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Tantrism in China Author(s): Chou Yi-liang Source: Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 8, No. 3/4 (Mar., 1945), pp. 241-332 Published by: Harvard-Yenching Institute Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2717819 . Accessed: 29/12/2010 11:16
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1. Tantrism in Early Chinese Buddhism 2. Tsan-ning and His Sources. . . . BIOGRAPHY OF SHAN-WU-WEI AND NOTES . . BIOGRAPHY OF VAJRABODHIAND NOTES . . . AND NOTES . . BIOGRAPHY OF AMOGHAVAJRA

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241 248 251 272 284

A B C D E.

..... ..... ..... .

. 307 . 309 . 309 311 313

F ..... G ..... H.315 I.317 J......

K .319 L .320 M. . ... 317N . 0. . 318 . 313 . 314

321 M 322 324

P .325 Q .326 R .327 S T.

329 331

INTRODUCTION 1. Tantrismin Early ChineseBuddhism The age of the T'ang dynasty (618-907 A. D.) was a period in China. Among wereflourishing religions whenvarious foreign by far was Buddhism. As a resultof these the most important duringthe and theology the development ofBuddhistphilosophy of the in the arose T'ang period early part Six Dynasties,there sects such as Ch'an and T'ien-t'ai. These represented different the higherformof Buddhismthe value of which was not easily people. On the otherhand, the tantric appreciatedby ordinary formof Buddhism,in whichmagic played a principalrole, was and ninth the eighth quite popularamongthe upperclassesduring centuries. It was duringthe seventhcenturythat tantricBudand reduced to a philosophical dhism began to be systematized even beforethis time thereexisted basis in India.' Nevertheless,
1Cf. B.

Buddhist Esoterism 32-42.




latent tantricelementsin China, althoughit was not until the there. This introduced that the sect was officially eighthcentury of threeIndian thesisis devoted to the studyof the biographies monkswho broughttantricBuddhismto China. Before dealing to examinethe workof it will be profitable withthem,however, and in translating whose efforts, theirmoreobscurepredecessors, on Chinesesoil. leftthe earliestvestigesof this doctrine teaching, , a monkfromCentralIndia, translatedin CHU Lu-yen * ,rA . Besides chting 230 A. D. a text called Mo-teng-ch'ieh directionsfor the worshipof stars and some simple rites for this sfitracontains six dha-ranis which all sacrificing to them,2 instructions om and end withsvaha, including beginwiththe word for necessaryceremoniesduringthe recitationof the dhdranis. a greatfireand throwby lighting One of theseritesis performed This ceremony, into it at the end of the recitation.4 ing flowers seemsto be a linkbetween by Brahmanism, mostlikelyinfluenced it and the homa rite taught in later tantricsfitras.Among the translationsof CHIH Ch'ien Ad (d. after 253 A. D.) several them are texts5 consist of dharanis,but no rites accompanying described. In the earlyfourth century the great Master Dharmaraksa iMA (d. after313 A. D.) made many translations.Quite a few of DharmaIt is characteristic of his sfitras consistof dhdranis.6 raksa to translatethe meaningof dhdran!insteadof transcribing the sound. Examples may be foundin two dharanisin the Hailung-wangching MROUE.2' In the fourthcenturytwo other masters from Central Asia were particularlyfamous for their the people's to strengthen magic, which they used effectively faith. The first, Fo-t'u-ch'eng1 1'R (d. 348 A. D.), is the subin proficient ject ofmanylegends.8He was said to be particularly dhdranisand could employspiritsas he wished. By applyingoil

2 T 21.404b25 (T = Taish6?). 3T21.400b2, 400c16, 404a24-b7. For this text also cf. S. LE'Vi; TP 7(1907).118; IHQ 12 (1936) . 2. 204-205. ' T 21.400a27. 5E.g., T14, No. 427; T21, Nos. 1351, 1356. 6 T 14, No. 428; T 21, No. 1301. 7 T 15.141b6, 156c20. 8 T 50.383b-387a.



to his palm he was able to see what was happeninga thousand milesaway. Another ofhis accomplishments whichno latermonk possessedwas the abilityto tell fortunes to the sound by listening of bells hangingfromthe eaves of the temples.9Srimitra WP 1 t: (d. between335 and 342 A. D.) was anothermonk who practisedthe art of dhliran!with brilliantresults wherever he went.'0 He translatedsome dhlranis in a text now lost, called K'ung-ch'iieh-wang ching3LL3E8." She-kungi912 (d. 380 A. D.), a monk from Central Asia, obtainedFu Chien'sfavorbecause he could summondragonsand make rain."2 This is one of the earliest occasions on which a Buddhist monk in China prays for rain. Later mastersof the esoteric sectwereall supposedto be able to do this. T'an-wu-ch'an XS (*Dharmaksema,d. 433 A. D.) was learned in dhdranIl and showedhis magic power by causing water to springfroma rock.'3 In the Ta-chi ching-ktf- whichhe translated, one pasthata bodhisattva sagedeclares has four kindsofornaments, among whichdhdran! rankswithsIla, samadhi,and prajM.'4 Suvarnaprabhasa , also translatedby T'an-wu-ch'an, gives instructions formakingofferings duringprayersfor worldlybenefits,'5 but the rite is by no means so elaborate as those practisedin later days. T'an-yao * , the monk who suggestedthe buildingof stone cave-temples in Ta-t'ung,translatedthe Ta-chi-ishen-chou ching fi n in 462 A. D. with the collaborationof Indian monks.'6 It describesthe method of making an arena where of their in a circlereceivethe offerings Buddhistimagesarranged of the mandala, or votaries.'7The arena seems to be a rudiment of whichis taughtin latertexts. The same altar,the construction sfitra also teaches all kinds of siddhis. There are siddhisto win a war,to stop a storm, to obtainrain,to conceal one's form, or to For different securea wish-jewel. purposesdifferent deitiesas well
9'T 50.383bl8. 10T 50.328all. 11T 50.328al2. 12 T 50.389b25. 13 T 50.336a5. T 13.5c28. Cf. T 16.345a5-c6. 16 Cf. T 55.838a28. 17 T 21.579bi.
14 16



are assigned."8The sfitraon as different ways of worshipping siddhistranslated by Shan-wu-weiAdd in the timeofthe T'ang is a more elaboratetext of the same type. dynasty9 apparently son of EmperorWu i EmperorYuan x' of the Liang dynasty, who was the most famousBuddhist emperorin Chinese history, says that he had learnedseveraldharanisin his childhood,20 indicatingthatat thattimetheywerepopularamongtheupperclasses. considered a transA textcalledMo-li-chih-t'ien ching J lation ofthe Liang dynasty (502-556A. D.), specifies the method of cleaningthe hall of the temple and making offerings to the amountofthissfltra is also devoted deityMdric!.2`A considerable to the benefit whichone would receivefromreciting this dhdrani. A later versionof the text translatedby Amoghavajra 4 'I adds some new elements whichare not foundin this one. It says that in reciting the worshipper shouldmake the propermudrds,22 and carrysmallimagesof the deityon the head or on the armsas amulets.23 Amoghavajra'sversionalso mentionsthe buildingof a mandala during of the dhdrarn-.24 the recitation These additions would suggestthat duringthe two hundredyears betweenthe earlysixthcentury and the earlyeighth century tantric Buddhism graduallytook its finalshape in India. In the early T'ang dynastya Chinesemonk,Chih-t'ung Vag translatedseveral texts with dhdran-is. His biographysays that he studiedzealously the esotericteaching.25 Atigupta IFKJAOI3 who arrivedin China in 652 A. D., translatedthe T'o-lo-nichi ching MHOPUM9, whichconsistsof many rites similarto those taughtin sfttras translatedby Shan-wu-wei and Vajrabodhi l *26 Punyodaya MA,, who came to China in 655 A. D., triedto ; introducesome texts of the tantricBuddhism then popular in India. But, becauseHiisan-tsang, thepromulgator ofthe Idealistic
18 19 20 21 22 23 28

T 21.579c2. See note 88 in Shan-wu-wei's Biography. Cf. the Tzfs-hsl X , in Chin-lou-tzDt a(,T gMN T 021.2692a6. 24 T 21.260c920. T 21.261bl2. T 21.261b8 25 T 50.719c20, 720al. ed., 6.20b) .

Atiguptaalso see AppendixK.

Cf.OMURA Seigai*j4J!fj), Mikkyd hattatsu shi

5. 710-55.For



at that time,Punyodaya was School in China, was so influential Accordingto his biographyby Tao-hsiian,when unsuccessful.27 froma tripto the South Seas, " les textessacresqu'il he returned apportes avaient tous ete emportespar avait [precedemment] de traduire Hiuan-tsangvers le Nord. I1 avait bien l'intention mais commeil n'avait [lesChinois], pourconvertir [quelquestextes] il ne traduisitque troisSfttra: plus de materiauxa sa disposition, pour adorerles Buddha la Mlethode Mandala A*,* F'Octuple sontexactes,conet l'Atrnaitiya IPfESA; ses traductions OilmiJ, aptes 'a etretoujoursetudiees et parfaitement cises,et minutieuses, 28 et misesen pratique." in the tantricformof Buddhism I-ching was also interested 29 whenhe studiedin Nalanda; but he could not devotemuchtime amonghis to it, as he had manyotheroccupations. Nevertheless, ching kTWrTIUEN translations the Ta k'ung-ch'iieh-chou-wang with its appendix on methods for making altars and painting textof the tantricschool. It is in this images,is a well-developed and called a vidyaraja.30 deified that the dhdraniis first sultra There, then,were the earliestteachersof tantricBuddhismin China. Theirwork, thoughit achievedsome degreeof popularity, the cult as such. Besides these cannotbe said to have established therewere othermonks who, we know,went to India to study but theyall died in India beforetheycould the esotericdoctrine; returnto China to promulgateit."1 Thus, it was not until the that this arrivalof the threefamousmonksof the eighthcentury doctrinebegan to form a distinctand even dominant sect of ChineseBuddhism.
JA 227.1.88. 28JA 227.1.88-89. For the "Octuple Mandala" cf. ibid. 90-97, for Atdndtiya,its Pali and Sanskritversions,cf. ibid. 100, A. F. Rudolf HOERNLE, Manuscript Remiains of Buddhist Literaturefound in Eastern Turkestan 1.024-27. 29 E. CHAVANNES,Meinoire compose a l'epoque de la grande dynastie T'ang sur les religieux erminents qui allerent chercherla loi dans les pays d'occident par I-tsing 104-105. 30 T 19.476b25 477b3. 31 Such as Shih-pien Ji and Tao-lin ; cf. CHAVANNES, Religieux erminents 31-32, 101-102. For the relationbetweenIndian tantricschools and China, cf. S. LE'VI, IHQ 12(1936).02.0207-208.



arrivedin Ch'ang-an in 716 A. D. Later he was Shan-wu-wei allowed to translatethe texts whichhe had broughtalong with him. Hence he became the firstgreat master of this school in came Vajrabodhi and his disciple China. Soon afterShan-wu-wei Amoghavajrawho in later years made this school one of the imthis schoolof Budportantsectsof the T'ang dynasty. Although it was on Chinese thought, dhism did not have great influence people the ordinary as as well court the with associated closely in prayingfor theirown welfarein present who were interested docof profound lifebut not so keen on the discussion and future deathin 774 A. D. thisschoolgradually Amoghavajra's trine.After declined. No more eminentmasterswere knownto us except a in the diariesof Japanesepilgrims.During fewnamesmentioned the earlypart ofthe Sung dynastysomeIndian monksalso transesoteric lated quite a few texts of this school32 and performed a Japanese monk,visited the palace of rites.3When Jojin W*, Emperor Shen-tsungin 1073 A. D., he found many images of This sect as a whole, whobelongedto thissectexclusively.34 deities any moreand was even held in contempt did not prosper however, it wouldbe safeto say thattheEsoteric Therefore, by the world.35 School of Buddhism,about two and one-halfcenturiesafterits into China and about one hundredand eightyyears introduction period, died out in China before it after its most flourishing Lamaism in the Yuan dynastysome three was revivedthrough later. centuries and studyof the biograThis articleconsistsin the translation who are the Vajrabodhi,and Amoghavajra, phiesof Shan-wu-wei, only mastersof this sect, in its propersense,included in TsanMy firstaim is to ning's R$ Sung kao-sengchuan thyf which accountswiththe scantyavailable sources checkTsan-ning's The second aim is to find he failed to use or used erroneously.
cf. P. C. BAGCHI, Le canon bouddhiqueen For these mastersand theirtranslations et les traductions2. 585-610. Chine, les traducteurs 2. 6a. Cf. Sung hui-yao kao T-eX , tao-shih Em 34 Cf. Dainihon bukky5zensho 115.456b-457a. 3 See Tsan-ning'scomment in the end of Vajrabodhi's Biography and Chih-p'an's statementin the Fo-tsu t'ung-chi (T 49.296al2).



whichmay help in Indian and Chineseliterature someinformation us to understandthe Indian backgroundin these biographies. to the threemonksis foundin any Indian no reference Although India, books, a few facts such as the Turkish rule in Northern ofeducationin Ka fcipura,King Narasihhapotavarman thecenter and the tamingof the elephants,are proved by of that country, Indian sources. Thus we understandthese biographiesmore factsand fancibetweenhistorical and can distinguish thoroughly fullegendscontainedtherein. The thirdaim of this thesis is to use these biographiesas a around which to gather some material relevant to frame-work to the variousphases of thissect,such as its rites,its relationship that the hoped It is amongthe masses. court,and its popularity positionof thissect in the timeof the T'ang dynastywill thusbe made clear. Neitherthe dynastichistorynor the two huge colthe Ch'iianlectionsof the prose and verseof the T'ang dynasty, containas Id, T'ang-wenSkit and the Ch'ilan-T'ang-shih much material as one would expect. A fairlylarge amount of materialis foundin the T'ai-p'ing kuang-chiik*"-e, an indispensable collectionin studyingthe historyof this period, the chin-shih Chin-shihts'ui-pien4kWWG and the Pa-ch'iung-shih 1E, two large collectionsof inscriptions, pu-cheAngAit in Dainihon bukky& contained and theJapanesemonks'itineraries k H the texts *% Tk. Above all must be mentioned zensho and varioushistoritranslatedby thesethreemastersthemselves cal works,includingTsan-ning'sbook, containedin the Taish6 in Tun-huangprovidedinvaluablematerials Tripitaka. The finds Hu to the study of the historyof the T'ang dynasty. Professor have made imand Mr. TSUKAMOTOZenryfi W Shih MAJA to the historyof the Ch'an and Ching-t'u portantcontributions so far as the Nevertheless, sects by using these new materials.36 I am not particularly benefited EsotericSect is concerned, by any except for a few picturesand available Tun-huangmanuscripts, sheetsof paper on whichdhlranis werewritten.As forthe referthat a fewarticles it is regrettable byJapanesescholars ence works,
no jodoky6Jftpit:J if?&k. To chidki
" Cf. Hu-shih lun-hsilehchin-chut 1. 198-319; TSUKAMOTO Zenryfi,



published in some less importantJapanese periodicalsare not available herein Cambridgeon accountof the war.

and his sources 2. Tsan-ning

named KAO Tsan-ning(919-1001A. D.) 37 was bornto a family to Wu-hsingRA in the fromPo-hai MMbi A; which emigrated to WANGY -ch'eng Ints According end of the Sui dynasty.38 he became a monk in the T'ien-ch'eng-ka period (926 A. D.) and in the earlyyearsofthe Ch'ing-t'ai Ad period (934-5A. D.) Being ordained.39 he was fully intoMt. T'ien-t'aiwhere he entered the himself in the Vinaya texts,he earned proficient particularly nicknameTiger of Vinaya Au. In 978 A. D. when Wu-Yiieh Tsan-ningwas sent into the Sung empire, AMi was incorporated by Emperor honored he was where by the kingto the Sung court T'ai-tsungwitha purplerobeand the titleT'ung-huiX.X At the same timehe was appointedto the Han-lin SPt whichservedas secretariat.In 991 A. D. he became an editorof the the emperor's In 998 A. D. he was appointedthe s'ng-lu National Archives.40 WfA of the Right Road -tfi whichwas in chargeof half of the monksin the capital.41 He held both positionsuntil he died in 1001 A. D.
S" I follow Chih-p'an who says that Tsan-ning died in 1001 A. D. at the age of eighty-two(T 49.402bl). In his prefaceto Tsan-ning'swork (Hsiao-ch'u chi /J' SPTK ed., 21.9a), WANG Yii-ch'eng says that the master was still in sound health at the age of eighty-two.It seems that this prefacewas writtennot very long before the master died. WANG Yfi-ch'enggives the date of Tsan-ning's birth as the year chi-mao or the sixteenthyear of T'ien-yu ikii of the T'ang dynastywhich actually of the Liang dynasty (919 A. D), because d" was the fifth year of Ch'eng-ming JA the T'ang dynastyhad already fallenin 907 A. D. If Tsan-ningwas born in 919 A. D., he would have been eighty-two years old in 1001 A.D. WANG also says that the sixteenth year of T'ien-yu correspondsto the seventh year of Cheng-mingwhich seems to be a miscalculation.Nien-ch'ang Hi (T 49.659b22) gives the date of Tsanning's death as 996 A. D. which is evidentlywrong. Wen-ying's 9 Hsiang-shan V r ts'e 76) 3.5b says that he died at the age of eightyyeh-lu tjlj fourwhich also contradictsthe date given by WANG Yfl-ch'engand Chih-p'an. 38 Hsiao-ch'u chi 20.7b. 39Ibid. The text has Il#rpIII Since he was only about i fifteen years old at that time,the full ordinationprobablytook place some time later, but WANG did not give precise date. 40 " For these facts cf. Hsiao-ch'u chi 20.8a-b. Cf. T 49.400c17.



It is said that he was widelyread in both Buddhist and nonBuddhist books. Scholars such as Mst Hsian Gil~, WANG Yuch'eng, and Liu K'ai SIJP werehis good friends.42 In WANG'S work we finda prefaceto Tsan-ning'sWen-chi tat ,3 and threepoems presented to him4 in all of whichWANGreferred to Tsan-ning's scholasticachievments, particularly the contribution of the Kaoseng chuan. In HsP Hsijan's Wen-chithereis also a poem presented to Tsan-ningwhen he was returning to his home in the South. Since HsuS was famousforhis study of palaeography, it is interesting to notice that in this poem he asked Tsan-ningto findforhim the stele erectedby Shih-huang of the Ch'in dynasty and inscribed by his renowned primeminister Li Ssi.45 OU-YANG Hsiu IRl1I9i* recordsa storyof Tsan-ningwhichwould showhow tactfulhe was. When he, as a seng-lu,accompanied Emperor T'ai-tsu 46 to the Hsiang-kuoTemple VW* in the capital, the latterwas hesitating if he shouldkneel down to pay obeisanceto a Buddha's image. Thereupon Tsan-ning said, "The present Buddha would not pay obeisance beforea past Buddha." The emperorwas highlypleased and it thus became a rule that the shouldnot kneelbefore emperor any Buddhistimages. Liu-i shihhua also has a storyrevealing that Tsan-ning was wittyand quick in reply. In the year 982 A. D. he receivedthe imperialorderto compile the Sung kao-sengchuan. He obtained permission to returnto the templein Hang-chou*ti41wherehe came fromand therehe workedon the book whichhe completed in 988 A. D.48 The book

T49.397c5. For the biographiesof HsuT iHsiuan, WANG Yui-ch'engand Liu K'ai cf. S&-shih-ch'i-chungSung-tai chuan-chi tsung-ho yin-te 4 Hsiao-ch'u chi 20.7b-9b. 45Hsii-kungwen-chi !Zt
46 Cf. Kuei-t'ien lu

Cf. Hsiang-shan yeh-lu 3.5b,Liu-ishih-hua*-ffi

( |J[I JI J

ts'e 27) 2b,

1j 164,59, 170.

ful that the reading T'ai-tsu is correct because Tsan-ning came to the North and became the seng-luin T'ai-tsung'sreignwhen T'ai-tsu had already died. Other editions of the Kuei-t'ien lu, such as Pei-hai J4jU (tJKg ed., ts'e 24, 1.la), Shuo-fu3,l

j_{. g@[fII RTRM t series17,ts'e 9) 1.1a. It is verydoubt-

44 Ibid. 7.13a, 15a, 10.6a. (SPTK ed.) 22.3a.

(Yu V ed., ts'e 42, l.la) and the Han-fen-lou gj t (l.la) all read T'ai-tsu. 47 Cf. Liu-ishih-hua 2b. 48 Cf. Tsan-ning's memorial in presenting thisbook (T 50.709a4)and Fo-tsut'ung2



and composedof 533 biographies. chapters, is dividedinto thirty of theirown There are also 130 monkswho have no biographies of others.49 recordedin the biographies but theirlives are briefly in his preface As for the sourcesof this book, he acknowledges as well as thetombinscripthathe has made use ofthebiographies by Chih-p'an people.50It is also affirmed by former tionswritten .51 This accounts for the HAi> in his Fo-tsu t'ung-chiSAI in style,even withinone biography. difference biographyis very elaborate in half of Shan-wu-wei's The first style and language because it is entirelytaken with very few from the workof Li Hua 4x, who was conchangesin wording The latter half of the biography sidereda good prose writer.52 on the Yu-yang legendis based chiefly dealingwithShan-wu-wei's fromthe tsa-tsu AFfA-ft and hence the styleis clearlydifferent firsthalf. For Vajrabodhi's biographyYiian-chao's 1 111work probablyis the chiefsource but Tsan-ningdid not make use of shih-chiaolu JATMt in his Cheng-yiian all the information are CHAO Ch'ien's The chiefsourcesforAmoghavajra'sbiography XX hsing-chuang and Fei-hsi's pei-ming Ad RA. The I:YR of Vajrabodhi and Amoghavajrais more styleof the biographies biography.When Tsan-ning unifiedthan that of Shou-wu-wei's he was alreadyan old man. of this book, startedthe compilation several otherstook part in His prefacesays that besides himself It is mostlikelythat Tsan-ningonlyacted as a chief thiswork.53 editorwhileothermonksreallydid the compilation.This is why the style was consideredpoor, and HUANG T'ing-chien RAMb even triedto reviseit.54 Amongotherbooks whichTsan-ningwrote5 onlytwo are still
chi (T 49.400a13). Hsiao-ch'u chi (20.8b) and Fo-tsu t'ung-chi (T 49.398c16) give 983 A. D. as the year when he receivedthe order. 49 Cf. his preface (T 50.710a3). 90Cf. T 50.709c22. 51T 49. 400a23. 52 For these sources see notes in respectivebiographies. 54"T 49. 400a26. 1s T 50.709c20. " For a list of these books cf. Ku Huai-san , , Pu wu-tai-shihi-wen chih - i=> 12a, 18a; Sung-shih ed. All the d- k(3 ;WI~ki 1 astic histories used in the presentwork are cited fromthis edition). 205.10a, 22a, 25a, 206.4b, 5b.

[ J



fl'k* inthree oneis theSeng-shih-lieh today. The first preserved of the sanghain China. The is a generalhistory 56 which chapters secondbook is a shorttreatisein one chaptercalled Sun-p'u Fi dealing with bamboo shoots. It has five headings: the various the places wherebamboo shootsare pronames ofbamboo shoots, them,the storiesabout bamboo shoots, duced,the way ofcooking notes.57Probably it was due to this kind of and miscellaneous that Liu K'ai called Tsan-ningthe CHANG Hua 58 WV knowledge scholarwithencyclopaedic ofthe day as CHANG was a well-known knowledge.



(Taish6 Tripitaka50.714bl-716al7) a nativeof CentralIndia' was by origin The monkShan-wu-wei Sakyamuni'suncle. His Sanskrit and a descendant ofAmrtodana,2 % fT , in Chinese,Ching-shihA% name was Subhakarasiihha whichwas translatedas Shan-wu-wei. By another tzu Dit, which also means traditionhis name was Subhakara *WNS Wu-weiin Chinese.3
56 T 54, No. 2126. The number of chapters of the book as it is preserved today agrees with the number given in Sung-shih (205.10a). Hsiang-shan yeh-lu (3.5a) says that T'ai-tsung wanted to know the life of the eminentmonks in former times, so Tsan-ningcompiled the Seng-shih-lfieh in ten chapters to present to the emperor. Apparentlyhe had confused the Kao-seng chuan with the Seng-shih-lfieh and the numbergiven by him agrees with neitherwork. s This book is includedin the P'ai-ch'uan hsfieh-hai(ts'e 37). 58 Hsiang-shan yeh-lu 3.5b. 'Li Hua's Shan-wu-weihsing-chuangXX1iEIk (abbreviated below as hsingchuang) gives Magadha as the countrywhere Shan-wu-wei'sfamily originallylived (T 50.290a6). Li Hua died in the earlyyears of the Ta-li k)f period (766-779 A. D.) and was particularly knownas a writer of biographies and monumental Cf. inscriptions. his biographyin T'ang-shu I 203.1b. His biographysays that he was converted to Buddhism in his later days. For his association with monks cf. the biographiesof Yen-chfin Ax (T 50.798al7) and Lang-jan Ax (T 50.800all) in Tsan-ning'swork. Accordingto the former he was still alive in the fourth year of Ta-li (769 A. D.). 2 On Amrtodana cf. MOCHIZUKI Shinko's ) IF Bukkyd daijitenf|f}* 1.476b-c,and E. J. THOMAS,The Life of of2 (abbreviated below as MOCHIZUKI), Buddha 24. ' There is no way to derive such a meaning as A (literally,good without



Because of unrest in their own country,Central India, his of] Odra had leftit and gone to reignover [thecountry ancestors father'sname was Fo-shou wang 'f-IE ,W.4 Shan-wu-wei's 5 [King *Buddhakara]. From his birthhe appearedlike a divinity Therefore and was endowed with virtuesand accomplishments. testedhim in a successivevarietyof positions. his father
fear) fromeither Subhakara or Subhakarasimha. This biographyis mainly based on i (abbreviated below as Li Hua's Shan-wu-weipei-mingping hsil pei) which for the monk's name says only " [his] hao R was Shan-wu-wei" (T 50.290b16). It mightimply that besides this hao or style he also had a ming 4; or name. Hsing-chuang (T 50.290a4) says: " Subhakara's complete Sanskrit name of which the correctChinese translation should be Subhakarasimha , is Ching-shih-tzU [literallypure lion]. A free translationof his name would be Shanin his Zemmui sanz6 no myogiwa tohangono wu-wei." TERAMOTO Enga FUZZ onyakuka (Shfzkyokenkyf7 R g ; new series, 8.4.93-104) suggeststhat Shan-wu-weimight be a Chinese transliteration of the Tibetan translationof Subhakara: bZanfByed. Among the sfltrashe translated is used in twentyof them. the name }/ is used in fiveworkswhile G never occurs. AMflptRMI It seems to me that Shan-wu-weiis simply another name which has no relation with the Sanskritname Subhakara. Six stages of 'fearlessness' (abhaya) or freedom fromfear in a bodhisattva's spiritualprogressare describedin the P'i-lu-che-naching translated by this master. The firstabhaya among them is su-abhaya (svabhaya) T 39.605c16). Subhakara might have commentary, (cf. T 18.3c5 and I-hsing's -4 adopted this word as his Chinese name, or hao, as it is stated in the pei. Since he I also use it in my translation. is called by the hao Shan-wu-weiin this biography, agreed now that this countrywas located in the presentOrissa. Cf. 4 It is generally T. WATTERS, On Yuan Chwang's Travels, 2.193-6; S. BEAL, Life of Hiuen-tsiang134; 781-785; MOCHIZUKI, 1. 214c; HORI Kentoku 1 Kaisetsu seiikiki R. D. BANERJI, History of Orissa (Calcutta, 1930) 1. 136-1145. The familyhistoryof the king of Odra is not found in Hsiian-tsang'srecord. But accordingto this pilgrim (WATTERS, 1. 238) and Tao-Hlsian (T 50.432a20), the king of UdyAna was said to in many ways, among have been an exiled Sakya. Since Udyana was transliterated

or ,j1$ (HORI, could family of Shan-wu-wei's 205-206),thisstory whichare forUdyana. Pei between the , : forOdra and the , have been a confusion in there existed century, of the eighth In the last quarter has thistradition. already of whichthe kingsall bore the name 'kara.' Therewas even one Odra a dynasty The date of theseKara in Buddhism. kingcalled Subhakara.They werebelievers platesdiscovered on thecopper out on the basisof the inscriptions kings was worked of Orissa, Epigraphia King Subhakara in Orissaand the Chinese sources(cf. S. LE'vi, was 1. 146-160).As Shan-wu-wei of Orissa, R. D. BANERJI, History Indica,15.8.363-4; I am as *Buddhakara, name could be restored called Subhakara and his father's of theseKara kings. have beenthe predecessors inclined to suspect thattheymight 6Pei reads t4IMfc insteadof fim$ (T50.290h18).



At the age of ten he was in command of the army; and at of both he succeededto the throne.He won the affection thirteen beingjealous of his ability, soldiersand civilians;but his brothers, was fratricidal struggle an armedrebellion.The resulting organized himself had to take active command. so severethat Shan-wu-wei discus' bruised He was struckby a stray arrow and a flying6 the top of his head. [Even so] when,in accordancewithmartial upon their defeat had incurredthe penalty of law his brothers of forgavethem,despite the requirements death, he indulgently strictjustice. Then, withtears in his eyes,he said to his mother that " When I led my army[againstmy brothers] and ministers: however, to perfect us]. In order, was theend ofany love [between I mustnow abdicate." 8 [714bl5] He theremyduty[as a brother], and earnestly requested to upon gave the throne his elderbrother gave consent.10 that he mightbecomea monk.9Sadly his mother the pearl withoutprice which She secretlygave Shan-wu-wei of the throne, just as [correspondwas the emblemof inheritance among the feudal lords [identified ingly]the vessels distributed
in this sense 'The text reads 4- which means 'to swing' or 'to whirl.' matches better with'bl1Q. Pei reads (T 50.290b20) fV meaning 'to protect.' 'The discus is a kindofweapon. Hsi-yiichi (T 51.877bl9) ")L;D>ffQ.

of Hsfian-tsang's of these weapons. S. JULUEN in his translation omits the enumeration ' to renderE BEAL (1.83) says "various kinds of work (1.82) uses ' fronde slings." Both are incorrect. X (cakra) and (pdsa) are two weapons that Buddhist and Hindu gods are frequentlyrepresentedas bearing in their hands. Cf. T. A. Gopinatha Rao, Elements of Hindu Iconography (Madras, 1914) 1, part 1, Description of Terms, 4; P. C. BAGCHI, Deux lexiques sanskrit-chinois 93.



WATTERS (1.171)

means" WhenI led my army[against them], it was righteousness which superseded love. Now I desire to abdicate becauseI should liketo carry out myplan." 9 Chung-pen-ch'i ching and K'ANG Meng-hsiang rp*jigM (tr.by T'an-kuo 8 . . . * FEJk ,in Oin 207A.D.) "IN AdJ* M JU EA SePC [X]J" (T 4.148b26).Theword taois a legacy oftheearly dayswhen Buddhism wasfirst intoChina and was calledfo-tao introduced the fashion of Taoism. Cf. SIM after T'ANG Yung-t'ung Han Wei liang-Chin MJMJW, nan-pei-ch'ao fo-chiao shih RkfAM1i 87-95.Lateron cameto mean'to become a monk.'Also 4k fet M ef.J. R. WARE, TP 30(1933).113, 153. 10 One has to obtain his parent'spermission beforehe can be ordained. Cf. Mahavagga (SBE, Ss&-fe'n-lii (T22.810a18), Shih-sung-li (T23.152c23).

,ag IP:Wl-E,I .W> ;0 rfI . E [Ji1 AS IIL. 1/I T AAiu M1EI*0iE

8The text reads


4 F.

Pei reads

(Tm5O.290b21). It



to the sea wherehe came to a superb them]. He wentsouthward " monastery and thereobtainedthe saddharmapundarikasamddhi to the numberof He piled up sand to formstfipas, ~~35~jug$12 almostten thousand,and even whena black snake bit his finger, he would not give up. on a merchant ship,13 by travelHe thenfoundaccommodation and [whileon board] he lingon whichhe vistedseveralcountries, [the while]a emitting and meditatedin secret,14 recited[sfitras] the wind days when were three There his mouth. whitelightfrom did not blow and yet the shipsailed onwardsa vast distance. The merchants'lives were [once] in danger when they encountered pirates. Filled with compassionfor his comrades,Shan-wu-wei a dhdran!in silence. Seven kotis of deitiesappeared whispered bandits by other thepiratesweredestroyed and finally in full glory, theirsin and became [whoappeared]. These banditsthenconfessed his disciples. whichwas now easy They became his guidesover the country, manya wearywilderpassingthrough Onlyafter and nowdifficult. ness and crossingstinkingriversdid they reach Central India,' to his eldersister. meta kingwhowas married whereShan-wu-wei why he had abdicated and could [The king] asked Shan-wu-wei not represshis admiration.They walked into [the palace] hand comforted presence clouds,Shan-wu-wei's in hand. Like sheltering the wholecountry. Shan-wu-wei had grace of person and surpassingintelligence.

