gambling complex i t s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the enterprise
of r a i d i n g , "going/on the warpath", "and the a f f a i r s of adult
men. ", Despite the .symbolism of .bloody c o n f l i c t , . the hand
game f e l l short of physical violence and occurred i n a s e t t i n g
of orderliness and formality. The formality of the game
procedures and preliminaries contrasts with the unchecked
h o s t i l i t y of r e a l warfare, and may seem i r o n i c to us. Yet
the Pawnee were obviously capable of expressing c o n f l i c t i n
the gambling, without disrupting the harmony of r e l a t i o n s
between opponents. The use of music and the gesticulations
during the play of the game signal i t s a f f e c t i v e , expressive
elements. One convention of the game serves^ as;,a further
l i n k between the warpath and gambling: \'.';..'Vi'.--:
:To follow the t r a i l of the bones ,
when they are won and carried across
.. to the other side i s to t r a i l the .
enemy. The guesser searches f o r
tracks. A player on the hiding side
goes to the f i r e for handfuls of cold
ashes from, the f i r e ' s edge. He , \ . .'
58
s p r i n k l e s I t l i k e f a l l i n g s now. He
c a l l s a l o u d , " The . snow c o v e r s up
t h e ; t r a c k s - n o w, y o u c a n n o t s e e t h e m. "
Thus - a f t e r a n enemy r a i d i n l a t e f a l l
when men s t a r t e d a f t e r t he r e t r e a t i n g
War p a r t y t o r e g a i n c a p t u r e d h o r s e s
. . > t he f a l l i n g show o b l i t e r a t e d , t h e t r a i l . ' . ' ' , !
... . / T o t h e Pawnee t he . l i t t l e d r a ma t i c a c t
ha s s i m i l a r power t o o b l i t e r a t e . t he '<'..=-'-'
u ns e e n t r a i l o f t h e bo ne s , f r o m ha nd t o .
hand. , t o b l i n d t h e g u e s s e r . The
' -. g u e s s e r s h i e l d s h i s e ye s wi t h h i s . . .
ha nd a nd p e e r s t h r o u g h t he f a l l i n g a s he s
t o s e e t he t r a c k s . / ( o p . c i t . , p . ikk)
The b e t t o r - wa g e r p a t t e r n o f t he Pawnee a p p e a r s t o
ha ve l e s s o f t h e s t a t u s o f a c o de t h a n i t d i d among t h e Gr o s '
:
.
V e n t r e . T h i s , c a n be e x p l a i n e d i n t e r ms o f t h e c i r c u ms t a n c e s
< o f g a mb l i n g . When t he Pawnee wi s h e d t o i n i t i a t e a game
of a ny ma g ni t u d e i t , wa s n e c e s s a r y t o p r e - a r r a n g e wi t h o n e ' s " :
band, members a t i me a nd a d e s t i n a t i o n - - i . e . t h e s i t e o f
a n o t h e r b a n d . . Thus a p a r t y o f g a mb l e r s was a l r e a d y c o n s t i t u t e d
p r i o r t o t he p l a y , wi t h a g r e e me nt t o c h a l l e n g e a n o t h e r band
and. oppos e t hem a s a g r o u p . F u r t h e r mo r e , L e s s e r i n d i c a t e s
-.' no p r e s e n c e o f s i d e ' b e t s d u r i n g / t h e game. The wa ge r s seem
t o be c o n f i n e d t o t h e p r e l i mi n a r y a r r a n g e me n t s . be f o r e t h e
a c t u a l p l a y a nd a d he r e t o t he d y a d i c mo d e l a s me nt i o ne d
. a b o v e . Th e r e i s a t e n d e n c y i n L e s s e r ' s a c c o u n t t o p l a y
down t h e s i g n i f i c a n c e o f t h e wa ge r s ' and' t h e c o mp o s i t i o n o f
s i d e s , a l t h o u g h he r e f e r s t o, i n t e r - t r i b a l f r i e n d s h i p s i n t he
a r r a ng e me nt o f i n t e r - t r i b a l ha nd games i '.
I n t e r - t r i b a l f r i e n d s h i p was a d e f i n i t e
. . . f o r ma l i z e d r e l a t i o n s h i p i n f o r me r t i me s . : .. -
.;. I t wa s ' o f pa r mpunt i mp o r t a n c e , a s t h r o u g h
i n t e r l o c k i n g f r i e n d s h i p s t r i b e s t r a d i t i o n a l l y
h o s t i l e t o e a c h o t h e r wer e dr a wn i n t o
p e a c e f u l ; r e l a t i o n s . . . . ( o p . c i t . , , p . 1^9)
He suggests that the paradigm f o r i n t e r - t r i b a l hand games '
may have been the decision by an i n t e r - t r i b a l f r i e n d to
challenge another to a game. In t h i s case we might
question the.importance of such games i n promoting peaceful
relation's. / The evidence i s not a l l there, so one must
speculate, but perhaps the gambling competition replaced
the warpath as a l l i a n c e s shifted and economic circumstances
changed.:.: Despite- Lesser* s cursory treatment of the wagering
of the Pawnee, I suspect i t was an important feature of hand
games i n much the same way as money was shown to i n t e n s i f y
the " significance of the cockfight i n Bali.>ThePawnee were
wagering, horses on hand games and surely t h i s cannot be
disregarded. Raiding parties, which were'an i n t e g r a l
feature of t h e i r l i f e , were organized around precisely the
same objectiveV the a c q u i s i t i o n of neighbors' horses.
Lesser, states that: ,':,'
:
/'.
