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LAPENTA GEOMEDIA ON LOCATION BASED MEDIA THE CHANGING STATUS OF COLLECTIVE IMAGE PRODUCTION AND THE EMERGENCE OF SOCIAL NAVIGATION SYSTEMS
SARAH PINK LARISSA HJORTH EMPLACED CARTOGRAPHIES: RECONCEPTUALISING CAMERA PHONE PRACTICES IN AN AGE OF LOCATIVE MEDIA
LAPENTA GEOMEDIA ON LOCATION BASED MEDIA THE CHANGING STATUS OF COLLECTIVE IMAGE PRODUCTION AND THE EMERGENCE OF SOCIAL NAVIGATION SYSTEMS
SARAH PINK LARISSA HJORTH EMPLACED CARTOGRAPHIES: RECONCEPTUALISING CAMERA PHONE PRACTICES IN AN AGE OF LOCATIVE MEDIA
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LAPENTA GEOMEDIA ON LOCATION BASED MEDIA THE CHANGING STATUS OF COLLECTIVE IMAGE PRODUCTION AND THE EMERGENCE OF SOCIAL NAVIGATION SYSTEMS
SARAH PINK LARISSA HJORTH EMPLACED CARTOGRAPHIES: RECONCEPTUALISING CAMERA PHONE PRACTICES IN AN AGE OF LOCATIVE MEDIA
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Attribution Non-Commercial (BY-NC)
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This article was downloaded by [University of Plymouth library]
On April zc11 Access details Access Details [subscription number v!1!1vzc1] Publisher Routledge lnforma ltd Registered in lngland and Wales Registered Number 1czv1 Registered office Mortimer House, !- 11 Mortimer Street, london W1T !JH, UK Visual Studies Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information http//www.informaworld.com/smpp/title-contentt1!ecvvzc Geomedia on location-based media, the changing status of collective image production and the emergence of social navigation systems lrancesco lapenta Online publication date 11 March zc11 To cite this Article lapenta, lrancesco(zc11) 'Geomedia on location-based media, the changing status of collective image production and the emergence of social navigation systems', Visual Studies, ze 1, 11 z1 To link to this Article DOl 1c.1ccc/11zceX.zc11.1c1c URl http//dx.doi.org/1c.1ccc/11zceX.zc11.1c1c Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.informaworld.com/terms-and-conditions-of-access.pdf This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. Visual Studies, Vol. 26, No. 1, March 2011 Geomedia: on location-based media, the changing status of collective image production and the emergence of social navigation systems FRANCESCO LAPENTA The increased computational power of portable devices such as smart phones and laptops, and their integration with widely available global positioning systems, are opening the way for a new range of location-based applications that integrate and coordinate users mediated interactions and data exchanges with other users live geographical positions. This user-generated information, shared on navigable live virtual maps such as Google Latitude, Foursquare and Gowalla, illustrates the increasing use of location-based applications and the Web to create, assemble and disseminate personal information (in the form of images, sounds and text) to enable shared experiences of individually and socially relevant spaces and events. The new virtual maps, in which this information is visually blurred and merged, represent the emergence of a new paradigm in the visualisation of space. The article elaborates on the fundamental social and perceptual shifts that are being operated today by these new technologies and software applications that the author refers to as geomedia. Geomedia are not new media per se, but platforms that merge existing electronic media +the Internet +location-based technologies (or locative media) +AR (Augmented Reality) technologies in a new mode of digital composite imaging, data association and socially maintained data exchange and communication. In the article the author examines the early adoption of such new geolocation-based technologies and develops a theoretical analysis of the ontological and epistemological shifts that characterise their contemporary evolution, patterns of production and exchange, and the unique form of geolocational digital re-aggregation of which digital images are now a part. I am here to show you, the reader, my home. I could take many pictures to portray all the rooms and several others to depict the many objects they contain. Or I could take a video and while lming comment on the many rooms and their objects. This rst photograph portrays the studio desk and the bookshelf behind it. The second shows the books and my computer Francesco Lapenta is Associate Professor in Visual Culture and New Media in the Department of Communication, Business and Information Technologies at the Roskilde University, Denmark. He is a Visiting Scholar in the Department of Sociology at New York University. He serves on the executive board of the International Visual Sociology Association. Lapentas most recent work includes the special issue Autonomy and Creative Labour (Routledge, 2010), edited with Fabian Holt for the Journal of Cultural Research and the article Theoretical and Methodological Approaches to Photo-elicitation in the Handbook of Visual Methods (Sage, 2010). He is currently researching for a book on location-based technologies and software applications. on the same desk. In the video I can pan from a wide angle shot of my studio down to the desk, my books and my computer. There is another alternative, I can take all the pictures I have taken of my house and merge them together in Quicktime VR (1995) or better in Photosynth (2008), and tag each object with comments and personal descriptions (Places iPhoto 2009, Google Earth). Instead of a series of pictures or a xed sequence of a video showing my house, I now have a navigable virtual photograph of my house. I can pan right, top, down, left in one room (with Quicktime VR), or zoom in on the table, focus on the computer on my desk, pan to the left and move into the living room (with Photosynth). While moving around you can read or hear me describe these rooms and the objects they contain. If not satised you can go through the front door and move down the street (Google Street View 2007) or y high to watch the whole neighbourhood from above (Google Earth 2006, Google Maps 2005, Live Search Maps Microsoft 2005). I could also come and visit your home, ofce, favourite cafe, movie theatre, restaurant or your actual location (Foursquare, Gowalla 2009). Using the latest location based applications and software (Foursquare.com 2009, Bliin.com 2008), I could point to your location, your city, your street, your home, ofce or favourite shop or restaurant, and see the images and comments that you posted about them. (Lapenta 2008) Reminiscent of a technology that Ridley Scott created for Rick Deckard to use in the ctional Los Angeles of 2019 in his lm Blade Runner (1982), reality can now exceed fantasy in allowing us to seamlessly move from one image into another in a virtual continuum of increasingly global spatial representations of the world. This article elaborates on the fundamental social and perceptual shifts that are being operated today by new software applications that merge existing images, sound and text, creating representations connected to ISSN1472-586Xprinted/ISSN1472-5878 online/11/010014-11 2011 International Visual Sociology Association DOI: 10.1080/1472586X.2011.548485 D o w n l o a d e d
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2 0 1 1 Geomedia 15 users live geographical position on a virtual map. These technologies, that I call geomedia, are not new media per se, but platforms that merge existing technologies (electronic media +the Internet +location-based and Augmented Reality technologies) in a new mode of digital composite imaging, data association and socially maintained data exchange and communication. In this article I examine the early adoption of such new geolocation-based technologies and develop a theoretical analysis of the ontological and epistemological shifts that characterise their contemporary evolution, their patterns of production and exchange, and the unique form of geolocational digital re-aggregation of which images are now part. I interpret the geomedia-rendered map as a new social space and organising principle. I suggest that this virtual map is the site of complex and ramied ontological and epistemological shifts that can be initially observed and investigated from at least three interconnected and inseparable perspectives technological, social and economic that have the image as their centre of gravity. The rst perspective focuses on the technological, to develop a theoretical understanding of the fusion of digital imaging technologies with fast-developing geolocational technologies. I interpret instances of digital synthesised imaging (photographic mapping) as an example of the changing ontological function of space in the photographic representations of reality. I argue that these technologies reinforce an epistemology that interprets geomedia-based photographic mapping not just as a mere new form of digitally synthesised representation of space, but as a visualisation of the social spaces, identities and social relations and interactions of the users that contribute to its composition. I next develop this argument to describe how the geomedia-based reorganisation of photographic mapping can be interpreted as paradigmatic of a response to the need to organise the complexity of information ows and mediated interactions. I argue that the virtual map can be interpreted as a new socio-regulatory system adopted by the individual to reduce the complexity of global information ows. Therefore, theoretically I propose that the photographic articulation of space of the virtual map can be understood as a new organisational system a system based on a regulated virtual representation of space on which geomedia users rely to organise their mediated communications and social interactions in more manageable and contextually relevant information exchanges. I nally conclude the article with a critical interpretation of these very organisational functions. I argue that while these technological evolutions can be interpreted as a form of social adaptation to the complexities of new technologically enhanced social environments, they can also more problematically be interpreted as the embodiment of a new socio-economic order that exploits geomedia users increased social production and exchange of information. In this context, images, sounds and texts are interpreted as dominant commodities whose social patterns of production and exchange can be analysed within known socio-economic discourses. In this interpretation the geomedia-based virtual map (and the digitally synthesised images that compose it) are interpreted as a new organisational principle pushed by the same old market forces that led to the progressive global uniformisation of time (and labour) and to the organisation of the production and exchange of material commodities. Geomedia, I suggest, are to space what the watch is to time. They regulate social behaviour and coordinate mediated interactions, and can be interpreted as the new tools used to cadence the production and exchange of these dominant immaterial commodities, images and information. LIFE ON A SCREEN: A CHANGING EPISTEMOLOGY In Simulacra and Simulation, Baudrillard uses Jorge Luis Borges well-known allegory of the Map and the Empire to describe the progressive mutation of the relation of the object with its representation. In On Exactitude in Science, Borges (1946) narrates an empire in which cartography had become a striving and exacting art. Such were the cartographers mapping skills and steadfast work that the map of the empire grew to be increasingly detailed. The map eventually became so detailed that it overlaid the entire empire and was eventually mistaken for the empire itself. Baudrillard used this allegory to describe the social and perceptual shifts operated by the media system, and the increasingly vanishing relation of their representations with the real object of reference. By means of a critique of the epistemological values of the photographic image (the most detailed of all mapping techniques), Baudrillard declared the demise of the empire of the real and the rise of the world of simulacra and simulations, a world generated by models of a real without origin or reality (Baudrillard 1994, 1). The relationship between the phenomenological real and its many possible representations has always been complex, as have the mediated effects of such D o w n l o a d e d
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2 0 1 1 16 F. Lapenta representations. In the seventh book of The Republic (360 BC), Plato describes a humanity trapped in a cave, kept away from the outside world, but connected to it by the illusionary shadows and sounds that the world projected on the wall of the cave. Critical theorists such as Baudrillard and Debord have, directly or indirectly, used Platos contention to extend their critique to media-distorted representations of the world and famously argued that viewers of contemporary media, very much like the inhabitants of the cave, are captives to a world of illusory representations. They are trapped in a world of images in which they see, not reality, but only a projection on a screen, a spectacle (Debord 1983 [1967]), a simulation (Baudrillard 1994), a pseudo-reality (Black 2002) that they have come to identify and be/live as the real world. From a certain point of view it is not difcult to see the predictive power of Plato, Baudrillard and Debords predicaments. Simply think about the ever-increasing number of hours we spend sitting in our modern caves watching a screen. An increasing wealth of representations of the world is brought to us on our screens, and we now communicate, learn, feel and socially exist in/through them. The empire and its map, the simulacrum, and Baudrillards socially informed account of the shifts in symbolic and perceptual value of mediated representations remain powerful rhetorical concepts. Specically, the metaphor of the map, if re-contextualised, can enable new understandings of the fundamental social and perceptual shifts favoured by these new mobile technologies, the new forms of composite imaging, the geolocation-based representations, and the new social patterns of image production and exchange. A different interpretation of the metaphor of the map offers the opportunity to elaborate on the contemporary systematisation of the representations of the world operated by new geomedia-based technologies and applications. As for the map of the empire that the cartographers continued to grow with increasing levels of detail, the virtual map of the world is acquiring a scale and scope that further exceeds their ambition. The new virtual map deserves attention because of its specic ontological nature and its multiple social evolutions. Its digital hybrid symbolic system seamlessly combines images, texts and sounds. A puzzle of countless photographic images, merged together by geomedia-based applications, constitutes the new visual map on which signs, texts and sounds are pinned down and juxtaposed to systematise and connote the worlds they represent. This new virtual map seems to challenge Baudrillards descriptions of the image and media representations as ultimately disconnected from the objects they are supposed to represent. The use of photographic images in geomedia-based applications, for example, seems to recongure the ontological erosion of indexicality described in Baudrillards four phases of the simulacrum, 1 and lead the image (and its representations) into a fth phase the fth order of the simulacrum, the order of the geolocational reunion if you wish, in which the world of autonomous images (Debord 1983 [1967]) and reality are nally reconciled (functionally, technologically, socially). In the fth geomedia-based rendition of the simulacrum the image is nally recognised for what it has always been: a representation of interconnected physical and social relations, and a system of informational relations (spatial and temporal) among people and the objects of their worlds. Debord in 1967 was already well aware of the signicance of these two processes of accumulation and exchange of representations of the world. Debord described modernity as an immense accumulation of spectacles (Debord 1983 [1967], 2), a collection of images of every aspect of life that fused in a common stream and created a pseudo-world apart. He also characterised the society of the spectacle not as a society simply collecting images, but as a system of social relations among people, mediated by images (Debord 1983 [1967], 2). If interpreted from this perspective, the virtual map (the collection of images, texts and sounds juxtaposed and connected to one another by geomedia technologies) can clearly be seen as more than a mere collection of representations of the world. It can be interpreted as a reunion of the once-disconnected world of autonomous images (Debord 1983 [1967], 2) with the real worlds of their producers. Thus the virtual map can be analysed as a visible articulation of the mediations and social relations that it comprises. Therefore, in what follows I re-think the allegory of the map, and Baudrillards and Debords interpretations, to advance a new interpretation of the digital map of the empire. In doing so, I take the photographic image as a starting point. I outline a new geolocational ontology of the image as hybrid and composite, to analyse the virtual maps social evolution and renewed social functions. REDEFINING THE MAP: FROM REPRESENTATION, TO SIMULATION, TO GEOLOCATION It is my argument that new geomedia imaging technologies are responsible for a new epistemological shift that is redening the perceptual and symbolic relation between mediated representations and the real D o w n l o a d e d