11Pei as edited in Ch'i-an-T'ang-wten (319.9b and T 50.290b24) reads f* which would mean ' obtained a superb monastery.' This text reads A for ;R which is better. Pei in TV'n-yiian (Hu ed., 861.lb) has neitherS ying-hua 3,j nor jf. Cf. Hsilan-tsang (WATTERS, 2.193194). 12 A kind of meditationpractisedby Mahlydnists, through which one endeavors to see Samantabhadrabodhisattva and to confessone's sins with the hope of becominga bodhisattva. This meditationis to be broughtabout by recitingthe Lotus Siitra for twenty-one days. Cf. MOCHIZUKI, 5.4578b. 13In describing Odra Hsiian-tsang (WATTERS, 2.193-194) says that "near the shore of the ocean in the southeastof this countrywas the city of Che-li-ta-lo (Charitra?), above twentyli in circuit,which was a thoroughfare and restingplace for sea-going fromdistant lands." tradersand strangers "4The text has !9 1g, which literallywould mean "practising in secret the dhydna recitation." I am not certain of my interpretation. Cf. MOCHIZUKI, 1.687b.





the Five Ways 16 [of Buddhism][714b27] and the He understood ofboththedharanis ThreeDisciplines.'7He plumbedthemeaning craftsman [in the expert and was an artistand and meditations makingof Buddhist images and stfipas]. When he firstvisited " untiring " in Chinese) generosity '8 (meaning NdlandaMonastery 19 was derived,and which doctrine fromwhich the counterfeit the pearl of presented was the pole of all the saints,Shan-wu-wei to be set20 in the foreheadof the great statue [of inheritance like the sun.2' Buddha]. By day it was like the moon,at night, inthe Therewas a certain named]Dharmaguptaa$-V [monk key to the Gate ofMeditationand monastery. He held themystic possessed the secretseal of Tathdgata. He appeared over forty years old, but was really eight centuriesold. Hsiian-tsanghad madeobeisance Shan-wu-wei Withgreatreverence, oncemethim.22 at [Dharmagupta's]feet23and recognizedhim as his Master.24
16 Manusyaydna,deva-, srdvaka-,pratyekabuddha-, and bodhisattva-. The firsttwo are used to denote the career of lay Buddhistswho observe the fiveprecepts,etc. The to Mahdyana. second group of two ydnas refersto Hinayana, while the last one refers There are three other lists of the five ydnas which differ slightlyfrom this set and whichalso regardthe bodhisattvaydna or buddhaydnaas the highestway forsalvation. Cf. MOCHIZUKI, 2.1227a. = AW or SiksAs are Sila, dhydnaand prajfii. Cf. MOCHIZUKu, 17 The Three Disciplines 2.1472c. 1 For NAlanda cf. WATTERS, 2.165-169;TAKAKUSU A Re-cord Junjir6 4;nqkA of the Buddhist Religion as Practised in India and the Malay Archipelago,154; E. CHAVANNES, Les religieuxeminents 84-98. 19 Buddha's teachingis divided into threeperiodsof whichthe period of the counterfeit doctrine4j or pratirfipaka is the second one. Cf. Saddharmapundarika8.28, 16.13 (Mrs. RHYS DAVIDS'translation 2.152), also cf. T 2.226c7,419b25. saizyuttanikdya The lengthof each periodvaries in accordancewithdifferent traditions.Cf. MOCHIZUKI, 2.1517b. Buddha's teachingis therefore also called hsiang-chiaof*; cf. TP 30.135. 20 In Hsi-yil chi the character S is used in many cases to mean ' to set ' or ' to stud.' The examples are found in T 51.870b18,872c8, 876b7, 934a5, 934a20. 21 This simile sounds rather queer. Pei reads 1AuJi U l IJ31MI-. It means literally" in the daytime it is like a moon, at night it shines." It is an Indian figure of speech to compare a good person to the moon because it is brightbut does not hurt the eyes as the sun does when you look at it. This, however,still does not explain the simile very well. 22 This name is not mentionedin the Hsi-yil chi or Hsuan-tsang's biography by
2 "It was the Indian custom to touch and kiss the feet of the man whom one reveres. Cf. WATTERS, 1.173; TAKAKUSU, 99. 24The biographyof YUEH I in Shih-chi a (80, 8b) says that "Yiueh_

Yen-tsung Atr



was acting as attendantfor a meal, One day when Shan-wu-wei showedhim therewas a monkfromChina present. Shan-wu-wei the [Master's]bowl, and [the monk]saw in it a friedcake25and he exclaimed, boiledmillet which werestillwarm. Beingastonished, " But China is an uncountablenumberof miles away fromhere, and brought and yet this [Chinesefood]was cooked this morning here!" Whereupon Dharmagupta said [to Shan-wu-wei]:" Since you have made no remark, you are reallyqualifiedto learn."26 Then Dharmagupta impartedto Shan-wu-wei the dhdranls,27 Surroundedby yoga,28 and the doctrines of the Three Secrets.29

chang-jen taught An-ch'i-shengVW4L An-ch'i-sheng taught Mao-i-kungE#,Y Mao-i-kung taughtYiieh-hsia-kung Gil, YUeh-hsia-kung taughtYiieh-ch'eng-kung." In this text the word * N is used to mean a teacherby whom one is directly taught. 2"The text has "A of, which seems to be a kind of food made of flourand fried with oil. It is to be served hot as TUAN Ch'6ng-shih,Pt has a passage in Yuyang tsa-tsu (SPTK ed., 14.11b) which mentionsthe hot friedcake Go. 26 This storyas it is given in our text does not make sense. Pei provides a different version on which I base the above translation. Pei (T 50.290c14) says "When the upadhydya [i. e. Shan-wu-wei]saw that what was contained in his Master's bowl was not the food of their own country,he showed it to a monk who was a Chinese. Having seen that both the friedcake and the boiled milletwere still warm,the monk was surprisedand said in admiration: 'But China is an unaccountable number of miles away fromhere,and these foods were cooked there in the morning and brought here at noon. How miraculouslyfast it is!' All the monks in the assembly were astonished,only the upAdhyayakept silent. [Then] the Master told the upadhyiya secretly: 'A two-storied pavillion was recentlybuilt in the Pai-ma Temple J3 in China, and I have just returnedfromthere after receivingofferings. As you can refrainfromtalking,you are really qualified to learn." 27For dhdran!cf. TOGANQO Shoun if , Shingon darani no kenkyfi G, 429-687). Also see AppendixN. ;Ald CDofO (Mandara no Kenky2 means 'to join' and 28 The word yoga comes from the root yuj which originally later comes to mean ' to suit.' In Esoteric Buddhism the term yoga means to concentrateone's mind in order to harmonizewith the supremedoctrineand to identify oneselfwiththe deityone worships (cf. Mikky5 daijiten fti* 2201a). Hence R,( all the rites performed by the monks of this sect, whethersimple or complicated,are oneselfwiththe deity. I-hsing called yoga, because these ritesare the means to identify in his P'i-lu-che-naching .=u (T 39.613c14) says: " To be versed in yoga means to well the method of joining. It refersto one who can thoroughly perform understand the dharanisof the threedivisionsand the siddhisof the high,middle,and low grades, and know that these agree with the highest doctrine. [Then he is] regarded as able to perform liieh-ch'unien-sungcking yoga well." The Chin-kang-ting yii-ch'ieh-chung translated by Vajrabodhi is a sfitradealing with all *"IZaJ]gff

and his original master was Ho-shang chang-jeni *4.iW

studied [the doctrine of] Huang-ti


t Pi& and Lao-tzii




dragons and divinitiesin a circle about him, he learned at one abhiseka On thatverydayhe received to makethemudras.30 sitting and was made a Master of men and devas, and receivedthe title of Tripitaka.31 The Tripitaka deal with moral conduct,meditation, and wisdom, while formallythey are known as suttra,
kinds of rites both for individual monks to practise in daily life and for groups to in monasteries, and these rites are called yoga. Cf. T 18.223c12. perform 29 The Three Secrets are the secret of body (kayaguhya), of speech (vAgguhya), and of mind (manoguhya). In MahAyana Buddhism these three secrets belong to Buddha. For instance,some listenerin the assemblymay see Buddha's body in golden color, another one may see it in silver color, while a third one may see it in colors of various jewelry. This is Buddha's secret of body (cf. Ta-chih-tulun t;r3J-, T 25.127c12). In Esoteric Buddhism a different meaning is attached to the Three 9N (T32.574bl3) gives a terse Secrets. Amoghavajra in his P'u-t'i-hsinlun as follows: "Among the Three Secrets the firstone is the but clear interpretation secret of body: the making of mudrds when invitingthe saints. The second is the secret of speech: the secret of recitationof dhAranIsof which [the words] should be [uttered]distinctly and faultlessly.The third secret is the secret of mind: to perform the joining method literally: to dwell in yoga] and to meditate on the Bodhicitta [while] imaginingin one's mind a white, pure, round moon." The white moon is a favoritesubject for meditationtaught in the P'i-lu-che'na ching (T 18.17b22, 20c3). Also cf. J-hsing's commentary(T 39.688c22). The Wu-wei san-tsangch'an-yao a =: Q W (T 18.945b6) gives the reason why a moon is fit to be a subject for meditation. 30In Esoteric Buddhism a mudra means a figuremade with fingers.Each deity which is to be imitatedby a worshipper.Different has his own particularmudrA, rites are also to be accompanied by different mudras. Various names are given to the two hands (such as 'sun,' ' wisdom,'etc. forthe righthand, and 'moon,' ' meditation,' etc., for the left hand) and the ten fingers(such as ten 'paramitas,' ten 'wheels,' ten 'dhatus,' etc.) . For the different cf. the chapter" Method of Making Mudrds" mudrAs 'f 3FpJj in J-hsing'scommentaryto the P'i-lu-che-na ching (T 39.714a-772c); S. du MuseeGuimet, KAWAMOURA (tr.), Si-Do-In-Dzou Bibliotheque E9 at FP N Annales d'Etudes8); MOCHIZUKI, 1.176-177; TOGANOO, Mandarano kenkyii,469-489. In nonEsoteric Buddhismmudra means a gestureof Buddha's hands such as that of preaching, meditation, comforting, calling the earth to witness,etc., as we oftensee in Buddhist art (A. GETTY, The Gods of NorthernBuddhismn 191). The numberof mudris, however, is ratherlimited. Hinduism made extensiveuse of mudras (cf. Tyra DE KLEEN, role in Esoteric Mudrds,London, 1924, 29-42), and theyplayed an even moreimportant Buddhism. 31 T. W. RHYS DAVIDS, Pali-English Dictionary,s. v. pitaka, says: " The knowledge of the 3 Pitakas as an accomplishment of the bhikkhuis stated in the term tepitaka one who is familiarwith the 3 P.'" Some varied formsof the same title such as tipetaki,tipetaka, and tipitaka-dharaare also listed under this heading. The earliest occurrence of this title in Chinese that I can findis in the biographyof Safrghavarman f~'JpRMl (arrived in China in 433 A. D.), cf. T 50.342bl4, 19.



them;they are used to epitomize vinaya,and sAstra.The dhdranis [714c15]and the lucky sea to to enlightenment are the short-cut this release. The Buddhas of the threeworldswerebornthrough beof [Buddha's] intelligence gate [method?]. The illumination and everyqueathedonlyone [sourceof]light. [Butlit was forever human nature." to meet the needs of diversified wheresufficient Buddhas, and meditations Therefore therehave been innumerable havingepitomized as grainsof sand. A bodhisattva, as numerous would suddenly in 33 e. dharani], [i. meditations one string all the This be elevated in rank and approach supremeenlightenment. was the essence[ofDharmagupta'sdoctrine]. the wild plains wanderedthrough fearlessly Then Shan-wu-wei to all the sacredspots. If he wentto a place and made pilgrimages once, he went threetimes. He enteredKukkutapada Mountain, where he cut [thearhat]Mahdkdsyapa'shair34 and Avalokitesvara laid hands on his head. Once whenhe spentthe rainyseason at 35 guided him into a deep Grdhrakiita Mountain, a wild animal mountaincave in whichit was as lightas day. There he saw a on both sides as if theywere visionofSakyamuniwithattendants bodilypresent.
32 The text has . Another exjett & A xe. to Buddha is found in a memorial of Amoghavajra's ample of this word referring or lamp of intelli" (T 52. 840c11). The term hui-teng disciple " V, gence is also used by Amoghavajra's disciples to designate their Master, such as and ' M (T 502.849b922). (T 52.836b20) Em, ; [ j ffJ I am not certain of my interpretation. f 33The text has

Pei reads -!JkJfor ,


is said to have enteredinto nirvana in Kukkutapada Mountain and preservedhis body thereuntil the descent of Maitreya, who will show his body to the p'i-na-ya tsa-shih Aravakasand enlightenthem. Cf. the Ken-pen shuo-i-ch'ieh-yu-pu fi,1tgt 4;%;* --Qtg4 (T 24.409al5), Hsi-yii chi (T 51.919c11), Fa-hsien (T 50.300c11), chutan yin-yiian chuan (T 51.863c27), the Fu-fa-tsang f;gM3R;f.% and Divyavadana 61. The story of Shan-wu-wei'scutting hair for Mahakisyapa is apparentlya legend; but to cut hair forthe monksin prolongedsamadhi in theircaves was a common practice. Cf. S. BEAL, The Life of Hiuen-tsiang (202), Tao-hsfian's biographyof Jfianagupta(T 50.434b3). (T50.291a1) 3 Tsan-ning followsLi Hua's pei which has MM instead of Em; and 7;k are used as on account of the tabu of the T'ang dynasty. Both KS

(T 50.290c26).

forthe character substitutes Lt. Cf. CH'ENYuan ;4fH, YCHP 4. 563, 567, 635,
27.3ab. Ch'iian-T'ang-wr'n



and Shan-wufromseveredrought CentralIndia once suffered Avalokitesvara while short a In rain. for wei was asked to pray with a waterjar 37in hand pouring was seen in the sun's disk,36 and deeplymoved wateron theground.The peopleweredelighted into the shape of cast He gold been before. never had as they pattra leaves on whichhe wrotethe Mahdprajniipdramitdsiitra. 38 to make a stfipaas tall as Buddha.39BeHe also meltedsilver thought cause he had wanderedforquite a long time,his mother lost her she that so and night day he mightbe dead. She wept her health, 40 to inquireafter but whenhe sent a letter eyesight; as before. theirfunction her eyes recovered Since the death of Buddha, hereticshad prevailed in India. views. particular respective schools4' heldtheir [714c29]Ninety-six Shanas basis [ofargument], own viewpoints Withhis opponents' wu-weiattacked theirmistakesand analyzed their doubts. He 42 of theirmentalfetters to free[themselves] caused [theheretics] The and also to abandon chaos forthe road of enlightenment. distinction, all people evenlywithout Law, likethe clouds,benefits
36Pei in T (50.291a3) reads JA . It must be a mistake, as pei in We'n-yuian ying-hua (861.2b) and Ch'fian-T'ang-wen(319.10b) both read E|" of the word kundika cf. MOCHIZUKI, 1.725b. transliterations 3 For different while pei (T 50.291a6) reads , which supportsmy trans38 The text has qpi, lation. " The Buddha was said to have been sixteen feet tall, twice the stature of an which probably means that the ordinaryman, MOCHIZUKI, 5.4463c. Pei reads f*, signs of Buddha. image is sixteenfeet high and possesses all the thirty-two which is a very common 40 The text has R4-n. It means the same thing as |}Jt t 1#J4 3.813-814. This {- can not be translatedas phrase. Cf. Tu-shih yin-tg (T 50.291a7). But in pre-T'ang texts the character because pei reads Xjj messenger {ri is generallyused to mean the messengerinstead of the message. schools are frequentlymentioned in Buddhist books, but it is 41 The ninety-six doubtfulwhetherall of them existed at the same time. Accordingto I-ching, " En outre, pour ce qui est des doctrinesheretiques,il y en avait autrefoisquatre-vingtseize; maintenant il n'en subsiste plus qu'une dizaine. S'il y a des assemblies de et des r6unionsgenerales,chaque secte demeure dans un lieu qui lui est purification particulier. Les religieuxet les nonnes ne contestentaucunement entre eux pour la et que leurs doctrines ne s'accordent pres6ance. Comme leurs lois sont differentes pas, chacun s'est accoutumea ce qu'il adore; ils restentchez eux et ne se melentpoint les uns aux autres" CHAVANNES, Les religieux eminents 90-91. Also cf. LEGGE'S translationof Fa-hsien (62) and MOCEIZUKI, 1.671c.
42 The texthas

N$fim3 CP'1.

For ,j:L,3 pei reads (T 50.291a9)4t P3



were is good forall.43The banners oftheheterodox and meditation and the victoriousstandardof Vairocana Buddha44 overturned, oftheirown to freethemselves was set up. He caused the heretics and [taughtthem]to look forthe bewilderment by concentration, themselves. Buddha within Dharmagupta said to him: "[You] good man! You have a pre-destined call to China. Now you may go." Shan-wu-wei then reverently bade him farewelland left. When he arrived in he came at dusk to a riverover whichno bridgewas Kashmir,45 built. He crossedit by floating the air. One day he was through invitedto dinein a richman's 46 home. In a shortwhilean arhat descended,saying: " I belong to Hlinaydna. You 47 are a bodhisattva who is traversing the bhfimis." 4;8 Thereupon the arhat yieldedthe [higher] seat to him and honoredhim. Shan-wu-wei presented an excellentrobe to the arhat,who then departedinto the sky. Later Shan-wu-wei arrivedin Udyana *. White mice ran
43 The texthas IJtI i ii3 . Pei reads X (T 50. 291alO). "The text has ;W ;Ei`1*. The term jbE is the translationof citta in withijb1W contrast or jtjk, i. e. caitta. Here,however, the termis not used in its original meaning, but as an epithet forVairocana of theP'i-luBuddha,the preacher che-nachingand the chiefdeityworshipped in EsotericBuddhism.Cf. I-hsing's commentary to the above mentioned sfitra(T 39.580b15). 45 For Kashmir cf. WATTERS, 1.258-264; CHAVANNES, Documents sur les Tou-Kiue, 166-168; W. FUCHS,Huei-ch'ao's durch und ZentralNordwest-Indien ,M Pilgerreise Asienum 726,SPAW (1938) 441-442. 46The texthas -, which is the translation of the Sanskrit wordsresthin. For the distinction between the usageof thiswordin Buddhist textsand Chinese classics chi Mft cf. Fan-i ming-i t (T 54.1083b) and MOCHIZUKI, 4.3706b. '7 The texthas *I which is a translation of theSanskrit wordbhadanta.In the T'ang dynasty thiswordwas also used as a monk's title,as AltarBhadanta Em Bhadanta ; etc. Cf. Seng-shih-lieh *jE, Preaching (T54.249b). texthas i 48 for For thetenbhfimis bhfimi. The character ?it stands in a bodhisattva's in Buddhist careercf. Har Dayal, Bodhisattva Doctrine Sanskrit Literature N. DUTT, Aspectsof MahaydnaBuddhism 270-291; and its Relationto Hinaycna 238-289. 4 Udyanacomprised roughly the present district of Pangkora, Bijdwar, Swat,and Bunir.Cf. WVATTERS, 1.225-239; CHAVANNES, Documents 128-129.This country is also described by Fa-hsien(J. LEGGE,A Recordof Buddhist Kingdoms 28-29) and SUNG Yiin (S. BEAL, Records of the Western World1. xciii) in their itineraries.



up to him each day and broughtpresentsof gold coins. He lecshen-pienchia-ch'ihching] tured on the P'i-lu [che-na ch'eng-fo 50 in the court of a Turkish [khan] A [ Xgl@;ffi~g~kt"4,$ffI ] 51 under and meditated thekhatun's JR 52tree. The Law appeared in golden lettersdisplayed in the sky. At that time a female attendantin the Turkish[khan's]palace pressedher hand to her whichthreestreamsof milkflewout and pouredinto breastfrom mouth. He, claspinghis hands,said solemnly:" She Shan-wu-wei's in a former birth." was my mother On his way,he met banditswho struckat him threetimeswith a sword,yet he was not hurt. The man who wieldedthe sword heard only the sound of copper [beingstruck].[715al5] He went There he fellill [on reachon and climbedthe Snow Mountain.53 the skysaying:" While ing]a largelake. Dharmaguptacame from but in the world a bodhisattvadoes not escape transmigration; you have long understoodthe world.54How can you be sick now?" After he had said thisDharmaguptaascendedto the sky completely] as though recovered[his strength and Shan-wu-wei washed.55 Whenhe passed through Tibet,he stayedwithsomemerchants. being greedyformoney,came in large numbers The barbarians,

(T 50.291a18), which would mean "As the Khatun asked for the Law, he performed an afijali under a tree." Pei in We'n-yuan ying-hua (86.3a) reads j meaning "the son of the khatun asked for the Law." Ait is a term composed of a transliteration and a translationof the word dhyana, but ,T1ifis a transliteration of the word afijali, meaning to make reverencewith both hands clasped. This confusion of usage is frequentlyfound. TING Fu-pao's fTJiMgj Fo-hsileh ta-tz'ft-tien not cite any Buddhist texts except the work of and WANGWei _EI (d. 759 A. D.).

61The text has

See below, note 84.


Pei reads


but he does (980b) defines %itg (afijali) as 'Alt or concentration,


Tsan I

(d. 548 A.D.)

This expressionis found in the biographyof CHANG in T'ang-shu (127.1a), where it seems to mean ' clear.' Hu Chia-chen qK San-hsingjJI in his commentary to Tzii-chih t'ung-chien ;' A (*r k as ed., 207.5a) defines MM1, or terrified.This meaning, however, does not fithere.

laksanas." " The text.reads Ajtjt.

See AppendixB. 54The text has 'AMff;,

See Appendix A.

which literally would mean "your separation from



to surround[and waylay] them. Shan-wu-weisecretlyapplied mudrdsby heart,so that the chiefof the Tibetan [robberswas defeatedby his magic power and] begged forpardon. When he a god reached the westernborderof the great T'ang [country], is not my here[thecountry] told himone night:" Eastward from is guardingthat heavenly land." 5 The god domain; Manijusr1 This was like vanishedafterhavingmade obeisanceat his feet.58 of [Master]Joined-browsJM59 [i. e. DharmaKapila's protection loaded his books on the back of a camel, mitra]. Shan-wu-wei which,when crossingthe river at Hsi-chou fi+f,16Owas pulled also fellintothe downintothe riverby the dragon. Shan-wu-wei waterand stayedthreedays in thepalace ofthedragonand propagandized[themon] the Law, so that manywereconverted.When he led the camel out to the shore,the books werestillnot damp. was still in the regionof North India, his While Shan-wu-wei 61 fame already had spread as far as China. Emperor Jui-tsung out W`63 go to SHIH Hsien J fidna5If3 62 and General ordered
. 6The texthas "k ibs 6 For the relation between Mafijusr! and China, cf. Sir Charles ELIOT, Hinduism and Buddhismr 2.20-21, MocrizuKI, 5.4877c-4878a. 5 See above, note 23. 9 For Kapila cf. Shih-shihyao-lan f*,, (T 54.304al6), MOCHIZUKI, 1.460b. The story of Kapila's accompanying Dharmamitra is found in Kao-seng chuan is probably the translationof sarhgatabhrfi, one of the (T 50.343a22). Joined-brows minor marks of Buddha. Cf. Lalitavistara 122.1.15 (RAjendralAlaMitra ed.) and Dharmasamgraha59. It is also a favoritedescription of a hero in Sanskrit Buddhist literature. Cf. Divydvaddna 2.1.27, 26.1.4, 58.1.4. 60 Hsi-chou roughlycorresponds to the presentTurfan in Sinkiang Province. For a fragmentary T'ang manuscriptof a gazetteer of this region, cf. Hsi-chou chih in Tun-huangshih-shihi-shu 2. q 61Jui-tsung reignedonce in 684 A. D. and was dethronedby Empress Wu. Then he reignedagain from710 to 713 A.D. 62 Jfidna must be an Indian monk who is not attested elsewhere. A monk named Devendrajfina 4 ,;S (T 50.719bl9) came to China fromKhotan in 689 A.D. The date of his death is not known. Jfina could be a simplified formof Devendrajiilna, but it is not certain whetherhe was still alive about 716 A. D. " Pei reads (T 50.291b2). It seems more likely that this general was k originally stationedon the westernborder. The Turks of the royal familywho came to serve the T'ang Emperor usually adopted the Chinese surname Shih J which was an abridged form of the Turkish name A-SHIH-NA FckM (such as SHIH Ta-nai and SHIH Chung cf. CHAVANNES, Documents 23; Chiu T'ang-shu k.





the Jade Gate HUi 64 to welcomehim. In the earlyyears of the K'ai-yiian Afx period [713-741 A. D.] Emperor Hsiian-tsung65 monkofunusualappearance. dreamedthathe had metan eminent [the dream portrayed The Emperor,applyingthe paints himself, he was arrived, monk]on the wall of his hall. When Shan-wu-wei [foundto be] identical with [the monk] of the dream. [715a29] the Emperordecoratedthe meeting, Rejoicingat this miraculous and honoredhim templein the palace Ng-3J 66 [forShan-wu-wei] as Master. Beginningwith the princesof Ning $ and Hsiieh 67 all knelt down before him and waited on him. As a bodhisattva mightbe receivedin the celestial palace, so this Indian [monk]was seated next to the Emperorwho honoredhim as the Kuang-ch'eng [justas] Huang-tihonored Teacherofthe Country,68 on his part],caused the Emperorto [enter] WiA."69 [Shan-wu-wei, was thenat thepeak the way ofTathdgata. This sublimedoctrine of its popularity. At that time there was an astrologerwho could manipulate of [cosmic] and was learnedin the mechanism spirits supernatural wereorderedto and the astrologer] changes. When [Shan-wu-wei powersin the presence engagein a test of their[rival]miraculous of the Emperor,he was calm, but the astrologer[who tried to worsthim]was at a loss to knowwhatto do. In the fourthyear of K'ai-yiian, the year of ping-ch'en[716 with bringing A. D.] Shan-wu-weifirstarrived in Ch'ang-an,70,
formof A-SHIH-NA 109.4a). The generalSFIH Hsien of our text mightbe a simplified Hsien F JJJ3j of T'ang-shu. Cf. CHAVANNES, Documents 77, 81-82; Chiu T'ang-shu of Chi-hsi #AN If was in 98.15b. The headquarters of the chieh-tu-shih (cf. MATSUDA Hisao Sj I1H MSekisei setsudoshik6 WKS Karashar ; A 3.2.25-51, 3.3.48-68). VX4, Shich3 P4 " The Jade Gate Pass was located in the northwestern part of Kansu Province. Cf. CYYY 11.295-6. See Appendix C. Hsuan-tsungreignedfrom713 to 755 A. D. e Both were Hsfian-tsung'sbrothers. For their biographies cf. Chiu T'ang-shu 10a-11a. )|:95.1a-7a, 68 For the term kuo-shihcf. PELLIOT, TP 12.671-676. " The storyof Huang-ti and Kuang-ch'eng-tzfi is foundin Chuang-tzii. Cf. LEGGE'S translationin SBE 39.297-300. 70 The exact date of Shan-wu-wei'sarrival in Ch'ang-an is not given in the text by Li Hua gives the date as the fifteenth or pei, but anothermonk'sbiographywritten of the fifth moon (Ch'ilan-T'ang-wen319.7b).



in thesouthern quarter texts. He was stationed himsomeSanskrit 7' by the Emperor'sorder. Later Temple MTiMA of the Hsing-fu Mes.72 Temple f"JJ+ to stayin the Hsi-ming on he was ordered the Emperor]to inquireafter [from sengers were[sent]repeatedly [givenhim]wereunusual. In the fifth his healthand the presents [717 A. D.], by imperialorder he made year, the year ting-ssiu He asked the Emperorto . in P'u-t'i-yuan translations invitenotedmonkswho shoulddiscuss[withhim]boththe Chinese 74 translated in one chapterthe and the Sanskrittexts. He first
; &2ig ch'iu-wen-ch'ih Hsii-k'ung-tsang fa 4iQ.75



Wu-chu e an oraltranslation.

The monk
7 77


shih-chiao 72 The K'ai-yuian , lu P (T 55.572al2) says: " later an imperial edict ordered him to stay in the Hsi-ming [Temple]." This temple was located in Yen-k'ang-fang ,I; in the westernpart of Ch'ang-an,cf. Ch'eng-fang k'ao 4.13b, Ch'eng-fangk'ao pu-i 14a. It was also famous for its peony flowers,cf. ISHIDA Mikinosuke f M *;t Toto ch6an ni okeru botan no kansh6 Jftw5*% I tA Lt)5 1[?)iM in Ichimura hakase koki kinen toyoshirons5 t

The Hsing-fuTemple was located in Hsiu-te-fang 4HS4* in the northwestern part of Ch'ang-an, cf. Hs-&Sung ft, T'ang liang-ching k'ao J 4 ch'eng-fang i9tj4 (t~gt onceworked in thistemple. : ed.) 4.8b. Hsiian-tsang

The P'u-t'i-yu-an must be a part of the Hsi-mingTemple. Hsing-chuangmentions it as an individual temple (T 50. 290a13), which must be a mistake. A large temple usually consistedof many yuan, which mightbe occupied by monks of different sects. Cf. YABUKI Keiki y t , Sangaikyo no kenkyfi=W , 89, 119, 122O 126; T 54.240a23; CHANG Yen-yuan g, Li-tai ming-hua chi Mft;,9MR ed.) 3.10b; Ch'eng-fangk'ao 2.4a. Some Japanese books say that Shan(it51:j wu-wei in the year 716 A. D. visited Japan which is completelygroundless. Cf. Fus6


ryakki I-1j,

"' The text readsD is a termused since the Six Dynasties to f t mean the introductory remarkson the title of a sudtra when it was expounded. Here the word is not used in the originalsense, but only means " to begin with." 7 T 20, No. 1145. The full title of this work is found in the text below. This suitra containsa dharanito be recited withsome ritesto invokeAkkAagarbhabodhisattva, who would help the suppliantin gainingworldlyprofit.For the cult of this bodhisattva in the Far East, cf. M. W. DE VISSER, The Bodhisattva Akkaagarbha (Kokuz5) in China and Japan, Verhandelingen der Koninklijke Akademic van Wetenschappente Amsterdam, Afdeeling letter-kunde, nieuwe reeks, deel 30.1.1-47. 76 This Indian monk is not attested elsewhere. 77 It is not certain whetherthis monk was an Indian or Chinese, since the name can be a translation of Asamga. But the one who composed the text must be familiar with both languages; usually a Chinese was chosen. Cf. W. FUCHS,Zur technischen




6 (A

g ed., 107); GenkoshakushoCZ fg


1 (}I




to the down and composedthe text. It was copied and presented was edict an Thereupon praise. it high accorded Emperor,who all shouldpresent[to the Emperor] the issued that Shan-wu-wei along.78 Sanskrittextshe had brought By 79 had gone to visitIndia. Wu-hsing monk the Previously to China,but he [triedto] return his studies, he had finished After NorthIndia. All the leaves of the died on reaching unfortunately Sanskrittexts which Wu-hsinghad obtained were preservedin 80 in the capital. From these Shanthe Hua-yen Temple Ad wu-wei and Master I-hsing81 [715bl5] selected [fortranslation] before. whichhad neverbeen translated severaltextsand dhdranis year [724 A. D.] he accompaniedthe Emperorto In the twelfth There he received the edict orderinghim to Lo-yang b.82 ching in the Fu-hsien Temple If the Ta-p'i-lu-cheh-na -translate one textof that siltracontained Sanskrit X *.83 The complete
AM 6 (1930). ins Chinesische, Schriften buddhistischer der LUbersetzungen Organisation 84-103. 78 K'ai-yiian shih-chiaolu (T 55.572a14), in relatingthis event, says "On account of this, he could not translateall the suftras."Hsiian-tsung'swarm welcome to Shanwu-wei as described in this text is very doubtful,because in his early years this of Shan-wu-wei'sbooks Emperor was not favorable to Buddhism. The confiscation may have so dislikedthis formof Buddhism as not to wish suggeststhat I-siian-tsung its texts to become popularlyknown. For this problemsee Appendix L. For Wu-hsingcf. his biographyby I-ching (CHAVANNES, Les religieuxeminents 138-157). 80 This is the temple where I-hsing once stayed. Cf. T 50.733cl. 81 For I-hsing's biographycf. T 50.732c8ff. Hle studied under several teachers of the T'ien-t'ai, Ch'an, and Vinaya Sects. Since he is said to have been learned in storiesare told about him in the biography. many fanciful astrologyand mathematics, He died in 727 A. D. visited Lo-yang in the eleventh to Chiu T'ang-shu (8.21a) Hsfian-tsung 82 According moon of this year and returnedto Ch'ang-an afternineteendays. Here pei has " the " (T 50.291b13). He emperororderedhim to live in the Sheng-shanTemple. must have passed his last years in this temple and died there, because the title of Tsan-ningomittedthis sentencein this biography, ~ ...." his pei is "Eg in the title of his biographyis not accounted for. This so the name Sheng-shan-ssui t (southeasternpart of temple was built in 705 A. D. in Chang-shan-fang year. Cf. T'ang " the following Lo-yang), and its name was changed to " Sheng-shan ed.), 48.8a. Hst Sung failed to include this temple ' hui-yao A under Chang-shan-fang. in the eastern part 83 The Fu-hsien Temple was located in Yen-fu-fang )JI;M; of Lo-yang. Cf. Hst Sung, Ch'eng-fangkao 5.26a.



translatedwas thousandstanzas,and what Shan-wu-wei hundred of essentials. It was [put in] seven chaptersand only a summary The ching.84 chia-ch'ih shen-pien ch'eng-fo called Ta-p'i-lu-che-na monkPao-yueh J- 85 made the oral translation.I-hsingwrote and additions.86 downand composed[thetext]withsomeomissions and in a style]well balanced betweenornamental It was [written withtheprofound harmony and was in exquisite simple[language], doctrine[it contained]. On the one hand, it befitsthe Buddha's of the and, on the otherhand, it suits the inclination intention, [of people. This textwas the most essentialmeans forthe benefit all the people]. He also translatedthe Su-p'o-hu t'ung-tziiching BP84=T " in threechapters,and the Su-hsi-tichieh-loching JIIM% Ad for vinayas werecomplete Both sfitras II' 8,AS8 in three chapters. ofthe Secret[Sect] are found the Dharani [Sect]. The prohibitions therein. Those who had not enteredthe mandala 89 were not allowed to read them,just as those who had not receivedfull
84 T 18, No. 848. Also cf. Bussho kaisetsu daijiten f:EJ f9 AiBJ 7.446d. For the Tibetan translationof this text cf. No. 126 in Otani Kanjur Catalogue, 1930-32, which is based on the Peking edition of the Tibetan Tripitaka and gives references to other editions. This catalogue will be abbreviated below as OTANI. The Sanskrit title of this text as it is preservedin the Tibetan translationis MahavairocandbhisainThe first bodhivikurvati-adhisthanavaipulyasiutra-indrardja-nama-dharmaparydya. chapwas translatedinto French by R. TAJIMA in Etude sur le Mahavairoter of this sfitra cana Sfitra-Dainichikyo, avec la traductioncommenteedu premierchapitre (Paris, 1936). The Snarthafiedition of this text was edited by HATTORI Yfitai BRP (Saitama jW3i, 1931) with notes of collation and a Tibetan-Japaneseglossary. 85 The name of this monk is not attested elsewhere. to this sfitra (T 39, No. 1796) which is indis86I-hsing compiled a commentary pensable in reading the text. He, however,died beforehe could finishthe work. A Korean monk named Pu-k'o-ssfi-i to the last chapter 4ATV', wrote a commentary (T 39, No. 1799). 87 T 18, No. 895. Also cf. Bussho kaisetsu daijiten 7.17c, OTANI No. 428. The Sanskrit name is Arya-Subdhupariprcchd-ndma-tantra. This text was also translated by Fa-t'ien jW (*Dharmadeva) under the Sung dynasty (T 18, No. 896). A few passages of which the meanings are not clear in Shan-wu-wei'stranslationare more intelligiblein Fa-t'ien's version. 88 T 18, No. 893. Also cf. Bussho kaisetsudaijiten 7.8d. OTANI No. 431. The Sanskrit name is Susiddhikaramahatantra-sadhanopayika-patala. The chief preacher in this suitrais Chih-chin-kang ta-pei p'u-sa Ap~f,89

See Appendix D.