.,; . . The change i n the aspect of culture .
we have been considering was a transformation
, of a gambling
;
hand game into a Ghost Dance ->.-
hand game ceremony. What persisted was
the game i t s e l f , with i t s forms of play
and arranging for play; what were eliminated
were the gambling aspects, and,the.associated
war party simulations; what was added to
make the - new form was the generic type of
ceremonialism and r i t u a l i s m of the Pawnee, .
and the concepts and suggestions of the .
Ghost Dance r e l i g i o n and the Ghost Dance
: . ceremonial forms ^ ^ ^ - ' - - V- - . (op.cit., p. 321) V -)
:
One i s tempted, to conclude from the h i s t o r i c a l evidence of
the Pawnee that,perhaps the s i m i l a r i t y of gambling to
ceremony Is .close enough to allow f o r a transformation i n
symbolic form and a s h i f t i n symbolic function. . However,
the circumstances of the Pawnee p r i o r to the advent, of the
Ghost Dance may have exerted more of a determining influence
on the/adaptation of the hand game as a symbolic form.
B l r e f l y , .they were i n a state of c u l t u r a l d i s i n t egra 11on
a f t e r a lengthy period of breakdown of the t r a d i t i o n a l
t r i b a l symbols and increasing dependence on.the American .
government. .Their economic and p o l i t i c a l status had changed...
d r a s t i c a l l y i n . h a l f a century, with the r e s u l t that most
r
;
c u l t u r a l complexes had f a l l e n into disuse and were forgotten.
r This i s especially true of much of the r i t u a l practices
which were private knowledge and, died with the l a s t occupants
of r i t u a l positions. Thus, there, were only c e r t a i n old
customs a v a i l a b l e f o r e r v i v a l during the Ghost Dance period
and one of these was the hand game. . We can only draw
conclusions about the nature of gambling among the Pawnee
with great caution.. The symbolic functions of gambling
p r i o r to the Ghost Dance were' consistent with those i n Yakima
and i n Gros Ventre society. That the hand:game became a
Ghost Danee c eremony i s due to h i s t o r i c a l , circumstances.
In' being so transformed the gambling aspects were eliminated.
Lesser's contribution to our und.erstanding of
. gambling relates to,the slmJla r i t l e s and differences between "
gambling and. ceremony. ' He has shown that a game, mainly a . v
set of. rules and procedures for. determining a i winner and a
loser,;; may be. adapted to d i f f e r e n t purposes.. . UTnat does
t h i s say about gambling? The' element of. r i s k ' of wagerable
property disappeared from the Pawnee game i n i t s transformation,
as did the symbolism of the war party. By implication, the:.:;
meaning of the;, a c t i v i t y was completely altered. Symbolic
. form and. 'function changed : In a sense t h i s evidence
confirms the conclusion that serious gambling i s f i r m l y
rooted i n the competition f o r p r e s t i g e . F u r t h e r m o r e , the
association of gambling symbolism with the s o c i a l hierarchy <.:..:;
cannot be maintained i n the absence of.Wagers and betting.
' Serious gambling requires a commitment of valuable property >.
and i t s significance cannot be sustained by p a r t i c i p a t i o n
alone (without betting). . Lesser notes that: '.
;
, '
I . - . / - . ' ; . ' The conceptual change comes out c l e a r l y
. i n the new idea of the significance of .
'winning and l o s i n g . I t i s said the winners
are the f a i t h f u l , the losers the sinners?
.' the winners are the honest f o l k , the losers
;
. . ; the l i a r s ; . the winners are the good people,
' the losers the e v i l . \
;
\ . (op.cit. , p. 3l8)
The s i m i l a r i t y of conceptualization above points out the
relatedness of the ceremony and games described e a r l i e r .
Gambling, too, i s concerned with so-called non-empirical
ends, but by contrast.achieves those ends i n the dramatization v.
;
which ensues from the manipulation of empirical means
property. \
' The next monographic work on gambling we s h a l l
consider deals with the hand game of the Dogrib of the
Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s . (Helm & Lurie, 1966) They appear
to play an e x t r a o r d i n a r i l y complex variant of\the game whose
basic features are now f a m i l i a r . . Single tokens are
concealed i n the hand of the hider and one guesser on the
opposing side gestures to indicate his guess. On the
, hiding side, there are eight active hlders at the beginning
.of play (and seven more i n reserve),. so that, the guesser i s
i n fact making eight: simultaneous choices by his gesture.
As he guesses c o r r e c t l y the hider i s eliminated;and t h i s
' continues, u n t i l ' a l l hiders" have been guessed c o r r e c t l y .
There are i n t r i c a c i e s i n scoring, as w e i l . A game Is won
by accumulating the entire set of t a l l y s t i c k s i n play, not
once, but twice. /This i s marked by a separate scoring or
t a l l y s t i c k which s i g n i f i e s one set of sixteen s t i c k s has been
won. Further complications include a practice of r e i n s t a t i n g
eliminated players at the point i n the play when the hiding
side has acctimulated a l l the t a l l y s t i c k s . These
procedures provide for a r e a l l y challenging contest and
require considerable s k i l l on the part of players, p a r t i c u l a r l y
guessers who can indicate exact guesses by an elaborate set
of signals.
... ;
;
Before examining, gambling symbolism we might look
at the. aesthetics of t h i s complex game.
The s t y l e and impact of a game, i n action
. .: . eludes precise description. . The tempo of
< ' play i s fast and hard, with the deafening
1
clamor, of drums and the shouted chants of '.
the drummers accompanying the play. The .
i n t e n s i t y of the syncopated beat that goes
from loud to louder as climaxes i n the game
. o c c u r imparts a d r i v i n g q u a l i t y to the
'y play. In response to the throb of the -
drums (or on some, occasions to t h e i r own.