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2 0 1 1 Geomedia 17 objects of reference (Lapenta 2009). This transformation is profoundly changing the social function of such mediated representations. In this new phase, a rhetorical concept, that of the map of the empire, is transformed by a set of geolocational software applications, and by their users, into an experiential phenomenon, the virtual map (Google Earth and all the other similar maps) the utopian map that represents all heterotopian (Foucault 2002) maps that more and more ubiquitously exist on our computer screens and mobiles. The new virtual map deserves in-depth scrutiny because of its distinctive hybrid technological nature (digital +geolocational), and because of the complex social dynamics and developing social functions that it engenders. The digital symbolic system of the virtual map allows the combination of elements, images, signs, texts and sounds which never before could be combined so seamlessly together. Photographic images, signs, texts and sounds produced by geomedia users, and geolocationally merged with each other, thus constitute the virtual map. The virtual map, however, is also intrinsically a social phenomenon. Its origin and basic function essentially lie in the facilitation and organisation of geomedia users collective production and exchange of images, signs, texts and sounds. The more complex feat of the virtual map is its reconguration of the epistemological, social and functional relations of the maps projected world of mediated representations with the real world of its creators. To put things into a socio-historical perspective, Baudrillards four epistemological phases of the image seem to closely describe the culturally dominant interpretations and functions of the evolving technologies of the image, from the invention of photography and the shared social perception of the indissoluble link between the photographic image and the objects it represents (Talbot 18441846; Sontag 1977), to the evolution of the communicative uses of images in lms and television in which images construct narrative pseudo-realities (Russian formalism and semiotics), to the postmodern questioning of reality itself and the digital revolution in which the indissoluble relation between the object and its representation seems to be progressively eroding (Wombell 1991) until it digitally disappears (CGI). New geomedia imaging technologies seem to recongure the ontological erosion of indexicality described by these four phases of the simulacrum, and lead the image (and its ultimate embodiment, the virtual map) into a fth epistemological phase the fth order of the simulacrum in which the once separated world of autonomous images and reality are technologically, functionally, perceptually and socially reconciled. PHOTOGRAPHIC MAPPING: A CHANGING ONTOLOGY AND A NEW FORM OF SOCIAL INTERACTION In the fth geomedia-based rendition of the image (the latest in the history of the developing technologies of the image), photography is undergoing yet another technological evolution that is transforming what was a mechanical separation into what is now a digital reunion. The initially mechanically divided images of the world are digitally reunited in the virtual map, geolocationally pinned down by geomedia technologies, juxtaposed and merged as the jigsaw pieces of an intricate puzzle. In the history of photography there are many examples of images that superimpose and blend multiple photographs for communicative or artistic purposes. However, this specic form of digital superimposition and blending (photosynthesis) is creating a genre, photographic mapping, that poses a challenge to photographys conventional ontological nature. This new photographic genre, associated with specic photographic forms and practices, is transforming photographys once inseparable and unique combination of time and space into a complex and fragmented variable. It is important to focus on the theoretical implications of this transformation and engage in a description of the perceptual, epistemological and social functions that images time and space distanciation and reunion engender. The desire to stop time is either a fundamental feature or one of the historically strongest biases in the history of photography. Since its invention, photography has been described or wilfully constructed as a key witness to a passing moment or event, and has enduringly been conceptualised as what Innis (1964) referred to as a time-biased medium. 2 This fundamental feature of photography is being profoundly transformed through digital photographic mapping, where one photograph (and I wonder if this is still the proper name to indicate what this image is) is able to seamlessly merge many photographs of contiguous places taken at different times. This synthesised image, as the single photographs that compose it, is still a visible token of the past; but as a combination of contiguous photographs, it is also a combination of past, present and future, as the photographs that it merges together represent the present, past or future to one another. This new digital photographic map transforms a timespace unicum (the photograph taken at a specic time, in a specic place) 3 into a fractured time within a space continuum (a composed photographic image that merges different times and connects contiguous spaces). Once the two key dimensions of the time and space of a photographic image are operationally separated they give D o w n l o a d e d
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2 0 1 1 18 F. Lapenta space to new possible forms of communicative re-articulation. In the case of live audio-video communications, for example, space is suspended in favour of linear time; the image is transformed in a complementary token of exchange between different spaces to sustain the conditions of a live (continuous time) communication. Conversely, in the virtual map, images taken at different times are combined together in a contiguous linear space, juxtaposed, superimposed and merged by means of spatial (and not temporal) relation. In this system, space, not time, is perceived as the existing continuous relation. Time is suspended to sustain the natural conditions of objects co-presence and spatial interrelations. The contiguous space of the image is always implied in each photograph, but not directly acknowledged (represented). Any photograph is a photograph of something, but also a non-photograph of what is excluded (out of frame). If space is the key variable, all the pictures of the world can be seen as interconnected by relations of relative distance from and proximity to one another. A technology that articulates these spatial interrelations (Google Earth, Google Maps, or Photosynth, for example) generates a system that mimics a fundamental condition of existence of real objects, their spatial interrelation. This system also creates a paradox for the photographs it correlates and merges. On the one hand, it reinforces the realist bias of photography (Burgin 1982), the historical bias that has reinforced our perception of a photograph as proof of the existence of the objects it represents. These spatial relations create yet another link between the represented (the object) and its representation (its image), knotting them together at a certain location by means of proximity to other images (and objects). On the other hand, this system also redenes the ontological principle that sustains this realist bias, transforming a physical relation, that between the image and the object of its representation, into a cognitive relation; from what we know to be true of the object, its condition of spatial relation to other objects, to what we think to be true of an image on the map, the conditions of spatial relation of an image to the other images on the virtual map. Therefore the virtual map, a space-biased medium (Innis 1964), plays an active role in a process of perceptual transformation. This involves substituting a homogeneous physical organising principle, the photographs indexicality in which time and space are linked together, with a heterogeneous and hybrid organising principle, geolocality, in which time is fragmented, and where technologically determined space relations remain as the surviving organising principle. Geomedia reinforce this perceptual transformation, substituting the physical link between the object and its image (indexicality) with geolocality, the technologically mediated link between the image and the physical space of the object and the user. It is important to understand the complex nature of this specic technological reunion, but it is perhaps more important to understand its changing epistemological interpretation, and the specic social functions that this reunion serves. In 1991 Jameson was elaborating on the human limits of cognitive mapping. Moving from a Lynchian, Althusserian and Lacanian-inspired denition, Jameson described cognitive mapping as the coordination of existential data (the empirical position of the subject) with an abstract conception of an unrepresentable socio-geographic totality (Jameson 1991, Chapter I). 4 If framed within these two perspectives the virtual map then can be interpreted as a utopian projection, or a heterotopian realisation, of this once-unrepresentable socio-geographic totality. More than a mere collection of representations of the world, the virtual map can be interpreted as a new (utopian) social space a visible articulation of the individual and social mediations of the once-disconnected world of autonomous images (Debord 1983 [1967]) with the real (Sontag 1977; Baudrillard 1994), the cognitive (Jameson 1991) and the social worlds of their producers. The virtual map is built by the cooperation of two entities. On the one hand, we have the (soon-to-be-interconnected) software platforms that are offered for its growth, the virtual surfaces offered for the renditions of the map by applications such as Google Earth, Google Maps, Photosynth, QuickTime VR, iPhoto 2009 that seamlessly combine images, texts and sounds. And, on the other hand, we have the new generation of cartographers, comprising all the individual media users that contribute with pieces of representation of themselves and the world around them to the enormous puzzle of the virtual map. The new cartographers of the world produce images (but also texts and sounds) that are geo-positioned on the virtual map by geomedia technologies that geotag these images and juxtapose them to one another in a growing, interlinked and ever-changing representation of the world. Both the map and the pieces composing it are in continuous growth and evolution as the virtual map adapts and follows the lives of its cartographers. The geomedia-based virtual map is ultimately a socio-projective tool that transforms our personal and collective cognitive mapping of the world. It transforms a subjects abstract relationship with an unrepresentable D o w n l o a d e d
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2 0 1 1 Geomedia 19 cognitive projection of the totality of the real conditions of existence (Jameson 1991) into a subjects relationship with the actual technological representation of the socio-geographic totality of our mediated conditions of existence (composed by all the images, signs and texts socially produced and shared by media users and synthesised in the virtual map). I argue that this shift in the organisation of the representations of the world can be interpreted as a paradigmatic shift that transforms the new synthesised image of the world (the virtual map) into a new socio-organisational principle that has far-reaching consequences for the social relations that these new forms of representations of the self and the world engender. THE CONVERGENCE OF THE GEOSPHERE, THE INFOSPHERE AND THE BODY: VISUALISING IDENTITY AND IMAGINED COMMUNITY While the effects of this geomedia-rendered reunion are still evolving and complex, they can be contextualised as part of a general development in information and communication technologies based on the fast-paced adoption of new geolocational technologies and their rapidly changing social functions and signications. Synthetically we can say that information technology communications have moved through two phases normally referred to (somewhat problematically) as WEB 1.0 and WEB 2.0 (DiNucci 1999; OReilly 2005). If WEB 1.0 can be seen as the initial move towards the simple transfer of content (image, text, sound) to a new digital medium and delivery system (digital information, the computer and the Internet), WEB 2.0 has seen the reorganisation of such distribution of content on the basis of existing and developing social networks. In this new ecosystem, social identity and social interactions have been transformed into data, and data have become part and parcel of online identity and mediated social interactions. For example, age, location, interests, photographs and videos, comments and replies, links, friends lists and groups have all become, according to Sundn, information used in social networking sites (SNS) and online social platforms to type oneself into being (Sundn 2003, cited in Boyd and Ellison 2007, 211). These data serve as exchanged identity markers (West and Turner 2008, 389) in SNS, and are used by users to perform identity and to develop a sense of imagined community (Anderson 1991). What makes FIGURE 1. Staying connected on Foursquare. Photo: Foursquare. D o w n l o a d e d