90[shouldnot]overhear ordination [thelectures on] discipline.The Hsii-k'ung-tsang p'u-sa neng-man chu-yiian tsui-sheng-hsin t'o-loni ch'iu-we'n-ch'ih JM~i fiii$@pGJ JR fa whichShan-wu-wei rendered in one chapter, was simply abstracted and translatedfromthe Ch'eng-chiui-ch'ieh-it'u [p'in] WU U -A N[" R 91 part oftheSanskrit textoftheChin-kang-ting ching

Beingfondofquiet and simplicity, Shan-wu-wei was accustomed to tranquillizing his mind and calminghis thoughts.From time 9 to encourage the to time he withdrew fromhis meditations initiates.Those who saw him[feltas if]a lotusflower wereblooming before[715b29]theireyes. Those to whomhe talked [feltas if]sweetdews weremoistening theirhearts. Every day some one was unexpectedly enlightened by him. When his fellowmonks asked foran audience,he addressedhimself onlyto the eldermonk All othershonoredhim [withthe humility] Ratnacinta 8'9.9' suitableto disciples. Master J-hsing was greatlyesteemedby the Emperorand admiredby the scholarsof the day. In additionto [questionsabout] meditation and wisdom,[I-hsing] also consulted on the profundities of Yin fWand Yang KAs [Shan-wu-wei] [i. e. astrology] beforehe made decisions. Once, in his own quarters,Shan-wu-wei cast a bronze stilpa. He himself designedthe model,whichsurpassedin techniqueany
The text reads *1,^_M . A is an abridged form of Byij which means the ordination of upasarhpadd. Upasainpadd is also translated literally as E ffi or 'nearly full.' Cf. TAKAKUSU, A Record of Buddhist Religion 100. 91 This text (see note 75 above) has the sub-title p which suggeststhat the character is a mistake for t3 meaning a chapter. 92 An abridgedversionof this text was translatedby Vajrabodhi. Cf. T 18, No. 866. The textreads n MA WU & For Ratnacinta's biography cf. T 50.720a15-b2. He arrived at Lo-yang from Kashmir in 693 A. D. and died in 721 A. D. Several tantrictexts were translatedby him. His biographysays that he was learned in both Vinaya and magic spells. After 705 A. D. he ceased to work on translation,but stayed in a temple where he had everythingmade after the Indian fashion. This temple was called T'ien-chu-ssfi e and the inscription of a stele erected there in memoryof him is preserved in Ch'ilan-T'ang-wen257.5a-7a. It is also recorded that he gave his belongingsgenerously and held himselfunder strict discipline in his daily life. Nevertheless,in a sfitratranslated by him, there is a siddhi to cause a dead body to steal hidden and other siddhis to sneak into a woman's room (T 20.425b-6a). treasures,




forsmeltwork]ofmenor gods. Since the place required [previous large,and the yard [of his quarters]was deep ing was extremely lest a wind might the monksof the templeworried and narrow, He to the temple.95 come up and the flamemightrise and set fire said withlaughter:" Don't worry.You'll see soon enough." On heavy the day [appointedforthe] casting,as he had predicted, 96 was taken out of the snow was falling.When the divinestfipa grew up on the mat [made of snowflakes] molds, lucky flowers [spreadin the yard]. All the people shoutedin admiration. and the Emperor in the summer Once therewas a greatdrought sentthe eunuchKAo Li-shih it1 ? 97 in haste to ask Shan-wu-wei to pray forrain. He said: " It is destinythat thereshould be a droughtnow. If we summonthe dragonby force,the rain thus invoked will be a deluge and only cause damage.98 That must him,said: " The people have been urging not be! " The Emperor, from heat and are sick. Even [some]wind and thunder suffering refusal would be enoughto satisfy[them]." Thus Shan-wu-wei's used in showedhim the implements The officers was ineffectual. and cymbalswere makingrain: banners,standards,conch-shells, " thingscan't Those and said: laughed all available. Shan-wu-wei make rain. Have themremovedquickly." He filleda bowl with witha small knife[715c15]and recitit meanwhile water,stirring syllables.Soon an object, ofseveralhundred dhdran! inga Sanskrit red in color,liftedits and a finger size of like a dragon,about the head above the surfaceof water,but [dived]back to the bottom and reciting. of the bowl again. Shan-wu-weiwent on stirring the bowl and wentstraight a while,a whitesmokerosefrom After up [intothe air] forseveralfeet,and was slowlydissipated. Shan9 The text has W* whichmeans the temple. This usage is foundin Li Pai's work. Cf. Ch'iian-T'ang-wen348.2b. text has JX which must be a mistake. The Chin-ling k'o-ching ch'u 96The edition of Sung kao-s'ng chuan (2.5b) and pei (T 50.291b26) both XIT|M read mid: which I follow in my translation. KAO Li-shih was a pious Buddhist. Cf. his biographyin Chiu T'ang-shu 184. 6b. Also cf. Chiu T'ang-shu 192. 14b; HsU Sung, Ch'eng-fangkao 3.la. 98This story is foundin Liu-shih-shihS$E* citedin T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi (3_tt ed.) 396.2b. The text here reads AVFIit while Kuang-chi has Z -S* which is more intelligible.




wu-weitold Li-shih: " Hurryback [to the palace]. It is goingto rain!" ThereuponLi-shih rode away at full speed. When he from lookedback, he saw a whitecloud rapidlyblowingwestward acrossthe sky. hall,like a longstripof whitesilkflying the lecture came. Li-shih Soon it became dark and a greatwind and thunder 99 whenthe wind and rain scarcelyreachedT'ien-chinWM bridge Most of the largetreeson the streets caughtup withhis horse.100 his were uprooted. When Li-shihwentinto the palace to report, clotheswere all wet. The Emperor[later]welcomedShan-wu-wei withhis head bendingto the groundand thankedhim repeatedly. whichShanThen at Mt. Mang tI a giant serpentappeared,101 wu-weisaw and addressed[as follows]:"Are you going to flood the city of Lo-yang?" He reciteda dharan1of several hundred syllablesin Sanskrit. In a fewdays the serpentdied. It was the that AN Lu-shan %Ulaglwas going to occupy omen [indicating] Lo-yang. once lived in the roomof One tradition says that Shan-wu-wei at Hsi-ming[Temple]. Tao-hsiian An, the Master of Vinaya,102 himand had rudelyso that Tao-hsiiandisliked He behavedrather whenTao-hstiansmasheda flea contempt forhim. At midnight, it on the ground, Shan-wu-wei yelledrepeatedly:" The and threw the son ofBuddha to death!" Now TaoMaster ofVinaya struck hsuianknew that he was a great bodhisattva. The next morning paid homage to Shan[Tao-hsiian],holdinghis robe reverently, wu-wei. [715c29] If we examine this tradition[closely],it was years fromTao-hsiian's death to the middle of the almost fifty appearanceand disunexpected K'ai-yiian period. Shan-wu-wei's persons. by ordinary thatcannotbe imagined appearancearethings to return In the twentieth year{732 A. D.] he asked permission but did not granthis to India. The Emperorwas sympathetic year, the year of i-hai [735 A. D.], request. In the twenty-third
9 This was the bridgelaid over the Lo It River to the south of the imperialcity. Cf. Ch'eng-fang kao 5.15a.

"' A storylike this is foundin Amoghavajra'sbiography. There must be a common source that later developed into two legends.

The texthas Hjfi% IqiI,. See Appendix E.

Kuang-chi reads i

for IN.



on the seventhday of the tenthmoon,lyingwith his rightside down and two feetoverlapped,he died quietly. He was ninetycountedhe was eightyyears of nine years old, or as the religious age. His fellowmonksfeltsad and lonelyand the Emperorwas shocked and grieved. The title Director of the Court of State the on him.Li Hsien*#,104 ?R)J1kP 103 wasbestowed Ceremonial A)ilTs and Master oftheCourtofState Ceremonial FirstSecretary the funeralcerewere ordered[by the Emperor]to superintend thirdday of the on the A. D.], year [740 mony. In the twentieth tenthmoon,he was buriedin the yard of the Kuang-hua Temple '-106 HillsofLung-men in theWestern RN. Becauseofhis Jets

pin M)R,1o5 ofVinaya[Ting-]

[ofthetemple], ofrites themaster

103 Cf. T'ang-shu48.18b, T'ang hui-yao66.9a. For the first monkto receivea worldly title afterhis death cf. J. R. WARE, TP 30.129. In the T'ang dynastymonks began titles as well as salary, cf. T 54.250a92, 49.373al6, 50.720c4. This to receive official Court of State Ceremonial took charge of the affairsof monks as well as of foreign guests, and this was the reason why certain of the monks were made directorsof it. of monks see Appendix P. A Taoist priest also had the same For the administration honorin 720 A. D. Chiu T'ang-shu191.20b. Until 736 A. D. the Taoist priestsbelonged to the same office.T'ang hui-yao 49.4b. 104 The text has *R, but pei has 4-r-Q (T 50.291c3), which is correct. For Li Hsien's life cf. T'ang-shu131.2a. For his genealogycf. CH'IEN Ta-hsin N7,IM , Nienk'ao-i t erh-shih t ed.) 53.10a. Li Hsien's biographyfails to mentionthat he once occupied this position. Accordingto the Pai-kuan-chih j ,> of T'ang-shlu (48.19b), the funeral ceremonyof an officialof the third rank 7-p is to be supervisedby the ,7. The belonged to the sub-third J)@pp Li Hsien was appointed. rank, therefore 106 The text reads Pei has -ftBi fi -'-. Ad (T 50.291ca). iHsing-chuang (T 50.290c8) also reads eT_ t gg~gffiffi$. The latter two readings are more intelligible. , is a name for minute rites and some Vinaya texts are called by this name (T 24, Nos. 14701472). Here it means a monk who serves as a master of ceremonyin the temple, especially in the ceremonyof ordination (T 40.25c21). In 755 A. D. Ganjin 4 asked the Japanese Empress for permission to hold the ordinationceremonytwice a year and to appoint one igishiPR and two jilgishi #_ fXiiafter the Chinese fashion. Cf. Todaiji zasshiiroku aik4VtA in Dainihon bukky5 zensho 121. 230b. For Ganjin and the introduction of the Vinaya Sect into Japan, cf. S. ELISSEEFF, HJAS 1.85-88; J. TAKAKUSU, Le voyage de Kanshin en orient,BEFEO 28.1-41, 29. 47-62. It is clear that the tZf in our text should go with Ting-pin. For this Master of Vinaya cf. also Ch'iian T'ang even501.8b. 106 Shan-wu-weimust have died in the Sheng-shan Temple (see note 82 above). This templewas built in 758 A. D. on the premiseswherehe was buried (T 50.291c26).





no decay. On the day of his funeral his body suffered holiness,107 the capital was the sceneof [thepeople's]deep sorrow.Mountains both monksand laychangedtheircolor. His disciples, and rivers the 108 [of] men,Dhydna MastersPao-wei WA and Ming-weiAJJA and the WANG DE familyof 0 familyof Ying-yangV CHE1NG wereall as grievedat the loss of the Master110 Lang-yehffl3G,119 and mothers.In thebeginning ownfathers as iftheyhad lost their of the Ch'ien-yiian4tX period [758 A. D.] the power of T'ang rose again [afterthe rebellionof AN Lu-shan]. The two masters "1 [on a memorialstone] and the lay believers engraveda verse dug the [burial]cave. His discipleswentto live beside it just as theirmaster]. [pupilshad done]to showtheirlove [for Confucius's body, whichcan still be seen, has shrunkwith Shan-wu-wei's The black skin has dulled and the bones have become time.112 or floodhas occurredin subsequent visible. Whenevera drought to have gone pray at the cave and have gotten people dynasties,
ii "'7The text has It 424f , which may be translated"Being imbued with meditationand wisdom,his body did not decay." For this custom of keeping a monk's dead body, which is practisedparticularlyin the Far East, but not in India, cf. KoSUGI Kazuo ,Jjg-7ff Nikushinzo oyobi ikaiz5 no kenkyii fJR/ and All, (T 50.291c5). For these two monks' names pei reads * 109 The text as it stands is erroneous. I based my emendationon pei (T 50.291c5), which insertsthe surnames and native localities of these two disciples to show that this passage and separated they were fromrenownedfamilies. Tsan-ningmisunderstood the names of the two monks into fournames. Accordingto Li Hua, the firstdisciple mentionedis a descendantof CHENG Shan-kuo M n- (Chiu T'ang-shu 62.6a), the man who made a predictionabout Hsiian-tsang's future (T 50.221c14). Althoughin


TG 24.405-436.

to use the old names of gentsia in the T'ang dynasty,taking pride in their pedigrees, l (Ad4L k?t ed.) 17.7b-9a. M . Cf. CHAO I MX, Kai-yil ts'ung-k'aoBe, 110 The text has ffiWH45?, which is an allusion to what Tzfi-kungsaid when Confuciuswas about to die (Li-chi Age,, SPTK ed., 2.10b). ... The verse is found at the end of pei (T 50.291.c4). 112 EmperorT'ai-tsu visitedLo-yang in 975 A. D. and went to the Kuang-hua Temple to pay his homage to Shan-wu-wei'sremains. In the fourthmoon of that year, the to heaven, but the rain did not stop. A messenger sacrifices Emperor wished to offer was then sent to pray to the remains (T 49.396c1). Fo-tsu t'ung-chi (T 49.296b5) also recordsanothervisit paid by T'ai-tsu in the ninthyear of Ch'ien-te 4IAI period. The nien-hao -fwnE Ch'ien-t', however,only lasted six years and therecan be no ninth year of that name. It must be a mistake.

and Li Hua's time0I41JJ

it was the habitoftheintelliwerethe official names, bill|+



results,so that many gifts[of gratitude]were laid there. The brocade as if he remainsare coveredwith sheetsof embroidered were asleep. Every time the remainsare taken out of the cave, unguent. theyare placedon a low couchand bathedwitha fragrant ch'an-po The richpeople in Lo-yang [716al5] give in competition )fi,"113 cleaningtowels,and the toilet peas 114 used in the bath. or prayingfor somewhen propitiating The presentEmperor,1"5 gifts; and [hisMajesty's] present sends messengers to usually thing, desireshave always been fulfilled.


(Taish6 Tripitaka50.711b6-712a22) E in The monkVajrabodhi ft H , [namely]Chin-kang-chih in (meaningbrightness Chinese,was a native of Malaya *Adg' located near Potalaka Chinese) in South India. It was a district palace was situated.2 VrZikbX Mountain,whereAvalokitesvara's in a Brahman,3 was proficient the fivekindsof knowlHis father,
113 The text has ME, but the Chin-lingk'o-chingch'u edition has fIgIiE (2.7a), whichI follow. It seems to be a kind of scarfused by monks,but so far I cannot find to it in other books. The monks of the Ch'an Sect in later days wear any reference Zenrin shdki sen a kind of hood by the name of ch'an-chin ji* J (D6chfi f,, are connected. is not known whether these two but it garments 694b), jig#~t;2X 114The toilet peas are used to wash hands, cf. Shih-shuo hsin-yii Ill r (SPTK ed.) 3b.44a, Yu-yang tsa-tsu hsii-chi (SPTK ed.) 4.6b. 115For the reading cf. note 1 of the editors in the text. This refersto Emperor T'ai-tsung,who reignedfrom976 to 977 A. D. 1Malaya is an abbreviatedformof the name Malayakuta in Ilsilan-tsang'saccount, which " included the modern districts of Tanjor and Madura on the east, with Coimbator,Cochin, and Travancore on the west." Cf. WATTERS, 2. 228-231; A. CUNNINGHAM, The Ancient Geography of India 549-552; F. HIRTH, Chau Ju-kua 12. CUNNINGHAM, basing his work on that of the Arabs, suggeststhat Malayakuta might be a compoundname formed by joiningthe names of two contiguousdistricts(p. 551). HoRi Kentoku, Kaisetsu seiikiki 2For Potalaka Mountain cf. WATTERS, 2.231-232; 842-844. The term is usually used to translatethe Sanskritword vimAna. It is to be understoodin this sense here. shih-chiaolu contains two accounts of Vajrabodhi's life. 3Yfian-chao's Che'ng-yiian The firstone (T 55.875bl-876b27) was writtenby his lay disciple Li Hsiang g], of Wen-hsiian, whose biographyis found in T'ang-s'hu mne of the five commentators



edge and a teacherof the king of Kdnic1W .5 Vajrabodhi was able to read ten thousand words every day when he was a few he saw and retained whatever yearsold. He quicklycomprehended his life. it throughout by Buddha's doctrine 6 he was enlightened At the age of sixteen
202.10b-llb. The second one, much shorterand apparently based on the firstone, (T 55.876b29-877a21). was composed by a person known as K'un-lun-weng' fromour text as to Vajrabodhi's family. Both give traditionsdifferent Lu Hsiang (abbreviatedbelow as LU) says that he was the thirdson of *Isanavarman a ksatriya king of Central India. Because he was accompanied to of a certain countryof South India, he was China by General Mi-chun-na)jKt consideredas a native of South India (T 55.875bl). S. LE'VI, Les missionsde Wang Hiuen-ts'e dans l'Inde (JA ninth series, 15 [1900].3. 419-421) gives a resume of LU's account. For this king he says " J'ignorequel 6tre le roi Iinakarman ou 0varman; avec le prince de ce nom mentionnedans l'inscription de 1'identifier il semble difficile d'Aphsad (Corpus III, n? 42), comme le contemporainet le rival malheureuxde Kumaragupta de Magadha, Vajrabodhi etant ne en 661." (419.) ' For the five vidyas cf. WATTERS, 1.157-159; Fan-i ming-ichi (T 54.1144c14). 'P. C. BAGCHI (Le canon bouddhique en Chine 2.554) is wrong in saying that was the king's teacher. Kafic! is an abbreviatedformof Kaficlipura Vajrabodhi himself which is the present Conjeveram on the Palar River in South India. Cf. WATTERS, 2.227; CUNNINGHAM, 548; P. PELLIOT, BEFEO 4.359-363. It was not the name of but of a city wherethe Pallava kings had theircapital. The king of Kdfic! a country, in the text must referto one of these kings. Accordingto R. SEWELL's The Historical Inscriptionsof SouthernIndia and Outlines of Political History (Madras, 1932) 375, I reignedc. 630-668 and his successorMahendravarmanII reigned Narasimhhavarman c. 668-670 A. D. Vajrabodhi's fathermight have been a teacher of either one. The Pallava kings were famousfortheirfavorableattitudetowardsmen of learning. religions MahendravarmanI himselfwrote a drama in which followersof different figured. Cf. R. GOPALAN, History of the Pallavas of Kanchi (Madras, 1928) 95. In his reignconsiderableimpetuswas given to productionsin the fieldsof drama, music, chapter painting,and otherarts (ibid., 88). It is said that Dandin composed the fifth of the Kavyadarsa for givinglessons in rhetoricto a royal prince at Kficlipura, and this prince was in all probabilitythe son of NarasiihhavarmanII (ibid., 110-111). KAMcIwas a centre of learningduringthe period between the seventh and the ninth and Social Life underthe Pallavas (Madras, Administration centuries. Cf. C. MINAKSHI, 1938) 186-187. All we know of the Pallava kings and Kafic! seems to agree with the traditionabout Vajrabodhi's fatheras recordedin the text. (see Introduction), and Tsan-ning makes much use of monks' stele-inscriptions Shan-wu-wei's biographyis a good example. But it is very strangethat here he does not use at all the two accounts contained in the Cheng-yiianshih-chiao lu, which was doubtless accessible to him. Did he have any reason to reject the theory that Vajrabodhi was born in a ksatriya family? 6 Lu (T 55.875b3) says that he became a sramanerain Nalanda Monastery at the the sabdavidya. When he , age of ten and studied under Master *Santijfnana



oftheNiganihas.7 did not wishto learnthetreatises and [therefore] 8 and became a monk. a dyed [robe] put on] hair and [his cut He was probablythe resultof [good seeds] planted [This conversion] existence. Later he accompaniedhis teacherto duringa former Nalandd Monasteryin CentralIndia wherehe studiedthe sfitras, he heard abhidharmasand so on. When he was fullyordained,9 the lectureson the Vinayas of the eighteenschools.10Again he went to West India 1 to study the Hinayana treatisesand the doctrine of yoga,'2Three Secrets13 and dharan1.By the time ten years had passed he had become conversantwith all the three Then he visited Ceylon'4 and climbed Lafrkd Mountain."5 or more,includTravellingeastward,he visitedtwentycountries and the countryof naked [711b15] people,17 ,'6 ing Bhoja f in China, others.Having heardthatBuddha's Law was prospering
years old, he went to West India, where he studied Dharmakirti'ssastra was fifteen for four years, and then returnedto Ndlanda. Dharmakirti (early seventh century) was a discipleof Dfinaga and a great logician. Cf. M. WINTERNITZ, History of Indian Literature2.363, 632; MOCHIZUKI, 5.4613a. to notice that Jaina texts are specially mentionedhere. Jainism 7It is interesting had taken deep root in the southerntip of the Indian peninsula and attracted many followers. It also received the patronage of the royal families. Cf. C. MINAKSHI, and Social Life under the Pallava" 227. MahendravarmanI, originally Administration a Jain,was later convertedto Saivism. R. GOPALAN, Historyof the Pallavas of Kanci was well disposed to the sect. 90. NarasiihhavarmanI, though not a Jain himself, MINAKSHI, 231. 8Cf. T54.1051b1, 269a13, and T50.800a21. with "ascend the law of Aila,"whichI considersynonymous The text has h (T 50.712bl). Lu says that he was fully ordained when he was twenty J hi years old (T 55.875b6). 1 Eighteen is the traditional number of the schools in Hinayana Buddhism. Cf. Appendix II, " The Eighteen Schools," in E. J. THOMAS, The History of Buddhist Thought 288-292. See Appendix F. 2 See note 28 in Shan-wu-wei'sBiography. s See note 29 in Shan-wu-wei'sBiography. 4 See Appendix G. 1 See Appendix I. 16 Bhoja is the presentPalembang in Sumatra. It was also called Sri Bhoja F SII Cf. PELLIOT, BEFEO 4.321-339;HIRTH, Chau Ju-Kua 63. LU says (T 55.876a29) fWtg that Vajrabodhi and the Persian merchantstook one month for the journeyto Bhoja. " See Appendix J.




mishaps, he went thereby the sea route."8Because of frequent in the of chi-wei In year the there.' get to years he took several K'ai-yuan period [719 A. D.] he reached Kuang-fu fiJ.'20An himto be welcomedto the Tz'i-e'n Temple imperialedictordered to a shortwhilehe was transferred 21 in Ch'ang-an. After he .2 Whatevertemplehe stayedat, Temple l the Chien-fu 23 to be erected for the abhiseka cerealways caused an altar and he converted on whicha greatmandala was [painted], mony,24 master Ta-chih Dhydna Buddhists].25 the four assemblies [of
18 This seems to mean that Vajrabodhi intended to go to China afterhe had reached fromLi's account. Cf. T 55.875b22, JA ninth series, Bhoja, which is quite different 15 (1900). 3.419. to Lu (T 55.876b4), Vajrabodhi and the Persian merchantsencountered 19 According a storm just twentydays before they reached China. All the rest of the thirty-odd ships were lost, but the monk's ship was safe because of his recitationof the MahJpratisaradhdrani.It took three years for the monk to reach China. According to Amoghavajra's record of Vajrabodhi's own description (T 39.808b16), each of the thirty-oddships accommodated five or six hundred people. When the ships were on board throwninto the sea. Vajraabout to sink, the shipmasterhad everything ching, bodhi in his confusionforgotto save the complete text of the Chin-kang-ting of whichonly the abridgedversionwas preserved. This is the text whichhe translated later. Kuang-fu with Khanfu, the Arab name of Canton (BEFEO identified 20PELLIOT was located 4.215). It was so called because the Kuang-chou tu-tu-fu 4 aJ4'1INWUM 6 in that prefecture.Cf. KUWABARA Jitsuzo Hojukd no jiseki i C=FfW g 17-18; Kanfu mondai kotoni sono kanraku nendai ni tsuite Add r 9^j.I rons5 395-414).Lu (Tozai kctsfishi ; CD0 g lfARCl UIPI (T 55.876b9) says that when Vajrabodhi arrived at Canton, the militaryGovernorsent two or threethousand persons,on board several hundredsmall General ji){t because the boats, to welcomehim far out at sea. Here Lu commitsan anachronism, was firstestablishedin 757 A. D., and beforethat only the title title F 78.16a). _?J~lM~ was used (T'ang huti-yao 21 This was the temple where HsUan-tsang stayed. It was located in the Chinin the southwestern part of Ch'ang-an. Cf. Ch'eng-fangJao F erm ch'ang-fang 3.16a. Lu (T 55.876bll) says that Vajrabodhi arrived at the eastern capital in the middle of 720 A. D. 22 This temple was located in the K'ai-hua-fang finkh to the south of imperial city. Cf. Ch'eng-fangkao 2.3a. Special quarters for the use of translatingsfitras ,$M R were built in this temple in 706 A. D. for I-ching (T 50.710c13). is not used in the sense of temple, but means much the 23 Here the word if same as arena. 24

See Appendix K.

upasaka, upasikd; MOCHIZUKI, 25Bhiksu, bhiksun1,


v26 Mt


courtesybecomingto disciples. Later he accompaniedthe Emperorto Lo-yang. Since the first moon of that year it had not rainedforfivemonths. Prayer was at the sacred templesof mountainsand rivers without offered EmperororderedVajrabodhi to set up an altar for The result. he adopted the schemeofPu-k'ungkou-i prayer. In consequence, An altar of fourhastas ft 29 in heightwas .28 p'u-sa I erectedin [the hall of the temple]where he lived. He himself painted30 the image of Bodhisattvaof Seven Kotis 31 and set the
4 & ed.) 81.7a-8a.

Ta-hui JC,,27

him with all honored and Amoghavajra

28He was I-fu*ATM (d. 732 A. D.).

Cf. T 50.760b and Chin-shihtsu'i-pien (Al

DhyAna Master Ta-hui was I-hsing. See note 81 in Shan-wu-wei'sBiography. cannot findout who this bodhisattva is. There is an AmoghAiikugabodhisattva in the Garbhadh&tuwho is supposed to deliverbeings with an afikuga. He is a figure mandala extant in Japan; MOCHIZUKI, 5.4391c4392b. Nevertheless,the characterjW in the name is still puzzling. 29 About eighteeninches. MOCHIZUKI, 1.153a. 30 An AcArya is supposed to be able to paint a mandala himselfwithout resorting ching (T 18.4a29 and T 39.613b5). Several traditions to lay painters. Cf. P'i-lu-che'-na writtenby K'unpainter. The stele-inscription say that Vajrabodhi was a prominent lun-weng (T 55.876c9) says that he was " an expertin color painting*4f." CHANG Yen-yuan's Li-tai ming-hua-chi(9.16b-17a) says that Vajrabodhi,was from Ceylon good at paintingBuddhist images. The statues under the wooden and was particularly stfipaof the Kuang-fuTemple are said to have been designedby Vajrabodhi. CHANG'S account is wrongin sayingthat Vajrabodhi was a native of Ceylon. But the statement also that he was expertin paintingBuddhist images seems to be true. K'un-lun-weng says that Vajrabodhi designed the stuipa of Vairocana, which was considered an excellentpiece of work (T 55.876c20). Vajrabodhi translateda text called Fo-shuo The text has ;4 ot-L-J]K. JU t w t'o-lo-ni chingsa-L~A.,RM ch'i-chui-ti fo-nu chun-t'i ta-mning It contains a dharaniiso essential that it is called the motherof the past Ajf~r. are personified seven kotis of Tathagatas (T 20.173a6). Just as most of the dharan-is for this dhAran! and a deity is made out of each, there is also a chief deity *A:

this dharan-1, a man4alaof four called -L-%KjVf-L;(T 20.175a20). Whenreciting

hastas is to be built (T 20.173bll). Drought and flood are reckoned among the the correctritesin accordand performing calamitieswhichcan be dispelledby reciting is an abbreviated ance with this text (T 20.174al7). Thereforethe -L-44 JK

of -{, form

Cf. MOCHIZUKI, pao-wang ching k* nRW3EjfW svara in Ta-ch'eng chuang-yen mentioned ; 3.2526a.) This, however,still does not agree with the above. The image of this deity,accordingto the text (T20.178b19), is to be painted in yellow and white color. He has eighteenarms and three eyes and is seated on a lotus flowerwhich is in the pond. Two dragon kings are painted to hold the lotus flower. Cf. OTANI, no. 188. The Sanskrit name is Aryacundddevi-ndma-dhdrani.

withAvalokite(This bodhisattva is again identified



date that whenthe eyes of the image shouldbe drawn3 it would rain. The Emperorsent Master I-hsingto observeit secretly.It of the] seventhday that therewas was stillso hot in the [morning when in the sky. But in the afternoon, not a singlecloud floating the eyes and browsof the bodhisattvawerebarelydrawn,northwest winds began at once to blow [so heavily]that the tiles on wereliftedand treeswereuprooted. The cloudsdropped the roofs theirrain. The people far and wide were astonished. A hole was torn in the roofabove the altar and heavy rain poured into the people of high and low degreein the capital hall. Next morning, assertedthat Vajrabodhi had seized a dragonwhichhad jumped the roofof [thehall],and thousandsofpeople up [711b29]through of the daily soughtto see the place. Such is the miraculouseffect use of altars A!M . At that time the Emperor [Hsiian-tsung]was interestedin of Sftnyatd.33 Taoism and had no timeforthe [Buddhist]doctrine that the asked sensing[the Emperor's]intention, The officials, originshould be sent back to their barbarianmonks of foreign
32 The text of thesametext, translation has3AWJJ?.9 [3I:Xl E. In Amoghavajra's mentionedabove in note 31, there is a section dealing with the method of painting images. It says (T 20.184c26): " When the image is painted,in accordance with one's [financial] ability [the text has PfA i )J{k, of which the last two charactersare unintelligible],[one should] invite seven monks to worship it. When the 'brightness' is The image is to be opened, they should make vows and recite hymnsof praise.... broughtinto a quiet room to be worshippedsecretly."R31Mf is an abbreviationof or openingof the brightness of the eyes. Cf. Shih-hu's J.Alpj(*DAnaPOW2;3t",6M

probablydenotesthe finaltouch added to the eyes of an image by which it is believed to be made holy. In Japan, when a monk opened the eyes of a Buddha, to the brush pen which he was using was fastened a thread which all the people attending the ceremonyheld (cf. Mikky6 daijiten 1.202a). Later in China and Japan the opening of eyes became merelya ceremonyin the worshipof a newly completed image, but otherwisehad nothingto do with the eyes. Chih-p'an in his Fo-tsu t'ung-chi,misunderstanding the meaning of our term, says that Vajrabodhi promised that when the image's eyes opened it should rain, and after three days, as expected,the image's J[I 90 -JN R E , 0 H b (T 49.295b25).It is verystrange eyesopened DIf R f that he should so misunderstand this term as to invent such an incrediblestory. He might have been misled by such a text as Su-p'o-hu t'ung-tzii ch'ing-we'n ching, which says that the eyebrowsof the image worshipped will move when a siddhi which one prays for is obtained (T 18.727c24). 3 See Appendix L.

san-mei i-kueiching i-ch'ieh pala) Fo-lshuo ju-lai an-hsiang fSR t4 knX morecommonly called 3 (MocHIzuKi, -_ tLjf;, 1.380c). This T21.934c13,



An was fixedforthwith. and the date of departure own countries, askedVajrabodhi[abouthis plan],and Vajrabodhisaid: attendant " I am an Indian monk,not a Tibetan or Central-Asiatic [monk].34 I shall not 3 order. Anyhow, by the imperial I am not affected leave." Aftera few days he suddenlydecided to go to Yen-men the JXF9by post-horse. When he bade the Emperor farewell, latterwas much surprised.An autographedorderwas issued to retainhim. 36 was verymuchbeloved daughter The Emperor'stwenty-fifth [by the Emperor]. She had been ill fora long timeand could not be cured. She was removedto restin the Hsien-iWai-kuan ATCi $ 37 [where]she lay with closed eyes, not having spoken for morethan ten days. Previous [to Vajrabodhi'splan of departure] Vajrabodhi to be her preceptorin an edict was issued ordering makingvowsto observetheBuddhistordinances [slla]. This order was issued because [the Emperor]anticipatedthat the princess Vajrabodhiwentthere. goingto die.38[Nevertheless], was certainly Having chosen two girlsseven years of age fromthe palace, he had theirfaces wrapped withred silk and had themlaid out on the ground. He had Niu Hsien-t'ung 4?{AMIJ write an edict
34For the distinctionbetween t and j!ijJ,cf. Hsit kao-sng chan ,ff (T50.438bl6); Fan-i ining-i chi (T54.1056bl). 3H. MASPERO, JA 223.2.249-296. 36 HlsUan-tsung had 29 daughters (Nien-erh-shih k'ao-i 51.9b), fiveof whom are said to have died young. They were Princesses Hsiao-ch'ang *A, Ling-chsang Ax, Shang-hsien?{ili, Huai-ssfi 'kJ~,Mand I-ch'un tot (T'ang-shu 83.14b-17a). It is not known who this twenty-fifth daughterwas. There was a princesspossessingthe title Hsien-i 6JJ who was a daughterof Wu hui-fei base but she died in 784 A. D. (T'ang-shu 83.16a), long after HsiUan-tsung's death. The passage just cited in T'ang-shu has )fj; which is a mistake,because another passage in the same work (83.15a) and the pai-na jj edition both read ftA . Though the title is identical with the ANCg, it is still impossibleto identify this dyingprincesswith Princess Hsien-i. 3 It is not known what this place was. There was a temple for Taoist nuns called Hsien-i Kuan )iA called by that name in 762 A. D. x in Ch'ang-an,but it was first kao 310a). There is a Hsien-i Kung JAVL g in Lo-yang (Chiu T'ang(Ch'e'ng-fang shu 88.22b), but I cannot be sure whetherthe princesslay ill in Lo-yang or Ch'ang-an. 38See AppendixL. S Nu Hsien-t'ungwas a yeh-chl MA of the Bureau of Palace Attendantsrest Ax. He was put to death in 739 A. D. because he deceived the Emperorby concealing the defeatof CHANG Shou-kuei ARKY in a war with the Hsi ? people. Cf. CHANG'S biographyin Chiu T'ang-shu 103.9b.



was said over it and an incantation whichwas burnedelsewhere, from memorywithout by Vajrabodhi. The two girls recitedit one word. Vajrabodhithenenteredinto samadhi. With omitting forcehe sent the two girlswith the edict to King inconceivable fora meal,King [Yama] ordered Yama. Withinthe timerequired spirit to accompanythe princess's dead nurseLiu GIJ the princess's back with the two girls. Thereuponthe princesssat up, opened hereyes,and talked as usual. Having heard of this,the Emperor startedforthe Wai-kuan on horsebackwithoutwaiting[711c15] forhis guard. The princesssaid to him: " It is veryhard to alter in the otherworld. King [Yama] has sentme back as fixed destiny to see you onlyfora shortwhile." Abouthalfa day latershe died. that the Emperorbegan to have faithin Vajrabodhi. After 40 who alone amongthe queens enjoyedthe A-A4E1 Wu kuei-fei particularfavor [of the Emperor],presentedtreasuresto Vajrabodhi. Vajrabodhiurgedthe queen to have made in haste a statue "iK 41 He also advised p'u-sa FTIU:J shou-ming of Chin-kang
40 The title of this queen should be hui-feias given in her biography (Chiu T'angshu 51.18a), not kuei-fei.The title hui-feiwas introducedby IHsian-tsungand ranked just below that of Empress (ibid., 51.1b). She'n-hsien kan-yii chuan T1i$4{JI43i4 (cited in T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi292.2a-3b)says that this queen was a faithfuldisciple of Vajrabodhi. Since she was fromthe Wu family,it would not be surprising if she were a pious Buddhist. CHENG Yfi *5 (chin-shihdegree in 851 A. D.), only a little over one hundred years later than Vajrabodhi and Wu hui-fei,associated this monk with another queen. In his poem Chin-yang-me'n shih 'aadP9g g he made allusions to the fancifulstories recordedin the Shen-hsienkan-yii chuan, and in his notes he says that Hsiian-tsungbelieved in the Taoist Lo Kung-yiian A while YANG kuei-feig;CE believed in Vajrabodhi. As she was summonedinto the palace not long afterWu hui-fei'sdeath in 737 A. D., therewas a period of fouryears before the monk's death in 741 A.D. (see below, note 56) in which they could have met. I hesitate to agree with CHENG YU, since Wu hui-fei'sbelief in VajraNevertheless, bodhi is attested by both Shen-hsienkan-yil chuan and Tsan-ning. The year of Wu hui-fei'sdeath is given in her biographyin Chiu T'ang-shu as 737 A. D. (51.18a). This date is confirmed by the pen-chiin the same work (5.92b)and Tzfi-chih t'ung-chien (214.10a), which is generallyreliable in chronology.The biographyof YANG kuei-fei in T'ang-shu (76.926b) gives 736 A. D., which is wrong. Cf. Wu Chen Hsin

T'angshu chiuniu W

41A text called Chin-kangshou-mingt'o-lo-ninien-sungfa AIj. M jX was translated by Amoghavajra. As the title shows, it is a dhdrani for longevity. The chief deity is called Chin-kangshou-ming p'u-sa (T 920.275c7), but no iconographicalinformation about this bodhisattva is given in the different versions (T 20, Nos. 1133-1135) of this text. A bodhisattva by the name of Yen-shou-ming


( n i

ed.) 5.4b.