;
voices chanting without drums) the players
:
.
1
; V; of the hiding team move In rhythm.' From
t h e i r hips up, the kneeling men bob, weave,
. and sway . - ...Players may close t h e i r . .
-'[.]',} eyes or r o l l them heavenward, producing
..'
v
on some faces a trance-like e f f e c t . The
two-syllable unit of chanting cry made by
the drummers i s delivered with wide-open
mouth,.head thrown back, with strained
. features, by some and at f u l l voice by a l l .
(Helm & Lurie, 1966, p. 30)
The authors note theexpressive nature of playing the hand
game and assert that i t had i n t e l l e c t u a l challenge' f o r the'
players. S k i l l f u l gamblers were aware of using s t r a t e g y :
in'guessing the location-of tokens, c h i e f l y by the scrutiny
of hiders' expressions i n a general e f f o r t to "psych them
out".: Although the element of chance was obviously present
i n the outcome of games, the s k i l l of certain i n d i v i d u a l s i n
"guessing" and. the complexity of procedures and gestures
made t h i s contest much more a b a t t l e of wits and s k i l l than
merely a game of chance. .
.:.:< Guessing c o r r e c t l y i s metaphorically stated as
" k i l l i n g " the opponent and the manoeuvre of r e i n s t a t i n g
eliminated players as " r a i s i n g the dead". (op.cit.,
pp. 29-38) To what extent the Dogrib regard the p r e s e n t -
day game as a matter of l i f e and death, even symbolically,
i s dubious. ., Nevertheless, there are references to the
former seriousness of.the game during the time of s i g n i f i c a n t
fur trade a c t i v i t y . . I n t e r - t r i b a l gambling was tinged with
h o s t i l i t y as the p o l i t i c a l , r e l a t i o n s between t r i b e s
vasodilated In the competition f o r the trade. Indeed;
there are account of individuals i n the past who were the
possessors of great "power" f o r performance i n the hand
game. The existence of other observances of a ceremonial
nature f o r success i n the game i s not indicated. Nowadays
i t appears .that the gambling complex i s conceptualized as
an i n t e g r a l part of t h e i r c u l t u r a l expression during c e r t a i n
seasonal assemblages J / V V ; . ; ;
:
,
,
:
;-'.-v".. The hand game has two q u a l i t i e s which ii'
d i s t i n g u i s h i t from other forms of gaming .
. play among the Dogribss i t i s a community
and group f e s t i v e event, and i t serves and
v
i s recognized, to be an expression of i n t e r -
group competition, r e i n f o r c i n g intra-group
. i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . . (Helm & Lurie, 1966, p. 81)
The nature and degree of the symbolic integration of the
game i n Dogrib l i f e i s d i f f i c u l t to ascertain from the
material the authors present. However, one can; observe
c e r t a i n patterns i n team a f f i l i a t i o n s f o r the game.
; The Dpgflbs apparently refer to the gambling sides .
by the proper names for the regional a f f i l i a t i o n s of the
players. That hand.game p a r t i c i p a t i o n and:regional
a f f i l i a t i o n s are c l o s e l y related has already been established*
Further evidence i s revealed by the fact' that the Dogrib
"crew", which Is a c t u a l l y a hunting party organized to track
caribou; i s o r d i n a r i l y composed of the men.of one region,
thus also the men. who gamble together. I t i s also reported '
that the hand game Is commonly played.during the caribou
hunting period and that the stakes are the pieces of dry
65
meat which are taken on the hunt. . In the active fur trade ;
era the ingatherings were the scene of Intensive gambling
and the games seem to have been i n i t i a t e d by leaders of
regional groups who had come to s e l l t h e i r . f u r s . Given
t h i s background', what can we say about Dogrib gambling?
.Much of t h i s i s speculative, since the authors did
not provide a l l the ethnographic l i n k s . The Dogrib were
very loosely organized f o r much of the year, Isolated i n
t h e i r bush camps. . At c r i t i c a l periods they gathered ^
together, to trade f u r s , conduct"feasts, arrange marriages, :
hunt caribou, etc. . At these times gambling was practiced
and, consistent with the bettor-wager pattern noted e a r l i e r ,
the more intensive games occurred between less c l o s e l y
related, groups. Knowing l i t t l e , of Dogrib symbolism i t i s
d i f f i c u l t to' associate the gambling metaphors with everyday
situations.; However, .the game i t s e l f was e s s e n t i a l l y a
contest .between the guesser arid a l l the', hiders simultaneously;
I t i s possible, although not substantiated, that guessers
were also regional "bosses" who acted as hunt leaders and
trading c h i e f s . This would conveniently explain the r o l e
of guesser as leader of his team and also.would suggest a
l i n k between game order arid the. s o c i a l structure * We do
know that i n t er-reglbna1 disputes were not uncommon and thus
the s o c i a l cleavages dramatized i n the hand game matches
correspond to everyday s i t u a t i o n s . But, i n order to give
a r e a l l y f a i t h f u l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Dogrib gambling we must
consider another undeniable f a c t o r the presence of the
whlteman:
;
, *'
Although neither Whites nor Indians
would be at Rae except f o r the others'
.presence, the areas and means of s o c i a l
i n t e r a c t i o n are f o r the most part. ' ,. -
.. narrowly defined, and they operate as.
largely' separate s o c i a l worlds, with only
occasional individuals i n the two groups
entering into any kind of peer r e l a t i o n s h i p .
