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Barrio Women: Between the Urban and the Feminist Movement Author(s): Lilia Rodriguez Source: Latin American

Perspectives, Vol. 21, No. 3, Social Movements and Political Change in Latin America: 2 (Summer, 1994), pp. 32-48 Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2633664 . Accessed: 05/01/2014 16:26
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BarrioWomen Movement andtheFeminist theUrban Between


by Lilia Rodriguez has been in the sphereof reproduction of struggles The importance class in terms are"able to developa revolutionary they ofwhether debated or be a societalproject thatis, to elaborate an alternative consciousness, toorthodox (Assies,1990:74). According ofsocietal transformation" subject consumption collective formed around becauseorganizations approaches, directly capital inclasscomposition' anddo notconfront areheterogeneous bringing or consciousness of rise to class havelittle possibility giving they restson the social and politicalchange.This argument about important sphere of subjectsin the productive thatthe social position assumption on viewfocuses Theorthodox their consciousness. mechanically determines strugpolitical andunderestimates theresidence-based struggles production role. Rapid playedan important gles in whichwomenhave historically in struggles for hasresulted infrastructure andservices without urbanization beenattheforefront andpoorwomen haveusually collective consumption, health electricity, sewers, suchas water, lack of services of suchstruggles; women andmenin andso on,affects childcarefacilities, transport, centers, different ways. inthereprofor struggles considering havebeensuggested Other reasons one.Moser(1985: inthe than those productive lessimportant ductive sphere not only are moresuccessful based struggles 2) arguesthat"production aremen'sstruggles basedbutalso becausethey areproduction becausethey whereas men do is valued) consumption andas sucharevalued (becausewhat are undertaken in theprivate becausethey by womenare sphere struggles
and Action forWomen of theEcuadorian Center of Promotion is thedirector Lilia Rodriguez She has a master's women's movement. in theEcuadorian (CEPAM) in Quitoand an activist on a research andis currently project directing from theLondonSchoolofEconomics, degree itpossible Women's Center making the Solanda (CEMUS) for Shethanks ofurban issues poverty. Research ofLatinAmerican Center theInteruniversity their for hertolearn experience, through inEcuador on herwork toreflect theopportunity experience andDocumentation (CEDLA) for School attheLondon andJoBeall andSylviaChant ittoan international workshop, andpresent herEnglish. andtocorrect on herarticle toreadandcomment for thetime ofEconomics taking
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES, C 1994 Latin American Perspectives Issue 82, Vol. 21 No. 3, Summer 1994 32-48

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strug"residential-level [sic]andhaveno value."Furthermore, invisibilized because based struggle production than weaker gle mayalso be inherently manifest." openly andclass is more between gender theconflict publicandprivate andreproduction, production between The dichotomy areas. instruggle inurban toexplain women's involvement seemsinadequate They are tasksand economicactivities. Poor womencombinedomestic and also workto childcare,and foodsupply forchildbearing, responsible is noclearseparation In many casesthere totheir households. incomes bring Popular and thepointof production. between the pointof reproduction Western ofthe dichotomies the false callinto question women's organizations of the everyday-life to a deeperunderstanding and contribute tradition ofpower. forms a modeofresistance toengendered that represent struggles notonly maybe seenas centered andsocialchange urban struggle Moreover, race, related to gender, contractions butalso on other on class relationships The notion as characof pluriclassism and religion. nationality, ethnicity, byclass and on overdetermination castsdoubt of social-movements teristic 1983). (Castells, in of consciousness determination factors the toother points primary between distinction the criticized in has particular theory Feminist ofthe classstruggle, the separation the primacy contradictions, andsecondary andtheassignment as autonomous andreproduction spheres, ofproduction it work. In addition, than to reproductive to productive ofmoreimportance is political" embodies Theslogan "Thepersonal hasreconceptualized power. the with domain. oftraditional associated public concepts a profound critique has oflife, feminism all aspects that permeate powerrelations By stressing inwhich takes placeand ofthesettings politics totheexpansion contributed ofthepolitical. broadened theconcept NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND WOMEN'S PARTICIPATION roleinneighthat women is consensus playan important there Although is stilloverparticipation mobilization borhood (Castells,1983),women's The new actorthatemerges of social movements. lookedin moststudies to be awareof women'srole;it is simply seemssexless.It is insufficient life todomestic notmerely ofwomen tospelloutthecontribution necessary of action(Jelin, and political 1990). The emergence butalso to collective to issuesof is linked in LatinAmerica women'sorganizations grass-roots ofurban provision conditions, living citizenship, human democracy, rights, their organizations, andso on,butaboveall poorwomen, through services, and changing identities collective in constructing are gaining experience