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2 0 1 1 20 F. Lapenta WEB 2.0 platforms different from pre-existing forms of mediated-communication is, according to Boyd and Ellison, that they enable users to articulate and make visible their social identity and social networks (Boyd 2007; Boyd and Ellison 2007). The process of production and consumption of images, sounds and texts in SNS can then be interpreted as part of a process of identity elaboration, impression management and self-presentation (Donath and Boyd 2004, 7182). It is how people maintain relationships and continuously perform and construct and make visible their online social identities. WEB 2.0 platforms, however, can also be observed from a different point of view, and be described as an innovative form of coordination and social articulation of the exchange of information: a form of adaptation to the selection of relevant information among the ever-increasing amount of data available and their ever-changing social function and signication. If we can argue that search engines like Altavista, Yahoo and Google really created the rst generation of the Internet as we know it (by actually allowing us to navigate the immense archive of collected information and data available on the Internet), we can interpret WEB 2.0 as an adaptation to the increasing and exponential growth of such data that required more sophisticated and individually tailored systems to navigate and organise available information according to other signicant paradigms than a text-based search string. Text (together with content-based searches) is and will remain one of the main signifying systems used to scout the Internet in search of relevant information. Yet it is evident that other tools are necessary to render and organise the ever-increasing amount of non-textual information available and their highly differentiated signifying systems (signs, photographs, images and sounds). The increasing use and popularity of WEB 2.0 applications and the evolution of geomedia represent part of this evolution, and differentiate WEB 2.0 applications and geomedia-based communications and exchanges from the rst-generation types of computer-mediated systematisation of information. Observed from these interrelated perspectives, it is easy to understand how it was only a question of time (and technological development) before the body, and its location, would become a system of reference used to search and organise the collective information ows that converge and constitute the virtual map in a fashion signicant for the individual. Geomedia and associated photographic applications, such as Photosynth and Google Earth, seem to represent a rst response to this FIGURE 2. Augmented reality and space. need to contextually organise information or, perhaps more signicantly, the rst response to technologically engage with a multi-sensorial organisation of the increasingly multimodal and hybridised nature of the information space (see also Sarah Pinks article in this volume). The geomedia-based virtual map can be theorised as a mediating space, a projective tool, in which two entities and identities converge: the geosphere the sphere of the body and the object, the physical environments in which media users communicate and live and the infosphere (Tofer 1980, 172; Garson 2006, 12; Floridi 2007, 5964) the bits of information, the photographic, iconic or symbolic representations of these physical environments that media users produce and share. Geomedia transform the geolocation of their users, their geosphere, into data, and connect these data to existing information that describe users online activities and identities (and their infosphere). By means of software applications (Foursquare, 5 Gowalla, Bliin.com, Google Latitude, Photosynth, QuickTime VR, Places iPhoto 2009, Layar, Ekin.net), geomedia platforms connect and merge on a live navigable virtual map (Google Earth, Google Maps, Live Maps), the users physical location and the ever-increasing wealth of information that they produce as part of their online social interactions. Geomedia become tools used by subjects to navigate their social worlds, to organise their local social relations and to maintain their networked latent ties (Haythornthwaite 2005; Boyd and Ellison 2007). Within this process, the photographic virtual map serves as the tool used to project, to make visible, this social performance, this personal mediated identity and imagined community (a utopian representation of the socio-geographic totality that Jameson described as unrepresentable). Geomedia help users to navigate the geosphere, but also provide tools to organise users D o w n l o a d e d
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2 0 1 1 Geomedia 21 participation in the creation and visualisation of the imagined community of the infosphere. As such, geomedia can also be interpreted as new regulatory systems that articulate and organise these new hybrid forms of social interactions, communication and exchange among individuals. The geomedia-based map used to visualise, articulate and guide these social interactions can thus be understood as a social navigation system adopted by the individual to reduce the complexity of global information systems to individually manageable and socially relevant information exchanges. Along with traditional search engines (the regulatory systems of WEB 1.0) and social networking sites (the social organisational tools of WEB 2.0), geomedia provide one more tool to link and navigate the geosphere and the infosphere for data relevant to the subject and his or her relevant others in a live and continuous exchange of information. Once a disconnected collection of images, data and texts, the infosphere is now readily synthesised on the virtual map organised in a network of social interactions and exchanges that are nally connected by geomedia technologies to what cannot be disconnected any more ones individual physical reality and ones own digital identity. GEOMEDIA AND THE NEW ECONOMY OF SPACE: THE COMMODIFICATION OF COLLECTIVE IMAGE PRODUCTION To fully and critically understand the social impact of the geomedia-based reorganisation of virtual space, I compare it historically with the global reorganisation of time that took place at the turn of the twentieth century. This comparison also allows us to understand the new social position acquired by the image and its relative function in such redenition of space. The history of modernity has been characterised by a growing interconnectedness of different nations and cultures and an ever-increasing volume of global exchange of services, commodities and communications. The progressive evolution of these national and international economic exchanges created a host of organisational, economic and legal problems that were eventually resolved with a much more precise denition of the territorial national space, and with the nations progressive adoption of Universal Standard Time (Kern 1983). The creation and adoption of Universal Standard Time was politically motivated by a specic economic and social agenda and designed to organise this increasing global movement and exchange of people and commodities. In a way, this social uniformisation of time per se was nothing new. Durkheim, one of the rst authors to elaborate on the social construction of time, acknowledged that all societies required a socially shared denition of time to create a framework for the rhythm of social life (Durkheim 2001 [1912]). 6 Late modernitys shared denition of time was, however, characterised by a historically unprecedented level of precision, diffusion and social pervasiveness. The precise social scheduling of time that was initially required for the coordination of transport of people and commodities, and the coordination of international markets, soon became a tool for the organisation of labour, 7 interpersonal communications and public services. The precise social scheduling of time quickly trickled down into the organisation of the most mundane and personal events progressively dominating and regulating our lives. It is with this antecedent in mind that I suggest that this old framework, the familiar social dynamics and core logic of modern capitals expansion, could invite a different interpretation of the mediated re-elaboration of time and space operated by geomedia technologies and the social functions of the images geolocationally distributed and organised on the virtual map. If we situate the current development of geomedia-based technologies in terms of their emergence in relation to this modern capitalist system, then this raises new questions of how social dynamics, forms of commodity exchange and the creation of a technologically enhanced immaterial space can be understood. As the above analyses have shown, the apparent promotion of exibility and the autonomy-enhancing qualities of these new communication technologies also come in constant tension with an opposite function that sees them as new organisational and regulatory systems. From this perspective, geomedia can not only be interpreted as the evolution and response to the matured need for new organisational criteria to coordinate and link mediated interactions, but also as the attempt of new actors and the same economic and political forces that regulate physical time and space to organise and regulate the global placeless ow of information into locally controlled and physically contextualised information systems. In this framework, geomedia and the virtual map (the utopian space in which these new forms of social interaction and exchange take place) can be conceived as instruments enabling the capitalisation of the production (Bell 1976, 127, 348) and exchange (Castells 2000) of the immaterial commodities that dominate these new immaterial social D o w n l o a d e d
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2 0 1 1 22 F. Lapenta environments the images, texts and sounds regularly and collectively produced and exchanged by media users. Observed from this intentionally critical perspective, the similarities between the two historically momentous redenitions of time and space are striking. Geomedia are to space (material and immaterial) what the watch is to time. They regulate social behaviour and interpersonal communications, coordinate social interactions and organise the production and exchange of the founding immaterial commodities (Negri and Hardt 2001) constitutive of these immaterial spaces (Drucker 1969; Porat 1977; Lyotard 1984). Information within these systems is not only linked back to their local referents (the physical space and the body of the user), but users themselves (and their surrounding space) are transformed into information a commodied image which is once again embedded in a controlled as well as a socially and economically structured system regulated this time not by the watch, but by new geomedia technologies and the virtual map. Similarly to other strategies affecting other forms of material and immaterial labour (Ursell 2000; Ross 2003; Stahl 2005; Banks 2007, 2010; Holt and Lapenta 2010), the geomedia liberatory function can be interpreted as yet another form of camouage of its real intentions and effects, to de-differentiate work and non-work environments and to attenuate the boundaries between the real and virtual self and the work and non-work self (Banks 2010, 256). As such, geomedia can be interpreted as the predictable expansion of global market economies from the systematic organisation and capitalisation of time (sanctioned by Universal Standard Time) to the systematic informatisation and capitalisation of an individuals immaterial space. The virtual map, and the images that compose it, can be interpreted as immaterial commodities produced by the immaterial labour (Lazzarato 1997; Terranova 2003) of geomedia users, organised by systems and actors that control and capitalise upon the emerging immaterial spaces in which images are produced and exchanged. The history of the image is one of ever-changing technological and cultural evolutions; each evolution characteristic of historically evolving media epochs and paradigmatic of specic cultural, social and economic interpretations. All the arguments presented so far are acknowledgements of this ever-changing technological nature as well as of the complex and evolving social functions of the image; they represent an initial challenge, and not an exhaustive discussion, of the new ontological, epistemological, social, cultural and economic questions that come with the investigation of the latest technological evolutions of the image, which was rst a form of mechanical reproduction, then an artistic tool for descriptive or narrative pseudo-realities a commodied artefact, and a dominant form of communication in a world of art galleries, journals, billboards, family albums, movie theatres and televisions. It later became a new form of digital representation, initially questioned by postmodern critical thinking, and now reincarnated as a foundation of an evolving world of virtual maps and augmented realities (Uricchio, in this volume). It is a new, meaningful form in an ever-expanding parallel world of image-based representations, virtual spaces, imagined identities and evolving virtual communities. And once again, and more than ever, it is both form of expression and commodied object of exchange in the newly created virtual environments. ACKNOWLEDGEMENT The author would like to thank Gry Hasselbalch, Sarah Pink, Fabian Holt, Eric Margolis, Don Slater and Jakob Arnoldi for countless comments and meaningful conversations about the earlier and later drafts of the article. NOTES [1] In the rst case, the image is a good appearance: the representation is of the order of sacrament. In the second, it is an evil appearance: of the order of malece. In the third, it plays at being an appearance: it is of the order of sorcery. In the fourth, it is no longer in the order of appearance at all, but of simulation (Baudrillard 1994, 6). [2] According to Innis, time-biased media favour the preservation of knowledge over long periods of time, whereas space-biased media favour the dissemination of knowledge over great distances. The bias of communication directly inuences the way media exert control and, consequently, the way society is organised. [3] William Henry Fox Talbot describing photography: Groups of gures take no longer time to obtain than single gures would require, since the Camera depicts them all at once, however numerous they may be (Talbot 18441846). [4] Jameson was at the time acknowledging that despite the evolution in geographic mapping techniques, it was clear that there can be no true maps. He also recognised that at the same time it also becomes clear that there can be scientic progress, or better still, a dialectical advance, in the various historical moments of map-making (Jameson 1991, 52). D o w n l o a d e d