.Treaty discussions made evident both the .
interdependence and the mutually
"'Unsatisfactory channels of communication
on which such Interdependence i s based., > .
''y'- ,':-'>/., (op.cit., p. 7)
The Dogrlb are no longer spread out i n bush camps
and: the importance of the ingatherings has consequently
changed. Many have taken up residence at the f o r t and
the signs of c u l t u r a l decay so common i n North America
during' the past century, are appearing. /., Members of the :
Indian community are apparently concerned over the extent
of card playing and\its e f f e c t s on t h e i r morale (op.cit.,
p.. 80) Also, I suspect, although the authors are not
s p e c i f i c , that the presence of white administrators means
that the dependence of Dogribs on government "assistance"
i s already high. :'''' i "the formal treaty sessions,
when problems of Indian economics and p o l i t i c a l l i f e and
of intra-community Indian White,and Indian government
r e l a t i o n s are raised and solutions sought, are serious and
important to the Bogrib." (op.cit., p. 7) Since the
gambling complex described i s p a r t i a l l y centered on the
treaty sessions, there are symbolic functions of the games
which are not. derivable from 'a consideration of former
Dogrib l i f e styles alone. Kow the games serve as an
expression of Indian, identity,, iand. the importance of. t h i s
expression,,; i s explored, more f u l l y below.
In concluding the discussion.of the Dogrib material,.
I wish to r e i t e r a t e the ambiguity of the symbolic functions
of gambling i n a changing society.. The authors of the
monograph do not address,themselves to t h i s question and
t h e i r comments on changes i n gambling are scattered and
Inconclusive. Their work.tells us, i n great d e t a i l , about :
the elaborate techniques and procedures for playing the
Dogrib hand game. We are l e f t to. puzzle out the symbolism
of the game and i t s a r t i c u l a t i o n with t h e . t r a d i t i o n a l and
contemporary s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , ' V ' : < - \ \ : \ -
:
- ' - ^
The l a s t gambling people we s h a l l consider are the
Coast S a l i s h o f . B r i t i s h Columbia and northern;Washington.
The sequence of t r i b e s thus f a r has been Gros Ventre, Yakima,
Pawnee and. Dogrib. . By examining the practices of the S a l i s h
gamblers we s h a l l have shifted: the. '."ethnographic present"
from the mid-nineteenth century gradually to the present.
The S a l i s h are s t i l l gambling and the a c t i v i t y a t t r a c t s the;;
moderate attention of quite a few, and the fervent i n t e r e s t
of a host of regulars. For information on S a l i s h gambling
I have r e l i e d on the monographic study of S a l i s h ceremonial .
l i f e by Kew and on my
;
;pwn impressions formed at a succession
of.games during the past three.years. (Kew, 1970)
Unfortunately, I have not been a r e a l participant In the
gambling and cannot speak from first-hand, experience of the,:...',
emotions and feelings of the players. I have had. the
opportunity^ however, of discussion " s l a h a l " , the S a l i s h .
bone game, with d i f f e r e n t players and former players and of
incorporating t h e i r interpretations with my own observations.
. The aesthetics of s l a h a l are not unlike those of the;.
Dogrib hand game. .. Singing, drumming, and movement accompany,
the manipulation of the bones by the hiding side. Two <\
sets of bones are used, the object being to guess'the l o c a t i o n
of the unmarked bone i n each pair... Score i s kept by means .
of t a l l y s t i c k s , one s t i c k being given to the hiding side
for each incorrect guess of a set of bones * Sides change
when both sets of bones are c o r r e c t i y guessed and the singing .
and drumming begin almost immediately by the new hiding team.
The guessing side i s represented by one guesser, but on
occasion (of a s t r i n g of Incorrect guesses) his r o l e may be
assigned to another p r i n c i p a l on the team.- Betting i s dyadic
and of. two types :' centre bets and side bets.
:
; The former
are c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y large, placed In advance of the actual \
play, and recorded i n a kind of ledger. The money thus
wagered i s wrapped i n a scarf and l e f t conspicuously between
the two teams. Side bets are t y p i c a l l y smaller and are ,
placed at various times during, the play and comprise a wager ;
on the outcome of a s p e c i f i c guess. Such bets appear to be
v e r y I mpr ompt u d u r i n g t he c o u r s e o f p l a y a nd may c u mu l a t i v e l y
a c c o u n t f o r mor e c i r c u l a t i o n o f c a s h t h a n : t h e c e n t r e b e t .
Wher eas c e n t r e b e t s a r e - mo s t l y ' c o n f i n e d t o t h e p r i n c i p a l s ,
s i d e b e t s may be p l a c e d by a ny o ne p r e s e n t a t t he game.
Nowadays a n i mp o r t a n t s e t t i n g i n wh i c h s l a h a l games -
a r e p l a y e d i s weekend war c a no e r a c e s i n t h e a r e a o f t n e v:
l o we r ma i n l a n d o f B . C . , n o r t h we s t e r n Wa s h i n g t o n a nd t h e c-
e a s t c o a s t o f Va n c o u v e r I s l a n d . The s e e v e n t s a r e f e s t i v e
o c c a s i o n s a r r a n g e d by I n d i a n s f o r t h e r a c i n g o f war c a n o e s .
