TRUMAN'S POLITICAL QUARTERBACK

JA11MA]V

Dob Hannegan, one-time professional football star, now calls the signals for the formidable aggregation that Jim Farley reeruited.

OLLIE ATKIN

Robert E. Hannegan, Postmasler General and Chairman of the Democratic National Coniniillec. A hard-working advocate of party unity, he ie rated hy some as most powerful man in the Government.

HE state of Missouri, which, up to recently, never amounted to very much in national politics, is now having ita day in Washington, and the gentleman mainly responsible for the current phenomena on the Potomacincluding the presence of Harry S. Truman in the White House is Postmaster General Rohert . Hannegan, the former Democratic hoas of St. Louis. Hannegan is a forty-two-year-old, aix-foot-one, 200-pound Irishtaan with a square jaw and dark stuhhy hair, who looks Uke, and used to be, a football fullback. Since two years ago, when he became head coach, signal caller and cbeer leader for the Democratic 4 Party as chairman of the E>emocratic National Committee, political-organization work has bloomed and blossomed, and the party is now enjoying a greater degree of prestige and influence than it has known since the days of James A. Farley. Hannegan's influence has been gaining right along with tbe committee's. He is President Truman's chief adviser on patronage, and is regarded as a sort of grand vizier. Some observers rate bim as the most powerful man in the Government. He ia in and out of the White House constantly, and hetween times confers witb tbe Chief Executive by telephone, concerning appointments to jobs ranging from the Cabinet and Supreme Court on down to postmaster. In many ways Hannegan i not so suave and urbane as some of the party chairmen wbo have preceded bim. Sartorially, he is immaculate, with a fancy for blue and brown suits with shirta, ties and handkerchiefs of matching hues. His personal habits are of the hest. He is a tremendous worker and , he neither drinks nor smokes, although he is proficient at throwing fiaming words around when he becomes excited. He likes to read wben he has time for it, and has a fondness for historical novels. But politically he is still a bucking fullback, who prefers to smash tbrougb the center of the line rather than execute fancy runs around end. He uses the meat ax instead of the rapier, and he is still a lot closer to the smoke-filled back room than he is to sedate drawing rooms and elaborate hotel suites, wbere some of the more polished party chieftains of the past have largely operated. "Bob is a good guy and a good chairman," one eminent Democrat remarked recently, "but he has still got a lot of St. Louis in his hair," The Hannegan concept of politics is simple and straightforward. "All you have to do to win dectioiiB," he says, "is go in there and organize and get tbat vote out. I get tired of some of these people who call themselves liherals'crying Uberala,' I caU themhecauBB they are always wanting to issue a statement ahout something. I regard myeell as a practical liberal." A political headquarters, Hannegan believe, should be bright, cheerful and efficient, but there