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2 0 1 1 Geomedia 23 [5] For descriptive videos, visit: www.youtube.com/watch?v=b64_16K2e08 or http:// www.vimeo.com/843168 or http://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=4ZLLqdizxTs&feature=fvst. [6] In The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life (2001 [1912]), Durkheim challenged Kants a priori denition of inner time with his account of the complex social nature of time. Time, Durkheim says, is always a social institution and cannot be reduced to a simple interpretation of the time of nature or the individual. Sundials, candle clocks, hourglasses, bells, water clocks, mechanical clocks, electronic clocks, atomic clocks and the omnipresent wristwatch are just a few among the many devices that measured history and the passing of time. They all shared a common function that of regulating and organising social interaction. [7] In 1893, an article in the Scientic American journal characterised this transition by describing one of the Universal Standard Time core applications and social values the measurement of labour. The article Recording Time of Employees described a machine that stamped an employees card with the time s/he entered and left the work place, precisely counting the minutes and hours that s/he would be later paid for (nally accomplishing Benjamin Franklins 1748 axiom Time is money). REFERENCES Anderson, B.R. 1991. Imagined communities: Reections on the origin and spread of nationalism. London: Verso. Banks, M. 2007. The politics of cultural work. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. . 2010. Autonomy guaranteed? Cultural work and the Art Commerce Relation. Journal for Cultural Research, 14 (3): 25169. Baudrillard, J. 1994. Simulacra and simulation. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Bell, D. 1976. The coming of post-industrial society. New York: Basic Books. Black, J. 2002. The reality effect: Film culture and the graphic imperative. New York and London: Routledge. Borges, J. L. 1946. On exactitude in science. In B. Lynch Davi, Museo, Los Anales de Buenos Aires 1 (3). Boyd D. 2007. The signicance of social software. In BlogTalks reloaded: Social software research & cases, edited by Thomas N. Burg and Jan Schmidt. Norderstedt: Books On Demand. . 2008. None of this is real. In Structures of participation in digital culture, edited by Joe Karaganis. New York: Social Science Research Council. Boyd D. M., and N. B. Ellison. 2007. Social network sites: Denition, history, and scholarship. Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 13 (1): 21030. Burgin, V., ed. 1982. Thinking photography. London: Macmillan. Castells, M. 2000. The rise of the network society: The information age. In Economy, society and culture, vol. 1, 2nd ed. Malden: Blackwell. Debord, G. 1983 [1967]. Society of the spectacle. London: Rebel Press. DiNucci, D. 1999. Fragmented future. Print 53 (4): 32. Donath, J., and D. Boyd. 2004. Public displays of connection. BT Technology Journal 22 (4): 7182. Drucker, P. 1969. The age of discontinuity. London: Heinemann. Durkheim, E. 2001 [1912]. The elementary forms of the religious life. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Floridi, L. 2007. A look into the future impact of ICT on our lives. The Information Society 23 (1): 5964. Foucault, M. 2002. Of other spaces. In The visual culture reader, edited by N. Mirzoeff. London: Routledge. Garson, D. 2006. Public information technology and e-governance: Managing the virtual state. London: Jones & Bartlett. Haythornthwaite, C. 2005. Social networks and internet connectivity effects. Information, Communication & Society 8 (2): 12547. Holt, F., and F. Lapenta, eds. 2010. Autonomy and creative labour. Special issue, Journal for Cultural Research 14 (3). Innis, H. A. 1964. The bias of communication. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Jameson, F. 1991. Postmodernism, or, the cultural logic of late capitalism. London: Verso. Kern, S. 1983. The culture of time and space, 18801918. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Lapenta, F. 2008. Dene geomedia. Online publication. http:// www.francescolapenta.wordpress.com/.../dene- geomedia-and-web-30. . 2009. Mapping the world. Online publication. http:// www.scribd.com/doc/9896688/Mapping-the-World-A- Brief-Essay-on-the-Changing-Status-of-Collective-Image- Production-F-Lapenta. Lazzarato M. 1997. Lavoro Immateriale. Forme di Vita e Produzione di Soggettivita [Immaterial labour. Forms of life and the production of subjectivity]. Verona: OmbreCorte. Lyotard J. F. 1984. The postmodern condition. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Negri, A., and M. Hardt. 2001. Empire. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. OReilly, T. 2005. What is Web 2.0? Design patterns and business models for the next generation of software. International Journal of Digital Economics 65 (2007): 1737. Porat, M. 1977. The information economy. Washington, DC: US Department of Commerce. Ross, A. 2003. No-collar: The humane workplace and its hidden costs. New York: Basic Books. Sontag, S. 1977. On photography. London: Penguin. Stahl, M. 2005. Non-proprietary authorship and the uses of autonomy: Artistic labor in American lm animation, 19002004. Labor: Studies in Working-Class History of the Americas 2 (4): 87105. D o w n l o a d e d
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2 0 1 1 24 F. Lapenta Talbot W. H. F. 18441846. The pencil of nature. London: Longmans. Terranova, T. 2003. Free labor: Producing culture for the digital economy. Online publication. http://www. electronicbookreview.com/thread/technocapitalism/ voluntary. Tofer A. 1980. The third wave. London: Bantam. Ursell, G. 2000. Television production: Issues of exploitation, commodication. Media, Culture &Society 22 (6): 80525. West, R., and L. Turner. 2008. Understanding interpersonal communication: Making choices in changing times. Boston, MA: Cengage Learning. Wombell, P., ed. 1991. Photovideo: Photography in the age of the computer. London: Rivers Oram Press. D o w n l o a d e d
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2 0 1 1 145 No. 145 November 2012 Sarah Pink and Larissa Hjorth Abstract In the context of the increased use of high-qualitv camera phones, along with the growth in distribution services via social and locative media, we are witnessing new forms of visualitv emerging. These new tvpes of co-present visualitv overlav and interweave online and ofine cartographies in different wavs maps that require a revision of ethnographv. In this article, we frame this phenomenon as a shift from networked visualitv to emplaced visualitv and socialitv. That is, we reect upon previous models deploved in mobile communication and depart from them to consider how a phenomenological approach rooted in visual and multisensorial ethnographv might help provide insight into this dvnamic media cartographv and the socialities associated with it. With the rise oI high-quality camera phones, accompanied by the growth in in-phone editing applications and distribution services via social and locative media, we are witnessing the appearance oI new types oI co-present visuality and sociality. These emergent ways in which online and oIfine cartographies are becoming overlaid and entangled as well as the experiential environments associated with them demand alternative ways oI theorising visuality and socialities oI co-presence. This requires that we go beyond earlier studies oI camera phones (e.g. by Ito and Okabe, 2003, 2005, 2006), which Iocused on the three Ss` sharing, storing and saving to inIorm the context oI what was predominantly banal` everyday content (Koskinen, 2007). Moreover, these earlier studies Iorwarded the idea oI ambient co-presence` (Ito and Okabe, 2006) in which burgeoning community platIorms such as Flickr and social media like Facebook, and camera phone practices, embodied not only networked visuality` but also emergent Iorms oI user creativity (Mork Petersen, 2009; Burgess, 2008). Departing Irom these ideas, we develop the notion oI emplaced visuality. Emplaced visuality means understanding camera phone practices and the socialities that create and emerge through them in ways corresponding with non-representational (ThriIt, 2008) or more-than-representational` approaches in geography, which, according to Hayden Lorimer, encompass: how liIe takes shape and gains expression in shared experiences, everyday routines, feeting encounters, embodied movements, precognitive triggers, aIIective intensities, enduring urges, unexceptional interactions and sensuous dispositions (Lorimer, 2005: 84). EMPLACED CARTOGRAPHIES: RECONCEPTUALISING CAMERA PHONE PRACTICES IN AN AGE OF LOCATIVE MEDIA 146 Media nternational Australia Thus we see camera phone photography as part oI the fow oI everyday liIe, an increasingly habitual way oI being that is sensed and Ielt (emotionally and physically). In doing so, we join other contemporary ethnographic scholars who go beyond the content oI digital photography to stress the importance oI a Iocus on practice and the non-representational (e.g. Gomez Cruz, 2012). However, because camera phone photography involves the production and sharing oI images, it also compels us to engage with its status as representation, and to explore the relationship between the representational and the non-representational. This tension Iorms part oI our exploration oI how we might begin to theorise the shiIt Irom !"#$%&'"( to "*+,-."( visuality and sociality, and may be examined through a Iocus on movement. Tim Cresswell has suggested that we consider three aspects oI mobility: the Iact oI physical movement getting Irom one place to another; the representations oI movement that give it shared meaning; and, fnally, the experienced and embodied practice oI movement` (Cresswell, 2010: 19). These three aspects oI mobility are deeply interwoven and entangled. In camera phone photography, the experience and representation oI movement cohere, and below we explore how these dimensions oI mobility might be situated. To achieve this, we draw on a set oI related theoretical concepts that enable us to understand the socialities and visualities oI camera phone photography as part oI a constantly shiIting ecology: place, movement and perception (see also Pink, 2009, 2012). Following the ideas oI Tim Ingold, we see place as unbounded`, a meshwork` or entanglement oI lines oI movement, constituted through the intensities through which these lines become entangled with each other (Ingold, 2008). Thus conceived, place can be constituted oI any oI the diverse components that might come together to create such intensities. As human subjects are inevitably emplaced (see also Casey, 1996), we share contemporary places with, and are situated in relation to, human and non-human organisms, technologies, soItware, code, energy, the weather, moralities, discourses and more. Place is also imbued with relations oI power and fnance, corporate and non-corporate entities. As part oI place, human subjects and other things and processes are constantly moving through. This is how place, as a Iorever reconstituting constellation oI processes` (Massey, 2005: 141), shiIts and changes. As Ingold (2008) and Doreen Massey (2005) both stress, movement is part oI the constituting oI place. Moreover, as Ingold`s work shows us, as we move through the places oI which we are part, we also continually sense and learn; Ingold argues that, People do not make sense` oI things by superimposing ready-made sensory meanings on top` oI lived experience, so as to give symbolic shape to the otherwise Iormless material oI raw sensation. They do so, rather, by weaving together, in narrative, strands oI experience born oI practical, perceptual activity. It is out oI this interweaving that meanings emerge. (2011: 326) Along similar lines, Barbara Maria StaIIord writes oI learning as incremental and endless, yielding associations that allow us to wander oII inventively and independently into new territory` (2011: 58). We conceptualise camera phone photography as part oI this process, as it is enacted in the fow` oI everyday liIe at the interIace where digital and material realities come together. Accounting for the digitaI architectures of the banaI As we noted above, in the frst series oI camera phone studies, the likes oI Mizuko Ito and Daisuke Okabe (2003, 2005, 2006) noted the pivotal role played by the three Ss` sharing, storing and saving in inIorming the context oI what was predominantly banal`, everyday content (Koskinen, 2007). For Ilpo Koskinen, camera phone images were branded by their participation in a new type oI banality (2007). While this banality 147 No. 145 November 2012 can be seen as extending the conventions and genres oI earlier photographic tropes (i.e. Kodak Gye, 2007; Hjorth, 2007; Lee, 2005), they also signifcantly depart (Chesher, 2012). Yet the banality oI the camera phone should not be understood only in terms oI the visual content oI the images it produces, but also in its very use. It has become an embedded part oI the ordinary the routine, habitual and oIten-tacit practices in which we engage as we move through, sense and perceive environments. ThereIore, as camera phones become more commonplace in the explosion oI smartphones along with new contexts Ior image distribution, like microblogging and location-based services (LBS) emergent types oI visual overlays become apparent, and are indeed emerging Irom a contemporary Iorm oI everydayness in which camera phone photography participates. To comprehend this Iurther, we need to locate the ambient visuality` oI these images, in relation to Web 2.0 contexts, in which the geographic is overlaid with the social and emotional. William Uricchio draws our attention to the algorithmic architecture oI Web 2.0 contexts in a way that, as he points out himselI, is compatible with the emergent and moving qualities oI images (Uricchio, 2011: 28). Uricchio`s study Iocuses on Photosynth and augmented reality, yet his argument has wider relevance. He argues that these applications share a Iundamental realignment oI subjectobject relations thanks to their algorithmic processing layer`, which resituates human agency and the fxities oI the world viewed`, and determines !"#$ we see, and even "&! we see it` (2011: 33). This algorithmic turn` also Iorms part oI the context whereby Francesco Lapenta suggests imaging technologies are responsible Ior a new epistemological shiIt that is redefning the perceptual and symbolic relation between mediated representations and the real objects oI reIerence` (2011: 1617). Lapenta comprehends the digital map through a consideration oI its changing status as photography, in that: The initially mechanically divided images oI the world are digitally reunited in the virtual map, geolocationally pinned down by geomedia technologies, juxtaposed and merged as the jigsaw pieces oI an intricate puzzle. (Lapenta, 2011: 17) Yet the virtual map serves as more than a composite image to be surveyed; rather, in the Web 2.0 context that we consider here, it creates part oI the organising architecture Ior contemporary and emergent Iorms oI sociality and digital practice. Thus, Ior Lapenta: . the body, and its location . become a system oI reIerence used to search and organise the collective inIormation fows that converge and constitute the virtual map in a Iashion signifcant Ior the individual constituting technological engagements with a multi-sensorial organisation oI the increasingly multimodal and hybridised nature oI the inIormation space (2011: 20). Jason Farman also writes oI the digital map in relation to a social network that engages users as embodied interactors rather than disembodied voyeurs` (2010: 869). As these understandings make clear, the digital map and its augmented reality do not exist purely Ior our visual contemplation. Rather, they make and are part oI environments, imply movement and are experienced corporeally. These works oIIer us a way to understand the invisible architectures oI what we reIer to as emplaced visuality`, and camera phone photography is part oI the way that human subjects, images and socialities become emplaced in relation to these emergent structures and the corporate interests that drive them (see Lapenta, 2011; Farman, 2010). Simultaneous with the emergence oI these algorithmic architectures, the changing nature oI the images that ordinary camera phone users themselves can make calls on us to attend to the composition, genre and reIerentiality oI contemporary images, along with their relationality to written text. While, globally, camera phone genres like selI-portraiture have blossomed, we are also witnessing the fourishing oI vernacular visualities that refect 148 Media nternational Australia a localised notion oI place, social and identity-making practices (Lee, 2009a; Hjorth, 2007). With LBS like Facebook Places, and LBS games like Foursquare and Jiepang, we see a Iurther extension oI overlaying locality with the social and personal, whereby the electronic is superimposed on to the geographic in new ways. This overlaying thus makes place through engagements with it. Specifcally, by sharing an image and comment about a place through LBS, users can create diIIerent ways to experience and record journeys and, in turn, impact upon how place is recorded, experienced and thus remembered (Hjorth and Gu, 2012). This is especially the case with the overlaying oI ambient images within moving narratives oI place as aIIorded by LBS. Moreover, with the burgeoning oI smartphones that enable new Iorms oI distribution ,we also see a plethora oI apps, flters and lenses to help users create unique` and artistic camera phone images. Although iPhone has been quick to capitalise on this phenomenon through applications such as Hipstamatic, other smartphones like Android have also attempted to corner this expansive market. So too, social media like microblogs and LBS have acknowledged the growing power oI camera phone photography by not only aIIording easy uploading and sharing oI the vernacular (Burgess, 2008), but also providing flters and lenses to Iurther enhance the proIessional` and artistic` dimensions oI the photographic experience (Mork Petersen, 2009). ThereIore, we are seeing the emergence oI a context where mobile media evokes a particular kind oI ambient participation that is confgured through and by place in specifc ways (Hjorth et