A v a r i e t y o f v i l l a g e s e n t e r c a no e s a nd t he c o mp e t i t i o n f o r yv..
p r i z e - mo n e y i s f a i r l y k e e n . '..-. On s e v e r a l o f t h e s e weekends
t he g e n e r a l p u b l i c i s we l c ome d t o t h e e v e n t s a nd I n d i a n s
h o s t Wh i t e s p e c t a t o r s at - t he f e s t i v a l s . . S l a h a l games may
be s t a r t e d a s e a r l y a s t h e a f t e r n o o n o f t he f i r s t da y o f t he
weekend, a nd c a n c o n t i n u e w e l l i n t o t he n e x t mo r n i n g , t o be : .
r es umed' a g a i n t h e f o l l o w i n g a f t e r n o o n . S l a h a l i s p l a y e d i n .
o t h e r s e t t i n g , as " w e l l , f o r e xa mpl e by i n v i t a t i o n a t p r i v a t e .?
g a t h e r i n g s on r e s e r v e s f o r t h e e x p r e s s p u r p o s e o f g a mb l i n g .
Kew s i t u a t e s s l a h a l i n a l a r g e r ; c o n t e x t of . i n t e r - v i l l a g e
c e r em on l a 1 i sm wh i c h b i n d s t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s -In a n e t wo r k o f
t i e s wi t h o t h e r p a r t i c i p a n t s d i s p e r s e d o v e r a f a i r l y l a r g e
r e s i d e n t i a l area':..[ ; _';'
:
'./V:-::
;
'> '.x. ^ v ^ ' V . p.V\.-.'.-'
Kew o b s e r v e s t h a t t h e mos t s t r i k i n g f e a t u r e a b o u t
a s l a h a l game . i s i t s I n d l a n n e s s . My own i mp r e s s i o n s
c o r r o b o r a t e t h i s c o n c l u s i o n . The p a r t i c i p a n t s I n a game
may a r r i v e i n l a t e - m o d e l ' c a r s , t h e y may s t a y a t n e a r b y
m o t e l s , t h e y , may d r e s s i n r e c e n t f a s h i o n s , . . a n d ; may c u r s e >
i n t h e best- A n g l o - S a x o n . . N e v e r t h e l e s s , . t h e i r ; i n v o l v e m e n t
. i n g a m b l i n g i s p u r e l y . I n d i a n i n f l a v o r . The' movements,
t h e m u s i c , t h e s p a t i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , e v e n . t h e s h o u t s and. -
c a j o l i n g , a r e e a s i l y i d e n t i f i a b l e a s I n d i a n .
:
T h i s i s . a
c r u c i a l f e a t u r e o f t h e games. T h a t a t r a d i t i o n w i t h s u c h
s t r o n g I n d i a n c h a r a c t e r s h o u l d s u r v i v e and f l o u r i s h i n t h e
p r e s e n t day c a n n o t be d i s m i s s e d l i g h t l y . I n e x p l a n a t i o n
o f t h e s e e m i n g l y a n o m a l o u s s u r v i v a l o f s l a h a l Kew o f f e r s
t h i s s t a t e m e n t , / ' : ; " ^ "
The game i t s e l f marks o f f a s o c i a l
f i e l d f o r : I n d i a n s where .they s p e c i f i c a l l y
may f i n d a c h i e v e m e n t w h i c h i s d e n i e d o r '. ,
d o u b t f u l o u t s i d e t h a t f i e l d . < : I

:
-'
;
'.^::X'.-^'
:
'-
:
'V
:
'
:
v'" , v; (Kew, 1970. P P 309-10)
He g o e s on t o e x p l a i n t h a t . t h e p o l i t i c a l a n d e c o n o m i c
s i t u a t i o n o f t h e I n d i a n s v i s a v i s t h e d o m i n a n t W h i t e s o c i e t y :
i s s u c h , t h a t e x p e r i e n c e s w h i c h r e i n f o r c e , p o s i t i v e self-images>,;;
a r e l a r g e l y absent./ O t h e r a s p e c t s o f S a l i s h : c e r e m o n i a l
l i f e - a r e s i m i l a r l y e x p l a i n e d I n t e r m s o f " r e l a t i v e d e p r i v a t i o n ' '
t h e o r y . I n g e n e r a l , .we f i n d t h a t v a f i o u s f e a t u r e s o f
S a l i s h t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e h a v e s u r v i v e d t h e p r e s s u r e s o f an.
a s s i m i i a t i o n i s t W h i t e p o l i c y . E x p r e s s i v e a n d c e r e m o n i a l
c o m p l e x e s , e s p e c i a l l y , p e r s i s t t o a f f o r d t h e p r e s e n t - d a y
S a l i s h a c c e s s t o p o s i t i v e r e i n f o r c e m e n t o f h i s i d e n t i t y i n
t h e a b s e n c e o f a n a l o g o u s e x p e r i e n c e s i n t h e l a r g e r c o m m u n i t y .
I t would be d i f f i c u l t , , and perhaps not' even . , ;
f r u i t f u l , to attempt to i s o l a t e a bettor-wager pattern f o r ;
Salish gambling. Kew states, ' .'
" ,','v . muoh more investigation of the
process of team formation would be \ ..
.required.' to make firm statements about '
'..:.' the-.significance of the oppositions '
,',".",. which the game encapsulates. I t i s
not a simple one of v i l l a g e vs. v i l l a g e .
. (Kew, 1970, p. 304) .
At some games i t . appears that Canadian players are opposed
to American players.