TIIE SATURDAY EVENING POST should not be too many people around. "That's an unhealthy sign," he says, "There are a lot of guys I call 'headquarters Johnnies.' They like to hang around headquarte and he seen there, hut they're not worth a damn in winning elections. Headquarters is a clearinghouse only. You can't get out votes hy Bitting at a desk." The Hannegan theory of vote-getting was illustrated during the presidential campaign by his remarks to a stately gentleman in a Homhurg hat who bad come to New York from a Midwestern city to help ornament the Hotel Biltmore headquarters. "See here, Hannegan," the gentleman said; " I control a lot of votes around the country, and I tbink I can do you a lot of good here at beadquarters. I'll need a large office, at least two secretaries and plenty of personal stationery. I want to write a lot of letters." The chairman asked the gentleman whether he lived in an apartment house or in a private residence. The man said he hved in an apartment. "WeU, you've got a couple of elevator starters or so and maybe a dozen and a haK elevator operators," Himnegan aaid. "Do you know wbetber they are registered and how tbey are going to vote?" The man said no, he didn't. "You've got a bunch of chambermaids, two or three janitors, an electrician or so, and a manager. Do you know how any of tbem are going to vote?" The man said he didn't know that, either. "You've got maybe ninety families Uving in your building. Do you know how any of them are going to vote?" Tbe man said no. "Well, I'll teU you what you do. You go hack home, and thirty days from now come hack to see me, and see if you can teU me wbo in your building are registered and bow tbey feel about the candidates. If you do that, you'U be a greater leader tban anybody here at headquarters." As party chairman, Hannegan bas made his joh recommendations to the White House witb tbe idea of pleasing tbe most possible Democrats around tbe country. He calls bimself "an old team man," and heUeves that before a ntan from some section is given an appointment, his local Democratic leaders should he consulted; it makes them feel better and helps party harmony. On an average day the chairman chats about patronage witb probably balf a dozen governors, eigbt or ten mayors and perbaps a dozen senators and congressmen. Tbese conversations are usually by telepbone. The chairman's efForta are constantly aimed at cementing party unity, which suffered in 1944, when tbe liberal wing of the party was not pleased ahout the convention's failure to renominate Henry A. Wallace for Vice-President. Hannegan, wto had opposed WaUace at the convention, nevertheless belped secure Wallace's confirmation as Secretary of Commerce last winter, in epite of Senate ppposition. His probable reason was to prevent the liberals from making a martyr of Wallace. Not long ago Hannegan managed the appointment, aa a member of the United States Maritime Commission, of Raymond S. McKeough, of IUinoia, western director of the CIO Political Action Committee, although a congressional committee had reported adversely on McKeougb. More recently, he backed tbe appointment of Irvin C. MolUson, Chicago Negro lawyer, who became a member of tbe United States Customs Court in New York. There's Always a Deserving Democrat "PROBABLY bis greatest contribution to the party i to date, however, has been his program of revitalizing tbe Democratic National Committee, wbich began to go into a decline late in the second Roosevelt Administration, wben it became apparent that Chairman Farley would be a candidate for tbe Democratic presidential nomination in 1940. Edward J. Flynn, wbo succeeded Farley as cbairman, was more interested in pohtical affairs of the Bronx tban in tbe National Committee, and seldom got down to beadquarters. Flynn tbougbt the Farley system of keeping in close touch witb county chairmen was hokum, and abandoned tbe practice. Frank C. Walker, who succeeded Flynn, never wanted to he chairman in the first place. As a result, when Hannegan became cbairman, in January, 1944, he found conditions at headquarters in a state tbat he regarded as appalling. Headquartersa big, rambling suite in Washington's Mayfiower Hotelhad been growing duUer ever since the departure of Farley. The suite was occupied mainly by Cbarley Michelaon, pubbcity director for fifteen years, and several typewriters that were seldom used. "It was awful," Hannegan recalls witb horror. "Tbere was thick dust on tbe cbairs and tables because nohody had sat on them for so long." Tbere was no office for Hannegan, and not even a mailing list of county cbairmen. Patronage was out of band. Tbe National Committee waa never consulted about appointments, and the Administration waa even appointing some Republicans to officea condition that Hannegan considers unspeakable. "Don't get me wrong," he sometimes remarks in discussing this condition. "People say tbat I think anybody who is a Democrat ia capable of bolding office. Tbat isn't what I believe at aU. I think a man's qualifications come first, but I haven't run

19
into any jobs yet that you couldn't find a good, qualified Democrat to fill." Hannegan has revised patronage disposal and shot some life-giving elixir into headquarters, wbich ia busy laying plans for winning tbe 1946 congressional elections. Tbe committee's power is further enhanced because of tbe close friendsbip hetween the cbairman and tbe President, wbo ia a strict party-organization man himself, with apparent faitb in Hannegan methods. This is natural hecause Hannegan saved Truman's political ufe at least once back in Missouri, and is prohahly more responsible tban anybody else is for placing Truman in Une to succeed to the presidency. It has heen said that Mr. Truman's career is hased on tbe moat amazing group of ifs and buta in the history of American politics, wbich may be true, but some hard, practical politics also figured in his rise to ' power. To understand why Harry S. Truman is President of tbe United States, a person ought to know the background of his good friend. Robert Emmet Hannegan got his political start in tbe old 21st Ward in Northwest St. Ixiuis, where tbe bouses bave sooty cbimney pots and it baan't been long since old-fasbioned gas lamps used to burn tbere in a noxious atmospbere composed of fog from tbe big river, smoke from tbe East St. Louis smelters, and aromaa from stockyards and from bops soaking in the neigbboring breweriea. Hannegan was born there on June 30, 1903, a son of an Irish Catbobc pobceman, who, Hannegan stiU beUevea, was probably one of the greatest policemen in tbe worldor at least in St. Louis. Probably Hannegan's deep regard for bis father is one reason for his devotion to the Democratic Party. Tbe Democrats elevated his father to chief ' of detectives, and tben tbe Republicans came along and demoted him to a mere captain. Tbere were three Hannegan boys, built hke young blacksmiths, wbo distinguished themselves at football, baseball, basketball and swimming at Yeatman High Scbool and in tbe municipal leagues. At St. Louis University, Hannegan won letters in aU the sports played there, and was graduated in law in 1925. He later played professional foothall and baseball, and by tbe time he bad settled down to he a lawyer, he was considered the chief aporta authority and hero in Northwest St. Louis. Tbis bad its debilitating ettects on his chosen calling, as people were always wanting to talk to him about sports instead of about law. To offset tbis, Hannegan once spent a year witbout attending a single sport event, and when people aaked bim wbat he tbought about tbe Cardinals' chancesor similar matters, he would reply, "I (Cuntinnfd on Page t?)