42 to paint an image in the stfipa the Princeof Ho-tung AMI3IE of Vairocana. He told his disciples: " These two personswill not live long." In a few monthsboth died as he said. All his preexact. dictionswerein generalsimilarly and withwhichhe was not conversant, There was no principle He could analyze he did that was not effective. therewas nothing the Vinaya texts,secret sAstras, and answerquestionson sfitras, and otherbooks wheneveranyone asked [him],just as dhdranis, Whoevercame to visit,ifVajraa bell wouldring[whenstruck].43 him. In speechand behavior he bodhimethimonce, neverforgot unchanged remained he was alwayssolemn. His [facial]expression whether he was glad or angry,pleased or offended.Those who him, [even though] not knowingthe scope [of his interviewed forhim." theiradmiration mind], naturallyexpressed From the seventhyear of K'ai-yiian [719 A. D.], when he first arrivedat P'an-yu Ad 5 and then came to the capital, [he was] of the Esoteric Scripof the [doctrine] in his propagation untiring mandalas. Each constructed of properly turesand in the erection effort was rewardedwitha divineomen [ofapproval]. The monk I-hsing respectedthis doctrine[of Esoteric Buddhism] and frequentlyasked Vajrabodhi questionswhichhe answered[711c29] had an or omitting any detail. I-hsinghimself without concealing

is frequentlyfound in the pictures discovered at Tun-huang, but it has nothingto do with the deity of this esoterictext. Cf. MATSUMOTO Eiichi i Ad, 355-358. Tonkoga no kenkyii Add t must referto Li Chin 431, son of the Prince of Ch'i 42 This Ho-tung chiin-wang Ad u and nephew of Hsiian-tsung. Accordingto T'ung-tien ed.) 31. (AiiJiQ 23a, the son of a ch'in-wang W EE is made a chiin-wang.The biographyof the Prince of Ch'i (T'ang-shu 81.17a) says that when he died his son Chin succeeded. Chin died early as a result of his debauchery. Also cf. Tsung-shihshih-hsi-piao5d Aft, T'ang-shu 70b.41b. Instead of Chin 3 it reads 4f which is a mistake, because all of his brothers'name are characterswith the jade radical. t . A is a stand holding a bell and does not fit the 'SThe text has AUM, meaning here. It should read A with the Sung and Yuan editions (cf. note 3 in p. 711 by the editors of T). Cf. Li-chi, (S. CouvREUR'stranslation 2.40-1) "Un est comme une cloche qu'on frappe (pour maitre qui sait repondreaux interrogations en tirer des sons). Une cloche frappee avec un petit marteau rend un son faible; frappeeavec un gros marteau, elle rend un son fort." ' "The texthas UfilI* was stationed. FP'an-yii was a countyin Kuang-chou wherethe jfigllg



altar erectedwherehe receivedabhiseka and [made vows] to follow this doctrine.Since he recognized it to be profitable, I-hsing asked [theMaster]to translate[sometexts]forpromulgation. In the eleventh year[723 A. D.] Vajrabodhi,by imperial edict,translated in theTz u-sheng Temple A theYii-ch'ieh nien-8ung fa W, amk7 in two chapters -L{J ft 4U1 and the Ch'i-chil-ti t'o-lo-ni 48 in two chapters. *Isvara VAd Vbmt an officer of the 4 ImperialSecretariati YPt 50 and a greatBrahmanchiefof East India made theliteraltranslation.The monkWen-ku t 51 from Mt. Sung W wroteit down.
" This templewas located in the Ch'ung-jen-fang in the northeastern part of Ch'ang-an. Cf. Ch'eng-fangkao 3.4b. "This is an abbreviated form of Chin-kang-ting lfieh-ch'unienyfi-ch'ieh-chung sungfa -,t'IJ f Ip which,accordingto Yiian-chao (T 55.875a6), Yfflf is also called a ching,i! and consistsof fourchapters. The editionin T (18, No. 866) is called nien-sungching and has four chapters. It is said that Vajrabodhi studied this satra under *NAgajifhna, disciple of NAgArjuna (see Appendix F) and it was originallycomposed of one hundred thousand Mlokas. For the legend that this text was obtained froman iron stilpa in South India, cf. Amoghavajra's Chin-kang-ting ching ta-yf-ch'iehpi-ni hsin-tifa-me'ni-chiieh-1,14JR** *R-%i )bAmF9 Em (T 39.808a24). Japanese monks of the Shingon sect have speculated concerning this legend, and one theoryis that the iron stapa is a mere metaphor referring to one's own body (cf. KAMBAYASHI J6ryfi's T1*tffia Introductionto the Japanese translation of this text in Kokuyakuissaiky5W tg i A 1.213fi, Mikkyobu 214). Accordingto Vajrabodhi, this text is abridged fromthe firstof the eighteen chapters of the alleged original huge work. The term lieh-ch'u is commonlyused in the T'ang dynasty for an abridged version of either Buddhist or lay books (also see note 19). It deals with rites, especially those used in making man.dalas,performing abhiseka, and the homa sacrifice. This is the only text where the ceremony of abhiseka is treated in detail (cf. KAMBAYASHI'S Introduction, 223-224). 48 For this text (T 20, no. 1075) see note 31 above. It is only one chapter in the present Tripitaka. It may be that the Method of Painting Images is considereda separate chapter by Tsan-ning. 49 *Isvara checked the Sanskrittext when I-ching was engaged in translation in 680 A. D. (T 50.710c22). In 713 A. D., when Bodhiruci translated sfitras,he also took part in the work by making literal translations(T 50.720b18). " For this office cf. R. DES ROTOURS, Le traite des examens,9. This officer is also called chih-chung-shu-sheng or chung-shu-chih-sheng; cf. Chiu T'ang shu 190a.11b, 194 a.25b. "' Wen-ku was the monk who wrote a preface to Chih-yen's VW revised edition of I-hsing's commentary on the P'i-lu-cheu-na ching. In his preface he says that he was acquainted with both Shan-wu-weiand I-hsing. Cf. Ky6to sup. 1.36.3, 254a.




Temple year [730 A. D.] at the Ta-chien-fu In the eighteenth t'o-lo-niQ wu-tzit-hsin he also translatedthe Man-shu-shih-li fa-yao W yil-ch'ieh rL~ 52 and theKuan-tzit-tsai t4fIj _W L, 0 ,53 each in one chapter. The monk Chih-tsang ' 54 made the literal translation.I-lisingwroteit down and composed the text with some omissions. Vajrabodhi also noticed that some passages and sentenceswere lackingin the old translation of the textof the [Mahd]pratisard[dharanfl] 1gUit JXL5 and completedit by adding [the missingpart]. All the dhdranisand mudrds translated by Vajrabodhi were effective wheneverthey were applied. The mysticdoctrinewas at the heightof its popularity.Many ofthosewho studiedunderVajrabodhi in both capitals were saved Hi by him. Both lay and fromone generation clerical[disciples]transmitted [his doctrine] to another. year, day of the eighthmoon in the twentieth On the fifteenth the year of jen-shen [732 A. D.],56 he told his disciples at the
52 The complete title of this text is Chin-kang-ting ching man-shu-shih-li p'u-sa wu(T 20, no. 1173). p'in IjT MjC tzil-hsint'o-lo-ni This and the text mentioned below are both abridged translationsfrom different ching (T 55.875alO). The chief deity of this text is chapters of the Chin-kang-ting in the formof a child with a sword in his who is represented Mafijugribodhisattva, in his left hand. A disciple has righthand and the text of Mahdprajadpdramitdsitra in this text (T 20. to receive abhiseka beforehe can be instructedin the dhararlds 710a20). It is stated that Mafijusr! will appear after one recites this text for one mudras are taughtwhichsummonthe bodhisattva month. DhAranisand accompanying into the reciter'sown body and send him away. The complete title for this text is Kuan-tzt-tsai ju-i-lun p'u-sa yil-ch'iehfa-yao dhdranis and m-dris. (T 20,no.1087). It contains p j W a~I 7Et(H g8WjX At the end of the text the reciteris exhortedto read or contemplateon Mahiyana are Lahkavatdrasftra,Avatamsakasfitrasin a quiet place. The sfitrasrecommended d @ t and Adhyardhacatikdpraj-uapdramit suitraMahdprajftparamitd, fj (T 20. 215c7). " This was the name granted to Amoghavajra by Emperor Hsfian-tsung.See his Biography. According to Cheng-yilan-lu (T 55.748c14), he helped the master to translatefourtexts. " This must referto the translationof this text made by Ratnacinta (T 20, No. of this text cf. OTANI, no. 179. Also see AppendixN. 1154). For the Tibetan translation " This date is wrong. Lu (T 55.876b5) says that on the twenty-sixth day of the seventh moon in the twenty-ninth year (741 A. D.) an imperial edict was issued to release him to returnto his own country. On reachingLo-yang he died. CHAOCh'ien



Kuang-fuTemple WI'fMi in Lo-yang: " When the whitemoon I shall go." Then he made obeisanceto [theimage becomesfull,5l8 walkingaround it seven times. Having of] Vairocana Buddha,59 to his own quarters,he burned perfumeand made withdrawn vows. Afterhe paid homage to the Sanskrittexts and confided on the doctrine[to his disciples],he died the new translations age, and [his]religious His secularage was seventy-one calmly.60 fifty-one. On the seventhday of the eleventhmoon of that year he was buriedon the rightbank of the I v~ River to the south of Lungmen. [712al5] A stfipawas erectedin his memory.His disciple to the Amoghavajra,his religiousheir, made recommendations posthuthe Vajrabodhi upon bestowed accordingly who Emperor, `62 the ft?Ail? Tu Hung-chien mous titleMaster of the Country.6"
in Amoghavajra's biography (T 50.292c13), gives the same date in connectionwith the latter's pilgrimageto India directlyafter the master's death. The character AI is not left out in Tsan-ning's book by a scribe, because he added the cyclic name year, i.e., 732 A. D. H5b6girin (Fascicule annexe 143) is jen-shen for the twentieth to note that 731 as a variant. It is interesting and mentioning rightin giving741 first Dharmacandra g )A was also allowed to return to India on the same day (T 55. 878c21). 17 This temple is not mentionedelsewhere. 8 The Indian calendar divides each month into two halves: the white moon and 1.71. Li (T55.877al) also gives the black moon. Cf. BEAL'S translationof Si-yu-ki of the eighthmoon. the exact date as the fifteenth " Vairocana Buddha is the firstone of the five DhyAni Buddhas. He also figures and *Brahmajalasgtra; but in sfitras,such as Avatamsakasfztra in some mahAyAna and is regardedas the highest esotericBuddist texts he takes the place of SAkyamuni deity. Cf. MOCHIZUKI, 4.3343c3345c,5.4367b-4369c;A. GETTY, The Gods of Northern Buddhism 31-35. 60 The stele-inscription by Hun-lun-weng(T 55.876c27) says that he died when he was sitting, and told his disciplesthat in accordance with the Indian way one should die lying on the rightside. 61 The title grantedto Vajrabodhi in 765 A. D. was Ta-hung-chiaosan-tsang ki;k g (T 55.877bll). Cf. TP 12.671-6. 62 Tu Hung-chien (d. 769 A. D.) cf. his biographiesin Chiu T'ang-shu 108. 8b-10b, T'ang-shu 126.10a-12a. The latter says that he became a pious Buddhist in his later days, whereas the formercalls him [only] a faithfulBuddhist. He died in 769 A. D. at the age of sixty-one. Thereforewhen Vajrabodhi died in 741 A. D. Tt was about thirty-three years old. His abhiseka must have taken place before then. This proves that he had been a pious Buddhist ever since his early days. The authors of T'ang-shu took pride in the superiorconcisenessof theirwork. The addition here,



@{1J5 363 a disSecretariat oftheImperial Secretary Assistant in and believed from Vajrabodhi abhiseka had received who ciple on the steleto record [an inscription] himeversince,composed his virtue. oftheMandala of to thescheme The author says: " According mustbe usedas mediato boysor virgins young Five Divisions,64 easy to cureillnessor spirits. It was once extremely summon [method] usethis [however,] times, exorcise evils.Peoplein modern obtained. result is little therefore bodyor mouth, to profit their by the world. are held in contempt Generally [thesemethods] as this!" ofthegoodLaw has goneso far Alasthat thedeterioration


50.712a24-714a20) (Taish3 Tripitaka name was Amoghavajra The monkPu-k'ung'sFS Sanskrit J1 is Pu-k'ung-chinfI JN ofwhich 1 translation the Chinese
""' only leads to confusion. It is also recorded however,of the words ' later days I1j,not to inflict severepunishments that Tu Hung-chien because of Buddhistlaw preferred and did not like to be in charge of an army. Thus troubleswere caused in Szechuan, where he was a governor. On his death-bed he ordered his familyto have a monk shave his hair and bury his remainsin the Buddhist way. He was also a good friend of the monk Ta-i EkC (T.50.800b5). The Great Princess of Tai {g~F, a sister of Su-tsung,received t'o-lo-ni kuan-ting J, (*dhdrafyabhiseka) on a stele erectedin her memory(Ch'ilanfromVajrabodhi,accordingto the inscription T'ang-we'n279.3a). Cf. also op. cit. 501.8b. 63 For this office cf. T'ang-shu 47.6a; R. DES ROTOuRS, Le traite des examens 9. 64 The Mandala of Five Divisions refers to the mandala taught in the Chin-kangting ching. The five divisionsor groups of deities are Buddha, Padma, Vajra, Ratna, and Karma. The Division of Padma or Lotus symbolizes the theory that within human beings thereexists a certainincorruptible which can purity,like a lotus flower, never be polluted even though it growsout of the mud. The Division of Vajra symbolizes the wisdom which is everlastingand can destroy all mental confusion. The Division of Buddha symbolizes the synthesis of the two mentioned above. The Division of Ratna symbolizesBuddha's prosperity, while the Division of Karma symbolizes Buddha's work in deliveringothers. Each division has a head with a particularseat and a dominantcolor: Division of Buddha, Vairocana, lion seat, white; Division of Padma, AmitAbha, peacock seat, red; Division of Vajra, Aksobhya,elephantseat, blue; Division of Ratna, Ratnabhava, horse seat, gold; Division of Karma, Amoghasiddhi, garuda seat, miscellaneouscolor (cf. MOCHIZUKI, 2.1280b).




by [theabbreviated forthe sake ofbrevity kang;but he was known of]two characters.He came of a Brahmanfamily name consisting of North India I and his fatherdied in his childhood. [Later] he he became visited China with his uncle.2 At the age of fifteen Vajrabodhi's disciple.' [The Master] firstintroducedto him a on the ScienceofSounds5 and a treatise textofSiddham,4 Sanskrit
chengkuang-chih pu-k'ung san-tsang hsing-chuang 1Aft
' CHAO Ch'ien, a discipleof Amoghavajra,wrotea biography of his Master: Ta-pien-

(T 50.292b-294c,abbreviated below as hsing-chuang)which says that "the Master was originally froma Brahman family of North India of Hsi-liang-fu (292b7). ATJf The charactera presumably is a mistakeforr and the name 1 jN f also appears at the end of biography. As Kuang-chou is sometimescalled Kuang-fu (see note 20 in Vajrabodhi's biography),this Liang-fumay referto VyJ+}I. It is strangethat CHAO Ch'ien should add Hsi-liang-fuin frontof North India. Is it because he came to Wu-wei AA in his childhoodthat he ,was considereda native of Liang-chou? 2 Hsing-chuang (T 50.292b22) says that he came to visit China with his maternal uncle DoIf,, and a stele-inscription composed by his disciple Fei-hsi (T 52.848b-849c, abbreviated below as pei) also indicates that he came to Wu-wei with his maternal uncle % jfi (T 52.848b23). Tsan-ninguses the wordW whichwould mean paternal uncle. Accordingto hsing-chuang(T 50.292b8), since Amoghavajra's fatherdied early, he was broughtup in his mother'shome and adopted his mother'ssurname K'ANG ,. This indicates that he is from the neighborhoodof Samarkand. (Cf. HSIANG Ta Ax, T'ang-taiCh'ang-an J , YCHP yii hsi-yii wen-ming *fRf W ffjl monographno. 2, 12-16; KUWABARA Jitsuz6, Suit6 jidai ni shina ni raijfishita seiikijin * U /ffi: A. kP A, Toy5 bummeishi rons5 nitsuite ?)Jji C i & aD V of the people fromSamarkand in Western 4IV ( ApJJ .) For the settlement China cf. Paul PELLIOT, Le cha tcheou tou fou t'ou king et la colonie sogdienne de la regiondu Lob Nor, JA eleventhseries,7.111-123 (1916). Both Yiian-chao (T 52.826c17) and YEN Ying (T 52.860a18) give Hsi-yiior Western in Chiu T'ang-shu Region as Amoghavajra's native place. He is called hu-sengMiM1f (see note 82, below), and the name hu was invariablyapplied to Central Asia while the word fan was used for India (see note 34 in Vajrabodh's Biography). Yfian-chao shih-chiaolu (T 55.881all) says that Amoghavajra was originally in his Cheng-yfian fromCeylon which contradictshis other account mentionedbefore. P. C. BAGCHI in his Le canon bouddhique en Chine (2.568), OMURA Seigai in his Mikkyd hattatsu shi (4.559), ONO Gemmyo ,'J'9 AA4t in his Bussho kaisetsu daijiten (12.169), and MOCHIZUKI in his Bukkyd daijiten (5.4385a) all make the same mistake. TOGANOO Shoun (Himitsu bukky6 shi fJZ% {Etk 110) rightlysuggests that this error is due to a misinterpretation of Liang-pen's Dojt work (T 33.430b24), which calls him chih-shih-tzfi-kuo kuan-tingsan-tsang R meaning a monk who received abhiseka in Ceylon, not a native of Ceylon. 'See AppendixM. ' For Siddham cf. WATTERS, 1.154-156; TAKAKUSA, Record of Buddhist Religion, 170-172: MOCHIZUKI, 2.1937a-1951b. Accordingto I-ching, Indian childrenbegan to

g~,7 -t



[i. e., grammarl whichhe masteredin ten days. The Master was surprised and ordainedhim as a bodhisattva.6Having led [Amoghavajra]to theVajradhatumandala and testedhimby [observing the place where]he threwa flower [on the mandala],7 the Master knewthat he was goingto advance the doctrine greatly. [712a29] By the time he was fullyordained,8 he became an expertin the Vinaya texts of the Sarvdstivddin expounding School9 and was conversant withthe writings and languagesof[several] foreign countries.When the Master translatedsitras, he was frequently orderedto collaborate.'0He completedthe twelve years' course in six months whenhe studiedthe Scienceof Sounds. He learned the Bhadracaripranidhcna `ffiftffN " in two evenings [while
learn the Siddham when they were six years old and were expected to finishit in six months (TAKAKUSU, 172). The Chinese monks of the Tantric School, in order to recite dhdraniscorrectly, paid special attention to Siddham. Cf. Chih-kuang'st Hsi-t'antzfi-chiZ ~ ,(T.54.1186a7) . 6 One of the fiveVidyas. See note 4 in Vajrabodhi's Biography. 'The text has j Hsing-chuanghas X (T.50.292b25) and pei has W a~i (T 52.848b26). The readings of the last two texts are better. The so-called P'u-ti-hsinchieh is a ceremony precedingthat of abhiseka. A manual called Shou p'u-t'i-hsin-chieh i < (T 18.940b6-941b26) was translated by Amoghavajra. The disciple recitesseveral gdthas. in which he confesseshis sins, seeks refugein Buddha, makes an oath to arouse his Bodhicitta, and last of all expresses his fivegreat desires. They are: to deliverall beings,to collect all the gunas, to learn the profounddoctrine,to serve the Buddha, and to achieve supreme Bodhi. T The disciplethrowsa garland of flowers on the mandala. He is supposed to belong to that Buddha whose divisionthe garland hits. Cf. T 18.250c12. 8 Both hsing-chuang (T 50.292c1) and pei (T 52.848b27) say that he was fully ordained at the age of twenty. Yuian-chao (T.55.881a17) says that when he became an upasamhpanna, the ceremonywas held at an altar built in accordance with the Vinaya of the Sarvastivadin School at the Kuang-fu Temple. Pei also says that he "became fullyordained throughthe [Vinaya of] the Sarvastivadin School." Cf. TAKAKUSU, xxi-xxiii; MOCHIZUKI, 3.2926a-2927b. 10 See note 54 in Vajrabodhi's Biography. "This must referto the P'u-hsien p'u-sa hsing-yilan tsan :fiz later translatedby Amoghavajra (T 10, No. 297). It is a collectionof hymnsin praise of Samantabhadra's ten great desires; to worshipthe Buddha, to praise the Tathagatas, to make offerings, to confessall one's sins, to be pleased with the merits of others, to pray for the turningof the Dharmacakra, to pray for Buddha's stay in the world, to followthe Buddha, to transfer his own meritsto others. The Sanskrittext of this waspublished suitra byIZUMI H6kei )% 3jyinBukky6kenkyil$RK5iJI 9.2 (1928) and Mayiira 7 --5 , vol. 2 (1933). Cf. MOCHIZU]KI, 5.4407b-4408a, WATANABE Kaikyoku >X3*H, Fugen gy6gan san no nihon bombun ni tsuite ;



was otherswouldhave] spentone year. His quick comprehension alwayslike this. had wishedforthreeyears to learn the method [Amoghavajra] ofthe Five Divisions12 and the Three Secrets13 ofthe newYoga14 but sincethe Master did not teach it to him,he thought doctrine; to India. The Master then dreamed that all the of returning imagesofBuddhas and Bodhisattvasof the templesin the capital went offtowards the east."5 When he awoke he realized that of the Law and gave his assent Amoghavajrawas a real recipient the Master impartedto him Thereupon to the latter's request. the methodof abhiseka of the Five Divisions, the homa rites16
1.299-327. The word Bhadra Z,Kogetsu zenshi JcJ4 QIO ES AJZ*nI5 in the title is an abbreviationof Samantabhadra,and this work is quoted in Siksaisamiuccaya as Bhadracaryd. Cf. WINTERNITZ, History of Indian Literature 2.326-327. idhanarija. It is strangethat TsanCf. OTANI No. 716: Arya-Samantabhadracary-pra ning adds Wen-shu to the name of the text. Hsing-chuang (T50.292c4), on the (d. 429 A. D.) transf0;I~jt Buddhabhadra otherhand, simplyhas 3 (T 10, No. 296) lated a text called Wen-shushih-lifa-yiianching ii;'flJoi,,lE which deals with the same ten desires,but they are attributedto Mafijugr!instead of Samantabhadra. Since early times there seems to have been a confusionbetween these two bodhisattvas. Buddhabhadra's work,accordingto Yfian-chao (T 55.505c7), was usually recited by the Buddhists in a foreigncountry,presumablyIndia, when they made obeisance to Buddha. This would also account for Amoghavajra's study of this text in his early days. 12 See note 64 in Vajrabodhi's Biography. Biography. 13 See note 29 in Shan-wu-wei's Biography. See note 28 in Shan-wu-wei's 15 Hsing-chuang (T 50.292c6) says that Amoghavajrahad already reached Hsin-feng Emj~ a town to the east of Ch'ang-an. Apparentlyhe intended to returnto India by sea. into a fire. deities by throwing different offerings 16 Homa is the rite of worshipping p ifL (T 18, No. 908), yii-ch'iehhu-mo i-kuei *g4IJTJIf ftCf. Chin-kang-ting a translationby Amoghavajra. There are fivetypes of homa sacrifice. The firstkind or any public disaster. A round earthen to remedyone's own misfortune is performed at dusk, which symbolizesrest and stove is to be used. The rite should be performed should be in white. The should face the north and everything peace. The performer of eitheran individualor a nation. It should second kind is to pray forthe prosperity facingthe east, which is a symbolof with the performer in the morning, be performed wealth. The shape of the stove is square and the color is yellow. The third kind of to subdue an enemy. It is to be practisedat noon with a triangular homa is performed kind of homa faces the south and the color is black. The fourth stove. The performer is to summon those in the three worst gatis, that is, the gatis of hell, animals, and pretas. The stove is in the shape of a vajra and the color is red. There is no speci-



and the ritesan dcdrya[shouldknow]. He also taughtAmoghavajra infulldetailthe* Vairocanasitra and the manualsofsiddhi17 and so forth. Later Amoghavajra accompanied the Master to year of K'ai-yiian Lo-yangwherethe latterdied in the twentieth 19 was finished and a posthuthe portrait-hall [732 A. D.].18 After planned on thelate Master,Amoghavajra moustitlewas conferred to make a long journeyto India and Ceylon,as the late Master once orderedhim to do. i'iMM$3 20 where GovernorHe firstarrived at Nan-hai-chuin
t General J;Zk{21 Liu Chii-lin 22

request madean earnest

to seek forlove. kind of homa is performed fication as to time and direction. The fifth faces the The stove is in the shape of lotus and the color is also red. The performer west and the rite is to be performedin the early evening. Different mavdalas are homas. used for different 17 This might refer to the Su-hsi-tichieh-loching,translatedby Shan-wu-wei. See note 88 in his Biography. 18 This date is wrong. It should be the twenty-ninth year of K'ai-yfian (741 A. D.). See note 56 in Vajrabodhi's Biography. It was a popular custom duringthe T'ang dynastyto worshipa deceased master's of some monks of the Pure Land Sect and portraitin a special hall. The portrait-hall T'ien-t'ai Sect are mentioned in Tsan-ning's biography of Shao-k'ang JP' (T 50. 867b28), Ennin's diary (Dainihon bukky5 zensho 113.232a), and CHANG Yen-yuan's Li-tai ming-huachi (3.17a). For that of Vajrabodhi and Amoghavajra cf. Ch'iian T'ang wen 506. 12a-13a. 20 Emperor Hsiian-tsungchanged the name chou bill (prefecture),a unit between the tao XJand the hsien I,4 (district) to chuinXJ3 in 742 A. D. (T'ang-shu 5.21a). Hence Kuang-chou became Nan-hai-chiin. is ts'ai-fang 2 The fulltitleof thisofficer ch'u-chih , whichis shihv jf, and he usually also holds the position of Ling-nan-tao the highestcivil officer of the Prefect of Nan-hai-chiin. Cf. T'ang-shu 49b.6a; WANG Ming-shengjf % Shih-ch'i-shih R. DES RETOURS, shang-ch'ileh -L (Jag ed.) 78.5a-7a; (tA Le traitedes examens' 25. 22Instead of 1 the text has A, which is wrong. Though we do not find a this name is attested in several other texts biographyof him in the dynastic history, of the T'ang dynastybesides Chiu T'ang-shu. Chih-i chi ,I2 (cited in T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi437.4b) says that at the end of the K'ai-yfian period, presumablyabout 740 A. D., Liu Chul-lin was Military Commissioner {J,'7f at Kuang-fu (for this name see note 20 in Vajrabodhi's Biography). The pen-chiof HsUan-tsung in Chiu T'ang-shu (9.lOb) recordsthat Liu Chil-lin,as Prefect it of Nan-hai, defeated the pirates t giGf in 744 A. D. To daiwaj6 tosei den )-k 0JPI' in Yung-chia-chiin 7 (Dainihon bukky5zensho 113.111a, 116b, also cf. TAKAKUSU'S translationin BEFE0 28. 448, 466) says that when Kanshin made his second attempt to leave for Japan, fromLiu Chii-lin,who was then Governor-General he bought a battle junk gq of Ling-nan-tao. The nameE , however,is forf R, which TAKAKUSU fails to cor-




in 23 he converted for abhiseka. In the Fa-hsingTemple i'tL and myriadsof people. Amoghathousands, successionhundreds, deity;and tendayslaterManijusr1, prayedto thechief vajra himself put in an appearance. Beforehe boarded constrained by his faith, 24 of summonedthe great chiefs the ship the Governor-General ofP'an-yii, and others, intheregion J-hsi-pin 7g thebarbarians and warnedthem: " Now theMaster ofTripitaka[712bl5] is going to South India and Ceylon. You are to warnyourcaptainsto see including disciples, to it thatthey-the Master and his twenty-one [safely], and 26-get there Han-kuang ;3225 and Hui-pien y [whichtheybear] are not lost." that the nation's credentials
rect. HsUan-tsung's pen-chiand Lu Huai-shen's tI biographyin Chiu T'ang-shu (9.14b, 98.9b) say that he was put to death in the fifth moon in 749 A. D. because he had received many large bribes. On account of its convenientlocation, Canton merchant duringthe T'ang dynastybecame an important seaport,whereall the foreign merchantsgathered (cf. NAKAMURA ships called and foreign Kyfljir6 '3"At.M Tojidai no kant6 ) IJE{jQ,; jj, SZ 28.242-258, 348-368, 487-495, 553, 576). This was why the civil officers in Canton were likelyto be avaricious; and Liu Chil-linwas no exception. Liu's successor Lu Huan J1 was particularlyknown as an honest man, differing in this fromall his predecessors.Cf. Chiu T'ang-shu 98.9b. He is also mentionedin Tosei den, but TAKAKUSU fails to provide any further information in his notes. Fo-tsu t'ung-chi (T 49.295clI, 375bl) is wrongin saying that Amoghavajra came to Canton in 741 A. D. on his way back fromCeylon. Chih-p'an mistakesthe character for . 2 This temDle is not attested elsewhere. 24The word -Ad was applied in the T'ang dynastyto the chief of the aborigines in South and SoutheasternChina (Chiu T'ang-shu 100.9a, 22b) as well as the chief from the West and the South Seas. *Ihvara is called of the foreigners -k-iM settlement in Canton cf. in Vajrabodhi's Biography (T 50.712a4). For the foreigners' above. NAKAMURA'S articlementioned Han-kuang's biographyis found in T 50.879c. He helped his Master to translate some sfitras. In 766 A. D. he was among the forty-nine prominentmonks who were transferred fromvarious temples to the Ta-hsing-shanTemple upon Amoghavajra's request (T 52.830bl). In 766 A. D. he was recommended by his Master to go to Mt. ' (T 52. 834a28, Wu-t'ai to supervise the building of the Chin-Ko Temple 835c7). Some statues and maiudalasof that temple mentionedby Ennin in his diary as made by Amoghavajra (Dainihon bukky5 zensho 113.239b, 240a) were probably executed under Han-kuang's direction. At the end of his biographyTsan-ning says that it is not known when and where he died. The only translationof his is a text the yab-yumformof the Hindu god Ganeha, who is called Ta-sheng for worshipping EI huan-hsitzi-tsai-t'ien W (*Mahdryanandike~vara)in Esoteric Bud;A dhism (T 21, No. 1273). 26 biographyof him is found in Tsan-ning'swork.