:
At others the "Island; people" compete ,
t
against the "Coast people". In both cases team a f f i l i a t i o n
i s not' s t r i c t despite the group labels applied. In a
sense i t would be a misrepresentation of s l a h a l to analyse
i t i n termsof categories designed f o r d i f f e r e n t circumstances
F i f t y or more years ago,;perhaps, S a l i s h v l l l a g e s competed
against one anpther in. i n t e r - v i l l a g e matches. At thatpoint
i n t h e i r history the operation of s o c i o l o g i c a l factors which
generated group l o y a l t y may have been.directly expressed i n
the gambling complex. However, the same circumstances do not
obtain today. As Kew demonstrates f o r Coast S a l i s h
ceremonialism i n general, old forms; may be adapted to new :
functions. ..In the case of slahal playing there has hot
been a r a d i c a l change i n the meaning of the game as we ,
observed with the transformation of the.Pawnee hand game.
;' '. . , - " .,''-'. : ' : [ . ' ' ; ! . '
;

Slahal players are s t i l l very much interested i n winning
money arid t h i s no doubt motivates t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n
the games. However, the significance of the gambling -
complex has changed with the change i n the economic and i ;/...,.*.;
72
p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n of, the S a l i s h . The r e a f f i r m a t i o n Of
Indian i d e n t i t y has become:a primary symbolic f u n c t i o n of
the games. The i m p l i c a t i o n s , o f the a n a l y s i s of s l a h a l
p l a y i n g , as -well as the other ethnographic aocounts, w i l l
be examined i n the concluding seotion..
\
CHAPTER' FOUR
Conclusions
!
This paper was begun with the intention of studying
gambling anthropologically. I dealt f i r s t with the concerns
of an anthropological analysis. A d e f i n i t i o n of gambling
was offered and i t s elements systematically explored. A
commentary on gambling by an anthropologist (Geertz) was ,
then presented and discussed. This was followed by a
consideration of f i v e studies of hand game gambling i n
. North America. Each account was examined i n terms of the
;.' anthropological framework I propose to adopt. We.are l e f t
now with the task of summarizing the findings
:
thus f a r , y
s p e l l i n g out the implications of the analysis and providing
some sort of statement about the anthropological study of -wu
,: gambling. - I w i l l address these. questions i n d i v i d u a l l y and
c o l l e c t i v e l y , as the material permits, i n the following
paragraphs.
The notion of studying gambling anthropologically
was c l a r i f i e d with reference to Cohen's a r t i c l e . To study
gambling anthropologically we must study i t h o l l s t i c a l l y .
That i s , we must take account of both symbolic and
politico
3
economic aspects of the a c t i v i t y . To concentrate
;. on one. aspect to the exclusion of others w i l l r e s u l t In
analysis which ignores one of our p r i n c i p a l t h e o r e t i c a l "<','
concerns, namely the nature of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between
symbolism or symbolic complexes and the r e l a t i o n s of
power. We might then ask what sort of information about
gambling should be sought? The answer i s that i n order
to conduct an analysis of gambling we!require considerable
information on the non-gambling features of.the society i n
question. We need to know about the kinship system, the . :
;
,
s o c i a l organization, the economic system, the r i t u a l
observances and. cosmology and the existence of p o l i t i c a l
groupings. We want information about! the seasonal cycles
as they a f f e c t production and residence and about the
i n t e g r i t y of the, culture and i t s involvement i n larger
p o l i t i c a l , possibly c o l o n i a l systems. In essence, we
need to work with the same kind of ethnographic accounts
of culture i n which the notion of a h o l i s t i c study originated.
I t may 'be conceivable to write a monograph devoted to
gambling exclusively, but i t would
:
be based on other data
about the culture.. ':.
:
\.:/
;
'f..
;
'. ''.-
:
:''' '':' -.v-.'''.. \
:
'Z<
:
'}' ~'
:
":%.$f
Given the ethnographic information, what questions
w i l l we pose? ,. Stated d i f f e r e n t l y , what gambling variables -
w i l l we attempt to I s o l a t e ? We may begin: -by seeking Geertz's
d i s t i n c t i o n of deep play/shallow play. The symbolic aspects
of status gambling may. be distinguished from money gambling.- .
Also, ' i t . i s important .to know ,who bets with whom, and how much.
i s wagered. This opens up the realm of r e l a t i o n a l aspects
of gambling. We can subsequently ask a host of questions .'
75
a b o u t s u b - v a r i a b l e s e n t a i l e d i n t he a n a l y s i s o f b o t h t he
s y mb o l i c a nd r e l a t i o n a l a s p e c t s o f g a mb l i n g . F o r i n s t a n c e ,
when do p e o p l e g a mbl e ? how f r e q u e n t l y ? what i s wa g e r e d?
what games , o p o r t o , a nd e v e n t s a r e gambl ed, on? what a r e
n a t i v e a t t i t u d e s t o wa r d s g a mb l i n g ? how I s s u c c e s s i n
g a mb l i n g e x p l a i n e d ? what c h a n g e s , i f a n y , ha ve o c c u r r e d
I n g a mb l i n g p r a c t i c e s ? By p o s i n g t h e s e and. r e l a t e d
q u e s t i o n s we ha ve f o r mu l a t e d a n a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l f r a me wor k
f o r t he s t u d y o f g a mb l i n g . The b a s i c a s s u mp t i o n s o f t h i s
f r a me wor k a r e e x p l a i n e d a bove a nd t he r e s u l t s may be s e e n
i n t he r e v i e w o f g a mb l i n g I n t he v a r i o u s t r i b e s u n d e r
d i s c u s s i o n .