Henry Wallace when he was still in the running for the vice-presidential nomination. Hannegan's choiceTruman won on the second hallot.

Fellow Misoiirians confer al the White House. One of Truman's chief advisers, Hannegan is constantly tt^lcphoniiig or ealline on the President.

THE SATURDAY EVENIP4G POST

97

ward, bearing the names of all candidates. The candidate chosen hy the machine's organization in each ward was printed in laige capitals. There are (Continticd from Poge 19) twenty-eight wards in St, Loiiis, and the machine backed Truman in twentydon't know a tbing about it. When are two of tbem. Tbe opposition gave a jrou going to send me a case? " He got bellow of rage, but it was too late, his law practice that way, and hecame Tnunan carried the city by about 8000 ahoutjas well known around the court- votes, and, thus aided, was ahle to carry the state hy a bare 7000 votes. house as in the stadium. This combination of successes inTruman, witb tbe help of the St. fluenced the Democrats of his ward to Louis machine, won in tbe general elecelect him to the party's city central tion, but the Hannegan-Dickmann committee in 1933, The old leaders said Democratic candidate for governor lost tbey needed new hlood, which was the election to a Republican, Tbis inunderstandable because tbe 21st had furiated St. Louis Democrats, wbo renot gone Democratic in the memory of solved to contest the election, an illman. Hannegan changed tbis, and tbe advised and badly executed move that ward voted Democratic three months Hannegan says he did not approve. after he took charge, A montb after the The contest clragged tbrougb the Genelection he was named chairman of tbe eral Assembly and tbe State Supreme city central committee, and for almost Coin^, and became known iis "the innine years thereafter he was co-boss of famous Governorship Steal," The ReSt. Louis witb tbe Democratic mayor, publican nominee was seated eventuBernard F, Dickmann, ally, but the newspapers continued to about the infamy of the DemoThe Truman-Hannegan friendship sbout and laid most of the blame on hegan in 1934, when the St, Louis ma- crats, One newspaper, the St, chine opposed Truman in a bitter sena- Hannegan, Post-Dispatch, put a staff of retorial primary fight, hut wben Truman Louis to work on tbe exclusive job of won it, Hannegan and Dickmann went porters something crooked in Hanall out for him in the general election. finding past. The investigation went Hannegan's greatest contrihution to negan's for weeks, but the reporters found Truman in Mi^ouri was in the 1940 on dishonest, and be continued senatorial primaries, when Truman was nothing regarded as a dead political duck. The as city Democratic chairman. Tom Pendergast machine of Kansas newspapers had heen so eloquent City, wbich had sponsored bim, was in The tbeir condemnations, however, tbat out of power, and Pendergast bimself when Mayor Dickmann ran for a third was under sentence for income-tax eva- term he was crushed at the polls. Tbe sion, Truman was talking unbappily matter of "Govemorsbip Steal" about going down witb tbe sbip, and migbt bavethe after tbat if tbe post St. Louis was expected to present a of Collector ended of Internal Revenue at St. 100,000-vote majority to tbe favorite Louis had not become vacant early in candidate, Gov. Uoyd C. Stark, wbo 1942. Hannegan, Democratic chairwas running for the Democratic nom- man, wrote lettersas to Senators Truman ination for senator. The newspapers, and Bennett Cbamp Clark in bebalf of the reform element and most of tbe several aspirants for tbe The senacity's articulate forces were back of tors could agree on nonejob. of them, and Starktbat is, all but the Democratic flnaUy decided that Hannegan was the committee and Chairman Hannegan. man for tbe job. The Post-Dispatch got Hannegan chose to ignore Truman in wind of tbis, and let out an editorial bis public utterances and to discuss scream the Hke of whicb has heen selStark. dom heard in the windy halls of journalism. The Post-Dispatch and tbe St, He would ask how in the world Stark Louis Globe-Democrat ht into Hancoiald he expected to lose, and he even negan with renewed vigor, and the proposed h TU as a candidate for Vice- "Governorship Steal" was again paPresidenta hit of strategy intended raded before the public. to confuse tbe issue and give the idea that Stark was a candidate for everyIf it had not been for tbese blasts, thing. The anti-Truman forces in St. Hannegan would probably still be Louis were thus lulled into a sense of practicing law in St. Louis, unknown false security, and no real attack was politically outside of Missouri, and Mr. made on Truman in tbe city during the Truman would probahly still he in tbe campaign's critical phases. Senate. Hannegan had no notion of Then, the night before the primary, taking the collector's job, which carthe candidate choices of the Hannegan- ried an annual salary of $6500. He was Dickmann machine were distributed. making about $40,000 a year as a lawThese were sample, ballots for each yer. But he got mad when the PoBt-