year [741 A. D.] he moon27 of the twenty-ninth In the twelfth t .28 Whentheyreached left Nan-haion boarda K'un-lunship E the boundaryof Kalinga R29 they met with a heavy storm. tried to propitiate[the gods] by Each merchant, being terrified, but withoutresult. All of them the methodof his own country, knelt down to pray forhelp and protection.Hui-pien and other disciplesalso wept bitterly.Amoghavajrasaid: " I have a plan. vajra ofBodhicitta30 witha five-fingered Don't worry."Thereupon, in his lefthand,he in his right hand and the Prajnidpdramitds-itra 31 and performed the rite recitedonce the Mahdpratisarddhdrani and forthis dharani]. The wind subsided immediately [required the sea became calm and clear. Later they came across a large out of the sea, emittedjets of water like whale,which,emerging than the previous a mountain. It was even more threatening calamity and the merchantswere ready to give up theirlives. and told Hui-piento the ritesas before, Amoghavajraperformed At once all the chingVXRILN.`32 recitethe So-chiehlung-wang dangersdisappeared. in Ceylon,theking33 senta deputyto welcome Whenhe arrived on footand on horsewerestationedin ranks him. The guardsmen the city. The king,havingmade alongthe streetwhenhe entered
27 The voyage to India fromCanton was usually made in winter. Cf. IIIRTH, Chau Ju-kua 9. K'un-lun with Tenasserim in the 28PELLIOT (BEFEO 4 [19041.279-286) identifies northern part of the Malay Peninsula. Cf. also PELLIOT, Etudes Asiatiques 2.261-263; TAKAKUSU, Record of Buddhist Religion xlix-l;CHAVANNES, Religieux bminents 63-64; HIRTH, Chau Ju-kua 31-32; KUWADA Rokur6 rk 1WIg Nany& konronko jfjm A i Ha, Taihoku teidai shigakka kenkyi neemp6 '4LP&*kA? 1.13529 This countryis identified as Java. The name is probably due to an early colonifrom zation in Java of immigrants Kalinga in East India. Cf. PELLIOT, BEFEO 4.279-86. " For the five kinds of bodhis obtained by a monk of the Esoteric Sect, cf. MOCHIZUKI, 2.1246c-1247c. 31 See note 55 in Vajrabodhi's Biography and Appendix N. 32 This might referto a short text which was translatedin the Sung dynasty by Shih-hu as Fo-wei so-ch'ieh-lolung-wangso-shuo ta-ch'eng ching 0 9 W,12 and tfhP, are transcriptions of (T 15, No. 601). Both g~o6rfiJ; Af Sdgara.
3 See below, note 38. He is said to have stayed in the Temple of Buddha's Tooth (T 55.881bl).




invitedhimto stay in the palace to be enterobeisanceat his feet, tained for seven days. The king himselfbathed Amoghavajra waters. The crown daily, using a golden barrelfull of fragrant acted similarly. prince,the queens, [712b29] and the ministers met the dcdryaSamantabhadra R WhenAmoghavajrafirst and requested and embroideries brocade, he presented gold,jewelry, of Yoga in the Chinthe Master to expoundforhim the doctrine chaptersand the methodof erecting chingof eighteen kang-ting an altar in accordancewiththe Mahdkarunagarbhadhatumandala Han-kuang,Hui-pien, in the *Vairocanasutra.He also permitted and other disciples to receive the abhiseka of Five Divisions together. teacherforhis studies. afterthat,had no regular Amoghavajra, of the Esoteric Sect and forthe scriptures He soughteverywhere There and commentaries. hundred stitras morethanfive [obtained] as, for example, was nothingthat he did not go into thoroughly the various deities' secretmudrds,forms, , the samaya ofaltars,banners, and theliteraland intrinsic arrangements colors, meaningsof the texts. the king orderedsome [wild] eleOne day, for entertainment, phantsto be tamed.35Everybodyclimbedup the high[places]to watch,but no one dared come near. Amoghavajrastood in [the Bit in *maitrisamadhi [a dharani] middleof]thestreet reciting37 and makingmudrdswithhis hands. Several mad elephantssud6

84The samaya in Esoteric Buddhism means the weapon or instrumentwhich is usually held by a deity and regardedas his particularsign. MOCHIZUKI, 2.1861c-186ab. 85 Ceylon was known as a country abounding in elephants,which from time immemorialthe people had captured and tamed. Sir James E. TENNENT in his Ceylon (1859, London) 2.271-401 has a special chapter dealing with this interesting subject. Also cf. F. EDGERTON, The Elephant-loreof the Hindus, 16-22, 87-91. 6 The text has f&A, but the Chin-lingk'o-chingch'u edition and the hsingchuang (T 50.293al4) instead of f? have ft. which is correct. Pei (T 52.848c15) reads 4j:ib which means the same thing. This kind of meditation is called 1 $val or itEE1^ and regardedas a special type of samadhi. Cf. MOCHIZUKI, 2.1793b. Mditrisamdpanna (Divydvaddna 186), a synonym, is also translatedby I-ching as tz'fi-ting(T 23.858clO). " The text has only WM,but hsing-chuang(T 50.293al4) has tlng Pei has (T 52.848cl5)MfOi FR. For the Fo-yeent'o-lo-ni and its accompanying mudra, cf. Mikkyo daijiten 2.1932a-1934b.



wereastonished denlytumbleddown. People all over the country by the story. Then he visitedIndia, wherehe caused auspiciousomensmany to year of T'ien-pao [746 A. D.] he returned times. In the fifth the capital and presenteda letter fromKing Sildmegha P, of gold and jewels,the Sanskrit Af4J* 38 of Ceylon,and ornaments miscellaneous pearls,and whitecottextof Prajaiiparamitas-atra, The Emperororderedhim to stay temporarily ton cloths nK.3' in the office of the Courtof State Ceremonial.Later he was summonedto the palace to erectan altar forthe Emperor'sabhiseka Temple Add .40 ceremony.Then he movedto the Ching-ying It was very dry all through the summerof that year and the Emperororderedhim to pray forrain. The imperialedict said: " The rain mustnot last too long,neither must it be too heavy." Amoghavajraasked to erect an altar [at which to pray] to the Peacock King.4' Before three days had passed it had rained sufficiently. [712c15] Being very much pleased, the Emperor in a bejewelled case, bestowedon him a purple kasdya [robe]42 and helped him into [the robe]. In addition,he was grantedtwo hundredp'i E of silk. Once a great gale came on suddenly. The Emperor ordered Amoghavajrato stop it by praying. He asked fora silverbottle and applied some magic to it. Soon the wind calmed down,but when a goose in the lake accidentallybumped the bottle and
"This is King SilAmeghaof Cfilavamisa(reigned 727-766 A. D.). Cf. W. GEIGER's translation48.42, Ts'e-fu yilan-kuei*fIJ(T --5 (*#&T; ed.) 971.15a, T'ang-shu 221b.14b. " Ts'e-fu yiian-kuei (ibid.) has fortysheets of white cotton cloth P!ItW HIRTH (Chau Ju-kua 218) says that this is the same word as the Turkish pakhta, whichmeans cotton. LAUFER (Sino-Iranica489-490) thinksthat it is derivedfromthe Persianworddib, meaning brocade.FUJITA Toyohachi II 2A (Menka menfu ni kansuru kodai shinajin no chishiki ;t%4?if Q 0XID Tozai koshoshi no kenkyia,nankai hen A , 533-584) t'f 07MIA says that it was a kind of cotton cloth and identifies it with pataka in Pali. 40 This temple had been known fromthe time of the Sui dynasty (cf. T 50.519b1, 674a24), but its exact location in the city of Ch'ang-an has not been ascertained. "See Appendix 0. 42In 689 A. D. Empress Wu firstbestowed purple colored kasaya robes on nine monks. Cf. Tsan-ning's Seng-shih-l1ieh (T 54.253c). This color was chosen probably because it was the official color of the ceremonialrobes of the higherofficers.

1M4 iZat It



tipped it upside down, the gale blew again with even greater by the velocityand violence. For the secondtimehe was ordered Emperorto stop it and the same result was obtained with the IW was then bestowedon same celerity.A styleS Chih-tsang him by the Emperor.43 In the eighthyear of the T'ien-pao period [749 A. D.] he was to returnto his native country. When he arrivedat permitted an imperial edict Nan-hai-chuin, having used five post-horses,44 year [753 A. D.], was issued to detain him again. In the twelfth BAR of Ho upon the requestof the MilitaryGovernor-General 45 and Lung [-yu]'if[Thfi] P [_] KO-SHuHan 'ff "," the [-hsi] Emperor orderedhim to go [to Kansu]. He arrivedat Wu-wei in the thirteenth year [754 A. D.] and stayed in the K'ai-yfian 5ij and his sub.47 The Military Governor-General Temple
4' This statement is not true,since Yiian-chao (T 55.881all) says that the Master's fa-hui O* was chih-tsangand his hao was Amoghavajra. He called himselfby the name Chih-tsang in his memorials to the Emperor (e. g. T 55.882al3, 24) before Emperor Su-tsungorderedthat he should be called by his hao only (T 55.88ab2). 44 An officer in travelling. Cf. T'ang-shu of the thirdrank could use fivepost-horses onlyfourhorseswere allowed. Cf. NiDA Noboru to the Ling -, 46.18b. But according

in the T'ang 11 Tory6shiji )ef$ 579-580.For the postal system f J[R, SHNP T'ang-tai i-chih k'ao *f-ZJRlqV dynasty cf. CH'iN Yuan-yuan NFL& 5.61-92. Accordingto Yiian-chao (T 55.881b1l), he was permittedto returnin 750 A. D., but he fell sick when he reached Shao-chou VJIN where he stayed until 753 A. D. Upon the request of Ko-SHu Han, he was summonedto the capital in that year and was sent to Liang-chou after he had rested for more than a month in the E. Pao-shou Temple i of Ho-hsi was stationed in Liang-chou; that of 4 The Military Governor-General

46 For his biography cf. Chiu T'ang-shu 104.10a-14b. He was of Turkish origin,and may have had some special connectionwith Buddhism,as his fatherKo-SHu Tao-huian was selected by Emperor Jui-tsungin 710 A. D. to send Siksananda's T'ang-shu 104.12a. %JZfJ tj remainsback to Khotan (T 50.719al5). Cf. ChiMu to be erected in In 690 A. D. Empress Wu ordered a Ta-yuinTemple J all over the country,but in 738 A. D. each of the two capitals and every prefecture the name of all these templeswas changed to K'ai-yiian Temple by Emperor Hsiiantsung's order. Cf. T'ang hui-yao48.11a. Though we findthe name K'ai-yiuanTemple mentioned in many places, Hsiian-tsung's order was not strictlycarried out in the remote provinces. The names of Ta-yun Temple and K'ai-yuian Temple are both found in writtendocumentsdiscovered in Tun-huang (cf. L. GILES, Dated Chinese Mss. in the Stein Collection,BSOS 9.1.23, 10.2.327). Accordingto Yiian-chao (T 55. i-ch'ieh ju-lai chen-shihshe-ta-ch'eng 881b22) Amoghavajra translatedChin-kang-ting

fJi. was in Shan-chou Lung-yu



all wantedto receiveabhiseka. Several thousandpeople ordinates of high and low degreeattendedthe ceremony.Han-kuang and in the method of the Five other disciples were also instructed of Religious Affairs bVA!48 and Divisions. The Commissioner K'ai-fu ON9 " Li Yiian-tsung4x5it ? was also taught[thesame] method and the Vajradhatumandala. An earthquake occurred was held and Amoghathat day in the templewherethe ceremony of the audience's vajra said: " It is [due to] the concentration year [756 A. D.] he was orderedby the faith! -51 In the fifteenth to the capital,wherehe stayedin the Ta-hsingEmperorto return 52 shanTemple A During the early days of the Chih-te By period [756-757 A. D.] the Emperorwas in Ling-wu mt and Feng-hsiangBy [to prepareforthe recaptureof the two capitals]. Amoghavajra to him,inquiringafterthe Emperor's memorials oftenpresented sentmessengers secretly Su-tsung Emperor whileinhisturn, health,
(T 18, No. 865), of whichLi Hsi-yen By 7 composedthe text. Cf. OTANI No. 112. The Sanskrit name is Sarvatathagatatattvasamgraha-nama-mahaydnasiitra. Amoghavajra's translationis a small portionof this text, of which Shih-hu made a complete translation later (T 18, No. 882). He again translated P'u-t'i-ch'ang so-shuo i-tzif ting-lun-wang ching ra(T 19, No. 950), I-tzit ting-lunf&__ r-Qa wang yii-ch'ieh ching (T 19, No. 855) and I-tzit ting-lun-wang -J!r,4Q3Eijftfi (T 19, No. 954) which were all composed nien-sungi-kuei ; by T'IEN Liang-ch'iu RI[ A In the meantimehe also renderedsome short sfitras. In the tenth moon of 754 A.D. the Kuchean monk Li-yen f1J was sent for from ? An-hsi %!ffi to help Amoghavajra in translation. Li-yen came to China twice and died in Ch'ang-an sometime between 789 and 795 A. D. Cf. P. C. BAGCHI, Deux lexiques sanskrit-chinois 340-345.
48 4

ta-chiao-wang ching4f hsien-cheng



The K'ai-fu is the firstrank of the twenty-nine Titles of Honor. The full title 35. shouldbe K'ai-fui-t'ung san-ssir JffiT :. Cf. T'ang-shu 46.6a. This title was regardedas a greathonorand afterEmperorHsiian-tsung succeeded to the throne, only fourpersonsheld it in fifteen years (Chiu T'ang-shu 106.21b). See Appendix Q. 61 Hsing-chuang (T 50.293b7) says that Amoghavajra told Li Yfian-tsung that the earthquakewas due to his faith. 52 This was a great templewhichoccupied the whole of the Ching-shan-fang r;3 in the middle of the city. Cf. Ch'eng-fangkao 2.5b. In 764 A. D. Amoghavajra asked the Emperor to transferforty-nine eminentmonks from other temples to the Hsing-shanTemple (T 52.83Oc21).

Appendix P.



askingfor[712c29] secretmethods. When the capital was recapthe date was exactly tured and the T'ang dynastyreestablished, had predicted. as [Amoghavajra] ftXc period [758-759 A. D.], he was During the Ch'ien-yfian and thenthe the homa sacrifice, invitedto the palace to perform abhiseka of a cakravartin seven received the possessing Emperor ?5T period[760-761 jewels.53Once at the end of the Shang-yiian the evil spirits A. D.] theEmperorwas ill. Amoghavajraexorcised 54 seven times; and as a by recitingthe Mahdpratisarddhdrani resultthe Emperor was well the next day and paid even more respectto him than before. to go to the Amoghavajraasked forthe Emperor'spermission the edict which mountains.Li Fu-kuo +MM "conveyed orally, in the Chih-chi Temple Adz 5" in orderedhim to recitesfitras Mt. Chung-nanUi.- One nightwhen he was in the middle of his recitation, was so moved that Mahdsukhasattva *iMJi the deity'shair [between stretched out and emitted his eyebrows] had ascended to a light. It was thus provedthat [Amoghavajra]
6 A cakravartin or universalmonarchis supposed to possess seven kinds of ratnas. These are cakraratna (wheel), hastiratna (elephant), asvaratna (horse), maniratna (pearl), striratna(wife), grhapatiratna(minister)and parinayakaratna(general). Cf. MOCHIZUKI, 2.1922a, 4.3826a-3827c. It is not knownhow this special kind of abhiseka was performed.Could Amoghavajra have adopted the rites of the abhiseka of a king in India for his religiouspurpose? 6 See Appendix N. For the recitationof sfitras in the palace, cf. the biographyof , CHANG Hao Chiu T'ang-shu 111h.1a. For monks' use of altars, dharanis, and mudrds, cf. T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi 98.1a, 112.7b, 130.2b, 289.4b-5a, 450.2a, Yu-yang tsa-tsu 5.7b, 14.14, Yu-yang tsa-tsu hsil-chi2.6b. 6 For his biography cf. Chiu T'ang-shu 184.7a-9b. Also cf. T 52.829c7. 56 This temple existed fromthe early years of the T'ang dynasty. Cf. T 50.633al7. " Mahasukhasattva is the personified deity of Mahasukha or Great Joy, which is obtained through the realizationof the inseparability of prajfin and karuna. This Great Joy is also compared to the joy derived from sexual union. The erotic element is one of the characteristics of Esoteric Buddhism in India, but it did not develop in China (see AppendixR). This doctrineis treated in the Adhyardhasatikaprajdaparamita, which was translated by Amoghavajra. Is it because of its content that the authorsofAmoghavajra'sbiographies avoid mentioning thename of this sfutra? TOGANOO Shoun's Rishukyo no kenkyulM is a very comprehensive book about fC9E this text. A summaryof this book is found in Bibliographiebouddhique,iv-v, 96-98. For the Sanskrit and Tibetan texts and various Chinese translations,cf. TOGANOO, 28-35, 490-513. For the theoryof Mahasukha cf. ibid. 417-440.



Amoghavajrasaid: " How can the stage nextto that of siddhi."8 I seek my own releasewiththe people stillunsaved?" [So he put 59 offhis own release.] After EmperorSu-tsungdied, EmperorTai-tsungsucceededto the throneand showed him even greaterfavor. When he had finished the translationof the Mi-yen ching tiwO 60 and the chingTIEl ,61 the Emperor wrote prefacesto them. Jen-wang announced, On the very day when these texts were officially in the sky. The ministers auspiciouscloudsappearedunexpectedly of the whole court expressedtheircongratulations.On the first day of the eleventhmoon of the year Yung-t'ai AX* [765 A. D.], to the rankofT'e-chin edict MIJI by an imperial he was promoted of ProbationaryDirector of the State Cere4+i' and the office monial.62He was also given the title Ta-kuang-chil san-tsang of BudIn the thirdyear of Ta-li ,*M [768 A. D.], a ceremony
58 Siddhi is the last stage in a bodhisattva'sspiritualcareer according to the Esoteric School. Cf. MOCHIZUKI, 2.1951c-1952c. " Hsing-chuang(T 50.298bl8) has -e,, which would completethe meaninghere. 60 T 16, No. 682. This text deals with alayavijfiina. The Emperor's prefaceis preserved in T 16.747b-c. (Protection 61T8, No. 246. This sfitrahas a chapter called Hu-kuo-p'in 1M of the Country), where kings are urged to recite this sfitrawheneverthere is any natural calamity or hostile attack. One hundred images and one hundred seats are to be prepared,and monks to an equal number are to be invited to expound and recite this sfitra (T8.840a7). Amoghavajra presented a memorial to the Emperor a new translationof this text. His chief reason was its functionof recommending protectingthe country (T592.831b22). The names of the monks who helped him in this sfitraare enumeratedin his memorial (T 52.831b28). The biography translating of WANGChin REX in Chiu T'ang-shu (118.10) says that Tai-tsung often fed more than one hundred monks in the palace and ordered them to expound the Jen-wang ching wheneverthere was any enemy invasion. Accordingto Tsan-ning's Seng-shihlibeh (T 54.253c), a copy of the Jen-wangching was carried about a hundred paces ahead of the Emperor when he was on the street. It is said that this custom started during Tai-tsung's reign. 62 For the Probationary Directorof the State Ceremonial,see note 111 of Shan-wuwei's Biography. The T'6-chin is the second of the twenty-nine Titles of Honor. Cf. above the fifth rank T'ang-shu 46.6a. Accordingto T'ung-tien (15.7b), all the officers of appointment are appointed by an imperial edict called $EkIJ,and the certificate hence is called 115* . For the latter cf. NAIT6 Kenkichi P Tonk6 M ? @ IIg 5ff 4. To5h5 shuttono to kitoi shingen kokushint gakuh5. Kyoto. 3.218-62.



was held in Hsing-shanTemple. The Emperor dhist recitations himwithtwelvequiltsofembroidered [on thatoccasion]presented and also progauze banners, embroidered brocade and thirty-two days forthose monkswho took part in vided meals forfourteen and thecomthe ministers, the recitation.The eunuchattendants, mandersof the imperialarmywere all orderedby the Emperor year [769 to go therefor abhiseka. In the winterof the fourth A. D.], Amoghavajra asked the Emperor to issue an orderthat as the guardiandeity was to be worshipped Manfjusribodhisattva of the templesall over the country. [713al5] in the refectories The requestwas granted.This was because he did not have high respectforKaundinya jn"4AUwho was a Hinayana arhat.63In year [770 A. D.], whena cometappeared, the summer of the fifth orderwas issuedto inviteAmoghavajrato Mt. Wu-t'ai an imperial was over,the ceremony 3iy to recitesfitras.Afterthe religious In the autumn,whenAmoghavajra cometvanishedimmediately. fromWu-t'ai, the Emperor sent a eunuch to welcome returned " hW-T-curbedby the himoutsideof the citywitha " lion-horse Emperor's own bridle and bit. Provisionsfor the journeywere grantedby the Emperor. year[771A. D.], moonofthe sixth On the secondday ofthetenth Amoghavajrapresented[as whichwas the Emperor'sbirthday,64 the stitras whichhe had translatedand a memorialsaying: gifts] "I followedand attended the late Master of Tripitaka [i. e. and was years ever since my childhood, Vajrabodhi]forfourteen in the doctrineof Yoga. I also visited India whereI instructed that I had not been taughtand I found soughtfor[the doctrine] which amounted to five hundredodd stitrasand commentaries
"For this purpose Amoghavajra presented a memorial which (T 52.837a26) says that in the WesterncountriesMafijusr!is worshipped in the refectories above Pindola. It is not known why Kaundinya is mentionedhere. Ennin's diary (Dainihon bukky5 zensho 113.231b) tells us that Mafijusri's image was placed in the refectory of a temple at Mt. Wu-t'ai. Nevertheless, Pindola still seemed to maintain his position in the refectories toward the late T'ang dynasty,cf. T 50.779b16. For Pindola cf. S. LEVI and E. CHAVANNES,Les seize arhat protecteurs de la loi, JA eleventhseries,8.205-216 (1916). " Emperor Tai-tsung,unlike his predecessors, did not celebratehis birthday;yet he receivedbirthdaygiftsfromprovincialofficers, cf. Feng-shihwen-chienchi chiao-che'ng





year of T'ien-pao [746 A. D.] I returnedto works. In the fifth ordered me to go to thepalace the capital. Emperor[Hsiian-tsung] and erect an altar for abhiseka. The Sanskrit sutras which I broughtback were all permittedto be translated.65Emperor the homa sacrifice and abhisekain the palace. Su-tsung performed orderedme to collectthe Sanskrit The two Emperorsrepeatedly to repairthose[pattra periods, texts[brought back] in theprevious strings were lost, and to translate leaves] of whichthe [binding] those [texts]whichhad not yet been translated. Your Majesty me your deceased father'sintentin ordering followedreverently of [the forthe benefit and promulgating to continuetranslating people of]all classes. From theT'ien-pao periodup to thepresent, one hundredand the sixthyear of Ta-li, in all [I have translated] works.[713a29] In addition, seventy-seven twentyodd chapters, the catalogueof names of monksand laymenwho helpedin composing [the texts]and the abridgedmanuals for recitationwere I reverall copied. As it happensto be Your Majesty's birthday, ently present them to you." An imperialedict was issued to in the capital and the proallow those stitras to be promulgated catalogue vinces,and [theywere]also to be listedin the [official] 66 read the imperial ofthe Tripitaka. Li Hsien-ch'engW edict grantingAmoghavajra eight hundred rolls of brocade, colored stitras cloth,and silk. The ten monkswho helpedhimto translate 67 prethirty rolls. The monkCh'ien-chenB wereeach granted sented a memorialto expresstheirgratitude.Other monks and lay discipleswererewardedwithcloth68 in accordancewiththeir merit. Once because of droughtin the capital duringthe springand to pray,saying: summer Amoghavajra season,theEmperorordered " If it rainswithin threedays it will be due to yourmagic power.
See note 78 in Shan-wu-wei's Biography. The name of Li Hsien-ch'6ng, a eunuch,is attested in Amoghavajra's will (T 52. 844b21) and some other documents (T 52.840b22, 846b25, 850c1, 15, 21, 25, 29). 67 For Ch'ien-chen's biographycf. T 50.736b-737a, where his memorial is preserved (T 50.736b22). He died in 788 A. 0. in the Hsing-shanTemple. Win the officialdocuments of the T'ang 68 The text has Adz* and the term dynastyusuallyindicatestextilefabricswhichhad the value of currency.Cf. T'ang-shu 51.6b; Chiu T'ang-shu 138.7a, 145.11a; T'ung-tien6.2a; CYYY 10.110-119.



threedays,the creditwillnot be yours." AmoghaIf it rainsafter the erectedan altar [to perform vajra, havingreceivedthisorder, and sufficiently. rained it heavily day the second on and rite], The Emperorbestowedon him a purplegauze robe and one huncoloredcloth. Seven robesweregranted dredrollsofmiscellaneous to his disciplesand a feastto feedone thousandmonkswas provided as a rewardforhis achievement. askingtheEmperorto build a memorial presented Amoghavajra He obtained Temple].69 [intheHsing-shan a pavilionforManfjusri from[TU-KU] the imperialpermissionas well as contributions and the Princess of ,71 kuei-fei [S3WHOft4 ,970 Prince of Han millionch'ien fromthe imperial .72 About thirty Hua-yang0 treasury7 weredonated. chingO*Jl the Nieh-lu-t'u-wang Amoghavajraagain translated WEE. 74 Giftswere grantedby the Emperorone afteranother werebusy on the streets. In the ninthyear and [themessengers] the he kept on promulgating to summer, A. spring from [774 D.], his disciples. He talked frequently subtle Law and encouraging - l1if and the Ch'u-she'ng about the Bhadracaripranidhdna P'3S ,7 whichhe, praisingand ching f wu-pienfa-m7en repeatedlyadvised [his disciples]to recite: To those admiring, he told them parbeen taughtthe doctrine, who had previously
69 Cf. T 52.841clO, 844c21. The particular devotion to Man-jusr1 is one of the characteristics of Esoteric Buddhism as promulgated by Amoghavajra. Cf. T 52.834a5, Chin-shihts'ui-pien133.4b. 70 For this queen cf. T'ang-shu 77.3a-b; Chiu T'ang-shu 153.1a. The Emperor loved her so much that after she died, her remains were kept in the palace unburied for three years. "7 This princewas the son of TU-KU kuei-fei.Cf. Chiu T'ang-shu 116.12a. His name was chiungXQ]and he died in 796 A. D. 72 This princesswas TuKu kuei-fei's daughter. Cf. T'ang-shu 83.19a; Chiu T'ang-shu 52.8b-9a. Amoghavajra adopted her as daughter. Cf. T 52.843c27.

The texthas but hsing-chuang (T 50.293c17) reads j-Z &WEig, jE . Neitherof these two names is foundin the list of Amoghavajra'stranslations in Yuanchao's Cheng-yilanlu (T55.879a-881a). "7 The P'u-hsien yilan-hsing must be another name for the P'u4-hsin p'u-sa hsingyiian tsan. Cf. note 11 above. The full name of the Ch'u-she'ng wu-pienfa-mnen ching is Ch'u-shengwu-pien-mnen t'o-lo-niching| S S, a translationof t f. W9 Amoghavajra. Cf. T 19, No. 1909.

7Hsing-chuang (T 50.293c15)has Jg.



things]:the contemticularlyto pay attentionto the [following [713b15] the chief deity's mudra, the plation on Bodhicitta,76 77 of the letter 'a' and the realizationof comprehension intuitive to Amoghavajra, [Then,according the anutpada ofthe dharmas.78 they] would reach Mahabodhi. [The disciples]were told again them[everyand again [in such a lucid way] as ifhe wereshowing in his palm. thing] One nighthe told his disciple CHAO Ch'ien 71 to bringhim a brushand an ink-slab: " I will make an abridgedversionof the 80 for and [my]funeral posterity manual on nirvanaand cremation ceremonyshould be held in compliancewith it." Ch'ien knelt as to down and requestedthreetimes: "Will you be so merciful whom should the people stay [in this world]forever.Otherwise relyupon?" Amoghavajrasimplysmiled. Beforelonghe became in whichhe bade farewell a memorial he presented ill, whereupon were sent to inquireafter to the Emperor. Imperial messengers the weresentfrom and medicines and bothphysicians [hishealth], san-ssti JRfJ 7A1-J181 and Emperor.He was madeK'ai-fui-t'ung investedwith the title of Duke of Su AR12. Three thousand were assignedas his fief.82 households
76 Buddhist Esoterism 96-100; MOCHIZUxI, bodhicitta cf. B. BHATTACHARYYA, 5.4666c-4668b. while hsing-chuang(T 50.294a2) has RR, which would 7 The text has A A, mean true comprehension. this sound are importantsymbols in 78 The 'a' sound and the letter representing to the P'i-lu-che-naching (T 39.651c5, Esoteric Buddhism. Cf. I-hsing's commentary 773c12), MOCHIZUKI, 1.2a-c, Hobogirin 1-4. in Amoghavajra's will, where the Master says that he helped in 7 He is mentioned translatingand copying manuscripts (T 52.844b24). According to CHAO Ch'ien's biographyof Amoghavajra (T 50.294c4), he followedthe Master for nine years and title was that of Han-lin tai-chao Atf# (T 50.292b4), i. e., a literary his official councillorfor the Emperor. Cf. T'ang-shu 46.3b. 80 For the transcription and the theoriesabout its Pali and Sanskrit forms, .%

cf. MOCHIZUKI, 4.3483c.

81 82

See note49 above.

The name Su was chosen because Amoghavajra visited Kansu in his early years and that part of the countrycame to be regardedas his native place. The Kuo-kung ' or Duke, accordingto T'ang liu-tien (A4* ed., 2.10b), is entitledto have three thousand households as his fief. This, however, is only given in name unless it is said that he can ' actually eat the fief-3 .' Usually the actual fief which one can have is less than one-thirdof the nominal fief. For this institution



Amoghavajraearnestlydeclinedthe honor,but [the Emperor] did not permit.Being quite displeased, he said: " The saintsseem to have extendedtheir hands to console me. When the white moon83 is full,I shall go. Why should I steal more titles and " whenI am dying? positions he presented the eunuchLi Hsien-ch'eng, Thereupon,through bell and the five-fingered to the Emperoras a token of farewell vajra which were inheritedfromhis deceased Master, a silver plate, and rosariesmade of seeds of the bodhi tree and crystal moon, he bathedand shampooed ofthesixth beads. On thefifteenth in fragrant waterand lay withhis head towardthe east and facing residence.Whilemaking ofthe imperial the northin the direction 84 at the age of a greatmudra,he died in the midstof meditation seventy. His religiousage was fifty.His disciple Hui-lang B M 85 succeededhim as the Master of abhiseka. There wereseveral 86whoknewthe Law. others
T6hIgakuzho, T6ky6, 10.25-54. The biographyof WANG Chin in Chiu T'ang-shu (118. lOa) also mentionsthat the barbarian monk (see note 2 above) Amoghavajra was investedwith title of Duke and was permitted to enter the imperialpalace. T'ang-shu (145.6a) quotes the same passage, but omits Amoghavajra's name and changes the character made of Amoghavajra is transfV into A. Thus the statementspecifically formedinto a general statementas to the Westerners frQmCentral Asia. T'ang-shu often makes such changes as to occasion mistakes or confusion. Cf. CHAO I, Kai-yil ts'ung-k'ao11.5a-6a. 83 See note 58 in Vajrabodhi's Biography.

{ cf.NInDA Noboru, oyobishokuffi sei -Y T6dai no ffishaku


U Thlh,

textwasg k FPtt

Hsing-chuan (T 50.294al0)has fI*


85 He is mentioned in the Master's will (T 52.844b2), when he stayed in the Ch'ungto the Hsing-shan AfterAmoghavajra's death he was transferred fu Temple J Temple and orderedby the Emperor to direct the teaching (T52.850a19, c12). Huilang's name is put underthe headingof Amoghavajra'sbiographyin the Sung kao-seng chuan. yet nothingis said of him. Since the last mentionof him is dated the tenth moon of 778 A. D. (T 52.853a29), he may have died not long after that time. KENG Wei RM", one of the ten famous poets of the Ta-li period (766-779 A.D.), has a 4.10. Keng poem with the title " Presentingto Master Lang to " (Ch'ilan-T'ang-shih Wei 1.6a). In this poem the Master Lang is said to have come fromIndia and served the T'ang Emperor. He had been in China for such a long time that he lost his Indian accent. The author again lauds his strict discipline,saying that all the lay believersrespectedhim. Could this Master Lang be Amoghavajra's disciple Hui-lang? 86 The text has f!MK A, but hsing-chuang(T 50.294a14) has

see Appendix S. disciples M4tA1+.)i E,. For the restof Amoghavajra's




his daily interHaving heardof his death,the Emperorput off [713b29]forthreedays. He also approview [withhis ministers] in additionto four fabrics, priated silk,cloth,and miscellaneous and two [forthe funeralceremony], hundredthousand ch'ien,87 of million-oddch'ien for building a sttipa. The Commissioner Li Yiian-tsung,was orderedto supervisethe Religious Affairs, funeral ceremony. before Amoghavajra'sdeath,the monks[inhis temple] [Shortly] balcony88 ofa thousandjen EI had fallen dreamedthat a precious had becomedilapidated. down and the new Pavilion forManfjusri [They also dreamed]that a vajra had flownup to the sky. The Temple driedup withoutany pond at the rearof the Hsing-shan [evident]cause.89Fruits were producedon the bamboos and the in the gardenswithered. flowers moon. The Emperor on the sixth ofthe seventh He was cremated sent the kao-p'in iAiA Lru Hsien-ho VIJIN90 to make offerings and the t titlessui-k'ung [to him]at the temple. The official kuang-chihsan-tsang *V'EA posthumoustitle Ta-pien-cheng ::::92 werebestowedon him. When the fireof the pyrewent t' grains out, severalhundredgrainsof relicswerefoundand eighty were presentedto the Emperor. The bones of the crownof the head did not burn and on themtherewas a relic partlyhidden and partly exposed. The Emperor ordered the erectionof a in his own quarters. separatestftpa the world, but he showed WhateverAmoghavajradid benefited in dhdrani. If we tryto examinehis stage particularly superiority
87 The hsing-chuang(T 50.294al5) has a more detailed list of what was bestowed by the Emperor: threehundredp'i of silk, two hundredtuan X of cloth,fourhundred three cartloads cartloads of firewood, seven tan of oil, fifteen tan f of rice and flour, and charcoal were of charcoal, and four hundred thousand ch'ien. The oil, firewood, evidentlyfor the purpose of cremation. which would while hsing-chuang(T 50.294a20) has 1j, 88 The text has Hi, mean 'precious dhvaja.' in Yu-yangtsa-tsu hsii-chi (5.2a) and 89 This is also recordedby TUAN Ch'eng-shih (T 50.294a22). by CHAO Ch'ien in hsing-chuang 90 Kao-p'in is a title of eunuchs of the Bureau of Palace Attendants. Cf. T'ang-shu 47.14a. In other documents (T 52.849bl5, c16) he is mentioned as Nei-chi-shih

91 For this officer cf. T'ang-shu 46.4a. The office belongs to the firstrank.

92The text has

which is a mistake.



we should fail to ascertainhis rank. Emperor , of Ksdnti 10,34t had special respectforhim. Once when previously Huisan-tsung the EmperororderedAmoghavajrato pray a droughtoccurred, forrain. He said: " We may have rain aftera certaindate, but storm." The ifwe obtainit by force[now],therewillbe a terrible Emperorthen asked his Master Vajrabodhi to erect an altar [to about] pray]. Justas he had said,the windand rain[thusbrought would not stop. Some residentialdistrictsand marketswere flooded;treeswere uprootedor felled. An edict was immediately issued asking Amoghavajra to stop the storm. Amoghavajra kneaded five or six earthen[dolls in the shape of] old women94 whichhe scolded in Sanskrit[713c15]in the court of the temple Soon it clearedup. wherewaterwas accumulated.95 Lo Kung-yiian96 Hsiian-tsungonce summonedthe astrologer of magic power with Amoghavajrain the to have a tournament 'WM. Amoghavajra97 often turnedhis hand hall forcasual affairs to scratchhis back. Lo 98 said: " May I lend you [my] back9 According to some Mahaydna texts a bodhisattva'sspiritualcareer can be divided into five great stages, among which the second is called JUf or stage of preparatory disciple (prayoga). Four kugalamiilas%V are to be cultivatedin this stage. Ksanti or forbearanceis one of them. Cf. MOCHIZUKI, 2.1015c-1016a, 1862c-1863a. Other texts put Ksdnti as the sixth stage. Cf. MOCHIZUKI, 2.1890c-1891a. The use of the termhere seems to be generalizedto include the entirespiritualstage. " The text has A, which means old woman. However, this story is also recorded in Yu-yangtsa-tsu (3.11a), on whichTsan-ningmust have based his work. Instead of AR it reads ff-or dragon. Since dragons were usually prayed to for rain, it is most likely that the characterAR here is a mistake for K. T'ai-p'ing huang-chi (396.1b) in citing Yu-yang tsa-tsu also has A. Accordingto the Mu-li man-t'o-lochou-ching T-lg, translated in the sixth century (T 19.658b), the T'o-lo-ni chi*42e ching ,ttyij of Atigupta (T 18.880b19), and the Ta-pao kuang-po lou-ko translatedby shan-chupi-mi t'o-lo-niching :wt* :STAi",j, Amoghavajra himself (T 19.625a9), clay dragons are used in prayingfor rain. White mustardseeds afterbeing conjuredwith spells are to be thrownon the dragons. Even the pine tree in frontof the stfipawherehis remainswere buried in the Ta-hsing-shan Temple was regardedas an effective instrument to cause rain (Yu-yang tsa-tsu hsii-chi 5.1b).

better sense. T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi (396.2a) reads ifm*. 9 This story is also recordedin Yu-yang tsa-tsu (3.11b). 9 Instead of Amoghavajra Yu-yang tsa-tsu has Lo, which is the same as the Sung and Yuan editions. Cf. the editor'snote 4 in the text. 98 Yu-yang tsa-tsu, like the Sung and Yuan editions, has Amoghavajra. Cf. the editor'snote 5.