al., 2012). One way oI conceptualising the various dimensions oI this has been suggested by Daniel Palmer, Ior whom iPhone photography is distinctive across three areas (2012). First, it created an experience between touch and the image, what Palmer calls an embodied visual intimacy` (2012: 88). While touch has long been an important, but neglected, dimension in the history oI photography . the iPhone, held in the palm oI the hand, reintroduces a visual intimacy to screen culture that is missing Irom the larger monitor screen` (Palmer, 2012: 88). Second, the proliIeration oI photo apps Ior the iPhone has meant that there is a plethora oI ways to take, edit and share photos. No longer do camera phone images have to look like the poorer cousin to the proIessional camera. Third, there is the role oI GPS capability with the iPhone, automatically tagging photographs with their location, allowing images to be browsed and arranged geographically` (Palmer, 2012: 88). In this context, with the convergence oI social, locative and mobile media, the way in which we conceptualise camera phone visuality and aIIect is changing. So how do we Irame these new visualities in motion? One way, as we suggest here, is through the movement Irom network` to emplacement, as outlined above. Indeed, this already has a certain ft` with the more practical and empirical ways with which scholars such as Palmer are already conceptualising the diIIerent dimensions oI our engagements with camera phones. In the Iollowing sections, we explore how this theoretical Iocus on emplacement might be applied critically to depart Irom existing notions oI network and embodiment as ways oI conceptualising camera-phone practices. Photoshopping: New visuaIities in motion In studies oI frst-generation camera phone studies in Korea, Hjorth noted tensions around camera phones` relationship to place and mobility in what she called snapshots oI almost contact` (2007). The increasingly quick edit and deletion oI images at the time has created a diIIerent relationship between recording; within this process, Ietishisation oI realism prevailed. This tension around mediation, refection and engagement is amplifed in second-generation camera phone studies, with the growth oI locative and social media that converge various cartographies across spatial, social and electronic terrains. As 149 No. 145 November 2012 previously noted, these cartographies are about mobile intimacy and the ways in which these practices get mapped across the various and competing intimate publics. As Goggin (2011: 48) notes, the rise oI the citizen journalist has been epitomised by the camera phone revolution, to the extent that even some proIessional photojournalists have opted Ior camera phones instead oI proIessional cameras (Palmer, 2012). As Daniel Rubinstein and Katrina Sluis (2008) note, the rise oI the camera phone has been part oI a shiIt Irom print-based to screen-based photography. As they observe, today, the overwhelming majority oI personal photographs are destined never to appear on paper` (2008: 13). While digital photography has Iar Irom diminished the importance oI the analogue indeed, the digital is haunted` by the analogue in its aesthetics, genres and soItware names the tactility oI the arteIacts is still omnipresent. People touch their screens, zooming in and out oI the photo. And thanks to the portability oI digital photography via social and mobile media contexts, millions are now walking around with thousands oI pictures in their pocket. The old priority oI grabbing the photo albums Irom the burning house has become a way oI the past. But now, the Iear is about the reappropriation oI personal images by companies as part oI data aggregation, whereby the relationship between context and content has become even more distorted. Conventionally, personal photography could be understood as a genre that, as Patricia Holland has argued, is a minor discourse, a knowledge without authority, designed to be !"#$ by a limited number oI individuals` (2004: 158). Holland argues that it is important Ior us to attend to personal photography precisely because oI this special quality, this everyday unimportance` (Holland, 2004: 158). Yet locative media invite us to understand a new dimension oI personal photography. As Rubinstein and Sluis note, this rise oI photo-sharing sites has created a context vernacular photographers have always lacked: a broad audience` (Rubinstein and Sluis, 2008: 18). Thus, building on Holland`s point, we argue that personal photography in the Iorm oI camera phone photography makes it all the more important to attend to how everyday images are participating in new ways. Moreover, as we argue in this article, new theoretical and methodological approaches are required Ior this purpose. The rise oI moblogging has seen a proliIeration oI camera phone images as oIten these images can evoke much more than words. In China, an example oI this can be Iound in Weibo, a rich media Chinese version oI Twitter, where millions oI camera phone images are shared every day. The participatory elements oI sites like Flickr, with what Burgess has called their vernacular` and situated` creativity, (2008) have created new Iorms oI what Soren Mork Petersen calls common banalities` (2008). For Rubinstein and Sluis, the increasing reliance on tagging Ior organisation and retrieval oI images is an indication oI the importance oI textuality Ior online photographic procedures . Tagging provides a substantially diIIerent way oI viewing and interacting with personal photography` (2008: 19). According to Rubinstein and Sluis, these networked images are transIormed as part oI metadata in which the original context is lost. Since its introduction in 2007, the iPhone camera has quickly grown Irom one oI the lesser quality lenses to becoming a key contributor in the global phenomenon oI images that converge social, locative and mobile media. It has opened up new Iorms oI image taking, editing and sharing, and in turn created new social and geographic cartographies Ior images. For Chris Chesher (2012), the iPhone camera represents a new universe oI reIerence`. He observes that the rise oI smartphones like the iPhone with their attendant soItware applications like Instagram, Google Goggles and Hipstamatic has created new ways in which to think about camera phone practices as being between image and inIormation. As Chesher notes, the iPhone universe oI reIerence` disrupts the genealogy oI mass amateur photography. With these new applications, oIten working in collaboration with social and locative media, camera phone images have been given new contexts. These contexts weave in 150 Media nternational Australia various cartographies and social tapestries simultaneously, and require us to rethink the relationship between the image and its context (see Pink, 2011). As we noted above, they stand Ior a shiIt away Irom print media, and a world where (at least some genres oI) personal photography is produced not Ior a small circle oI Iamily, and stored materially in an album, but may also be viewed by wider audiences. Rather than images being viewed as snapshots that seize a moment, instead these emergent visualities are about a diversity oI moments within particular Iorms oI time and space. These temporal-spatial visual confgurations are no longer isolated and Irozen, as suggested by a snapshot, but are part oI a moving set oI cartographies orchestrated by the rise oI locative services as part oI everyday mobile media. Geographies of visuaI intimacy: SociaI, Iocative and mobiIe media visuaIities Rubinstein and Sluis`s (2008) study oI the networked image operates as a precursor to the second generation oI camera phone practices, in which GPS creates new levels Ior recording the original` context with a geographic coordinate. This capacity to geo-locate, or tag, camera phone images invites us to conceptualise the production and consumption oI images through movement and place, and to consider the multisensoriality oI images and the emplacement oI both the encounters through which they were produced as well as the contexts in which they are viewed (see Pink, 2011). ThereIore, rather than viewing networked images as part oI a-contextualised metadata, as suggested by Rubinstein and Sluis, we might argue that locative media provide new ways in which to Irame images with the continuities oI everyday movement, perceiving and meaning-making` (Pink, 2011: 4). By contrasting photographs as mapped points in a network` with photographs being outcomes oI, and inspirations within, continuous lines that interweave their way through an environment that is, in movement and as part oI a confguration oI place` (Pink, 2011: 45), we can conceive oI images as produced and consumed in movement. Here, we can think about how images are being transIormed in light oI various turns algorithmically, emotionally, with mobility and multisensorially. Indeed, oI all the areas to be impacted and aIIected, camera phones especially with their haptic (touch) screen interIace and engagement, along with their locative media possibilities can be seen as indicative oI the need Ior a multisensorial conceptualisation oI images. Thus, as we suggested above, we can conceptualise camera phone visuality as emplaced`, not networked`; whereby photographs are not an intersection oI nodes in networks` but are being both produced within and moving themselves as part oI a meshwork oI moving things` (Pink, 2011: 8). Such movement encompasses moving through localities and . moving across a screen, and the multisensoriality that each oI these implies` (Pink, 2011: 89). ThereIore, when we think oI camera phone photography as situated within a route that the photographer and camera take through and as part oI a place, we can begin to consider how the images produced are outcomes oI that particular experience and context oI emplacement. Yet this emplacement can be experienced in multiple ways that cross material and Web 2.0 contexts. For example, in 2011, Sarah Pink and Lisa Servon developed a study oI the development oI the Slow City movement in Spain (Pink and Servon, Iorthcoming). As part oI this, Pink took a series oI iPhone photographs oI a tour oI the town oI Lekeitio in the Basque Country. These photographs, taken as she walked through the town, were Iollowing the Iramework presented above the outcome oI that particular social and material confguration through which she encountered the town. They were also taken at a location between the sun overhead and the ground underIoot. The images were thereIore the outcomes oI this total environment and, as the anthropological 151 No. 145 November 2012 flm theorist David MacDougall put it when writing about flm, they were corporeal images` (2005) standing Ior the situatedness oI the photographer as part oI an environment. Following this theoretical and analytical prism, we can understand camera phone photographs not as simply oI something that is in Iront oI the camera, that is then recorded in an image, the content oI which we might analyse`. Instead, we can see images as emplaced in relation to what Ingold has called a meshwork` oI lines (2008), the images themselves being part oI such lines that they are inextricable Irom the person and camera who took them. In this sense, camera phone images are not simply about what they represent (although they are also about that); they are additionally about what is behind, above, below and to either side. This was, oI course, the case Ior analogue photography too; we have always taken photographs in and as part oI movement through an environment (see Pink, 2011, where this argument is extended). Yet the Web 2.0 context enables us to engage with this idea anew, in practical as well as philosophical ways: the photographs that Pink took on her tour oI Lekeitio were also geotagged. Being viewed Irom above meant that it was possible to locate exactly where in a digital map they had been taken, thus digitally relocating the emplacement oI an image on a map. In a contemporary context, thereIore, it is not simply that camera phone images are emplaced as the outcomes oI material everyday realities, but rather that they are inextricable Irom their double emplacement in digital maps. Because their visuality is doubly emplaced, it creates a bond between the materialities oI the ground underIoot and the sky overhead, with the digital architectures oI Web 2.0 that also Irame and are Iramed by our movements through the world. When we think oI images only as representations oI what it was that was seen through the lens, we miss the point that images are inextricably the outcomes oI the material and the digital, and also that the algorithmic architectures (see Uricchio, 2011) discussed above soItware and web platIorms also constitute elements in the way this practice is emplaced. Although this example Irom Pink`s work demonstrates how camera phone photography becomes part oI the way we create traces through environments, and how they might become relevant to an ethnographer considering her research process, it does not tell us about the social potential oI Web 2.0. Yet, in a Web 2.0 context, camera phone images are oIten produced with web platIorms in mind, to digitally share (see Gomez Cruz, 2012). This is shown, as discussed elsewhere (Hjorth, Wilken and Gu, 2012; Hjorth and Gu, 2012), in Shanghai with the uptake oI the LBS mobile game Jiepang, where users can check in` to online spaces and visit oIfine places and win prizes which is creating out-oI-game visualities. Since its inception two years ago, Jiepang`s three million users have generated 50 million check-ins globally, with more than 8.2 million photos uploaded. For many oI the Generation Y (!" $%&' ()*) respondents, the playing oI the oIfcial Jiepang game is secondary to social motivation. In this social dimension, the use with accelerated Irequency oI sharing camera phone pictures has become a key practice. Accompanied with the rise oI rich-media moblogging such as Sina and Weibo and SNS Renren (China`s Facebook), the compulsion to photograph, edit and share is growing. In each oI the diIIerent social media spaces, types oI photographic genres can be Iound. For example, many use Sina Ior selI-portraiture, Weibo Ior more political or newsworthy images and Renren as a space Ior refecting inner Ieelings. In the case oI Jiepang, visuality is more about new types oI place-making. These place-making exercises are like diaries (Ito and Okabe, 2005) but with the active use oI flters and perspectives, Jiepang is demonstrating emergent Iorms oI creative practice Ior the !" $%&' ()*+ In doing so, it invites us to consider how camera phone practices are mapped on to socialities and, in diary Iormat, the shiIting temporalities oI the visual/socialities that are part oI such places. In feldwork in six locations in the Asia-Pacifc region, Hjorth and Arnold observed the signifcance oI camera phone photography in the place-making exercises oI LBS 152 Media nternational Australia (Hjorth and Arnold, 2013). They note that in LBS photo albums, while respondents used traditional genres like Iood and places, they did so by using flters and lenses to create highly aesthetic images. Far Irom being banal and boring, the images were oIten unique and creative. They are not only about the vernacular qualities oI user-created content (UCC) they signal new types oI emplaced visualities and ambient intimacy (Ito and Okabe, 2005). As this case study highlights, the soItware is part oI the ways in which images are emplaced: oIten flters were used that not only made the pictures look analogue but also gave them a sense oI nostalgia. This IastIorwarding present/presence` (Hjorth, 2007) oI camera phones as images in a movement and event took on a specifc emplaced` ambivalence with LBS. Through the overlaying oI highly edited camera phone image and comment, respondents can narrate place in new ways. OIten the visuals are deployed to present a unique image oI the locality whether through the image genre or, more oIten, by using flters and lenses to create a mood. Respondents also spoke oI the importance oI social capital (!"