TRUMAN'S POLITICAL QUARTERBACK

Dispatch called the idea of his heing collector " an affront to tbousands," and the Globe-Democrat termed him "the most discredited boss of a discredited party." He said be would he collector in spite of his loss of income and in spite of the newspapers and, furthermore, he would he the best damn collector in the
history of St. LOUB,

" I never quit under fire," he added. At this point. Senator Truman spoke up from Washington as follows: "Hannegan carried St, Louis three times for the President and for me. If he is not nominated, there will be no collector at St, Louis." A short while later President Roosevelt appointed Hannegan to the joh. Hannegan threw himself into his new work with a fury seldom seen in govemment circles. He was tbe first one at the collector's office in the moming and tbe last to leave in the evening. He went to nigbt scbool and read all the books he could find on Government taxation. He eliminated lines of waiting taxpayers by scattering deputy collectors ahout the city; said be wanted to make taxpaying as painless as possible. He beld pep meetings, and so inspired the employees of his department that they worked at night and on Sundays for no extra pay. Hannegan taught his men tbat efficiency and courtesy were the most important parts of their job. The new income-tax law, wbicb added about 50,000,000 new taxpayers to tbe rolls, went into effect tbat year, and tbe St. Louis office was tbe first large one in the country to report. Hannegan worked so hard that bis wife became alarmed about bis health. " I guess you are killing yourself just to fool tbe Post-Dispatch," she remarked. At the end of 1942, when Hannegan had been in office eight months, the rating of tbe office in St. Louis had heen changed from the worst in the nation to the best, from the standpoint of efficiency and performance, A few montbs later, wben tbe office of Commissioner of Internal Revenue in Wasbington became vacant, beads of the Treasury Department voted unanimously that Hannegan was the nation's outstanding collector, and recommended bis appointment as commissioner. He took over that job in tbe fall of 1943. The new commissioner said the department was suffering from hardening of the arteries, and started in to modernize tbe wbole setup. He gave bis customary pep meetings and lectures on courtesy, and managed to visit with the department's employees in the sixteen largest states diiring his three montbs as commissioner. His commissioner's career was short because Democratic leaders, who were casting about for a new party chairman to direct the 1944 elections, were impressed by Hannegan's enthusiasm and organizing ability in the Bureau of Internal Revenue, and they recommended him to President Roosevelt for party chairman. Tbe President, who didn't know Hannegan, looked him over twice under the guise of talking taxes, and liked him. Wben the National Committee met the following January, tbe understanding was that Hannegan was Roosevelt's choice, and his election to the chairmanship was automatic, "Anything I do, I have to do all out," Hannegan says frequently, and that is the way he has operated as chairman. The day after bis election he started visiting, and by April he had traveled some 12,000 miles into mosto the states. He was convinced that Democratic leaders about tbe land were sore about patronage; that tbej