I wo u l d l i k e t o b r i e f l y e xa mi ne some o f t h e
c o n c l u s i o n s o f t h e a n a l y s i s o f g a mb l i n g p r a c t i c e s . To
b e g i n w i t h , t h e r e a r e f r e q u e n t c a s e s o f a k i n d o f g a mb l i n g
t h a t we ha ve c a l l e d de e p p l a y o r s t a t u s g a mb l i n g . I t ha s
b e e n c o n s i s t e n t l y o b s e r v e d t h a t g a mb l i n g games c a n be
d r a ma t i c v e h i c l e s i n wh i c h t he e mo t i o ns o f t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s
a r e mo b i l i z e d t o wa r d s c o g n i t i v e e n d s . We ha ve d i s c o v e r e d ,
i n a d d i t i o n , t h a t t he g r e a t e r t he i n v e s t me n t o f p r o p e r t y
by p l a y e r s , t h e g r e a t e r t he s i g n i f i c a n c e o f t h e game.
Thu s , h i g h - s t a k e s g a mb l i n g i n v o l v e s c o n c e r n s o f p r e s t i g e and
s t a t u s , and c o r r e s p o n d i n g l y t he mos t s i g n i f i c a n t games a r e
p l a y e d b y w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d , o f t e n we a l t h y members o f t h e
c o mmuni t y . F u r t h e r mo r e , t he s i g n i f i c a n c e o f g a mb l i n g i s
d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d t o t h e s t a t u s d i f f e r e n t i a l o f t h e p l a y e r s .
Tha t i s , k e e n c o mp e t i t o r s a r e c l o s e s t a t u s r i v a l s a nd t e n d
t o b e t h i g h e r s t a k e s . The games I n wh i c h s u c h i n d i v i d u a l s
are engaged are regarded as the most serious and noteworthy
i n the gambling annals..
;
, . ']..',i /
-"Regardless, of the competitive atmosphere
c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of serious gambling, the prevalence of
harmonious r e l a t i o n s underlies any p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the
opponents. The /.rhetoric and symbolism of serious gambling
:
tends to-dramat i z e c o n f l i c t and appears to engender
h o s t i l i t y In the players. . However, the experience of
gambling i s a metaphorical one and despite the emotions. ;
I t arousesi v i o l e n t , a l l - o u t c o n f l i c t i s not a normal part
of. the proceedings. .. I t i s stressed oyer and over again
that the most competitive and h o s t i l e of gambling matches
can only occur between r i v a l s who have .stablished and
maintain minimal f r i e n d l y r e l a t i o n s . /Gambling'is very
commonly associated with trading, such that trading
partners often'gamble against one another. /
:
There appears
to be a continuum connecting h o s t i l i t y / o n the one end and
the f r i e n d l i e s t , most intimate r e l a t i o n s
1
o n the other. .
Gambling locates i t s e l f towards the h o s t i l i t y end of the
continuum but at a f a i r distance from raids and violent
attack. '.'',.'.'' - ' ' ' ;
The symbolic functions of gambling are diverse but
according to several authors the primary functions are the
promotion of ln-group s o l i d a r i t y and the expression of
out-group h o s t i l i t y . The fundamental expressive
character of gambling has been demonstrated in. several
e x a m p l e s ' One need only think of gambling aesthetics,
music, paraphernalia, k i n e s i c s , etc. to be reminded of
t h i s feature. -Gambling provides an outlet f o r c o n f l i c t
between groups, and."a means of : cementing! cohesion within
the group, without d i s r u p t i v e side e f f e c t s . A c a t h a r t i c v
q u a l i t y has been a t t r i b u t e d to i t . We have also considered,,
Geertz's dictum to treat c u l t u r a l forms as texts and thus .?
. seek t h e i r meaning i n the Interpretation of the participants;.
This has been possible f o r several, cases of. gambling and i t
;
-
has been shown that players appear to f i n d s i g n i f i c a n t
associations. V\
The. bettor-wager pattern has been studied where
possible and added insight Into the a r t i c u l a t i o n of gambling
symbolism and p o l i t i c a l groupings. The bettor-wager
pattern i s a l i n k between the players' attitudes and the
ethnographer's observations. In a sense the bettor-wager
pattern r e f l e c t s the s o c i a l structure as I t i s conceptualized
by the members of .the society.: Levels of allegiance are
revealed i n the amount wagered and the gamblers supported
by a player. The bettor-wager pattern i n a d i s t i l l a t i o n
of the cognitive orientation of the participants towards
gambling. We are thus made,aware of d i s t i n c t i o n s i n status
or a f f i l i a t i o n s or o f f i c e which are regarded as s i g n i f i c a n t
ones by the people. This pattern i s aiso an Important
78
c l u e t o t h e s y mb o l i c f u n c t i o n s o f t he g a mb l i n g c o mp l e x .
I t r e l a t e s t he b e h a v i o r we o b s e r v e i n a c i r c u ms c r i b e d
s e t t i n g s u c h a s a g a mb l i n g ma t c h t o t he e c o n o mi c , p o l i t i c a l
and r i t u a l a s s o c i a t i o n s i n t he b r o a d e r s o c i a l c o n t e x t .
A s p e c i f i c t e n d e n c y was n o t i c e d i n t h e l a s t t h r e e
t r i b e s c o n s i d e r e d t o a s s o c i a t e g a mb l i n g wi t h a s i t u a t i o n
o f e c onomi c and p o l i t i c a l c ha ng e . I n t h i s c o n t e x t g a mb l i n g
ma t c he s wer e a n o c c a s i o n f o r e n u n c i a t i n g o n e ' s i d e n t i t y .
The p a r t i c i p a n t s i n games a p p e a r t o ha ve r e q u i t e d t h i s n e e d .