#$%&' in motivating them to take and share pictures via Jiepang. Jiepang, however, does not attract the same debate about privacy, partly because oI culturally specifc notions like !"#$%&) For Cara Wallis, !"#$%& is a widely used yet ambiguous` term that can mean many things: relationships, personal connections and social networks. As Wallis (2011) observes, in Beijing the deployment oI social and mobile media is closely bounded by the notion oI !"#$%&) Rather than being about memory and place, LBS camera phone practices were about creating new narratives between presence, present and placing) In this sense, we suggest that camera phone pictures are used to situate users not simply geographically or digitally, but also socially, through the use oI their visual, locative and digital situatedness in relation to material, social and online contexts. Thus they can be used in the making oI social capital in ways that interweave or entangle the social, material and digital. With the additional dimension oI camera phones interwoven with locative media, !"#$%& and place can take on more complex cartographies that place, emplace and embody visualities. Camera phone practices, thereIore, have the eIIect oI creating digital traces as their users move through material and sensory environments. In doing so, they enable a Iorm oI emplacement that encompasses both material, soItware and Web 2.0 contexts, weaving routes simultaneously through both, and constituting places where the online and oIfine are mutually entangled in a shared meshwork`. All respondents noted that Jiepang inspired them to take more camera phone pictures, and thanks to smartphones it was easier to take, edit and share images. Moreover, respondents who used Jiepang progressively Ielt the need to make visual and textual comments about places, especially encouraged by the idea that images were part oI an event, movement or present-ness. In the case oI LBS games, camera phone images are thereIore contextualised through both multisensoriality and movement. Not only is the genre and content about narrating place as part oI journey and process, but also the Irequency and its link to reinIorcing the social capital suggest a complex mapping oI place, sociality and visuality. This becomes apparent in case studies oI LBS games and the logic oI emplaced visualities. With LBS creating new cartographies and connections to place, we see visualities move Irom frst- generation networked (Ito and Okabe, 2005) to emplaced visualities. Here we see the interweaving oI the visualities and socialities oI place in new ways, which can likewise be understood in terms oI their mutual emplacement. In many oI the locative camera phone images, the social dimension oI the image is brought to the IoreIront in the overlaying oI geographical or locational knowledge. This echoes Ilkka Arminen`s (2006) point that, when it comes to SNS, social context rather than pure geographical location` is generally oI greater user interest. What seems to be most 153 No. 145 November 2012 at stake in LBS games is new knowledge about particular sites and what they are likely to signiIy within social network settings. LBS, like Jiepang, highlights that the various dimensions around ideas oI place imagined and lived, geographic and psychological are contextualised by social capital. ConcIusion: EmpIaced geospatiaI visuaIities and sociaIities In LBS games like Foursquare, Jiepang and fags, we are witnessing new types oI emplaced visuality and geospatial sociality. Through the locative and microblogging experience oI Jiepang, users are creating new Iorms oI intimate publics whereby the importance oI network pales into insignifcance in comparison with the interweaving oI socialities, materialities and the digital in providing ambient contexts. As part oI the smartphone phenomenon, LBS games are accompanied by an accelerated rate oI camera phone image-taking, editing and sharing. Far Irom being banal, acontextualised images, these pictures deploy the newest oI flters and photographic techniques to give a sense oI the poetic and unique, and are then overlaid electronically on to places. This is not a mere practice oI networked visuality, as noted by the frst studies into camera phones; rather, we see emplaced and multisensorial visuality that creates and refects unique Iorms oI geospatial sociality. The traces made as camera phones are used as mobile media weaving through material/digital environments with their users thus become Iorms oI visuality that are emplaced digitally, socially and materially. Their visual content is the outcome oI the multiple constituents oI place through which they are produced, and in relation to which the body oI the photographer is emplaced including the weather, social relationships, localities, soItware and code, technologies and human innovation and creativity. These are Ielt, aIIective and embodied realities where people`s embodied engagements and ways oI moving with camera phones should be coming into our Iocus as researchers. Yet they are also inextricable Irom social environments, where they likewise play a situated and situating role, as they are engaged in ways that include, but do not reIer exclusively to, their status as representations, including the making oI the very qualities oI social relations that characterise diIIerent Iorms oI sociality and, as we have shown, social value and aIIect. Indeed, a Iocus on the camera phone oIIers an important prism through which to understand how these relationships between the materialities and digital environments oI place, embodied experience and sociological phenomena converge. These contemporary shiIts are producing signifcant changes in the ways personal photographs have become part oI the everyday world. They are part oI a context where the everyday, the mundane, becomes both habitually Ielt in the practice oI taking photographs and, simultaneously, is represented visually on web platIorms in ways that Iorge relationships between the material, the sensory, the social and the digital. These new confgurations oI persons, things and Ieelings call Ior revised theoretical and methodological approaches, which enable us to both comprehend such contemporary realities and to Iocus back on earlier photographic Iorms and discover their relevance anew. As we have argued in this article, understanding camera phone photography, its qualities, aIIordances and the everyday practices in which it is implicated through the theories oI place, movement and perception enables us to move on analytically. It invites us to depart Irom the notion oI networked visualities to understand more Iully how contemporary visualities and the socialities that are implicated through them are emplaced. It also Iorms part oI a wider context in which we need to Iocus more closely on the everydayness oI media beyond the content, and look at the experiential realities with which it is interwoven. 154 Media nternational Australia !"#"$"%&"' Arminen, I. 2006, Social Functions oI Location in Mobile Telephony`, Personal and Ubiquitous Computing, vol. 10, no. 5, pp. 31923. Burgess, J.E. 2008, 'All Your Chocolate Rain are Belong to Us? Viral Video, YouTube and the Dynamics oI Participatory Culture`, in G. Lovink and S. Niedere (eds), The JideoJortex, Institute oI Network Cultures, Amsterdam, pp. 10111. Casey, E. 1996, How to Get Irom Space to Place in a Fairly Short Stretch oI Time`, in S. Feld and K. Basso (eds), Senses of Place, School oI American Research Press, Santa Fe, NM, pp. 1352. Chesher, C. 2012, Between Image and InIormation: The iPhone Camera in the History oI Photography`, in L. Hjorth, J. Burgess and I. Richardson (eds), Studving Mobile Media. Cultural Technologies, Mobile Communication, and the iPhone, Routledge, London, pp. 98117. Cresswell, T. 2010, Towards a Politics oI Mobility`, Environment and Planning D. Societv and Space, vol. 28, no. 1, pp. 1731. Farman, J. 2010, Mapping the Digital Empire: Google Earth and the Process oI Postmodern Cartography`, New Media and Societv, vol. 12, no. 6, pp. 86988. Goggin, G. 2011, Global Mobile Media, Routledge, London. Gomez Cruz, E. 2012, Sobre la fotografia (digital). Una etnografia, Editorial UOC, Barcelona. Gye, L. 2007, Picture This: The Impact oI Mobile Camera Phones on Personal Photographic Practices`, Continuum, vol. 21, no. 2, pp. 27988. Hjorth, L. 2007, Snapshots oI Almost Contact`, Continuum, vol. 21, no. 2, pp. 22738. Hjorth, L. and Arnold, M. 2013, OnlineAsiaPacihc. Mobile, Social and Locative Media in the Asia-Pacihc, Routledge, New York. Hjorth, L. and Gu, K. 2012, The Place oI Emplaced Visualities: A Case Study oI Smartphone Visuality and Location-based Social Media in Shanghai, China`, Continuum, vol. 26, no. 5, pp. 699713. Hjorth, L., Wilken, R. and Gu, K. 2012, Ambient Intimacy: A Case Study oI the iPhone, Presence, and Location-based Social Networking in Shanghai, China`, in L. Hjorth, J. Burgess and I. Richardson (eds), Studving Mobile Media. Cultural Technologies, Mobile Communication, and the iPhone, Routledge, London, pp. 4362. Holland, P. 2004, 'Sweet It is to Scan .: Personal Photographs and Popular Photography`, in L. Wells (ed.), Photographv. A Critical Introduction, 3rd edn, Routledge, London. Ingold, T. 2008, Bindings Against Boundaries: Entanglements oI LiIe in an Open World`, Environment and Planning A, no. 40, pp. 17961810. Ingold, T. 2011, Reply to David Howes`, Social Anthropologv, vol. 19, no. 3, pp. 32327. Ito, M. and Okabe, D. 2003, Camera Phones Changing the Defnition oI Picture-Worthy`, Japan Media Review, www.ojr.org/japan/wireless/1062208524.php. 2005, Intimate Visual Co-Presence`, paper presented at Ubicomp, Takanawa Prince Hotel, Tokyo, Japan, 1114 September, www.itofsher.com/mito. 2006, Everyday Contexts oI Camera Phone Use: Steps Towards Technosocial Ethnographic Frameworks`, in J. Hfich and M. Hartmann (eds), Mobile Communication in Evervdav Life. An Ethnographic Jiew, Frank & Timme, Berlin, pp. 79102. Koskinen, I. 2007, Managing Banality in Mobile Multimedia`, in R. Pertierra (ed.), The Social Construction and Usage of Communication Technologies. European and Asian Experiences, Singapore University Press, Singapore, pp. 4860. Lapenta, F. 2011, Geomedia: On Location-based Media, the Changing Status oI Collective Image Production and the Emergence oI Social Navigation Systems`, Jisual Studies, vol. 26, no. 1, pp. 1424. Lee, D.-H. 2005, Women`s Creation oI Camera Phone Culture`, Fibreculture, no. 6, www.fbreculture. org/journal/issue6/issue6donghooprint.html. 2009a, Re-imaging Urban Space: Mobility, Connectivity, and a Sense oI Place`, in G. Goggin and L. Hjorth (eds), Mobile Technologies, Routledge, London, pp. 23551. 2009b, Mobile Snapshots and Private/Public Boundaries`, Knowledge, Technologv & Policv, vol. 22, no. 3, pp. 16171. 155 No. 145 November 2012 Lorimer, H. 2005, Cultural Geography: The Busyness oI Being 'More Than Representational`, Progress in Human Geographv, vol. 29, no. 1, pp. 8394. MacDougall, D. 2005, The Corporeal Image. Film, Ethnographv, and the Senses, Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ. Massey, D. 2005, For Space, Sage, London. Mork Petersen, S. 2009, Common Banality: The AIIective Character oI Photo Sharing, Everyday LiIe and Produsage Cultures`, PhD thesis, ITU Copenhagen. Palmer, D. 2012, iPhone Photography: Mediating Visions oI Social Space`, in L. Hjorth, J. Burgess and I. Richardson (eds), Studving Mobile Media. Cultural Technologies, Mobile Communication, and the iPhone, Routledge, London, pp. 8597. Pink, S. 2009, Doing Sensorv Ethnographv, Sage, London. 2011, Sensory Digital Photography: Re-thinking 'Moving and the Image`, Jisual Studies, vol. 26, no. 1, pp. 413. 2012, Situating Evervdav Life, Sage, London. Pink, S. and Servon, L. (Iorthcoming) Sensory Global Towns`. Rubinstein, D. and Sluis, K. 2008, A LiIe More Photographic: Mapping the Networked Image`, Photographies, vol. 1, no. 1, pp. 928. StaIIord, B.M. (ed.) 2011, A Field Guide to a New Meta-Field. Bridging the HumanitiesNeuroscience Divide, University oI Chicago Press, Chicago. ThriIt, N.J. 2008, Non-representational Theorv. Space, Politics, Affect, Routledge, London. Uricchio, W. 2011, The Algorithmic Turn: Photosynth, Augmented Reality and the Changing Implications oI the Image`, Jisual Studies, vol. 26, no. 1, pp. 2535. Wallis, C. 2011, (Im)Mobile Mobility: Marginal Youth and Mobile Phones in Beijing`, in R. Ling and S.W. Campbell (eds), Mobile Communication. Bringing Us Together and Tearing Us Apart, Transaction Books, New Brunswick, NJ, pp. 6181. !"#"$ &'() is Professor of Design/Media Ethnographv at RMIT Universitv, Melbourne. *"#'++" ,-.#/$ is an artist, digital ethnographer and Associate Professor in the Games Programs, School of Media and Communication, RMIT Universitv, Melbourne. 145 No. 145 November 2012 Sarah Pink and Larissa Hjorth Abstract In the context of the increased use of high-qualitv camera phones, along with the growth in distribution services via social and locative media, we are witnessing new forms of visualitv emerging. These new tvpes of co-present visualitv overlav and interweave online and ofine cartographies in different wavs maps that require a revision of ethnographv. In this article, we frame this phenomenon as a shift from networked visualitv to emplaced visualitv and socialitv. That is, we reect upon previous models deploved in mobile communication and depart from them to consider how a phenomenological approach rooted in visual and multisensorial ethnographv might help provide insight into this dvnamic media cartographv and the socialities associated with it. With the rise oI high-quality camera phones, accompanied by the growth in in-phone editing applications and distribution services via social and locative media, we are witnessing the appearance oI new types oI co-present visuality and sociality. These emergent ways in which online and oIfine cartographies are becoming overlaid and entangled as well as the experiential environments associated with them demand alternative ways oI theorising visuality and socialities oI co-presence. This requires that we go beyond earlier studies oI camera phones (e.g. by Ito and Okabe, 2003, 2005, 2006), which Iocused on the three Ss` sharing, storing and saving to inIorm the context oI what was predominantly banal` everyday content (Koskinen, 2007). Moreover, these earlier studies Iorwarded the idea oI ambient co-presence` (Ito and Okabe, 2006) in which burgeoning community platIorms such as Flickr and social media like Facebook, and camera phone practices, embodied not only networked visuality` but also emergent Iorms oI user creativity (Mork Petersen, 2009; Burgess, 2008). Departing Irom these ideas, we develop the notion oI emplaced visuality. Emplaced visuality means understanding camera phone practices and the socialities that create and emerge through them in ways corresponding with non-representational (ThriIt, 2008) or more-than-representational` approaches in geography, which, according to Hayden Lorimer, encompass: how liIe takes shape and gains expression in shared experiences, everyday routines, feeting encounters, embodied movements, precognitive triggers, aIIective intensities, enduring urges, unexceptional interactions and sensuous dispositions (Lorimer, 2005: 84). EMPLACED CARTOGRAPHIES: RECONCEPTUALISING CAMERA PHONE PRACTICES IN AN AGE OF LOCATIVE MEDIA 146 Media nternational Australia Thus we see camera phone photography as part oI the fow oI everyday liIe, an increasingly habitual way oI being that is sensed and Ielt (emotionally and physically). In doing so, we join other contemporary ethnographic scholars who go beyond the content oI digital photography to stress the importance oI a Iocus on practice and the non-representational (e.g. Gomez Cruz, 2012). However, because camera phone photography involves the production and sharing oI images, it also compels us to engage with its status as representation, and to explore the relationship between the representational and the non-representational. This tension Iorms part oI our exploration oI how we might begin to theorise the shiIt Irom !"#$%&'"( to "*+,-."