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THE SATURDAX .EVENING POST had long wanted to raise thunder with somebody, but in the past tbere bad been nobody to absorb tbeir criticism. Hannegan went out and let ibem bui-1 brickbats at him. He preferred to hold bis meetings in sbabby political balls instead of in ballrooms, and be addressed bundreds of precinct workers who bad never before seen a national chairman. He talked a lot about bow be, too, bad been a precinct worker. "I'm just a regular, one bundred per cent organization, strictly partisan Democrat," be told Ibem. " I'm a practical politician and I know your problems." He would tben allow tbe disgruntled leaders to get the ire ofT tbeir cbests, but he says tbat most of tbem ended up on his team. During bis travels Hannegan kept an ear to tbe ground to learn wbom the leaders liked for Vice-President. Wallace was believed at the time to bave tbe best cbance, but Hannegan did not want Wallace as a candidate, and told bim so. He found that a lot of states bad favorite sons tbey wanted to run, but be was able to get out of most of the leaders a few favorable words about Truman, wbo was known for bis work as cbairman of tbe Truman Committee. Hannegan brougbt back enthusiastic reports about Truman's popularity to the President, and said tbe Missouri senator was. the only possible running mate for Roosevelt wbo would not lose tbe ticket votes. He said that Wallace was considered too much of an idealist and was not popular in the South, and tbat tbere were various sectional dislikes for tbe otber aspirants. The chairman said Truman bad tbe plain, bomely sort of American characteristics tbat would inspire confidence in wartime, and tbat Truman, witb a war record dating back to 1918, was popular witb the veterans. At tbe same time Hannegan was putting up a series of pep talks to Truman bimselE, wbo was reluctant about tbe whole thing. Truman was afraid tbat Roosevelt did not want bim as a running mate because he and bis committee bad been critical of some phases of tbe war effort. He also feared tbat tbe opposition would confront bim with bis former connection with tbe old Pendergast macbine in Kansas City, and embarrass bis famy. Hannegan finally persuaded Truman not to do anything rasb, like saying publicly tbat be would reject tbe nomination. Wben tbe Democratic National Convention was preparing to meet in Cbicago in July to renominate President Roosevelt and select a candidate for Vice-president, Hannegan saw to it tbat, Truman arrived in town quietly, witb no fanfare. Hefiguredthat somebody at the bead of tbe parade of vicepresidential aspirants was going to get killed off, and he did not want bis man in a vulnerable position. Wallace had some 400 oftbe convention's 1176 votes pledged to his cause. Truman was considered a poor eigbtb or tentb. This was pleasing to Hannegan, wbo did not want Truman brougbt into the limeligbt until tbe proper moment. It was pleasing also to Truman, wbo still did not believe Mr. Roosevelt wanted bim. He regarded bis poor sbowing in preconvention talk as an indication that be would not be put in an embarrassing spot, but be followed Hannegan's advice and kept pretty much to bis suite in The Stevens botel. Two or three nights before tbe convention was to open. President Roosevelt, en route to San Diego, stopped at CbJcago, and Hannegan visited him in the railroad yards. He bas never revealed what was said, but apparently be got tbe President's definite approval of Truman as a running mate. Hannegan then began quietly lining up tbe states bebind Truman, assuring tbe leaders that he was the Roosevelt choice. Several of tbe big-city bosses are also believed to have helped turn tbe President against Wallace. Wallace, who bad a mild endorsement from tbe President and wbo bad intended to remain in Wasbington, now left tbe capital for Chicago witb great speed to make a personalfigbtfor renomination. Wallace arrived in Chicago during tbe convention'sfirstday, amid considerable tumult and shouting, and was acclaimed at the railroad station and later at his botel and on tbe convention floor. He said be was tbere for a fight to the finish. Hannegan responded to this by announcing tbat be bad a letter from President Roosevelt stating be would "be pleased" to bave either Truman or Justice Douglas as a running mate. A rumor spread quickly tbat Hannegan bad no such let ter, and was blufby radio, responding to his fourth-term nomination. After he bad finished, tbe Wallace demonstration began, first in tbe galleries, tben spreading to tbe convention floor, wbere state delegations grabbed standards and joined in tbe parade. Tbe Times reported tbat "not a majority of the state votes were represented in tbe Wallace demonstration, but tbe atmospbere of stampede was beavy in tbe air," Tbis looked dangerous to Hannegan, wbo didn't want bis plans upset by hyBteria. Tbe Wallace demonstration was just getting into swing wben something strange happened. People wbo ought to know say tbat wbat bappened was tbat Hannegan bad all tbe outer doors of tbe Stadium opened, and tbe general public stormed in, causing tbe Wallace demonstration to get completely out of hand. The hubbub became so great that tbe demonstration broke up in confusion, witb a great fainting of women and trampling of sore feet. Tbe convention cbairman was forced to ad-