" The texthas tsa-tsu(3.11a) has i4'*, jMJ(,while Yu-yang




" There was a piece of decorativerock9 in the hall scratcher? at the rock and then. Amoghavajra struckthe back-scratcher smashed it into pieces. Lo tried several times to pick up the but failed. To the Emperor,who was [broken]back-scratcher about to arise and get it, Amoghavajrasaid: " Third Master f 100 you don't have to get up. This is merelyan image." Then intact,was he raisedhis hand to showLo that the back-scratcher, again in his hand. which In NorthMang Mountainthereappeareda greatserpent, saw. Its head, when turnedup, was frequently the woodcutters like a hill,and it usuallyinhaledthe air withdew at night. Once when the serpentsaw Amoghavajra,it spoke in human tongue: "I am [a victimof] my bad conduct. How could you save me? I oftenwant to stirup the waterin the riverto destroythe city 101 Amoghavajrataught it of Lo-yang formy own satisfaction." of karma. the Buddhistpreceptsand explainedforit the doctrine because of your Besides, he said: "You receive [punishment] how can you [now] hate the people [and kill hatred [of others], is suprme. You ought to them] again? My power [,however,] think of my words and then this body [of a serpent]will be saw the serpentdead in abandoned." Later on the woodcutters the valley and the evil smellspread out severalli. WheneverAmoghavajrawas orderedby the Emperorto pray seat for rain, he had no particularrites. Only one embroidered He would turn withhis hands a wooden image was to be set.102 of [a certain]deity a few inches [tall], and then throwit while
occurs in CHANG Hung-chao's It is not knownwhat this _fj was. The name 4W with granite. Shih-ya i? (164), where it is identified this was generally addressed 100This is the informal name by whichEmperorHsfian-tsung in the palace. Cf. CHAO I, Kai-yii tsung-k'ao 37.22b-25a. 101 For 'I Yu-yang tsa-tsu 3.1lb reads ) . 102 This is also foundin Yu-yangtsa-tsu3.1lb-12a whichhas ;GM (several seats) instead of one seat. This statementabout Amoghavajra's method in prayingfor rain to what is mentionedabove. See Appendix 0. Tsan-ning is apparentlycontradictory to unifythem. sources and made no effort simply gatheredmaterials fromdifferent so far as I know, is not found in any text on This method of using wooden figures, prayingforrain.

The text has


fi and Yu-yangtsa-tsureadsWfi




attended himself and theEmperor somerites] thepalace [toperform the recited holdingan incense-pot,'04 the ceremony.Amoghavajra, 105 twice seven times. The [sfitra] the Jen-wang secretwordsfrom five hundred divine soldiers Emperor then saw approximately he questionedAmoghaappearingin the court. Being surprised, vajra. The lattersaid: " The son of Vaisravanaraja KU1PP37E is going to rescue An-hsiwith his army. Please make offerings
ed., 5.8b), chih IJ 103According to T'u-hua chien-wen ( Emperor Hsiian-tsungsent CHG Cheng-tao *@ ta to Khotan to copy the image of Vaisravanardja and had CHt to paint it on the wall of a temple in 725 A. D. Lu Hung-shen a.'L) in his Hsing-t'ang-ssip'i-sha-mrn chi g4Pift'$' t'ietn-wang dated 838 A. D. (Wen-yilanying-hua819.6a) also refersto the fact that P'3 WI had the image of this deity painted on flags. However, the legend in Hsfian-tsung this biography is entirelygroundless. Tsan-ning's story is doubtless based on the P'i-sha-men i-kuei iJt&'4P9M , a text ascribed to Amoghavajra (T 21.228b6). MATSUMOTO Bunzabur6 tAi&i5iJlI3 in his T6batsu bishamonk6 9 1ltt4"3 5u (Toho gakuh5,Kyoto, 10.1.12-21) gives fiveproofsto show that this storyis not true. In the first lu. place the text is doubtfulbecause it is not included in the Cheng-yiian Moreover, this story is not found in the body of the text but attached at the end. In the second place, the text says that this occurs in the firstyear of T'ien-pao (742 A. D.), which Tsan-ningchanges into " the period of T'ien-pao." There is no record that An-hsi was besieged by an army of those countries in 742 A.D. Thirdly, Amoghavajra went to Ceylon in 741 A. D. and returnedin 746 A. D. Then how could he perform such a miraclein 742 A. D.? MATSUMOTO'S fourthproofis that the text mentionsI-hsing as the one who recommended Amoghavajra to Emperor HsUantsung. Since this master died in 727 A. D., it is impossible that he should have recommended Amoghavajra in 742 A. D. And, lastly, this legend is not mentionedin CHAO Ch'ien's hsing-chuang, which could not afford to omit a storylike this. CHAVANNES in his addenda et corrigendato Documents sur les Tou-Kiue (314) quotes this story,but says cautiously "Les ouvrages bouddhiques rapportentun 6v6nement qui devrait 6tre inser6 dans cette note, si il [sic] 6tait bien etabli historiquement."For this deity also cf. Hobogirin79-83. 104 This kind of incense-pot has a long handle. In the picturesdiscoveredin Tunhuang we frequently findthe donors holding such incense-pots when they are painted at the bottom or edge of the picture. Cf. MATSUMOTO, Tonkaga no kenkyitplates 28c, 37a, 41b, 43ab. 105 See note 61 above.

'is Hsi-liang-fu

[Amnghaa dharanL.When it stood up on the seat itself, reciting vajra] would observe the cornersof its mouth.[713c29]As soon as its teethwereexposedand its eyes winked,it would rain. ,Ta-shih A.D.] Tibet JiW DuringtheperiodofT'ien-pao[742-755 :kt [Arabia],and K'ang a [Samarkand]sent armiesto surround

to Amoghavajra summoned The Emperor



day of the rightnow and send them away." On the twentieth local one have [the government] would expected, fourth moon,as day of the secondmoon,about thirty reported:" On the eleventh ofthe cityappearedgiantdivinesoldiers among 1ito thenorthwest the clouds and mists.The soundsofdrumsand horns[wereheard] or trembling. The barand earthwereexploding as if mountains barian troops were astonished and collapsed. In their camps gathered [many] goldencoloredmicewhichbit asunderthe strings The pavilionabove the northern of theirbows and cross-bows.'06 and there[stood]the divineking gate ofthe wall was illuminated, whoranoff at thebarbariancommanders pell mell." staring angrily Having read the report,the Emperor thanked Amoghavajra. an imageofthiskingto be placed After thatthe Emperorordered in the pavilionabove the citygates all over the country. AfterAmoghavajra'sdeath, all the autographededicts of the in the palace. threeEmperor'swere turnedin [to be preserved] and lamentedat his death,Amoghavajra Honored in his lifetime or present timesby any western monks was not rivalledin former whocamedto promulgate theLaw. It was Hui-langwho succeeded him. A steleofwhichtheinscription was composedby the CensorbyHsP Hao General Jk,*-107 YEN Ying R- 108 andinscribed i109 t was erected in his own quarters[in the temple]. the Wheel The authorsays: "Among those who promulgated in China, Vajrabodhi is of Teaching and Command fti"1lo patriarch[714al5] Amoghavajrathe second, regardedas the first of patriarchs and Hui-langthe third. From himon the succession is known [to everybody].As time went on minorschools were onefrom another and formed sects. They manydifferent separated
106 For the relationbetweenVaigravanardjaand the mouse whichis oftenrepresented togetherwith this deity, cf. MATSUMOTO, Tonkoga no kenkyft 454-456, 470. 107 This officer belongs to the third rank. Cf. T'ang-shu 48.1a. 108 For YEN Ying cf. T'ang-shu 145.17a-19b. 109 HsM Hao was known as a excellentcalligrapher.Cf. Chiu T'ang-shu particularly 137.la-2a. 110 In order to deliver those wicked people who are difficult to teach the existence of many deities with devilish ugly forms, such as the Vidyarajas MT43E, is taught by Esoteric Buddhism. They are supposed to act upon Tathdgata's teachingsand command 'Ad to convert the people. Thereforethis formof Buddhism is also called the Wheel of Teaching and Command. Cf. MOCHIZUKI, 1.623a, 5.4779b.



all claim to teach the great doctrineof Yoga. Though they are has been shown. I wonderwhy so littleeffect many in number, of can be [The development this school] comparedto [the myth] in its turn that Yii-chiaNO producedYing-lungOft, Ying-lung producedthe phoenix. From the phoenixonward only common How can we escape a change? birdsare produced.1"'


Khatun is the name for queen used by the Turks. Cf. SHIRATORI Kurakichi FA ,lgzk Kakan oyobi katon shogo ko5 , in TG 11.307-354. It 4f A tV should come to a Turkishking's court in North would seem strangethat Shan-wu-wei India India. Nevertheless, we have evidence that Turks did rule over Northwestern and NortheasternAfghanistanin the eighth century,and that these Turks were zealous Buddhists. Hui-ch'ao, a Korean monk who travelledin India about 726 A. D., tells us of Gandhara, a country in the vicinityof the present Peshawar, as follows (FuCHS'S translationin SPAW [1938] 444-446): " Vom Reiche Kaschmir gelangtman Der Reise nach Gandhara nordwestlich uiberdie Berge in einmonatlicher JR,. unter dem Herrschaftseinfluss Dieses Land war friuher (3Eft) der Konige von sich der Vater (JS14) des Kapisa (,i3 nordost-Afghanistan); deswegenunterwarf T'u-kiieh-k6nigs (Barhategin) mit dem Truppen seines ganzen Stammes jenem Konig von Kapisa. Als spater die Kriegsmachtder T'u-kiieh zunahm, totet er dann jenen K6nig von Kapisa und machte sich selbst zum Landesherrn,. . . Der Konig hier ist zwar ein T'u-kiieh,aber verehrtdoch glaublig das triratna. Der K6nig, die koniglichen Frauen, die Prinzen sowie die Grossen errichten alle Kloster und machen der Kirche (3 Spenden. Der Konig veranstaltet zweimal jahrlich eine Kirchenversammlung; dabei stellter seine pers6nlichen Gebrauchsgegenstiinde, Frauen,Elefanten und Pferdealle zusammenals Spenden zur Verfuigung. Bei der Frauen und Elefanten und dann kauft sie der Konig selbst jedoch laisster die M6nche einen Preis bestimmen, wieder zuruick. Die ubrigen Kamele und Pferde, Gold, Silber, Kleider und Hausrat und dadurch verschafft durfendie Monche verkaufen, sich (der Konig) selbst einen

sindHu (j)f); . . . dortsindalle T'u-kiueh, die Einwohner K6nigund die Truppen

themselvesthe profitgained by sellingthe king's properties. The term flIJ is only used in the sense of worldlyprofit,while the king gains by his generosity spiritual profit, whichcannot be called by this word.] Dieser Konig ist hierinnicht gleich dem der weiternordlichen T'u-kuieh.Seine Sohne und Tochterhandelnauch so; alle erbauen selbst Tempel,halten Kirchenversammlungen ab und machenSpenden." About Udyana Hui-ch'ao gives no information in regard to the race of the royal family,except the fact that the king and his chiefsare also pious Buddhists (FUCHS, 446-747). Speaking

Gewinn. [The textherereads

- I,

which meansthatthemonks divide among

... This is an allusion to the Ti-hsing hsUn of the Huai-nan-tziz MjT-. Alf 1s1J Cf.Huai-nan chi-chieh hung-lieh , 4.16a. For H Iuai-nan-tzft has & Jim Thispassage is nottranslated by Evan MORGAN in his Tao theGreatLuminant.



Huiof Kapiga, a countryin the valley of the Upper Kabul River in Afghanistan, des ch'ao says (FUCHS, 447-448): "Auch dieses Land gehbrtzum Herrschaftsgebiet Die Einwohner dieses Reiches sind Hu (i)ih, und der K6nigs von Gandhara; Kbnig und Truppen aber T'u-kfieh. . . Die Bevblkerungverehrtsehr gliubig das und es gibt reichlichKloster und M6nche. Die einzelnenFamilien des Volkes triratna, sie der Kirche." erbauen alle selbst Kl6ster und stiften a Chinese monk who went to India Furtherproof is provided by Wu-k'ungr,3 afterforty years in 790 A. D. When he tells about Kashmir in 751 A. D. and returned he says (Sylvain LEvi and Edouard CHAVANNES, " L'itineraired'Ou-k'ong,in JA, ninth 354-355): " il y a ... le monasteredu Ye-li-t'e-le[t'6-k'inl (AT-* series 6 [18951. qui l'a fonde. Et il y a le monasterede -I4); c'est le filsdu roi des Tou-kiue (t) ) (k'atoun). C'est la souveraine des Tou-kiue qui l'a fond'. I1 y la K'o-toen (if a plus de trois centes monasteres dans ce royaume; le nombre des stuipas et des images est considerable." In Gandhara, accordingto Wu-k'ung," il y a le monastere fonde par le filsdu roi des Tou-kiue; le monasterede K'otun de T'e-k'in-li ($Aj) (Katoun) [sic] fonde par la femmedu roi des Tou-kiue." (Ibid., 356-367). In Huich'ao's time Gandhara was united with, and under the rule of the king of Kapisa or Chi-pin. About thirty years later, when Wu-k'ung went to India, these two countrieswere still under one sovereign (cf. LE'vi, p. 349). Sylvain LEVi and Edouard to the templesbuilt by the Turks, on Wu-k'ung'sreference chiefly CHAVANNES, relying suggestedthat the dynastyreignedover Kapisa in the eighthcenturyand was Turkish by origin (cf. "Le Kipin" in JA, ninth series, 6 [1916].371-384). Their conclusion which was made known in Hui-ch'ao's itinerary, by the information was confirmed publishedit in the Tun-huangshihto the world in 1909 when Lo Chen-yii o this Turkish dynasty of Kapisa with the Sahya kings shih i-shu. LE'vi also identified of Kabul in Alberuni's work (cf. E. C. SACHAU, Alberuni's India 2.10; Sir H. M. ELLIOT, The History of India as Told by its Own Historians 2.403-413). This theory is also generallyaccepted by Indologists. Cf. A. STEIN, Kalhana's Rajataraigini, A 1900), 2.338 note j; V. A. SMITH, Chronicle of the Kings of Kasmir (Westminster, occupied the Turkishking who first Early Historyof India 388. FUCHS even identifies Kapisa with Barhategin, who is mentionedin Alberuni's book as the firstTurkish Sahya dynastywas settlerin Kabul. C. V. VAIDYA is against the theorythat the first Turkish in origin (History of Medieval India, Poona, 1921, 2.199-201). His main in 630 A.D. thV king of Kabul was a argumentis that, according to Hsfian-tsang, kshatriya. This, however,does not prove that a hundred years later the kshatriya king had not been succeeded by a Turkish usurper,as Hui-ch'ao reported. by Shan-wu-weiafter To returnto our text, it now relates the miracle performed his arrival in Udyana and beforehis crossingthe Snow Mountain. We may take for granted that this happened in Udyana as Chih-p'an understood it. (T 49.296al8 "Having arrived in Udyana, [he] expounded the [P'i-lu-] che-na ching. The assembly saw four golden charactersp'i-lu-che-naappear in the sky.") Then, is it possible to have a Turkishking in Udyana in the middle of the eighthcentury? Let us quote a passage from T'ang-shu " La septieme annee k'ai-yuen (719), (le Ki-pin) envoya un ambassadeur . . . l'empereurdonna par brevet au roi le titre de ko-lo-ta-tche-t'e-k'in (tegin de l'Arokhadj). Dans la suite, Ou-san t'e-k'incha, se trouvantvieux, demanda lui seccedat. (L'empereur) y consentit.. . . La quatrieme que son filsFou-lin-ki-p'o le annee t'ien-pao (745), (l'empereur) confera par brevet a son fils Pou-fou-tchoen droit d'heriterdes titres de roi de Ki-pin (Kapisa) et du royaume de Ou-tch'ang



(Oudyhna)" (CHAVANNES, Documents 132; TP 5 [194].75). These kings of Kapiga with the Turkish title tegin evidentlywere Turks and fit in very well with what we have just discussed. Since Udyana was under the rule of the king of Kapiga in 745 A. D., it is quite reasonable to thinkthat the annexationtook place some time before, and that the Turkish court which Shan-wu-weivisited about 716 A. D. was that of the khagan who reignedover both Kapiga and Udyana. No matter how unbelievable the story of the miracle is, Shan-wu-wei'svisit to the Turkish khan's court would seem to be a historicalfact.

If Shan-wu-weitook the Central Asia route to China as Hsfian-tsangand some other monks did, this Snow Mountain should mean the Hindu Kush Mountains. But this must refer he passed by Tibet and did not go throughCentral Asia, therefore to the Himalaya Mountains that lie betweenNorth India and Tibet. The route which Shan-wu-weitook is also an interesting problem. It seems that at firsthe intended as far as Udyana, perhaps to go throughCentral Asia, so he went northwestward even to Kabul. If he wished to go by way of Tibet, he should have gone to Nepal first, since that was the shortestway. Many monks who came to, or returnedfrom, India by way of Tibet took this routeas recordedby I-ching (CHAVANNES, Les religieux who went to India in the late seventh eminents35, 36, 48). Hsiian-chao Zf, century,wanted to return,but " sur la route du Ni-po-louo (Nepal), les T'ou-fan s'6taientmasses pour faire obstacle et empecherde passer, . . . comme,sur le chemin de Kia-pi-che (Kapiga), les To-che $ J; (les Tadjiks) arretaientles gens et qu'il " (ibid., 25). So he had to remainin India. Shan-wu-wei's 6tait difficile de les traverser change of route from Kapiga or Kabul to Tibet might also be due to the blocking of the former way by the Arabs. In the first especiallybetween 711 and 716 A. D., the quarter of the eighthcentury, Arabs often invaded the countriesin Central Asia, such as Kwarism and Samarkand, and those countriesrepeatedly asked for help from the T'ang court (cf. Sir Percy 11.163-165; CHAVANNES, Documents 136, 140, 164). SYEEs, A History of Afghanistan Further south the Arabs even sent a series of expeditionsagainst the Turkish Sahls in the Upper Kabul, and these expeditionsonly terminatedin 716 A. D. with the death of Hajjaj, viceroyof the easternprovincesof the Caliphate (Sir H. M. ELLIOT, by the Chinese historians. In the History of India 2.413-420). This is also confirmed year 720 A. D. the king of Udyana was rewardedby the T'ang Emperor because he refusedto cooperatewith the Arabs (CHAVANNES, Documents 129; Notes additionnelles sur les Tou-Kiue, TP 5 [1904].42-43). All these facts point to the possibilitythat Shan-wu-weichanged his route in 715 or 716 A. D. on account of the Arab military activitiesin North India or Central Asia. Accordingto Wu-k'ung (LE'vi and CHAVANNES, JA ninth series,6.356), one could enter Tibet by crossingthe Himalaya Mountains fromthe easternborderof Kashmir,which,I think,probablywas the finalroute that Shan-wu-wei took.

Tao-ch'ang was originallya word used to translate 'bodhimanda,' the place under became a Buddha. Later it came to mean a place the bodhi tree where SAkyamuni where Buddhist ceremonieswere held. In 425 A. D. the Emperor of the Northern



which was nothingmore Wei dynastysponsoredthe chih-shen tao-ch'ang _4i1}$& than a meetingwhere monks gathered and recited sfitras (T 54.247b7). During the summonedinto the palace to recite or explain Six Dynasties, monks were frequently but it is not known whethera temple was establishedin the palace. In the sfitras, year 613 A. D. Yang-ti of the Sui dynasty changed the name ssl e of all temples in China into tao-ch'ang. This is not recordedin the pn-chi of eitherSui-shu MR (T 54.236c28) and Fo-tsu t'ung-chi or Pei-shih k,, but appears in Seng-shih-lileh (T 49.362al2). The exact date is given only in the latter. In Tao-hsiian's Hsil kaosong chuan many monks of the Sui dynasty are mentionedas belongingto certain observed. tao-ch'ang,whichshows that this change was at one time strictly It was Empress Wu, a pious Buddhist,who firsterected a temple in the palace of The both the western and eastern capitals and called it nei-tao-ch'ang Ami-. to this temple in the palace is found in I-ching's biography: "In the earlierreference firstyear of Shen-lungTOM, the year of i-ssI [705 A. D.], he translatedthe K'ungin Lo-yang" (T 50.710c5. Also cf. Ch'fian-T'ang-wen ch'ilehchingin the nei-tao-ch'ang and 396.11b). Empress W~uwas a woman who introducednew ideas, institutions, writtencharacters. Thereforeit is likely that she abandoned the old name ssiu in favor of the new term coined by Yang-ti. Since the reign of Tai-tsung a certain numberof monks were regularlyengaged in recitingin this temple in Ch'ang-an. In was called into the palace and stayed there more the year 790 A. D. Hui-kuo 8 than seventydays (T 50 295c4). The Japanese monkEnnin says that Buddhist images and sfitraswere displayed in this temple, where twenty-onemonks from different rites and monasteries at Ch'ang-an were selected to serve by terms. They performed recited sfitrasevery day and night without cessation (Dainihon bukky5 zensho 113. 263b). Taoist priests also stayed here and their ceremonieswere also held in this temple (cf. Ch'iian-T'ang-shih5.2 Lu Lun ) 1. lila, biographyof YEH Fa-shan in Chiu T'ang-shu 191.20a). jt The location of the nei-tao-ch'angis invariably given as in the Longevity Hall Ji s4 of the Ta-ming *M Palace, one of the three palaces in Ch'ang-an. The Hall was also called WAR (Wu-hsing chihITA% in Chiu T'ang-shu Longevity 37.18b). The WAR must consist of a group of halls and pavilions,but the name was reservedfor the main hall. Hu San-hsingfirstsaid that the LongevityHall was palaces primarily the Emperor's sleeping quarters,and all such halls in the different in Tzg-chiht'ungwere called by that name in the T'ang dynasty (cf. his commentary and Hs-E Sung followedhim (T'ang liang-ching chien 207.9b). YEN Jo-ch'ii kao 1.7a, 19b). Hu cited three examples: First, Empress Wu had lain ch'eng-fang ill in the LongevityHall in the palace in Lo-yang. Secondly,Su-tsungdied in a hall bearingthe same name in the Ta-mingPalace in Ch'ang-an. Thirdly,the stanza " SLS "4 in the famouspoem Ch'ang-hen-ko P Jk X -1 H Aft84I }E by PAi Chfi-i )WAJArefersto the retiringhall WM in the Hua-ch'ing Palace. But it would have been absurd to build this templenear the palace wherethe Emperor was living in retirement.The evidence ratherpoints to the fact that the Longevity Hall was primarilyused for religiouspurposes. In the firstplace, there is no proof showingthat the halls where Empress Wu lay ill and Su-tsung died were primarily for repose. If we examine the recordsas to the places where the Emperorsdied, we findthat they could retireand die anywherein the palace. The LongevityHall may have been chosen as a place to sleep, but this does not necessarilymean that it was



used primarily and exclusivelyfor that purpose. I am inclinedto think that it was because the Longevity Hall was a place for religious ceremony,or in other words, served as a kind of temple in the palace, that Empress Wu and Su-tsungwent there when they were seriouslyill. A stone tomb-tablet (dated 716 A. D.) of an official's wife tells that when she was very sick she moved into a Buddhist monasteryin the hope that she might be cured by supernaturalpower; but evidentlyshe died there (Chin-shihts'ui-pien71.2a). Since both Empress Wu and Su-tsung were devoted to Buddhism,they may have been inspiredby the same desire. proofsagainst As forthe LongevityHall in the Hua-ch'ingPalace, there are definite Hu San-hsing'sexplanation. First of all, we must make clear that PAI Chii-i in his poem does not mentionor implyat all that the LongevityHall is a hall forretirement. that YANG kuei-fei prayed thereto the stars of the Cowherdand the SpinningDamsel. Late in the night, when no attendants were there, she and the Emperor pledged who adopted this topic to each other their reunion in futurelife. Later playwrights

Bothhis poemand CH'EN Hung's

chuan't ARCh'ang-hen-ko

IfkI' merely say

?.r Yuan dynastywrote T'ang-ming-huang ch'iu-yehWu-t'ung-yil In Nevertheless, of the Ch'ing dynastywrote Ch'ang-she~ng-tien). and HUNG Sheng itPjfPAI Chii-i. CHkNG YU, who Hu San-hsingwas not the firstone who misinterpreted lived only about thirtyyears later than the great poet, already did it (CH'kNG Hungchao A ,T'ang liang-chingch'eng-fangkao pu'i ;mm 4a, Ch'fian-T'ang-shih 9.3. CHkNGYU 4b). Both WANGP'u's 314 T'ang hui-yao (30.14a) and SUNG (Pi - ed., 15.6a, 7a) say that the Min-ch'iu's 2 t Ch'ang-an-chih Longevity Hall in the Hua-ch'ing Palace was built in 724 A.D. for the purpose of worshipping the gods (presumablythe Taoist gods). CHkNGYU in his own note to who would his poem says that it was a place for fastingand bathingforHsiian-tsung, to Lao-tzii the next morningin the Ch'ao-yuan-koJOHSN, whichwas offer sacrifices 9.3. CHENGYU 3a). Some other also in the Hua-ch'ing Palace (Ch'fian-T'ang-shih contemporaries also described the Longevity Hall as a place where deities would descend (Li Ch'6ng's*5 Hua-ch'ing-kung wang-hsing fu rpj -9; in Ch'fianfu T'ang-wen632.2b, HAN Hsiu's "fiC Chia-hsingHua-ch'ing-kung rI of the LongevityHall in the Huain the same anthology295.1b). From the function ch'ing Palace, we may inferthat the hall with the same name in the Ta-ming Palace forreligiouspurposes. As it consistedof a group of halls, naturally was also primarily the Emperor and the monks could make it theirliving quarters.

thenameofthishall (PAI Jen-fu didnotadd anything newto specify N 1if ofthe


The word mandala originallymeant 'circle' and it may also mean 'territory' or 'region.' (TOGANOO Sh6un, Mandara no kenkyit1-6, derives mandala from manda meaningessenceand the seat underthe bodhi tree whereBuddha reachedhis enlightenment.) In the esoterictexts manidalarefersto groups of buddhas' and bodhisattvas' images or symbolspainted on the platformwhere each deity has an assigned portion of space. Hui-lin A8I4 in I-ch'ieh-chingyin-i (T 54.367b23) says: place of the saints. It refers to an altar whererecitation "Mai.dala means a gathering takes place." In China, however,the manidalason the earthen platformcame to be reproducedon cloth or paper.



There are two kinds of manidala,both with Vairocana Buddha as the central deity. The Vajradhatumandala,based on Ta-p'i-lu-che-na ching,is composed of nine divisions and contains a total of 1461 deities. (For the relation between the central portion of this man.dala and certain figuresin Tibetan pantheons, cf. W. E. CLARK, Two Lamaistic Pantheons 1. xv-xvii.) The GarbhadhAtuman dala, based on the Chin-kangting ching,is divided into thirteensmall divisions and contains 405 deities. This is the numberof deities that appear in the mandalas extant in Japan, [but] it does not agree with the texts on which these manidalasare supposed to be based. A mandala representseither the images of the deities or their symbols,which are again divided into two categories: the instruments they hold and their bijas (seed). The bijas is the first (in the case of the GarbhadhAtumandala)or the last (in the case of the Vajradhatumandala) letter of the dharan! used in worshippingthem (TOGANOO, Mandara no kenkyii63-114, 189-203; ONO Gemmyo,Bukky5 bijutsu kowa {fWiAXAV to the abhiseka ceremony 6 389-437). To enterinto the mandala refers by which one is initiatedinto this sect, and is then qualifiedto learn the secretritesand dhdran.is. For this see Appendix K. in Nepal down to the present day The tantric form of Buddhism has flourished (S. LEvi, Le Nepat 1.316-392;H. A. OLDFIELD, SketchesfromNipat 2.131-205). H. H. WILSON, Notice of Three Tracts Received fromNepal, TASB, 16.450-478, published in Nepal. The text is called a synopsisof a treatiseon the Buddhist ritualsperformed Ashtami Vrata Vidhana-rite for the religious observance of the eighth day of the lunar fortnight.It is interesting to notice the functionof mandala in this text. It says: " In the presentcase the principal person propitiatedis Amoghapasa, . . . but prayers are made, and offerings are addressed to all the personages of the Buddha pantheon, and to a great number of the divinitiesof the Hindus, especially to the terrific formsof Siva and Sakti, and to all the Ghutas or spirits of ill. . . . In the hall wherethe ceremony is held, various mandalas [sic. WILSON has a note here: " The mandala is sometimesan imaginarycircle on the body of the worshipper;but it is definedhere to be made with various substances,accordingto the means of the performerof the rite, as with gold dust, or pounded gems, or stone."], or portionsare markedoffand appropriatedto the different objects of the rite,and a completecourse of worshipis addressed to each. The followingis what is directed for the Buddha Mandala: 'Let the sacrificer touch the Buddha Mandala with his forefinger, repeating ... [invocationsare made to the five Dhydni Buddhas and other deities.] A sort of confession is next performed.... This confession is to be said by the disciple before the Guru placing his rightknee in the Mandala on the ground. . . . The worshipper and water, and performs accordinglytakes rice, flowers, the rite, or sprinklesthem on the Mandala " (TASB 16.474-478). This text, though rather late in date, must be based on some older tradition. It seems to preservethe earlier formof mandala-a portion of the ground assigned to each deity in ceremony. This remindsus of the ancient way of representing Buddha in sculptureby his seat under the bodhi tree. Therefore, the word manidala can be derived fromthe meanings'circle' and 'region,' but TOGANOO'S theoryto connect it with 'essence' is by all means too far-fetched.The worshipof the whole pantheon at the same time is also an interesting feature,which may help to explain why a single mandala of the Esoteric Sect should include so many deities.