( visuality and sociality, and may be examined through a Iocus on movement. Tim Cresswell has suggested that we consider three aspects oI mobility: the Iact oI physical movement getting Irom one place to another; the representations oI movement that give it shared meaning; and, fnally, the experienced and embodied practice oI movement` (Cresswell, 2010: 19). These three aspects oI mobility are deeply interwoven and entangled. In camera phone photography, the experience and representation oI movement cohere, and below we explore how these dimensions oI mobility might be situated. To achieve this, we draw on a set oI related theoretical concepts that enable us to understand the socialities and visualities oI camera phone photography as part oI a constantly shiIting ecology: place, movement and perception (see also Pink, 2009, 2012). Following the ideas oI Tim Ingold, we see place as unbounded`, a meshwork` or entanglement oI lines oI movement, constituted through the intensities through which these lines become entangled with each other (Ingold, 2008). Thus conceived, place can be constituted oI any oI the diverse components that might come together to create such intensities. As human subjects are inevitably emplaced (see also Casey, 1996), we share contemporary places with, and are situated in relation to, human and non-human organisms, technologies, soItware, code, energy, the weather, moralities, discourses and more. Place is also imbued with relations oI power and fnance, corporate and non-corporate entities. As part oI place, human subjects and other things and processes are constantly moving through. This is how place, as a Iorever reconstituting constellation oI processes` (Massey, 2005: 141), shiIts and changes. As Ingold (2008) and Doreen Massey (2005) both stress, movement is part oI the constituting oI place. Moreover, as Ingold`s work shows us, as we move through the places oI which we are part, we also continually sense and learn; Ingold argues that, People do not make sense` oI things by superimposing ready-made sensory meanings on top` oI lived experience, so as to give symbolic shape to the otherwise Iormless material oI raw sensation. They do so, rather, by weaving together, in narrative, strands oI experience born oI practical, perceptual activity. It is out oI this interweaving that meanings emerge. (2011: 326) Along similar lines, Barbara Maria StaIIord writes oI learning as incremental and endless, yielding associations that allow us to wander oII inventively and independently into new territory` (2011: 58). We conceptualise camera phone photography as part oI this process, as it is enacted in the fow` oI everyday liIe at the interIace where digital and material realities come together. Accounting for the digitaI architectures of the banaI As we noted above, in the frst series oI camera phone studies, the likes oI Mizuko Ito and Daisuke Okabe (2003, 2005, 2006) noted the pivotal role played by the three Ss` sharing, storing and saving in inIorming the context oI what was predominantly banal`, everyday content (Koskinen, 2007). For Ilpo Koskinen, camera phone images were branded by their participation in a new type oI banality (2007). While this banality 147 No. 145 November 2012 can be seen as extending the conventions and genres oI earlier photographic tropes (i.e. Kodak Gye, 2007; Hjorth, 2007; Lee, 2005), they also signifcantly depart (Chesher, 2012). Yet the banality oI the camera phone should not be understood only in terms oI the visual content oI the images it produces, but also in its very use. It has become an embedded part oI the ordinary the routine, habitual and oIten-tacit practices in which we engage as we move through, sense and perceive environments. ThereIore, as camera phones become more commonplace in the explosion oI smartphones along with new contexts Ior image distribution, like microblogging and location-based services (LBS) emergent types oI visual overlays become apparent, and are indeed emerging Irom a contemporary Iorm oI everydayness in which camera phone photography participates. To comprehend this Iurther, we need to locate the ambient visuality` oI these images, in relation to Web 2.0 contexts, in which the geographic is overlaid with the social and emotional. William Uricchio draws our attention to the algorithmic architecture oI Web 2.0 contexts in a way that, as he points out himselI, is compatible with the emergent and moving qualities oI images (Uricchio, 2011: 28). Uricchio`s study Iocuses on Photosynth and augmented reality, yet his argument has wider relevance. He argues that these applications share a Iundamental realignment oI subjectobject relations thanks to their algorithmic processing layer`, which resituates human agency and the fxities oI the world viewed`, and determines !"#$ we see, and even "&! we see it` (2011: 33). This algorithmic turn` also Iorms part oI the context whereby Francesco Lapenta suggests imaging technologies are responsible Ior a new epistemological shiIt that is redefning the perceptual and symbolic relation between mediated representations and the real objects oI reIerence` (2011: 1617). Lapenta comprehends the digital map through a consideration oI its changing status as photography, in that: The initially mechanically divided images oI the world are digitally reunited in the virtual map, geolocationally pinned down by geomedia technologies, juxtaposed and merged as the jigsaw pieces oI an intricate puzzle. (Lapenta, 2011: 17) Yet the virtual map serves as more than a composite image to be surveyed; rather, in the Web 2.0 context that we consider here, it creates part oI the organising architecture Ior contemporary and emergent Iorms oI sociality and digital practice. Thus, Ior Lapenta: . the body, and its location . become a system oI reIerence used to search and organise the collective inIormation fows that converge and constitute the virtual map in a Iashion signifcant Ior the individual constituting technological engagements with a multi-sensorial organisation oI the increasingly multimodal and hybridised nature oI the inIormation space (2011: 20). Jason Farman also writes oI the digital map in relation to a social network that engages users as embodied interactors rather than disembodied voyeurs` (2010: 869). As these understandings make clear, the digital map and its augmented reality do not exist purely Ior our visual contemplation. Rather, they make and are part oI environments, imply movement and are experienced corporeally. These works oIIer us a way to understand the invisible architectures oI what we reIer to as emplaced visuality`, and camera phone photography is part oI the way that human subjects, images and socialities become emplaced in relation to these emergent structures and the corporate interests that drive them (see Lapenta, 2011; Farman, 2010). Simultaneous with the emergence oI these algorithmic architectures, the changing nature oI the images that ordinary camera phone users themselves can make calls on us to attend to the composition, genre and reIerentiality oI contemporary images, along with their relationality to written text. While, globally, camera phone genres like selI-portraiture have blossomed, we are also witnessing the fourishing oI vernacular visualities that refect 148 Media nternational Australia a localised notion oI place, social and identity-making practices (Lee, 2009a; Hjorth, 2007). With LBS like Facebook Places, and LBS games like Foursquare and Jiepang, we see a Iurther extension oI overlaying locality with the social and personal, whereby the electronic is superimposed on to the geographic in new ways. This overlaying thus makes place through engagements with it. Specifcally, by sharing an image and comment about a place through LBS, users can create diIIerent ways to experience and record journeys and, in turn, impact upon how place is recorded, experienced and thus remembered (Hjorth and Gu, 2012). This is especially the case with the overlaying oI ambient images within moving narratives oI place as aIIorded by LBS. Moreover, with the burgeoning oI smartphones that enable new Iorms oI distribution ,we also see a plethora oI apps, flters and lenses to help users create unique` and artistic camera phone images. Although iPhone has been quick to capitalise on this phenomenon through applications such as Hipstamatic, other smartphones like Android have also attempted to corner this expansive market. So too, social media like microblogs and LBS have acknowledged the growing power oI camera phone photography by not only aIIording easy uploading and sharing oI the vernacular (Burgess, 2008), but also providing flters and lenses to Iurther enhance the proIessional` and artistic` dimensions oI the photographic experience (Mork Petersen, 2009). ThereIore, we are seeing the emergence oI a context where mobile media evokes a particular kind oI ambient participation that is confgured through and by place in specifc ways (Hjorth et al., 2012). One way oI conceptualising the various dimensions oI this has been suggested by Daniel Palmer, Ior whom iPhone photography is distinctive across three areas (2012). First, it created an experience between touch and the image, what Palmer calls an embodied visual intimacy` (2012: 88). While touch has long been an important, but neglected, dimension in the history oI photography . the iPhone, held in the palm oI the hand, reintroduces a visual intimacy to screen culture that is missing Irom the larger monitor screen` (Palmer, 2012: 88). Second, the proliIeration oI photo apps Ior the iPhone has meant that there is a plethora oI ways to take, edit and share photos. No longer do camera phone images have to look like the poorer cousin to the proIessional camera. Third, there is the role oI GPS capability with the iPhone, automatically tagging photographs with their location, allowing images to be browsed and arranged geographically` (Palmer, 2012: 88). In this context, with the convergence oI social, locative and mobile media, the way in which we conceptualise camera phone visuality and aIIect is changing. So how do we Irame these new visualities in motion? One way, as we suggest here, is through the movement Irom network` to emplacement, as outlined above. Indeed, this already has a certain ft` with the more practical and empirical ways with which scholars such as Palmer are already conceptualising the diIIerent dimensions oI our engagements with camera phones. In the Iollowing sections, we explore how this theoretical Iocus on emplacement might be applied critically to depart Irom existing notions oI network and embodiment as ways oI conceptualising camera-phone practices. Photoshopping: New visuaIities in motion In studies oI frst-generation camera phone studies in Korea, Hjorth noted tensions around camera phones` relationship to place and mobility in what she called snapshots oI almost contact` (2007). The increasingly quick edit and deletion oI images at the time has created a diIIerent relationship between recording; within this process, Ietishisation oI realism prevailed. This tension around mediation, refection and engagement is amplifed in second-generation camera phone studies, with the growth oI locative and social media that converge various cartographies across spatial, social and electronic terrains. As 149 No. 145 November 2012 previously noted, these cartographies are about mobile intimacy and the ways in which these practices get mapped across the various and competing intimate publics. As Goggin (2011: 48) notes, the rise oI the citizen journalist has been epitomised by the camera phone revolution, to the extent that even some proIessional photojournalists have opted Ior camera phones instead oI proIessional cameras (Palmer, 2012). As Daniel Rubinstein and Katrina Sluis (2008) note, the rise oI the camera phone has been part oI a shiIt Irom print-based to screen-based photography. As they observe, today, the overwhelming majority oI personal photographs are destined never to appear on paper` (2008: 13). While digital photography has Iar Irom diminished the importance oI the analogue indeed, the digital is haunted` by the analogue in its aesthetics, genres and soItware names the tactility oI the arteIacts is still omnipresent. People touch their screens, zooming in and out oI the photo. And thanks to the portability oI digital photography via social and mobile media contexts, millions are now walking around with thousands oI pictures in their pocket. The old priority oI grabbing the photo albums Irom the burning house has become a way oI the past. But now, the Iear is about the reappropriation oI personal images by companies as part oI data aggregation, whereby the relationship between context and content has become even more distorted. Conventionally, personal photography could be understood as a genre that, as Patricia Holland has argued, is a minor discourse, a knowledge without authority, designed to be !"#$ by a limited number oI individuals` (2004: 158). Holland argues that it is important Ior us to attend to personal photography precisely because oI this special quality, this everyday unimportance` (Holland, 2004: 158). Yet locative media invite us to understand a new dimension oI personal photography. As Rubinstein and Sluis note, this rise oI photo-sharing sites has created a context vernacular photographers have always lacked: a broad audience` (Rubinstein and Sluis, 2008: 18). Thus, building on Holland`s point, we argue that personal photography in the Iorm oI camera phone photography makes it all the more important to attend to how everyday images are participating in new ways. Moreover, as we argue in this article, new theoretical and methodological approaches are required Ior this purpose. The rise oI moblogging has seen a proliIeration oI camera phone images as oIten these images can evoke much more than words. In China, an example oI this can be Iound in Weibo, a rich media Chinese version oI Twitter, where millions oI camera phone images are shared every day. The participatory elements oI sites like Flickr, with what Burgess has called their vernacular` and situated` creativity, (2008) have created new Iorms oI what Soren Mork Petersen calls common banalities` (2008). For Rubinstein and Sluis, the increasing reliance on tagging Ior organisation and retrieval oI images is an indication oI the importance oI textuality Ior online photographic procedures . Tagging provides a substantially diIIerent way oI viewing and interacting with personal photography` (2008: 19). According to Rubinstein and Sluis, these networked images are transIormed as part oI metadata in which the original context is lost. Since its introduction in 2007, the iPhone camera has quickly grown Irom one oI the lesser quality lenses to becoming a key contributor in the global phenomenon oI images that converge social, locative and mobile media. It has opened up new Iorms oI image taking, editing and sharing, and in turn created new social and geographic cartographies Ior images. For Chris Chesher (2012), the iPhone camera represents a new universe oI reIerence`. He observes that the rise oI smartphones like the iPhone with their attendant soItware applications like Instagram, Google Goggles and Hipstamatic has created new ways in which to think about camera phone practices as being between image and inIormation. As Chesher notes, the iPhone universe oI reIerence` disrupts the genealogy oI mass amateur photography. With these new applications, oIten working in collaboration with social and locative media, camera phone images have been given new contexts. These contexts weave in 150 Media nternational Australia various cartographies and social tapestries simultaneously, and require us to rethink the relationship between the image and its context (see Pink, 2011). As we noted above, they stand Ior a shiIt away Irom print media, and a world where (at least some genres oI) personal photography is produced not Ior a small circle oI Iamily, and stored materially in an album, but may also be viewed by wider audiences. Rather than images being viewed as snapshots that seize a moment, instead these emergent visualities are about a diversity oI moments within