March 2,1946

no signa of intending to leave Washington any time soon. His friends aay that Hannegan feels he has an obligation to belp Mr, Truman all be can, and that be wiU remain in Wasbington until after tbe 1948 elections anyway. The Hannegan bome in St. Louis has been sold, and he has bougbt a large stone one in Wasbington's exclusive Glenbrook Road section, wbere he lives witb bis boybood sweetheart, tbe former Irma Protzmann, wbom be married in 1929, and tbeir four children, Patricia, fourteen; Robert, Jr., eleven; William, ten, and Sally, six. Hannegan is a devoted family man, and enjoys playing games witb his cbildren, sucb as the card game of Old Maid, but he doesn't get to see very mucb of bis family tbese days, since be bas set about, with cbaracteristic entbusiasm, to reform tbe Post Office Department. He now works ten or eleven bours a day in tbe huge paneled Postmaster General's office, and spends a good portion of bis Sundays bolding conferences around town. One postal reform Hannegan is sponsoring is the abolition of ihe air-mail stamp. He says that all letters sbould be sent by air for tbe price of a three-cent stamp, and to do tbis he proposes tbe use of transport planes similar to tbose used during tbe war by tbe Army, Tbe planes would be operated by private air lines, "Our department is tbe biggest business in tbe world," Hannegan says, "We do a six teen-billion-dollar business a year, and any business tbat large ought to be the most efficient in tbe world. If we are as efficient and up-todate as we sbould be, it is incumbent on us to send letters the fastest way possible, wbicb is by air, and not chai^ extra for doing it." Anotber of Hannegan's ideas is to provide his department witb modem, streamlined equipment in tbe way of postal trucks and letter boxes, and he bas been conferring witb tailors and garment designers about a new type of uniform for letter carriers. He doesn't tbink tbe present uniforms of drab gray are sufficiently exotic for his department, and it may not be long before tbe nation's postmen will be strutting around tbeir routes in resplendent outfits suggestive of tbe Royal Canadian Mounted Police. Perhaps tbe most far-reaching of the proposed Hannegan postal reformB concerns tbe small country post offices, wbich often occupy a remote comer of some gen eral-merchandise store, where postal business is carried on in an atmospbere of the potbellied stove, tobacco juice, the cracker barrel and the aroma of dill pickles. Hannegan not only intends to irnprove tbe service in tbese post offices, wbich he says is often lackadaisical, but intends to back legislation appropriating funds for the Government to buy these country stores and erect modern, attractive buildings of a sleek and streamlined nature. " I want to give the people in small villages post offices that tbey will be proud of," Hai^negan says. "After all, tbe post office is Uncle Sam to the people in small places, and Uncle Sam ought to look handsome and efficient wberever be is represented," Of all tbe post offices in tbe land, however, Hannegan intends to establish one tbat will be the acme, the climax and tbe culmination of all tbat ia excellent in postal service, and that will be the one in St, Louie, whicb he regards as a sort of mecca ofiurbin civilization. In spite of his successes in national politics, Hannegan is still a home-town boy.

HAZEL

lirollicr!"

fing to salvage Truman's cbances. The cbairman did not deny tbis, and it has since come to be believed that be spread the bluting rumor among tipsters for certain columnists, wbo demanded indignantly tbat Hannegan produce tbe letter. Hannegan waited untU tbe following day, wben the tension bad become so great tbat his press conference was packed, and the writers sbouted angry questions at bim. He tben exbibited the letter. His reason for delaying that long was to buud up suspense, so tbat the letter, wben be produced it, would get the maximum publicitya tecbnique that Hannegan palls timing. In spile of the telling effects of Hannegan's letter, tbe W.iillace forces, wbicli included tbe CIO PAC, planned tbeir great effort for tbe second nigbt of tbe convention, in tbe bope of stampeding the delegates for Wallace. The Chicago Stadium looked more like a Wallace rally tban a Democratic convention, witb Wallace-Roosevelt banners all over the place and the galleries packed wiLb Wallace supporters. It bas since boen charged that many of i,bem got in on fake tickets. President Roosevelt addressed tbe convention

joum tbe session for tbe night, before anybody was offered for the vicepresidential nomination. Tbe next day, with tbings more settled, tbe nominations for Vice-President proceeded. On tbe first ballot Wallace led witb 429 '4 votes, Truman was second witb 319 J^ and tbe remaining votes were split between fourteen candidates. As soon as the tabulation was announced, two delegations spoke up and said tbey wanted to cbange tbeir votes from favorite sons to Truman, Tbey were out of order, but tbey bad acbieved wbat Hannegan was boping for, Tbey put tbe convention in a Truman frame of mind, and be won on tbe second ballot, 1031 to 105 for Wallace, wbo was runner-up. Ever .since the Democratic ticket won in 1944, and particularly since Truman succeeded to tbe presidency, there have been rumors that Hannegan, having helped make his man President, intends to resign soon as Postmaster General and Democratic cbairman, and return to his liw practice in St. Louis. Hannegan says tbat would probably be tbe best tbing in the world for his family .^^ 1 bimself, but he shows