Esoteric Buddhismin India gave the monksa ready excuse forrelaxationin discipline. As soon as a monk knows the truth,that is to say, when the world appears to him for him. A stanza in as a dream without any reality,there is no more restriction Guhyasamdja,a fairlyearly tantricwork (cf. WINTERNITZ, Historyof Indian Literature 2.394-395), would illustratethis: " You shall freelyimmolateanimals, utter any number of falsehoodswithout ceremony,take things which do not belong to you, and even commitadultery" (B. BHATTACHARYYA, Introductionto Guhyasamdja, viii). In China, on the contrary,all the great masters of this school were known as strictly disciplined. Ratnacinta was an early example (T 50.720a17). Amoghavajra was also lauded by Emperor Tai-tsung because he "held firmly the Vinaya" and " guarded the sIlas " (T 52.845c29). There were a number of monks of the Vinaya Sect who were at the same time interested in the esotericteaching (cf. Ch'u-an-T'ang-we'n 226.3b, 501.8a, 520.6b, 743.12a). There seems to have been somethingin common between the Esoteric Sect and the Vinaya Sect. The Esoteric Sect emphasizes what a monk does, while the Vinaya Sect also puts stress on a monk's conduct other than meditation or speculation. It must have been due to this commonview towardpracticethat these two sects were united.

did not neglect the Vinaya >F4;WlM (T 50.291b19). Shan-wu-wei

to the Ssfl-fen-lli was an authoritative work. Tao-hsiian's (d. 667 A. D.) commentary of the Vinaya Sect. For his biographycf. T 50.790b6as the founder He was considered In the end of this biography 791b15 whereinthis story is told with slight difference. Tsan-ningsays: " This Wu-weiis not the one who lived in the K'ai-yfianperiod. There might have been another Wu-wei who lived during the Chen-kuan _AA [627-649 A. D.] and Hsien-ch'ing if [656-660 A. D.] periods" (T 50.791b25). Apparently this is an anachronismthat Tsan-ningalso realized. He may have adopted this story fromCHENG Ch'i's #;V K'ai-t'ien ch'uan-hsinchi (cited in T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi92.4b). CHENG Ch'i lived in the late ninth century. The Ssi-k'u t'i-yao , (ch. 142, CommercialPress ed., 3.2953) criticizesthis book as unreliable. VI A For this legend there can be two explanations. In the firstplace, when Shan-wu-wei arrivedat Ch'ang-an, he stayed in the Hsi-mingTemple, which was closely associated with the memory of Tao-hsfian. Thereforepeople invented this story to bring the two noted monkstogether.The second explanationis that Shan-wu-wei's disciplesmay have inventedit to show that their Master, so far as disciplinewas concerned,was even more strictthan the famous Master of Vinaya. Li Hua in pei emphasized that

According to Lu (T 55.875b6), after he had been fully ordained, he studied the Vinaya texts of both Mahaydna and Hinaydna sects for six years, besides Prajiidpradipasdstra (= Mddhyamikasdstra;cf. CHAVANNES, Les religieux 6minents17-18), Satasdstra, and Dvddamamukhasastra. Then at the age of twenty-eight he went to Kapilavastu, where he studied the sastras on the doctrine of yoga, vijfiinamdtra, and Madhydntavibhdgatikd, under Sastra Master *Jinabhadra)IJ. After three years, when he was thirty-one, he went to South India, where he met *Nagajfinna 99W, [who was seven centuriesold] and a disciple of Ndgarjuna. He studied under this master for seven years and received abhiseka. Afterhe had learned thoroughly



the texts such as the P'i-lu-che-na ching, the Chin-kang-ting yil-ch'ieh ching, and various dhdranis,he returnedto Central India. The legend that Vajrabodhi learned the esotericdoctrinefromthe seven-century-old disciple of NdgArjunais a favoritestory among the monks of this sect and earned him the position as the firstpatriarch in China (see Amoghavajra's Biography). Many Japanese scholarsof the presentday still believe in the theorythat Nagdrjuna, who lived in the second centuryafter Christ, was the author of Mddhyamikasdstra, the teacher of Vajrabodhi's master (cf. TOGANOO Sh6un, Himitsu bukkyoshi61-62). in dhdranis,which, according to what I-ching recordsthat Ndgarjuna was proficient he had learned, formeda Pitaka of 100,000 stanzas (CHAVANNES's translation,102). of the second century. He, however,does not specifywhetherthis was the NAgArjuna about this Esoteric Buddhism is found in the Indian books, except No information notes and colophons of some sfitras. The Tibetans give a list of a few fragmentary the successionof the gurus or mastersof this sect. Anotherlist is furnished by Kazi to Cakrasamvaratantra.Based on some correspondence Dawasamdup in his introduction in Tdrandtha'sHistoryof Indian Buddhism, betweenthese two lists and the information B. BHATTACHARYYA (Buddhist Esoterism,61-66) cleverly worked out a chronology of these gurus. It is by no means accurate, but it limits at least the activities of these gurus to a certain scope of time. Accordingto him, Saraha (c. 633 A. D.) and Nigarjuna (c. 645 A. D.) were two of the early prominent of the gurus and diffusers doctrine. It is now generallyagreed that this is anotherNagarjuna (Buddhist Esoterism 67-68; WINTERNITZ's History of Indian Literature2.343, 392). Is it possible that who was confusedwith the earlierone because Ndgajfana's masterwas this NAgArjuna, of the identityof theirnames? The Pala kings (eighthto twelfthcentury) of Bengal are said to have been pious Buddhists,and some of them were devoted speciallyto this tantricformof Buddhism (V. A. SMITH, Early Historyof India 412-418). Four sacred sites of this sect recorded in the Sddhanamdta were probably all located in Assam (BHATTACHARYYA, 43-46). Nevertheless,there was also a centre of Esoteric Buddhism in West India. Many Chinese monks who desiredto study the dhdraniswent to West India in the seventh century (CHAVANNES'S translationof I-ching,31, 77, 101). Lata in SouthernGujarat was mentionedas a centre of this teaching (Himitsu bukkyjshi 24-25, note 1). Our text here says that Vajrabodhi went to West India. Ndlandd Monastery also seems to have been a centre,as I-ching stated that he was interestedin the doctrineof visited the altars there (CHAVANNES'S translation,104-105). dhdran! and [frequently]

:ti~g is a translationof Simhala. For the various transcriptions of the name of this island, cf. P. PELLIOT, BEFEO 4.357-358; TP 13.462-464. For the relation betweenCeylon and China at that time,see S. LEvi, JA ninthseries 15.411-429 (1900). Before Vajrabodhi's visit to Ceylon, LU (T 55.875bl4) records that he was invited by a king named Narasimihapotavarman ; rls@ of South India (for +gm{f the identification of this king see Appendix H) to pray for rain. The king was very much pleased with the result and built a temple for him to stay in. The southern part of this countryborderedupon the seashore,where there was a temple of Avalokitesvarabodhisattva.The bodhisattva [appeared] and orderedhim to pay homage to



Buddha's tooth in Ceylon and climb Mt. Lankai to worshipBuddha's footprint.Vajrathe bodhi was also ordered,accordingto LP, to go to China forthe sake of delivering people there and to pay obeisance to Mafijugribodhisattva.He accordinglywent to where he Ceylon and stayed for half a year in the *Abhayardja Temple ft.A 3i,, paid obeisance to Buddha's tooth and was honored in his turn by the king and his (T 55.876a24), whom LEvI people. This king's name is given as Sr!sYla tPT identifieswith Manavamma, though no convincingevidence supports it (JA ninth series,15. 3.27).

and suggeststhat the correctformshould be 'varman (JA ninth series, 15.3.419). however,is correct,since the character_ was read *muat The Chinese transcription, instead of ko, whichLEvi must have read. The same explanationapplies to the name as *b'uht,as BuddhaThe Sanskritsyllablevar is usually transcribed 9ibnavarman. pI.Ji,> varman, Gunavarman, and Safighavarmanare transcribedrespectively and ff{JtWpJR (T 50.339al4, 340a15, 342bll). A syllable with a final 9g2 t is used to representthe Sanskrit final r, which does not exist in Chinese, just as of Mar Mani. Nevertheless,characterswith an initial is the transcription ;,}t2, m are also used to transcribethe syllables with an initial v. The examples are *mji forva in yavana, - *mjiat forvi in vistara (S. JULIEN, Methode pour dechiffrer dans les livres chinois 151, 153), et transcrire les noms sanscrits qui se rencontrent *muan for van in vandha, *J*mjie for vya in vyaghra, '/& *muat for v in vru 20, 80, 89, 103). We can and vrama (P. C. BAGCEI,Deux lexiques sanscrit-chinois even find examples showing that the characters t and 5 are used to transcribe var or va, i. e. U for var in pravartta,* for va in valena and vadanam. (BAGCEII, of the sounds of the charactersin these transcriptions, 6, 8, 23. For the reconstruction cf. B. KARLGREN, TP 19.104-121.) to the Japanese translationof the Yiu-ch'ieh KAMBAYASHI Joryui in his introduction nien-sungching (Kokuyaku issaikyo, Mikkyobu, 1. 222) restoresthis king's name as which is entirelygroundless. The character ,- is used to Nalasamighaputravarman, transcribeboth re and la (JULIEN, 146-147). Although WI are the well-known of saihgha, these two charactersare also used to transcribethe name transcription for Simhhala(T 51.932bl6). Other examples Simiha,as Hsuan-tsang writes fp, o of the character ft for sim are {IflIn (Siihhala) in I-ching (T 51.4b8) and ffJT in Shan-wu-wei'sbiography. OJP for Siihha in this transcription phenomenonof is an interesting The use of {f name which sounded to the T'ang dynasty. Wheneverthey introduceda new foreign word (usually Buddhist), the old transcripof a foreign them like an old transcription for this new word. This is why we findmany tion was used withoutany modification For instance, ; similar proper names which caused misunderstanding. P was a for Brahman; but it was also used to representMran-ma, well-knowntranscription was for the name of Burma, which probably sounded like Brama. The name '11 Persia in WesternAsia, but Bassein at the west of the Irrawaddy River and Pase at the northeastern coast of Sumatra were both called by the name RAW in Chinese books duringthe T'ang dynasty (for these two examples cf. G. FERRAND, Review of

the name SylvainLEvi restores


Narasiha Potakarman



18 (1921). 279-293). The zanggior black JA eleventh series, Sino-Iranica, was an old established slave of the SouthSeas was calledin T'ang-shu MA, which F. HIRTH, Chao Ju-Kua149transcription forsaingha(PELLIOT, BEFEO 4.9289-291; as W jd , and the characters 150). Manichaeism was known ,EU wereoriginally wordmaniin Buddhist texts. used to transcribe the Sanskrit but he LEVIis right in looking forNarasiihhapotavarman amongthePallava kings, thiskingwith Narasihain theMahava*isawhohelped makesa mistake in identifying to restore his throne(JA ninthseries, MAnavamma, a kingof Ceylon, 15.425-426). This mistake, as LiVI says himself, takesits origin from Lewis RICE, who identifies withNarasimha without Narasiihhapotavarman in Vikramdditya I's inscription any IndianAntiquary proof(The MahavaliDynasty, 10.37). We knowthattwo of the A. D.; the c. 630-668 Pallava kings borethe nameNarasihhavarman; the first reigned second, c. 690-715 A. D. Theseare the datesgiven by R. SEWELL in his The Historical Inscriptions of Southern India (35). V. A. SMITH and R. GOPALAN give the dates withslight I was the differences not affecting our argument here. Narasifihavarman In to Ceylonand restored Minavamma's one who made an expedition sovereignty. other words, he was theNarasihaof Mahdvalsa; and it was in his reign thatHsiiantsangvisited KAfic! (cf.SEWELL, 25; V. A. SMITH, EarlyHistory the 495). Therefore identification of this kingwithNarasihhapotavarman, who was a contemporary of Vajrabodhi, is an anachronism. to an inscription of the CalukyakingKirtivarman II According II, VikramAditya " slewin battlethe Pallava namedNandi (c. 733-747 A. D.), one of his predecessors, Potavarmma who came againsthim . . . entering without destruction Kaicl, . . . of covering withgoldRajasimhesvara the greatmerit acquired and othergodssculpturedin stones, whichNarasimiha Potavarmma-the protector of poor and indigent Brahmanasrejoicedby the bestowalof continual gift-had made (or created)" (translated by Lewis RICE in his " The Chalukyas and Pallavas,"IndianAntiquary " Deva 8.28; also cf. SEWELL, 28). For godsthe texthas deva kula. RICE remarks kula wouldseemto imply that theywereimagesof gods,but thereis no such god as Rajasimhathat I am aware of. It seemsallowableto supposethat theywere of the royalfamily. statuesof deified members It is a common practice to erecta " (ibid.,25). lingain the nameof the deceased king of the Kailasanatha On the other Rajasixlha hand,an inscription Templementions as theone whobuilttheprincipal which he calledRdjasimhesvara partofthistemple, (cf. E. HULTZSCH, South-Indian Inscriptions 1.14). HULTZSCH'S identification (The ProbableAge of SomePallava Remains, IndianAntiquary 12.30) of this Rajasimha with Narasimhapotavarman (or NarasihaPotavarmma, as RICE writesit) in the II is correct, of Kirtivarman but he is wrong in sayingthat thesetwo inscription namesbelong to Narasihhavarman I. The Pallava kings likedto be calledby many birudas or royaltitles, and each kingcouldhave morethana dozensuchnames (cf. SEWELL, 375-376).RAjasihha is one ofthetitles ofNarasihhavarman II (ibid.,376), it is fairly therefore safeto identify withNarasihhavarman Narasimihapotavarman II. According to Lt, Vajrabodhi was overthirty-eight yearsold (see Appendix G), when he was invited by Narasiihhapotavarman to 1pray forrain. Sincehe was bornin 661 A. Do thetimewhen he wentto Kafic!was about699 A. D., falling within theperiod of Narasiihhavarman A. D. Thoughthisking 690-715 II, who reigned approximately as the inscription patronized the Brahmans, says, he mightalso be well disposed



toward the Buddhist monks. The shore temple at Mahabalipuram and the Kailasanatha Temple in Conjeveram are good evidence. His favor shown to Vajrabodhi, therefore, is not an exaggerationof the Buddhist historian. As for the meaning of his name, Lewis RICE has a suggestionwhich is worthwhilementioning. He says (Indian Antiquary 8.24, note 8): " Pota resembles some forms of, Buddha. As a Sanskritword it has the meaning'the young of any animal.' But thereis a local god of this name. C. P. BROWN says (Tel. Dict.) 'he is a rusticgod, like Pan, worshipped (chiefly by herdsmen) throughout the Telegu, Kannada, and MarAthi countries:after him many men are named.'" The second explanation seems to be more possible, as many Pallava kings had the word pota in their birudas; e. g. Potaraiyan, Potaraja, Paramesvara-Potavarman, IAvara-Potaraja,Nandipotaraya, Dantipotaraya" (SEWELL, 375-376). Since it is not likelythat all these kings were Buddhists,it would be better to take pota as signifying local god.

For Lanka Mountain cf. WATTERS, 232, 236. LU (T 55.875c2) says that Vajrabodhi went southeastwardto Mt. Lafnkafrom*Lank&pura AiIIdz9A,where he stayed with the king. He passed by Ruhuna PIWOIS (a country in the southeasternpart of Ceylon; cf. G. C. MENDIS, The Early History of Ceylon 23, 363-367) the king of which country believed in Hinaydna. Vajrabodhi, being entertainedin the king's palace, expoundedMahayana doctrine, to which the king was finallyconverted. Then Vajrabodhi and his disciples climbed the mountain,which was full of wild animals and savage people. Afterseven days they reached the summitof the mountain,where they founda round stone about fouror fivefeethigh and twentyfeet in circumference. It was on this stone that they saw the imprintof Buddha's right foot. (This was the place later known as Adam's Peak. The footprint has been ascribed to different saints by followers of different religions.Cf. Sir JamesE. TENNENT, Ceylon 2.132-141.) There he entered into samAdhifor one day and walked around the stone for seven days. The savage people used to break small pebbles by knockingthem on the stone of Buddha's footprint, and eat [the] broken pieces, which they thought would cure heartache. Afterone year, says Li, he returnedto the countryin South India whence he had come and asked for the king's permissionto go to China. The king, [since he was unable to stop him, said]: "If you insist on going, I will send an ambassador to accompany you and presentsome tributeto the T'ang Emperor." Thereupon General Mi-chun-nawas orderedto keep him company. The Sanskrittext of the Mahdpraifipdrarmitdsiitraand other valuables were carried by them as tribute. They sailed for Ceylon first in twenty-four and reached the port Po-chih-li tIt4;J hours. (PELLIOT thinksthat the second charactermay be a mistake,and that this port may be identified with Pieh-lo-li 9gq ! or Belligamme, mentioned in the books of Chinese in the fifteenth travellers century. Cf. TP 30.308-309,note 3.) King SrAlilaalso tried earnestlyto detain him, but in vain. Vajrabodhi sailed eastward with the Persian merchants,who having come with thirty ships to trade with Ceylon for jewelry, desiredto make a voyage to the East with Vajrabodhi. The Persian merchants were very active in the Near and Far East duringthe T'ang dynasty (cf. CHANG Hsing-lang WOiM, Chung-hsi chiao-t'ung shih-liao hui-pien



4.67-92). Hui-ch'ao's account of Persia would explain the 9 "X-g +GtX situationmost vividly. He says (FuCHS'S translationin SPAW 80.450): "Es ist die Natur der Einwohner,dass sie Handel lieben. Bestfindigfahren ihre Schiffevom und nehmen dort KostbarMeer zum Siidmeer nach Ceylon ;044 ,ii Westlichen keiten (_W-*, wohl Perlen und [Edelsteine?]) ein. Deshalb sagt man von jenem Reiche, es bringtKostbarkeitenhervor. Sie nehmenihrenWeg sowohl nach Insulinde einzunehmen;auch segeln sie mit ihren Schiffennach ; W, um Gold (_) Gebiet (AJ4,) und kommen direktbis nach Kanton, um dort grobere chinesischem agrees exactly with und feineSeide sowie Seidenwatteeinzunehmen."This description what we have in Vajrabodhi's storytold by Lu Hsiang. Ceylon has had importantcommercialrelations with both East and West since Cosmas Indicopleusteswrote: " The island being, very earlydays. In the sixthcentury, by ships fromall parts of India and as it is, in a centralposition,is much frequented fromPersia and Ethiopia, and it likewisesends out many of its own" (The Christian Topographyof Cosmas translatedby J. W. MCCRINDLE, London, 1897, 365). APPENZnx J ofnaked people seemsto be the presentNicobar Islands. Cf. CHAVANNES, The country Religieux 6minents100, 120; TAKAKUSU, Record of Buddhist Religion 38, Note on called it by the Some GeographicalNames, 1; HIRTH, ChautJu-Kua 12. Hsuian-tsang which may be a transcription of the Sanskrit word name Na-lo-chi-loX, N, Narikela, meaning cocoanut (WATTERS, 2.236-237,HIRTH, 12). in his Ech6 6 gotenjikukokuden chfino ichini ni tsuite OTANI Sh6shini k C (Oda senseishojju kinenchosen ronshii Ki2)='t Y&>p ~*~t~I?1~I-#4' W1 fJW I2-o"A t; 143-160) distruststhe old theory,and calls attention to a passage in I-ching's Record of Buddhist Religion which says (TAKAKUSU'S one reaches (on foot) within a translation,12-13): " Setting out southwestwards, month, Poh-nan (Kuo), formerlycalled Fu-nan. Of old it was a country, the inhabitantsof which lived naked [-tZ* ; the people were mostly worshippers there,but a wicked of heaven (the gods or devas), and later on, Buddhism flourished them all, . . . This regionis the south corner king has now expelled and exterminated of Gambudvipa (India), and is not one of the islands of the sea." OTANI thinks is identical with the countryof that name mentioned that the ;X in t this can and that it must be the same as Fu-nan, i. e. Siam. Nevertheless, elsewhere, hardly be the meaning. TAKAKUSU'S translationis quite correct. If we take fW4 there. as a name of a country,it would be impossibleto explain the use of tX to this countryelsewherein the same book (TAKAKUSU, 68): Moreover,I-chingrefers " Besides India [the text here has forwhich this translation JWj'f*, ;*MaPX is not quite adequate], there are countriesof the Parasas (Persians) and the Tajiks (generally taken as Arabs), who wear shirts and trousers. In the country of the fromthat in the firstpassage cited before. naked people is different Another thing that misleads OTANI is that I-ching says " On dit que ce pays constitute la limite sud-ouest de la province de Chou" (CHAVANNES, 120-121). CHAVANNES has already remarkedthat " I-tsing rapporte un on-dit dont il est facile de voir l'inexactitude" (ibid., 121). PELLIOT suggests (BEFEO 4.227-228,note 2) g or naked that I-ching might have confused these naked people with the ; part of China. barbarians who lived in the southwestern



Abhiseka was an old Indian custom by which a prince was made a king by his Early father (Sir Monier MONIER-WILLIAMS, Sanskrit-English Dictionary 71). Mahaydna Buddhism, in dividing a bodhisattva's career into ten stages, named the last stage Abhisekabhfimi, because when a bodhisattva attains this stage " rays come forth from the Tathdgatas and consecrate him as Samyaksambuddha possessed of omniscience" (cf. N. DUTT, Aspects of Mahdyana Buddhism 283). The rite of ordithoughin essence the same as that of the HInayanists, nation among the MahAydnists, possessed some featuresof its own. (Cf. DUTT, 311-312; Kriydsaigrahapatjikd,cited in Hara Prasad Shastri's A Descriptive Catalogue of Sanskrit Manuscripts in the the novice is bathed Government Collection 1.123-126). At the end of the ceremony, in the water of the fouroceans, (catuhsamudrajalaihsndpayitva,DescriptiveCatalogue a custom which was apparently modeled after the king's abhiseka. It is for the introcertain that the name of the last bhfimigave hint to the MahAyAnists duction of this procedure. A Mahaydna text called Bodhisattva Pratimoksa Siitra (c. the tenthcentury A. D.) deals with the rite of ordination. Among the seven steps, (cf. N. DUTT, Bodhisattva Pratimoksa Sutra, the last but one is called dcArydbhiseka IHQ 12.2.265-266). Kriydsaigrahapaijikd also deals with various abhisekavidhi (DescriptiveCatalogue 1.121-122). Since this book still remainsunedited,we know only the name of these abhiseka ceremonies. It is, however,among the Esoteric Buddhists that the abhiseka became particularlyimportant,and came to be regarded as a rite independentof ordination. Atigupta arrived at Ch'ang-an fromCentral India in 652 A. D. In that very year an Esoteric Buddhist he had an altar built in the Hui-jih Temple , El E to perform ceremonyto which Li Chi G C, Yi-cH'IH Ching-t6 , and ten other high hixVA officials made contributions(T 18.785al5, 50.718b23, 55.562c14). In the T'o-lo-ni chi ching (T 18.814a-816b, 889a-891b), which he translated upon the request of his disciples,rites concerningabhiseka are introduced. OMURA Seigai (Mikky5 hattatsu shi 2.212) says that this was the beginning of abhiseka in China. Evidently he reads something into the text,because all the three sources say nothingbeyond t expression cf. TAKAKUSU Junjir6, BEFEO 29.49. or , For the former Besides Atigupta's work the abhiseka rite is also described in some other texts translatedunder the T'ang dynasty,such as Bodhiruci'sI-tzftfo-tinglun-wangching (T 19.251a-252c), Shan-wu-wei'sSu-hsi-ti chieh-lo ching (T 18. -f?J5A3Eslg detailis Vajrabodhi's 620a12,623c-624b). The textthat deals withthisritein the greatest . . . (T 18.239c-252c), which I think Vajrabodhi and his disciple Chin-kang-ting
Amoghavajra must have followed. Amoghavajra made a briefer translation of the

treated. There same text in which (T 18.217b223b) the abhiseka rite is very briefly is also a manual preserved in Japan dealing with abhiseka (T 18.189b-192b). On comparingit with Vajrabodhi's work I found that it is only an abridged version of the section on abhiseka in the latter. Besides many details, the rites taught by other fromVajrabodhi's work mainly in two points. Their manidalasare on a, texts differ much smaller scale, and the dharanis in those texts are invocations to one certain deity. Since these sfitraswere translatedearlier,they may representan earlier stage in the developmentof the abhiseka rite.




It is usuallybelievedthat Buddhism

prosperedin the T'ang dynasty because of the Emperors' good-willtoward it. This is true only in respectto the later T'ang dynasty. T'ai-tsung,the second Emperorand Taoism to Buddhism because the actual founderof the dynasty,officially preferred he claimed to be a descendantof Lao-tzfi,who had the same surnameas that of the imperial family (T'ang hui-yao 49.4a). In spite of the great favor shown to Hsiiantsang by T'ai-tsung and his son Kao-tsung, the petition of the monks who asked for official priority of position in an interview with the Emperor was never granted (Chi ku-chinfo-tao lun-heng tt~ T 52.382b27). oiff ;W, It was in the year 691 A. D. in the reignof Empress Wu who usurpedthethrone from the Li family that Buddhismwas favored and monkswere givenprecedenceover officially beTaoist priests(T'ang-hui-yao49.4a). Empress Wu patronizedBuddhism primarily cause in a Buddhistsfitra she foundan ideologicalbasis fortheruleoftheworldbyawoman (cf. TSCHEN Yinkoh God4 CYYY 5.2.137-147; Wu Chao yii fo-chiao1K L&ef YABUKI Keiki, Sangaiky5 no kenkyil685-761). The monk Huai-i 'if (Chiu T'angshu 183.21a-23a), whom the Empress favored,created a great scandal at the time. After Empress Wu died, her daughter Princess T'ai-p'ing kGo also interfered in politics. She fell in love with a barbarian monk from Central Asia called Hui-fan titlesand owned ;ARj on whom richesand power were showered. He receivedofficial businesses as far away as Chiang-nanjE7 and Chien-nan:IJi]. He was allowed to enter the palace freely. Emperor Chung-tsung, Princess T'ai-p'ing's brother,even visited his house incognito (cf. T'ang-shu 91.3b, 183.19b). Hsiian-tsung,who upset the Wu regime and reestablishedthe authorityof the Li family,naturally had not the most pleasant feelingtoward Buddhism. This is why we find so many edicts issued in the early years of the K'ai-yiian period (713-741 A.D.) for controlling or even oppressingBuddhism. (There are five of them, all issued in the K'ai-yfian period, preservedin the T'ang ta-chao-lingchi ft"ff t., and eight in Ch'fianT'ang-wen,whereno date is given. Two in the latter collectionare the same as those in the former.) An incident which occurred in 724 A. D. put Buddhist monks in an even more unfavorablecondition. Empress WANG, Hsfian-tsung's wife, being anxious to have a to the Dipper Stars and prophesiedthat a son son, hired a monk who made sacrifice would be born to her and she would be as powerfulas Empress Wu. This was discovered by the Emperor, who became very angry and deposed the Empress (cf. Chiu T'ang-shu 51.17b). The method of this monk seems to have been based on some esoteric texts,such as the Pei-tou ch'i-hsing hu-mo-fa 4ft+ -L fiffi (T 21, No. 1310). The movementof deportingthe Western monks, however,took lu (T55.878cd8), it was due to place later in 740 A.D. Accordingto Cheng-yikan the rebellionof Liu Chih-ch'6ng jM1% who had, as his conspirer, a monk named Pao-hua t~I . After the rebellion was subdued, all the barbarian monks were deported. Dharmacandra,an Indian monk,was allowed to stay by special permission. It is interesting to compare this with Vajrabodhi's answer to his attendant.

The text has

*!RPEJ. VJL-ij&ALb




Hsing-chuang says that he became Vajrabodhi's disciple at the age of thirteen (T 50.292b23) and pei says that at thirteenhe went to Ch'ang-an where he met Vajrabodhi (T 52.848b23). It is evident that he became a monk after he had left Samarkand. An account of the religiousbeliefs in those countriesduringthe eighth of Hui-ch'ao, a disciple of Amoghavaira. Accordcenturyis preservedin the itinerary ing to him (FUCHS'S translation,SPAW [1938].452), the people in Samarkand and five other countriesall followedZoroaster'steaching and did not recognizeBuddhism. Samarkand had one Buddhist temple and one monk,yet the people showed no respect to Buddhism. This, however,does not mean that the people of Samarkand were antiwe know of several Buddhist afterthey had left theirown country. On the contrary, , a great Master of the Hua-yen cases like that of Amoghavajra. Fa-tsang (late T'ang dynasty) sect, was from Samarkand (T 50.732all). CHUNG Lu Z lu IJ f(c series 16, ts'6 9, p. 25a) tells of a monk in his Ch'ien-ting named Tao-chao Go whose surname was K'ANG. He lived in the middle of the He may also eighth centuryand declared himselfto be a native of Lan-chou ff8|. have some connection with Samarkand. The monk Tao-hsien 24i0 of the Sui dynasty had been a merchantfrom Samarkand before he was converted. Tao-hsflan (T 50O on business. Ch'i-yen lu a (cited in 651a5) says that he travelledextensively T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi248.5a) has a storyabout a monk in the Sui dynasty. His father, as the text reads, was a shang-huAItj], which means a merchantfromCentral Asia. It is said that he was born in China, yet his appearance and mannerswere those of a foreigner.Amoghavajra's uncle, in all probability,may also have been a shang-hu. (The Western merchantswere also called hsing-hu jiJ duringthe T'ang dynasty. Cf. HANEDA Toru MIT9 in Ikeucihihakasa kanreki `, K6ko myogiko j kinen toy6shirons5 '1, t 675-780.) Yfian-chaoin his Che'ng-yiian lu (T 55.881a15) says that Amoghavajra met Vajrabodhi in Java ; in 718 A. D. at the age of fourteen, and became the latter's disciple. He travelled in the countriesof the South Seas with his Master and arrived at Lo-yang in 720 A. D. This version contradictsboth CHAO Ch'ien's hsing-chuang and Fei-hsi's pei. Nevertheless, it seems to me that Yfian-chaois right. Hsing-chuang and pei say that Amoghavajra met Vajrabodhi at Ch'ang-an when the formerwas thirteen years old. Since he was born in 705 A. D. (T 55.881a13), his thirteenth birthday must at the latest have fallen at the end of 718 A. D. If they counted in the Chinese way, he could have been thirteenyears old in 717 A. D. Now, when we look at Vajrabodhi's biography,we know that he landed at Canton in 719 A. D. and arrived at Lo-yang in 720 A. D. His arrival at Ch'ang-an must have been still later, because the usual route fromthe south to the capital in the T'ang dynastywas to go to Lo-yang firstby the Pien ft River, and then fromLo-yang westwardby land to Ch'ang-an. Then, how could Amoghavajra have met his Master at Ch'ang-an in 717 or 718 A. D.? Amoghavajra himself said in his will (T 52.846b4) and one of his memorials (T 55. 749c21) that he had kept his Master's companyever since his boyhood fortwenty-four years. If we trace back twenty-four years from 741 A. D., the year of Vajrabodhi's death (see note 56 in Vajrabodhi's Biography), it would be 717 A. D. when he first met his Master. Vajrabodhi's biography says that afterhe had leftCeylon,he travelled



throughmore than twentycountriesbeforehe reached China. It is very possible that he had his sojourn in Java during 717 or 718 A. D. when Amoghavajra became his disciple. If Amoghavajra's uncle was a merchantfromSamarkand, we should not be surprisedat findinghim in Java, where he could certainlymake great profit. It is strangethat both CHAO Ch'ien and Fei-hsi omitted Amoghavajra's trip to the South which was Seas. Probably they did not like to associate their Master with commerce, and pei say traditionallyheld in contempt by Chinese scholars. Both hsing-chuang He may 591.848bV27). years old (T 50.9992b9.6, that he was tonsuredwhen he was fifteen have been firstVajrabodhi's lay attendant,and later initiatedinto the safighaat the age of fifteen.