I n G e e r t z ' s t e r ms t he p a r t i c i p a n t s wer e a b l e t o s a y s o me t h i n g
p o s i t i v e t o t h e ms e l v e s a b o u t t h e i r own i d e n t i t y . We may
g e n e r a l i z e t h i s f u n c t i o n o f g a mb l i n g t o t he o t h e r c o n t e x t s
t h a t wer e e x a mi n e d . Whe t he r o r n o t r a p i d , d i s r u p t i v e
c ha ng e b e s e t s a g r o u p , t h e r e a r e a l wa y s o c c a s i o n s f o r t h e
p r o c l a ma t i o n o f i d e n t i t y . Cohe n p o i n t e d o ut e a r l y on t h a t ,
" By o b j e c t i f y i n g r o l e s a nd r e l a t i o n s , s y mb o l i s m a c h i e v e s
a me a s ur e o f s t a b i l i t y a nd c o n t i n u i t y wi t h o u t wh i c h s o c i a l
l i f e c a n n o t e x i s t . " ( Co he n, 1969. P- 220) The s y mb o l i s m
o f g a mb l i n g i s l a d e n wi t h me s s a ge s a b o u t r e l a t i o n s and r o l e s .
The a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l s t u d y o f g a mb l i n g s h a r e s wi t h
p s y c h o l o g i c a l a nd s o c i o l o g i c a l s t u d i e s a n i n t e r e s t i n t h e
c o g n i t i v e and r e l a t i o n a l a s p e c t s o f g a mb l i n g . I t d i v e r g e s ,
howe ve r , f r o m o t h e r a p p r o a c h e s by ma i n t a i n i n g a n i n t e r e s t i n
t he t wo b r o a d v a r i a b l e s a t o n e . Our a p p r o a c h i s h o l i s t i c
so long as we I n v e s t i g a t e not only the two broad. I n s t i t u t i o n a l
f i e l d s , but. the r e l a t i o n s h i p between them.'
;
The a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l
study of gambling sheds l i g h t on t h i s ancient arid widespread
custom, and i n a d d i t i o n i l l u m i n a t e s the t h e o r e t i c a l problems ''.
t o which some of our most important work i s addressed.'
:
80
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bergler, E. . .
- v . - V . . - 1970;'
The psychology of, gambling.
New York, International 'Universities
Press.- " '):.]'
Brewster,' Paul G. V
'-;',. 1970 : ...
:
Brunton,' B i l l B.
1968
Cohen, Abner
1969
Cohen,' John '
' I960
A p a r t i a l l i s t of books and. a r t i c l e s
on games. Southern Folklore
Quarterly. 34 353-364.
Ceremonial integration i n the Plateau
of Northwestern North America.
Northwest Anthropological Research
Notes 2 , l i 1-28.
P o l i t i c a l anthropologyJ the analysis
of the symbolism of power r e l a t i o n s .
Man-^,2J 215-235.
Chance, s k i l l and luck. ! Baltimore,
Penguin Books. ; ;'....;!]
& Mark Hansel
Culin,. Stewart
1907
Risk and gambling. / New York,
Philosophical Library. |
Games of the North American Indians.
Bureau, of American Ethnology, 24th
Annual Report,<for 1902-03. 1
Washington; U.S. Government P r i n t i n g
. Office. . :
:
\ . i.;;
Desmond, Gerald R.
1952
Devereux, Edward C.
1949
Gambling among the Yakima. Washington;
Catholic University of America Press.
Gambling and the s o c i a l structure.
Unpublished Doctoral d i s s e r t a t i o n ^
Harvard University.
:
,,
81
F l a h n e r y , Re g i n a & . J ohn M. Co o p e r .
.1946 S o c i a l me c h a n i s ms , I n Gr o s Ve n t r e
?-
;
- .. g a mb l i n g . S o u t h we s t e r n J o u r n a l
/? f
:
'
:i
:^y':'ZrS;Z'' \of An t h r o p o l o g y 2 s 3 9 i - 4 l 9 . .
G e e r t z . C l i f f o r d
.': 1972
De e p p l a y j
c o c k f i g h t .
n o t e s oh t h e B a l l n e s e
Da e d a l u s s [ 1-37.
He l m, J une & Na nc y 0. L u r l e
1966
Kew, J . E . Mi c h a e l
1970
The. Do g r i b ha nd game. . Ot t a wa ,
N a t i o n a l Museum o f Ca na d a ,
B u l l e t i n 205.
Co a s t S a l i s h c e r e mo n i a l l i f e
s t a t u s a nd i d e n t i t y i n a mode r n
v i l l a g e . Un p u b l i s h e d D o c t o r a l
d i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y o f
Wa s h i n g t o n . . 1
L e s s e r , . Al e x a nd e r
1933'
The Pawnee Gho s t Da nc e ha nd game.
New Yo r k , Co l u mb i a U n i v e r s i t y
Pr e s s . ' .
Mo o r e , Omar Khayyam
1957
D i v i n a t i o n - a new p e r s p e c t i v e .
Ame r i c a n A n t h r o p o l o g i s t 59
69-74.
Ro b e r t s ,\ J o h n M.
1959
. . Mal col m J . A r t h & Ro b e r t R. IBush
Games i n c u l t u r e . Ame r i c a n
> A n t h r o p o l o g i s t 611 597-605.
R o b e r t s , J o h n M. & B r i a n S u t t o n - S mi t h .
1962 C h i l d t r a i n i n g a nd game i n v o l v e me n t .
':/-./;. - E t h n o l o g y I t 166-85.
1.