particular Iorms oI time and space. These temporal-spatial visual confgurations are no longer isolated and Irozen, as suggested by a snapshot, but are part oI a moving set oI cartographies orchestrated by the rise oI locative services as part oI everyday mobile media. Geographies of visuaI intimacy: SociaI, Iocative and mobiIe media visuaIities Rubinstein and Sluis`s (2008) study oI the networked image operates as a precursor to the second generation oI camera phone practices, in which GPS creates new levels Ior recording the original` context with a geographic coordinate. This capacity to geo-locate, or tag, camera phone images invites us to conceptualise the production and consumption oI images through movement and place, and to consider the multisensoriality oI images and the emplacement oI both the encounters through which they were produced as well as the contexts in which they are viewed (see Pink, 2011). ThereIore, rather than viewing networked images as part oI a-contextualised metadata, as suggested by Rubinstein and Sluis, we might argue that locative media provide new ways in which to Irame images with the continuities oI everyday movement, perceiving and meaning-making` (Pink, 2011: 4). By contrasting photographs as mapped points in a network` with photographs being outcomes oI, and inspirations within, continuous lines that interweave their way through an environment that is, in movement and as part oI a confguration oI place` (Pink, 2011: 45), we can conceive oI images as produced and consumed in movement. Here, we can think about how images are being transIormed in light oI various turns algorithmically, emotionally, with mobility and multisensorially. Indeed, oI all the areas to be impacted and aIIected, camera phones especially with their haptic (touch) screen interIace and engagement, along with their locative media possibilities can be seen as indicative oI the need Ior a multisensorial conceptualisation oI images. Thus, as we suggested above, we can conceptualise camera phone visuality as emplaced`, not networked`; whereby photographs are not an intersection oI nodes in networks` but are being both produced within and moving themselves as part oI a meshwork oI moving things` (Pink, 2011: 8). Such movement encompasses moving through localities and . moving across a screen, and the multisensoriality that each oI these implies` (Pink, 2011: 89). ThereIore, when we think oI camera phone photography as situated within a route that the photographer and camera take through and as part oI a place, we can begin to consider how the images produced are outcomes oI that particular experience and context oI emplacement. Yet this emplacement can be experienced in multiple ways that cross material and Web 2.0 contexts. For example, in 2011, Sarah Pink and Lisa Servon developed a study oI the development oI the Slow City movement in Spain (Pink and Servon, Iorthcoming). As part oI this, Pink took a series oI iPhone photographs oI a tour oI the town oI Lekeitio in the Basque Country. These photographs, taken as she walked through the town, were Iollowing the Iramework presented above the outcome oI that particular social and material confguration through which she encountered the town. They were also taken at a location between the sun overhead and the ground underIoot. The images were thereIore the outcomes oI this total environment and, as the anthropological 151 No. 145 November 2012 flm theorist David MacDougall put it when writing about flm, they were corporeal images` (2005) standing Ior the situatedness oI the photographer as part oI an environment. Following this theoretical and analytical prism, we can understand camera phone photographs not as simply oI something that is in Iront oI the camera, that is then recorded in an image, the content oI which we might analyse`. Instead, we can see images as emplaced in relation to what Ingold has called a meshwork` oI lines (2008), the images themselves being part oI such lines that they are inextricable Irom the person and camera who took them. In this sense, camera phone images are not simply about what they represent (although they are also about that); they are additionally about what is behind, above, below and to either side. This was, oI course, the case Ior analogue photography too; we have always taken photographs in and as part oI movement through an environment (see Pink, 2011, where this argument is extended). Yet the Web 2.0 context enables us to engage with this idea anew, in practical as well as philosophical ways: the photographs that Pink took on her tour oI Lekeitio were also geotagged. Being viewed Irom above meant that it was possible to locate exactly where in a digital map they had been taken, thus digitally relocating the emplacement oI an image on a map. In a contemporary context, thereIore, it is not simply that camera phone images are emplaced as the outcomes oI material everyday realities, but rather that they are inextricable Irom their double emplacement in digital maps. Because their visuality is doubly emplaced, it creates a bond between the materialities oI the ground underIoot and the sky overhead, with the digital architectures oI Web 2.0 that also Irame and are Iramed by our movements through the world. When we think oI images only as representations oI what it was that was seen through the lens, we miss the point that images are inextricably the outcomes oI the material and the digital, and also that the algorithmic architectures (see Uricchio, 2011) discussed above soItware and web platIorms also constitute elements in the way this practice is emplaced. Although this example Irom Pink`s work demonstrates how camera phone photography becomes part oI the way we create traces through environments, and how they might become relevant to an ethnographer considering her research process, it does not tell us about the social potential oI Web 2.0. Yet, in a Web 2.0 context, camera phone images are oIten produced with web platIorms in mind, to digitally share (see Gomez Cruz, 2012). This is shown, as discussed elsewhere (Hjorth, Wilken and Gu, 2012; Hjorth and Gu, 2012), in Shanghai with the uptake oI the LBS mobile game Jiepang, where users can check in` to online spaces and visit oIfine places and win prizes which is creating out-oI-game visualities. Since its inception two years ago, Jiepang`s three million users have generated 50 million check-ins globally, with more than 8.2 million photos uploaded. For many oI the Generation Y (!" $%&' ()*) respondents, the playing oI the oIfcial Jiepang game is secondary to social motivation. In this social dimension, the use with accelerated Irequency oI sharing camera phone pictures has become a key practice. Accompanied with the rise oI rich-media moblogging such as Sina and Weibo and SNS Renren (China`s Facebook), the compulsion to photograph, edit and share is growing. In each oI the diIIerent social media spaces, types oI photographic genres can be Iound. For example, many use Sina Ior selI-portraiture, Weibo Ior more political or newsworthy images and Renren as a space Ior refecting inner Ieelings. In the case oI Jiepang, visuality is more about new types oI place-making. These place-making exercises are like diaries (Ito and Okabe, 2005) but with the active use oI flters and perspectives, Jiepang is demonstrating emergent Iorms oI creative practice Ior the !" $%&' ()*+ In doing so, it invites us to consider how camera phone practices are mapped on to socialities and, in diary Iormat, the shiIting temporalities oI the visual/socialities that are part oI such places. In feldwork in six locations in the Asia-Pacifc region, Hjorth and Arnold observed the signifcance oI camera phone photography in the place-making exercises oI LBS 152 Media nternational Australia (Hjorth and Arnold, 2013). They note that in LBS photo albums, while respondents used traditional genres like Iood and places, they did so by using flters and lenses to create highly aesthetic images. Far Irom being banal and boring, the images were oIten unique and creative. They are not only about the vernacular qualities oI user-created content (UCC) they signal new types oI emplaced visualities and ambient intimacy (Ito and Okabe, 2005). As this case study highlights, the soItware is part oI the ways in which images are emplaced: oIten flters were used that not only made the pictures look analogue but also gave them a sense oI nostalgia. This IastIorwarding present/presence` (Hjorth, 2007) oI camera phones as images in a movement and event took on a specifc emplaced` ambivalence with LBS. Through the overlaying oI highly edited camera phone image and comment, respondents can narrate place in new ways. OIten the visuals are deployed to present a unique image oI the locality whether through the image genre or, more oIten, by using flters and lenses to create a mood. Respondents also spoke oI the importance oI social capital (!"#$%&' in motivating them to take and share pictures via Jiepang. Jiepang, however, does not attract the same debate about privacy, partly because oI culturally specifc notions like !"#$%&) For Cara Wallis, !"#$%& is a widely used yet ambiguous` term that can mean many things: relationships, personal connections and social networks. As Wallis (2011) observes, in Beijing the deployment oI social and mobile media is closely bounded by the notion oI !"#$%&) Rather than being about memory and place, LBS camera phone practices were about creating new narratives between presence, present and placing) In this sense, we suggest that camera phone pictures are used to situate users not simply geographically or digitally, but also socially, through the use oI their visual, locative and digital situatedness in relation to material, social and online contexts. Thus they can be used in the making oI social capital in ways that interweave or entangle the social, material and digital. With the additional dimension oI camera phones interwoven with locative media, !"#$%& and place can take on more complex cartographies that place, emplace and embody visualities. Camera phone practices, thereIore, have the eIIect oI creating digital traces as their users move through material and sensory environments. In doing so, they enable a Iorm oI emplacement that encompasses both material, soItware and Web 2.0 contexts, weaving routes simultaneously through both, and constituting places where the online and oIfine are mutually entangled in a shared meshwork`. All respondents noted that Jiepang inspired them to take more camera phone pictures, and thanks to smartphones it was easier to take, edit and share images. Moreover, respondents who used Jiepang progressively Ielt the need to make visual and textual comments about places, especially encouraged by the idea that images were part oI an event, movement or present-ness. In the case oI LBS games, camera phone images are thereIore contextualised through both multisensoriality and movement. Not only is the genre and content about narrating place as part oI journey and process, but also the Irequency and its link to reinIorcing the social capital suggest a complex mapping oI place, sociality and visuality. This becomes apparent in case studies oI LBS games and the logic oI emplaced visualities. With LBS creating new cartographies and connections to place, we see visualities move Irom frst- generation networked (Ito and Okabe, 2005) to emplaced visualities. Here we see the interweaving oI the visualities and socialities oI place in new ways, which can likewise be understood in terms oI their mutual emplacement. In many oI the locative camera phone images, the social dimension oI the image is brought to the IoreIront in the overlaying oI geographical or locational knowledge. This echoes Ilkka Arminen`s (2006) point that, when it comes to SNS, social context rather than pure geographical location` is generally oI greater user interest. What seems to be most 153 No. 145 November 2012 at stake in LBS games is new knowledge about particular sites and what they are likely to signiIy within social network settings. LBS, like Jiepang, highlights that the various dimensions around ideas oI place imagined and lived, geographic and psychological are contextualised by social capital. ConcIusion: EmpIaced geospatiaI visuaIities and sociaIities In LBS games like Foursquare, Jiepang and fags, we are witnessing new types oI emplaced visuality and geospatial sociality. Through the locative and microblogging experience oI Jiepang, users are creating new Iorms oI intimate publics whereby the importance oI network pales into insignifcance in comparison with the interweaving oI socialities, materialities and the digital in providing ambient contexts. As part oI the smartphone phenomenon, LBS games are accompanied by an accelerated rate oI camera phone image-taking, editing and sharing. Far Irom being banal, acontextualised images, these pictures deploy the newest oI flters and photographic techniques to give a sense oI the poetic and unique, and are then overlaid electronically on to places. This is not a mere practice oI networked visuality, as noted by the frst studies into camera phones; rather, we see emplaced and multisensorial visuality that creates and refects unique Iorms oI geospatial sociality. The traces made as camera phones are used as mobile media weaving through material/digital environments with their users thus become Iorms oI visuality that are emplaced digitally, socially and materially. Their visual content is the outcome oI the multiple constituents oI place through which they are produced, and in relation to which the body oI the photographer is emplaced including the weather, social relationships, localities, soItware and code, technologies and human innovation and creativity. These are Ielt, aIIective and embodied realities where people`s embodied engagements and ways oI moving with camera phones should be coming into our Iocus as researchers. Yet they are also inextricable Irom social environments, where they likewise play a situated and situating role, as they are engaged in ways that include, but do not reIer exclusively to, their status as representations, including the making oI the very qualities oI social relations that characterise diIIerent Iorms oI sociality and, as we have shown, social value and aIIect. Indeed, a Iocus on the camera phone oIIers an important prism through which to understand how these relationships between the materialities and digital environments oI place, embodied experience and sociological phenomena converge. These contemporary shiIts are producing signifcant changes in the ways personal photographs have become part oI the everyday world. They are part oI a context where the everyday, the mundane, becomes both habitually Ielt in the practice oI taking photographs and, simultaneously, is represented visually on web platIorms in ways that Iorge relationships between the material, the sensory, the social and the digital. These new confgurations oI persons, things and Ieelings call Ior revised theoretical and methodological approaches, which enable us to both comprehend such contemporary realities and to Iocus back on earlier photographic Iorms and discover their relevance anew. As we have argued in this article, understanding camera phone photography, its qualities, aIIordances and the everyday practices in which it is implicated through the theories oI place, movement and perception enables us to move on analytically. It invites us to depart Irom the notion oI networked visualities to understand more Iully how contemporary visualities and the socialities that are implicated through them are emplaced. 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Wallis, C. 2011, (Im)Mobile Mobility: Marginal Youth and Mobile Phones in Beijing`, in R. Ling and S.W. Campbell (eds), Mobile Communication. Bringing Us Together and Tearing Us Apart, Transaction Books, New Brunswick, NJ, pp. 6181. !"#"$ &'() is Professor of Design/Media Ethnographv at RMIT Universitv, Melbourne. *"#'++" ,-.#/$ is an artist, digital ethnographer and Associate Professor in the Games Programs, School of Media and Communication, RMIT Universitv, Melbourne.