was firsttranslated by Rathacinta (d. 721 A. D. T 90, The Mahapratisarddhdrani No. 1154). Amoghavajra made another translationof the sfitrawith a new transliterationof the dhArainl(T 20, No. 1153). In 758 A.D. he presentedto Emperor Su-tsung a copy of this dharaV! and requested the Emperor to carry it with him (T 52.829b2). Accordingto the sfitra (T 20.6921c17),the dharan! is to be placed at parts of the body (i. e. head, arm, etc.), dependingupon user and purpose. different Besides the dhAran!itself,various manidalas and mudris are to be painted on the 598-603, same sheet. For the actual objects cf. MATSUMOTO Eiichi, Tonkoga no kenkyfz Plates 158-160. This custom was carriedon until the time of the early Sung dynasty. -printedin wooden blocks dated 980 A. D., A small sheet of paper with this dhAran! was found in Tun-huang and it was apparentlyalso made for carrying (CHIANG Fu 42b,MATSUMOTO, 604-609). 3&*,Sha-chou wen-lu j'Jll Another very popular dhAran!of the Esoteric Sect was the Usnisavijayadhdrani translatedby Buddhapali (T 19, No. 967) in the whichwas first +?at),W,)d, late seventh century. Some monks worked on it again later and made new transliterationsof the dhdran! (T 19, Nos. 968-971, 974). The Sanskrit text preservedin Japan was edited by Frederick Max MUJLLERand Bunyiu NANJI6 in The Ancient Palm-Leaves, Anecdota Oxoniensia,Aryan Series, part III (Oxford,1889). Shan-wu(T 19, Nos. 972wei and Amoghavajra each translateda manual about this dharan-1 973). These manuals teach how to prepare the pictureof the dhAranias a personified deity,and how to make various mudras in reciting. Above all, they enumeratewhat desires can be granted by recitingthis dhdran! and how many times it should be recited. Certain rites are required to accompany the recitingin order to obtain the of certain desires. Amoghavajra presented a copy of this dharani to fulfilment Emperor Tai-tsung in 762 A. D. on the latter's birthdayand advised him to carry it with him (T 52.829c18). In 776 A. D. Tai-tsung issued an edict orderingmonks and nuns of the countryto memorizethe Usnisavijayadharaniwithin one month. From then on they were to recite it twenty-onetimes every day, and to report to the Emperor in the beginningof each year how many times they had recited it in the times is assigned in Shan-wu-wei's past year (T 52.852clO). The recital fortwenty-one manual for most purposes (T 19.373b-375b). Ennin (diary of the seventh moon of 844 A. D.), in describingthe persecutionof

or dhavaja says that all the stonepillars (forthe name ifj monksby Wu-tsung, used forstone pillars,cf. MATSUMOTO Bunzaburo, Chosen no d6 ni tsuite t CD1Q M 422-447) engravedwith this dhdran!were t UR0V -C in Bukkyoshiron



destroyed as well as the monasteries (Dainihon bukky6 zensho 113.265a; also cf. Ch'iian-T'ang-wen788.13a). Since he makes special mention of these stone pillars, they must have existed in great numbers prior to Wu-tsung's time. According to Ennin and Li Chieh *4ji (Dainihon bukky5 zensho 113.275a, Ch'fian-T'ang-wen 788.13a), the destruction of monasteriesand statues was carried out quite thoroughly in places far from Ch'ang-an. This accounts for the scarcity of these stone pillars today. Nevertheless,WANG Ch'ang ]EfI collected more than sixty rubbingsof this dhdrani!inscribed on stone pillars. Unfortunately he did not publish these in his Chin-shihts'ui-pien (67.8b). The great collection after Wang's work is Lu Tsengwhich includesseven pillarsdated hsiang's J)1 Pa-ch'iung-shih. chin-shih pu-cheng, in the Hsien-t'ung)1A period (860-873 A. D.), besides a few dated earlier (all these revived inscriptions are in vol. 8 of Lu's work). Evidently the belief in this dhdran-1 when Buddhism had been restoredafterWu-tsung'sdeath. IJ shih-tai k'o-wen kuan-chien+ HsiY Ti-shannio1l in Ta-chung-ch'ing existentversionsof this dhArani zF[JfI~J YCHP 18.1-54,lists sixteen different fromone anotherin many points,especially preservedin China and Japan. They differ the characters used for transliteration.There are, however,two more versions unnoticed by ProfessorHsfY. One is on a pillar erected in 842 A. D., the text of which it differs fromthe latter and other claims to be based on Buddhapali's transliteration, versions in many respects. The other was discovered in Tun-huang and edited by *Lo Chen-yii in Ch'en-han-louts'ung-shu . It is said to be based on but differs from the version in Taishd Tripitaka (19, Amoghavajra's transcription, discussed in Professor'sHsi's article,as he No. 972) in many points. The inscription says, must have been engraved later than 1403 A. D. on the patra which the Chinese that whoever did have wronglycalled by the name ch'ing. But it is also significant was popular in the this in the fifteenth centuryknew that the Unsirsavijayadhdranf late T'ang dynastyand suitable to be inscribedon a patra dated 851 A. D. For this Sonsho darani no kenkyfi dharan! also cf. OGIHARA Unrai , Vwgrt, 809-834.It was said that the gI5 )4 QJEI, OgiharaUnraibunshil ,J shadow of the pillar with this dhdraui would be a blessingto those who happened to chin-shihpu-cheng47.12a-b). This may explain why pass under it (Pa-ch'iung-shih the formof pillar was adopted. Some lay believers made rubbingsfrom the pillars on a pillar dated 813 A. D. and distributed them to others to recite (cf. inscription in Chin-shihts'ui-pien66.9a). Anotherfrequently reciteddhdran!of the T'ang dynastywas the Ch'ien-shouch'ienNos. 1060-1064, 1066-1068). There are several transliterations of the dharan! and titles. The name given here is that translationsof the sfitraunder slightlydifferent of Amoghavajra'swork. It seems that his translation was the most popular one, since in several places the abbreviatedformof this name is mentioned (T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi 112.6b, 331.lb, 339.2a, 372.2a). This dhAran!is also found in an amulet sheet discovered in Tun-huang on which a mandala is painted in the centre and several dhlranis are writtenaround it. Cf. MATSUMOTO Eiichi, Toho gakuh6, Tokyo 6.105. Also cf. OTANI, No. 368. The Sanskritname as given by OTANI is Arya-Avalokiteivarasahasrikabhujalocananirmanavistaraparipiirndsangamahakarunika-dharana. There are a few other minor dhdranlseither mentionedin non-Buddhistbooks as recited by lay believers or inscribed on stone pillars (T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi115.5a;

is included in Chin-shih hsii-pien :7Wrr


ed.) ll.1a. Thoughit

yen kuan-shih-yin ta-pei-hsin t'o-lo-ni f^f=lR

(T 20,



Chin-shihts'ui-pien66.1a-b, 4a-b, 10a-llb, 67.5a-b, 106.5a; Pa-ch'iung-shihchin-shih pu-cheng47.11a-b, 48.2b-3b,8a, 14a-b, 17b, 30a, 64.25a). The use of dharan! was so influential that othersects also adopted this methodto put theirdoctrinein a dhdran! form and ascribed great importanceto it (for the dhdran! used by the Pure Land Zenryil, To chfikino jodoky5 62). For the use of dharan! in Sect cf. TSUKAMOTO general cf. L. A. WADDELL, The "Dhdranif" Cult in Buddhism, its Origin, Deified Literature and Images, OZ 1 (1912).155-195. His theory, however, that Buddha himselfmade use of dharanis is hardly convincing. APPENDIX 0 chou-chingWLUIE translatedthe K'ung-ch'iieh-wang Kumrajilva first 9$AM (T 19, No. 988), and there are two other translations,both anonymous, ascribed to the fourth century (T 19, No. 986-987). A more expanded version of this text was who died in 524 A. D. (T 19, renderedinto Chinese by Seng-ch'ieh-p'o-lo fff *#,R or fJ, which would No. 984). The translationof his name is given as either be *Samghabharaor *Samghavarman. Cf. Hobogirin,Fascicule Annexe, 150. I-ching made anothertranslation (T 19, No. 985) and Amoghavajra made the last one, which ming-wang ching he called Fo-muta-k'ung-ch'iieh t (T 19, No. ELJ4 IE Sanskrit text of six leaves 982). WATANABE Kaikyoku discovered a fragmentary which corresponds roughlyto the threelater translationsof this suitra. Cf. his article, " A Chinese text corresponding to Part of the Bower Manuscript," JRAS new series, 1907. 261-266; M. WINTERNITZ, A History of Indian Literature2.386; OTANI, No. 178. this dharani,according Amoghavajraalso translateda manual of the rites in reciting to which (T 19.440a-441b) the picture of Mahamayfirividyarajabodhisattva is to be painted in the centreof the altar. He is ridingon a golden coloredpeacock and many buddhas and other deities, enumeratedin the text in the order of their rank, are him. Food, drink,and fruitsare to be offered.The one represented as surrounding in charge of the ceremonyis to sit to the west of the altar on a mat or a low couch. He first makes invocationsto all the deities. Then he makes his request and asks for divine help. Having perfumedhis hands, he sits down and begins to make mudras and recite dhAranis. There may be three, five,or seven persons to recite the suitra in turn. The more the suitrais recited,the better will be the result. The ceremony to paint the altar, an altar coated with may last for seven days. If one cannot afford sandalwood perfumewould be sufficient. Some buddhas' images are to be placed on the altar and also a few feathersfroma peacock's tail. For the peacock-snakesymbolism in Buddhist texts cf. L. A. WADDELL, OZ 1 (1912). 166-169, 181-192. It should also be mentionedhere that Amoghavajra himselftranslated a text pri-_ ch'ing-yil ching* marilyforthe purpose of prayingforrain. It is the Ta-yfin-lun ;pp] (T 19, No. 989). In the late sixth centurythis text was translated by (T 19, No. 991. An abstract of this version is given in NarendrayasasXg*453 S. BEAL's A Catena of Buddhist Scriptures fromthe Chinese 419-423. The translator's name is wrongly restoredby Beal as Nalanda Yasa in p. 417) and Jnalnayasas M4S 1fl5'*(T 19, No. 992-993). Among the two versions of Jnianayasas'the firstone is ti-liu-shih-ssin -ylbpinI called Ta-fang-teng ta-yfinching ch'ing-yii-p'in PpgoutE, while the other omits the firstthree characters. The Sanskrittext of this sfitra,called Meghasuitra (based on two mss. dated 1374 and 1768 A.D.), was



edited with notes and English translationby C. BENDALL (JRAS new series,12.286to notice that the Sanskrit version is also supposed to be an 311). It is interesting extractfroma largerwork,of which it constitutedtwo chapters,sixty-four and sixtyfive. For fragmentary other Chinese translationsof Sanskrit texts of twenty-three cf. WATANABE the esotericsfitras, seitenno gempon Kaikyoku,Genson kanyaku himitsu in Kogetsu zenshfi 1.457-473.) For the Tibetan version R4: , of this text cf. OTANI, No. 334. fromCentral Asia supportedhis prayerforclear weatherby killingtwentysheep and two horses. Since no Buddhist sfitrateaches a rite of that sort, the monk must have obtained this method fromsome otherreligion. Incidentally,I may mentiona custom among the people in praying for rain which existed through the later part of the T'ang dynasty. When therewas a drought,the southerngates of the enclosed blocks t; were shut. When they had too much rain, they closed the northerngates. This was because water was consideredas Yin and associated with the North. To open the northerngate only was thought to be a means of invitingthe rain. Cf. Chiu T'ang-shu 37.10b; Ennin's diary in Dainihon bukky5 zensho 113.181b. APPENDIX P Down to 694 A. D. Buddhist monks and nuns belongedto the office of the Court of State Ceremonial,a name whichlater was changed to Bureau of Guests Pi As the name indicates,the office was in charge of affairs concerning foreigners.In 694 A. D Empress Wu transferred affairs concerningBuddhism to the Bureau of National Worship , a branch of the Ministryof Rites XJ r3. This was one of Empress Wu's means of promotingBuddhism. In 737 A. D. monks and nuns were again assigned to the Bureau of National Worship by Emperor Hsiian-tsung'sorder (cf T'ang hui-yao 49.4a-5b). The full title of the Commissioner of Religion was Kou-tang ching-ch'6ng shih % chu-ssfi-kuan hsiu-kung-t6 (Commissionerof Religion in charge of the Buddhist and Taoist Temples in the capital), and the earliestoccurrence is foundin a documentdated 774 A. D. (T 52.851a2). This it is clear, served as a generalsupervisor officer, of the monksand nuns in the capital, but had nothingto do with religiousaffairs in the provinces. It is not known when the officewas introduced. ilsing-chuang (T 50.293b4), in describingAmoghavajra's activities in Wu-wei in 754 A. D., says that he held the abhiseka ceremony forthe Commissioner of Religionof today L?; %JjJt~4 Li Yuantsung. By Lt the authorindicatesclearlythat Li Yiian-tsungwas the Commissioner when he wrote the biography,but not in 754 A. D. Here Tsan-ning omits the two charactersNt, making it appear that the officealready existed in 754 A. D. The Pai-kuan-chih of T'ang-shu (48.15a-16a) places the origin of the Commissioneras late as after788 A. D. Hu San-hsingand CH'IEN Ta-hsin followhim withoutcriticism (Tzft-chih t'ung-chien chu 237.13a, Ch'ien-yen-t'ang pa-wei IPFIHt chin-shih-we'n fi-tKQ At,% -jk: ed., 8.7a). It seems that in the beginningthis was no permanentinstitution because in 776 A. D. when Li Yfian-tsungdied, Hui-lang presented a memorialbeseechingthe Emperor to appoint another Commissioner(T 52. 835blO). Li Yiian-tsungwas probably the firstman appointed to this position. Since he was also an officer of the Imperial Army,it became a rule that this Commissioner

I ch'ien-tsai Ch'ao-yeh

? (****

thata -monk ed., 20a) has a story



of Religion should always be an officer in the Imperial Army. In 779 A.D. when Emperor Te-tsung succeeded to the throne,an edict was issued to abolish the institution,on the groundthat religiousaffairsshould be separated frommilitaryaffairs. The monksand nuns were under the Bureau of National Worshipagain. In 788 A. D., however,the name J1ff{l again appears in history, the duties now divided between two officers: one commissioner in charge of the temples to the east of the Chu-ch'fieh Road tar, and the other in charge of the temples to the west of the same Road ti'. The Chu-ch'iiehRoad ; was the thoroughfare dividing the city into the county of Ch'ang-an in the east and that of Wan-nien gI'- in the west (cf. Ch'eng-fang k'ao 2.2a). These two positionswere,as before,held by officers of the Imperial Army, generally by eunuchs. For the later developmentsof this institution cf. TSUKAMOTO To chfikiirai no ch6an no kudokushi FtJJp? Zenryfi, gG~j%@GOX,#8, TohJ gakuh5, Ky6to, 4.368-406. There was also the office of MIJJ Vice-Commissioner of which the earliest occurrence is foundin an inscription dated 822 A. D. (Chin-shihts'ui-pien107.7b, Pa-ch'iung-shih chin-shih pu-cheng 72.6b). Under the late T'ang dynasty the control of the Commissioners of Religion over the monks became much more strict,as the eunuchs were very powerful. For this cf. Ennin's diary in Dainihon bukky5zensho 113.254b-5a.


Li Yiian-tsungis mentionedin Amoghavajra'stestament (T 52.844bl5), wherequite a compliment is paid to him. In a documentdated 774 A. D. he is mentionedas a generalof the Imperial Armyand his name is given as Li Tsung (T 52.851a8). TsuKAMOTO (p. 372 of his work cited beforein Appendix P) states that Li Yiian-tsung's lifeis not knownotherthan from the occasional comments in Amoghavajra'smemorials, but I have found an account which depicts an entirelydifferent person fromthe one we see in Amoghavajra'smemorials.In the biographyof Hsi Shih-meitij-?X (Chiu T'ang-shu 157.3b) it is said that Yu Ch'ao-6n 4,% > (d. 770 A. D.), an influential enunuchin commandof the Imperial Army,appointedan armyofficer A, Li Tsung of Commissioner of Religion of the Two Roadsm I TAI At9, to theposition Tsung behaved badly at the gate of the imperialcity and insulted Ts'ui Chao-ch'un J! Prefect of Ching-chao Add. Ts'ui went to complain to YtAN Tsai ,I11"l, 57la asking him to reportto the Emperor. YtAN flatlyrefusedhis request, apparentlybecause of his fear of Yi Ch'ao-6n. Most of the eunuchs of the T'ang dynastyfavored Buddhism (Chin-shihts'ui-pien 84.13b-4b, 90.1a-b; Yu-yang tsa-tsu hsu-chi 6.2b-3a; Chiu T'ang-shu 184.6b). Since they played a very important part in the politicsof the late T'ang dynasty (cf. CHAO ta-chijf W I, Nien-erh-shih =t ed., 20.1a-6b; TSCHENYinkoh, The ffl 7W tJ shih-lu)lI Shun-tsung ~ and the Hsi hsiian-kuailu , HJAS 3.1.9-16; T'ang-tai cheng-chih-shih shu-lunkao R. etL fjJ 50-53,76-78,81-88). The monks of the Esoteric Sect, aiming at popularity,naturally tried to live on friendly termswith the eunuchs. Yu Ch'ao-6n first seized the command of the Imperial Army, and fromthis time on it was constantlycontrolledby eunuchs (T'ang-shu 50.10b, Chiu T'ang-shu 184.11a-3b). Amoghavajra was on very good termswith this eunuch. $Yt where a Yu contributed his manor to build the great Chang-chingTemple special hall was assigned to Vairocana. When Amoghavajra requested the Emperor



in 766 A. D. to participate in building the Chin-ko Temple in Mt. Wu-t'ai, he particularlymentionedYu in his memorial,as if his participationin this task was as the title of Yu importantas that of the Emperor (T52.834a6. The word -W, Accordingto Yi's biographyhe was stupid and Ch'ao-en, is an error for *t). but pretendedto be learned in everything(Chiu T'ang-shu 184.11b). Huisuperficial, chung;L,, a monk of the Ch'an Sect, was said to have insulted him purposelyin cf. T 49.378bl7. Fo-tsu frontof the Emperor. (The storyappears in Fo-tsu t'ung-chi, li-tai t'ung-tsaiadopts it with some addition,cf. T 49.605blO. But Tsan-ningdoes not mention this incident in Hui-chung's biographyin T 50.76ab-763b.) If we compare Hui-chung's attitude with that of Amoghavajra, it is easy to understandwhy the latter got along so well with the court.

According to some Sanskrit texts of the Esoteric School of Buddhism, S'fnyata (emptiness) and karund (compassion) togetherconstitutewhat is called Bodhicitta. while or momentary, consistsin realizingall worldlyphenomenaas transitory SfinyatA of a bodhisattva to bringall beings to Nirvana beforehe karundis the determination himselfreaches that stage. The mixing of the two is called advaya, on which the Saktiidea has its basis. The Saktiis the energyof any buddha or bodhisattvaexpressed in the deifiedformof a female consort. Every buddha or bodhisattva must have a Sakti,who is usually worshippedtogetherwith him. It is fromthis idea of sakti that of Nirvana or final salvation. (For the Esoteric Buddhists drew their interpretation 101-108.) The union with woman above cf. B. BHATTACHARYYA, Buddhist Esoterisim (sakti, mudra, or yogin! in their terms) is called yoga, which they regarded as an as they say, resides in every woman in effective way to salvation. Prajniaparamita, cf. ERE 12.190). This idea is well the world (" Buddhatvam yosidyonisamasritam," expressedby Louis de LA VALLEE POUSSIN,whom I should like to quote here: " De uni a son epouse, Bouddha (Vajrasattva) repose dans meme que Civa organiquement sublime (alifgana), essentiel des Bhagavatis; cet embrassement le bhaga mysterieux parfaite. au corps de diamant,realise de mahasukha et dans le mahasukhala Saimbodhi Bouddha est inseparable de Tara. . . . C'est par l'amour et en vue de l'amour que le monde se dedouble, c'est dans l'amour qu'il retrouveson unite premiereet sa noneternelle." Bouddhisme: itudes et materiaux 134-135. differentiation Sakti worship never became popular in China, where Confucianismforbade any close relationshipbetween men and women. Shan-wu-weitranslated a text dealing with the yab-yumformof Ganes'a, but warned that this statue should not be placed in a Buddha hall (T 21.303c13). It may be due to the persecutionof this cult in the Sung dynastythat no double formof this deity is foundin China, cf. Alice GETTY, Ganesa 67-77. Nevertheless,a popular story of the T'ang dynasty would give us a hint that the erotic element of Esoteric Buddhism may have continued to operate, thoughit never became salient. It is a storyabout a woman of Yen-chou 4+JYIj|A-3A p (?) which in Li Fu-yen's i (late T'ang dynasty) Hsi! hsiian-kuai chiff 101.7b-8a. (The character g may be a mistakeforlu is cited in T'ai-p'ing kiuang-chi la. TENG Ssi-yii's Nffpi'fj Index to T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi,38, includes this story under the title Hsu hsiian-kuailu.) This story is not found in the reproducedSung ts'ung-shu pi-shih of Li's workin Lin-lang editions WAR141-W Sui-ants'ung-shu and Ssii-pu ts'ung-k'ansan-pien 3 PJI51i.

The story runs as follows:


or There appeared in Yen-chou a beautifulwoman about the age of twenty-four five,who wanderedalone in the city. All the young men in the city loved her and associated with her. She would do what these young men wanted and never refused anybody. Afterseveral years she died. Her funeralwas arrangedby the people in Yen-chou with great sorrow. Since she had no relatives,they buriedher rightbeside the road. During the Ta-li period (766-779 A. D.), a monk fromCentral Asia came to the city. Having seen the tomb, he made obeisance to it, burned incense,walked around it and recited hymns of praise. The people of the city said to him: " She was but a voluptuouswoman who would take anybodyas her husband. Why should your worshipher like this?" The monk replied: "You do not know. She was a great sage with deep compassion and good-will to give. Thereforeshe granted W (Bodhisattva of whateverdesire the world had. She was So-ku p'u-sa Chained Bones). If you do not believe, you may open the tomb and see." So the with one anotherlike chains. people did. The bones of the skeletonwere interlocked of a buddha's body to interlocked chains is an old (The comparisonof the firmness to be taken as real fact. Quite a few monks of simile. Later on this simile camhe like chains. Cf. T 50.821b26; the T'ang dynastyare said to have bones interlocked ' it4Xj ed., 7.13b.) 694-12a; Hsiian-shihchih 830a17; Ch'ilan-T'ang-wern The theme of this story is evidentlydirected against the Chinese moral conception. How could a commonman have such union with a deity? How could finalrelease be obtained by a bodhisattva or a commonplacebelieverthroughthe fulfilment of sexual desires? Moreover, the story is supposed to have taken place in the Ta-li period, when Amoghavajra's esoteric teaching was in its zenith. It seems to me that this of Esoteric Buddhism. legend might have been created in an environment to see how this story was transformed as time went Furthermore it is interesting on. Chih-p'an's Fo-tsu t'ung-chi (compiledin 1269 A. D.) has the same story,and he gives an exact date, 809 A. D., which of course is withoutfoundation. The locality is the same. The basic plot, however,of the story is greatlychanged. It runs roughly as follows (T 49.380c17): but did not know anything The people of Shensi were fondof ridingand shooting, about the Three Treasures. Once there came to them a young woman who declared that if anybody could learn the Samantamukhaparivarta JlJP 9 of Saddharmain one evening,she would marryhim. In the next morning twentypeople pwqndarika her requirement.Now she asked them came to her saying that they had fulfilled on the same condition,and ten people came to to learn the Prajfitpdramitdsiitra and required her the next morning.Again she gave them the Saddharmapwqndarika them to learn it in three days. When the third day came, only one young man named MA aI was qualified to ask for her hand. Thereforehe broughther to his home with all proper ceremoniesof a wedding. She demanded to stay alone on account of illness. While the guests were still there she died. The body decayed in a momentand the people buried her. A few days later an old monk came to the place and picked up her bones, which were like golden chains. He told the people: "She was Samantabhadrabodhisattva, who came to teach you by this skilful means." If we comparethis versionwith the original,this one is strikingly different fromthe otherin its sober and moral sense. In Chih-p'an's time the esotericformof Buddhism



was highlyinfluential.It is quite natural that almost died out and neo-Confucianism Chih-p'an should have modifiedthe story. It also appears in Nien-ch'ang's Fo-tsu li-tai t'ung-tsai (T 49.621c26), which was compiled in 1341 A.D. In this book the style in tellingthis storyis much more elaborate but the plot is still exactly the same to the as Chih-p'an's version, except for a change from the Praifidpdramitdsiitra Vajracchedika ilk:, which is a much shortertext and fits the story much better. The name Samantabhadra is not mentioned in Nien-ch'ang's version. The lieh lt chi-ku monkPao-chou's ifi Shih-shih j'tg (T49.833b2), compiled in 1354 A. D., followsNien-ch'ang closely,except for the date and the bodhisattva's name. He gives 817 A.D. and the bodhisattva's name is said to be Avalokitesvara, Under of Saddharmapumnzarika. the chiefdeity praised in the Samantamukhaparivarta the late T'ang dynastyand early Sung dynasty,Avolokitesvarawas still consideredas a male deity, being representedwith a mustache in most of the P'u-men-p'inpienthe Shui-yfieh kuan-yint'u7JVJ hsiang -PN*J [Q , and other formsof Eiichi, Tonkoga no kenkyii, this bodhisattvadiscoveredin Tun-huang. Cf. MATSUMoTo plates 41b, 42.,43b, 44a, 97ab, 98ab, 168-170,172-174,177, 181a, 182b, 216b, 222b, and 223a. It was in the later Sung dynastythat Avalokitesvara began to be thoughtof as a femaleand so easily associated with this story. Cf. Kai-yfits'ung-k'ao34.19b-21a. CHAO I, however,tries to prove that ever since the time of the Six Dynasties Avalokitesvara was consideredto have a female form,but his evidence is very weak, and the pictures of Tun-huang afforda strong proof that as late as the ninth century Avalokitesvara was still representedin the form of a man. This female form of Avalokitesvarais called Ma-lang-fukuan-yin XMJ4PIWk or Avalokitsvara of MA boy's wife. Cf. MocEizum, 5.4864a. APPENDixS Six disciples are mentionedin Amoghavajra's will as those who had been taught the Law concerningthe Vajradhatumandala (T 52.844bl). They are Han-kuang of the Chin-ko Temple of Mt. Wu-t'ai (see note 25 in Amoghavajra's Biography), HuiHui-lang of the Ch'ung-fu ch'ao of Silla, Hui-kuo of the Ch'ing-lungTemple A Temple (see note 35 in Amoghavajra'sBiography), Yfian-chiao[WW and Chiieh-ch'ao 3E- of the Pao-shou Temple. For Hui-ch'ao, who was also a disciple of Vajrabodhi, to his translationof Hui-ch'ao's itineraryin SPAW (1938). cf. FUCHS'S introduction 426-428. Hui-kuo (d. 805 A. D.) is well known on account of his Japanese disciple of the ShingonSect in Japan. He did not translateany text, the founder Kfikai If, of the imperialfamily but spent his whole lifein practicingvarious ritesforthe benefit Besides Kfikai, he had several other foreigndisciples such as Pienand high officers.

in Tsan-ning's hung L of Java and Hui-jih, H of Silla. He is not included of him is foundin Taish(3 Tripitaka(50.294c-296a).Some but a biography work, is collected A in his Eka otherscantyinformation by MURA1KAMIChogi -C, TG 17.533-365. Cf. also Ch'ilan-T'ang-wen *; it' waj6 ni tsuite,1fiiP fl 506.12b. in translation: who helpedAmoghavajra Liang-pen Thereweresomeothermonks -TA (ibid.). The Kucheanmonk (T 50.735a), Fei-hsi (T 50.721c), and Tzfi-lin a monk Hui-lin, Biography. has beenmentioned in note47 in Amoghavajra's Li-yen whether he actually from disciple.It is not known was also Amoghavajra's Kashgar,




took part in translating, yet the Master might have used his knowledge of both Sanskritand Chinese,shown in his huge lexicon Ta-tsang yin-i (T 50.738a-b). Yuanchao ought to be mentionedhere also, as he paid attentionto Amoghavajra'steaching and compiled his biographyand memorials (T 50.804b-805c). Amoghavajra had two names (T 52.844c4). slaves who bore foreign In one of his memorials,dated 767 A. D., there are mentionedfive disciples whose familynames are Pi * (two persons), KANG AN, SHIH Wi and Lo X, and all of them are marked as without native locality l)Y1i (T 52.835c-836a). Evidently they were fromCentral Asia and had no home town in China. Their names indicate their nationality clearly: K'ANG must be for Samarkand, Shih for Shih-kuo Wpm or Tashkent,Lo forT'u-huo-lo tkA, or Tukhara, and Pi forPi-kuo*R or Betik. of these countriescf. FUJITA Toyohachi, Echo 6 gotenjikukoku For the identification den senshaku * in Dainihon bukky5 zensho 113.43a-48a; CHANG Hsing-lang, Chung-hsichiao-t'ungshih-liaohui-pien5.113-154. They all served as attendantsin templesfora long timebeforetheywereinitiated. In anothermemorial dated 768 A. D. (T 52.836c837a), Amoghavajra asked for permission to tonsure three men who names wereLo Wen-ch'6ng (Tukhara), Lo Fu-mo MMO (LiangjR,

chou), and TS'AO Mo-ho,9*15T

firstman's nationality, as it is indicated. I am inclinedto think that Lo Fu-mo was also fromTukhara. He might have firstsettled down in Liang-chou (Kansu), which he had to pass throughbefore arrivingat Ch'ang-an. During the time of the Six Dynasties and the T'ang dynasty foreigners who came to China frequently claimed the capital Lo-yang or Ch'ang-an as their home town, though actually they were not residentsof those cities. This rule may also be applied in the case of TS'AO Mo-ho, forTs'ao is the Chinese name forIshtikhan. Cf. OTANI Shoshin,S6koku k6 MCC Ikeuchi hakase kanreki kinen toyoshi rons5 239-276. It is also interesting to notice that the characterI, a transcription of MAra before Emperor Wu of the Liang dynastychanged it to & is used in the name of H{Jk?. Amoghavajrahad many high officials as his disciples,amog whom YtAN Tsai (Chiu T'ang-shu 118.la-6b) and WANG Chin (Chiu T'ang-shu 118.8a-lla) were the best known. Both of themserved EmperorTai-tsungas primeministers, and the biography of WANG Chin even ascribed Tai-tsung's faith in Buddhism to theirinfluence.Besides Amoghavajra,YtAN Tsai also associated with some othermonks (T 50.801bl). WANG Chin's brother WANG Wei, the famouspoet, was also a Buddhist and had many friends among monks. But no particularrelationbetweenhim and Amoghavajracan be traced. It is ironical that most of the high officers who believed in this formof Buddhism were said to have been avaricious. Both YtAN Tsai and WANG Chin were notorious for covetousnessand bribery. YiAN Tsai was put to death and WANG Chin barely escaped capital punishment. Liu Chu-lin was put to death by Hsiian-tsung for receivingbribes. Tu Huang-shang *?2 (Chiu T'ang-shu 147.la-3a) and his sonin-law WEI Chih-i :* A9 (T"ang-shu168.la-2a) were lay disciples of Hui-kuo and received abhiseka fromthe latter in 790 A. D. (T 50.295c6. The name -F is an errorfor L WEI was exiled because of intrigueand his father-in-law was also known as avaricious. Though he died a natural death, a briberycase involvinghim and a monk called Chien-hsiiVA was discoveredlater. For the story of Chien-hsii Li Chao's cf. Chiu T'ang-shu 153.9b (biography of HStEH Ts'un-ch'eng

(Ching-chao @JIt).Thereis no problem forthe


Yin-hua lu

Kuo-shih pu KJ4*
W :i>ct';

ed., 4.4b.



?TSJ A., 2.12b and CHAO Lin's j3




Under the T'ang dynasty the monks of different sects could stay in the same temple and teach different doctrines. When one or two outstanding monks of a certain sect lived in a certain temple where all the younger monks gathered for instruction, that temple would become the centre of this particularsect, in spite of the fact that many monks of other sects were also there. Amoghavajra stayed in several temples and finallysettled in the largest temple in Ch'ang-an-the Ta-hsingshan Temple, where he died. It was foundedby Emperor Wen of the Sui dynasty. The name was changed to Hsing-shanin the early T'ang dynasty (Ch'eng-fangkao 2.5b). The city of Ch'ang-an was then divided into one hundred and eight fang or enclosedblocks,and this temple occupied the whole block of Ching-shan-fang. According to the calculation of ADACHIKiroku ,24orwA, this Ching-shan-fang was three hundredand fifty paces fromeast to west and three hundred and twenty-five paces from south to north. (Hsi Sung's Ch'eng-fang kao 2.2b follows the traditional calculation of 350 x 350 paces. ADACHI refutesthis theoryin Chdan shisekino kenkyfi at? AO 5 139-143,and suggestsa new estimateof 350 x 325 paces.) It was the fifth fang south of the imperialcity. The temple was situated to the east of the Chu-ch'fieh Road, on the west side of which was located symmetrically the Hsiian-tu kuan POW, a greatTaoist temple. This Ta-hsing-shan Temple existedin an entirely transformed and dilapidated condition down to the latter part of the nineteenth century. It was destroyed during the Mohammedan rebellion. Now only a few pavilionsexist,about fiveChinese miles to the south of the city of Ch'ang-an (ADACHI, 220). The next importantcentre of Esoteric Buddhism in the T'ang dynasty was the Ch'ing-lungTemple, which was located in the Hsin-ch'ang-fang in the southeastern part of the city of Ch'ang-an. This temple was foundedby Emperor Wen of the Sui dynasty in 583 A. D. with the name of Ling-kan (T 50.863b-16). After several the name was changed to Ch'ing-lung in 711 A. D. (T'ang hui-yao 48.5a). alterations, Hui-kuo stayed in this temple while Japanese monks fromKfikai down all regarded the Ch'ing-lungTemple as the Ndlandd of China, and sought for instruction fromits masters. Thereforeit became betterknown in Japan than in China. When Emperor Wu-tsung persecuted Buddhists in 845 A. D., this temple was converted into an imperialgarden (Dainihon bukky6zensho 113.272b). The information of Ennin agrees with a poem of WANG Wei, which says that this temple, situated on a hill, had a very good view. There was a lotus pond, bamboos, and orchards (Ch'iian-T'ang-shih 2.8. WANG Wei 3.7a). The temple was restoredin 846 A. D. after Wu-tsung'sdeath, and the name was changed to Hu-kuo1_ Go. However,there is evidence showingthat the old name Ch'ing-lungwas restoredin 855 A.D. and was used until 871 A. D. (cf. Dainihon shiryp:7* El* kff 1.1.749; Pa-ch'iung-shih chin-shih pu-cheng48.18a) . The site of this famoustemple has been a subject of dispute betweentwo Japanese scholars. TOKIWA Daij6 *7C* does not believe the Hsien-ninghsien-chih*II ,^ (compiled in 1819 A. D.), which identifies the Ch'ing-lungTemple with the Shih-foTemple je, in Chi-t'ai-ts'un GiiI, five Chinese miles southeast of the present Ch'ang-an (Waga t6dai ry5mitsuno hatsugenchitaru to no sh6ryiljini 0 ? tsukite , Shiiky5 @ L kenkyai, new series, 2.5.686-704). KUWABARA Jitsuz6 opposes TOKIWA'S theory (Choan no



3 no ishini tsuiteAx ronso ) V C, Toy5bummeishi shoryfiji MAI|: 227-260). In the firstplace, he believes in the accuracy of the Hsien-ninghsien-chih a famousarchaeologist, of 1817 A. D., because it was compiledby Lu Yiieh-yii PA, a famous mathematician. They both investigatedthe and TUNG Yu-ch'eng actual site. In the second place, KUWABARA uses the site of the Yen-hsing Gate ^tWJq (now called Yiian-hsingGate tCkqg), which is nearer to the Ch'ing-lung conthe location of the latter. The old identification Temple, as a basis for inferring firmed by KUWABARA is now generallyaccepted. When Engyo5Off arrived at Ch'ang-an in 839 A.D., I-chin , a disciple of Hui-kuo's disciple and then regarded as the head of the Esoteric Sect, was in the Ch'ing-lungTemple (Dainihon bukky6 zensho 113.167a, T 55.1071c6). Enchin ini1 came to China in 855 and 861 A. D. respectively.They both studied and Shfieib , who was also in the Ch'ing-lungTemple (Dainihon bukkyo5 under Fa-ch'fian zensho 113.158a, 291b, T 55.1097a26). Many stories are recorded of monks of this cited in T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi115.Sa, temple who told fortunes (Kan-ting lu &T ed., 6.16b) or droveaway bad luck by their T'ang yii-linJ-1t. 14ii magic power (Hsiian-shihchih,cited in T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi98.4b-5a, Chi-we'n *Bier, , cited in the same work 74.2a). I cited in the same work 330.7a, Mu-i chi am inclinedto think that this phenomenonmay have had some connectionwith the monks of the Esoteric Sect in this temple. A pictureof Vaisravanardja in the Ch'ingin curingdiseases (KAo Yen-hsiu j;{4 lung Temple was also famous for its effect ed., 2.8b-9a). < T'ang Ch'iieh-shih B The developmentof the Esoteric School in the provinces is very hard to trace, owing to lack of material. It is only fromthe accounts of Japanese pilgrimsthat we learn the names of some monks who belonged to this sect. Evidently the sect did in provincialtemples,so that the enthusiasticJapanese monks had to go not flourish Temple to the capital. Saich6 AM studied under Shun-hsiao#gad of the Lung-hsing FjfJWE? at Yfieh-chouBall" (Chekiang) in 805 A. D. (T 55.1059cll). J6gy5WAS-, who arrived at Yang-chou (Kiangsu) in 838 A.D., was not allowed to go to the capital, so that he tried his best to seek for a masterof the Esoteric Sect in the local f of the Ch'i-ling Temple A temples. Eventually he found Wen-ts'an and learned some rites fromthis monk. (T 55.1068clO and Dainihon bukky5 zensho 113.159a both read 3 instead of A. The character i is correct,cf. OMURA, 5.784. Ennin also mentions this name, but Junrei gyoki reads IV. Cf. Dainihon bukkya zensho 113.183a.) As the monks of this sect at Yang-chou Ennin mentions the Wu-liang-i Tao-wu Zhof Temple MAi X in his diary of 838 A. D. (Dainihon jU , of the Sung-shan Temple bukky5 zensho 113.183a), and Ch'fian-ya ; also in 838 A. D. (Dainihon bukky6 zensho 113.187a). All these monks lived in the South. For NorthernChina we findonly one name mentionedin a Japanese Pilgrim's itinerary.Shfieipassed by Pien-chouft~j) (Ho-nan) en route to Ch'ang-an and met Hsfian-ch'ing A& therein 861 A. D. (Dainihon bukky5zensho 113.158a).