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both power they question inthat politics andbroad relations power everyday it. andoutside thehousehold within in has been explained in urbanstruggles Barriowomen'sparticipation areas urban inlow-income Women rolesas wivesandmothers. oftheir terms andcommunity-management productive, role:reproductive, a triple perform notjust in urbanstruggles (Moser,1989). Theyusuallybecomeinvolved butbecause their becausetheyspendthemosttimein theneighborhood famifortheir for providing them responsible rolemakes gender-ascriptive whyandhowwomen in understanding arecrucial differences lies. Gender perform andmen Women inurban struggle.2 andparticipate organize andmen and expectations, socialresponsibilities, needs, havedistinct roles, different as a socialconstruction ways.Gender in different andaresocialized power, whichare dialectic menand women, between thesocial relations explains andso on,anditalsoexplains age,religion, culture, with class,race, andvary 1991). (Kaufman, participation their differential in "Women's ,involvement As Morgen(1988: 111) argues,however, and to their roles reduced or cannot be by explained community organizing community-based Women's ordaughters. as wives, mothers, responsibilities andacting of and collective expressing way is a conscious activism political ofneighboras members as wivesandmothers, as women, interests on their andclass ethnic, race, ofparticular andas members hoodsandcommunities, rolesof to linkthesevarious it seemsimportant In other words, groups." inunderstanding factors andcultural political, social,economic, with women at the Barriowomenare engagedin mobilization women'sparticipation. andembodies contradictions classandgender confronts levelthat community in andoverlap converge thus andneeds. Class andgender identities different lives. women's as a has to be understood barriowomen'sparticipation Additionally, health care, water, interests shelter, (food, inwhich gender practical process relations) of gender interests (redefinition gender and so on) and strategic interests and strategic gender 1985). Practical (Molyneux, mayconverge as needed(Moser,1989: 1803). terms intoplanning have been translated women'spractical between is thedifferentiation in thisapproach Implicit andtheir needs, oflabor, strategic thesexualdivision reinforce which needs, women's Barrio subordination. their to overcome be identified must which idenrelations andreconceptualizing gender is affecting gender participation is analyzed in which their participation theframework Thischallenges tity. andstrategic between division theoretical practical the andcallsinto question 1993:36). needs(Lind,1992: 148;Rodriguez, gender in neighborhood organizations women's barrio participation Examining thenature, to understand itis important First, fortworeasons. is important

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in thelightof gender of their participation and meaning forms, content, as conclusions led to sucherroneous Notdoingso has frequently relations. interests their that areapolitical, becausethey women do notparticipate that the life, andthat indomestic areimmersed becausethey arenotvery political are Second,suchstudies political. is notvery participate they wayin which 1985; andSerrano, 1984;Raczynski 1984,1990;Sara-Lafose, few(Blondet, Feijo and Gagna, 1986; CESIP, 1988; Piresde Rio Caldeira,1990; Jelin, (CEPALES, 1985; Moser,1987; 1990) and in Ecuadorarejust beginning biases 1990; 1992;Lind,1992).Two common Camacho,1990;Rodriguez, approaches andromantic theenthusiastic must be avoided:on theonehand, inwhich ofanidealsociety as micromodels organizations popular that glorify valuesand,on andantiauthoritarianism aredominant solidarity, democracy, of thepotential that underestimate theskeptical approaches theother hand, roles,are traditional on thegrounds that they reinforce theseorganizations subordigender challenge anddo notreally needs, basedonpractical gender nation. WOMEN'S ORGANIZATION IN A PILOT HOUSING PROJECT of Quito,was locatedin thesouth Solanda,one of thenew settlements families in 1982 as a pilot housingprojectforlow-income established It consists international andseveral agencies. bythegovernment sponsored Bank theEcuadorian Housing with loansfrom ofalmost 6,000housesbuilt lackedbasic it initially on donated land,and likemostnewneighborhoods suchas water common To tackle supply, andinfrastructure. problems services a formed theresidents and highmortgage interest, transport, electricity, someyouth In addition tothecommittee, groups, committee. neighborhood wereorganized. cooperative clubs,anda market sports andin building activities women in neighborhood In an effort to involve ofa theformation the(male)leaders encouraged for thecommittees support "The neighborhood women'sgroup.As one of theseleadersexplained, more time becausethey the women's spent organization committee promoted that Weexpected the most from suffered problems. intheneighborhood, they Thewomen, wouldleadtheactions." however, committee theneighborhood aboutit. felt andthey their ownorganization, strongly wanted
forourselves, forus is taking havingour own responsibility "Autonomy" for and getting external without respect intervention, deciding organization, women andmen when theneighborhood It'sbetter for from others. ourgroup didnot ourgoals,butthey we can achieve becauseworking together organize,

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us toobeythem wanted they Theywerelikedictators; this. want tounderstand butwe do not forourneighborhood, We agreeto work them. andworkwith want toobey.

andmensaw howwomen inunderstanding aredecisive relations Gender for it was normal For themen in the neighborhood their organizations. suchas theneighbororganizations inmale-dominated toparticipate women Thiswas guidance. their under "auxiliaries" or inwomen's hoodcommittee were they sphere; ofmen'srolein thedomestic to an extension tantamount theyshouldbe the heads of all and therefore the heads of households, "the uneven capacity out, As Kaufman (1991: 14) haspointed organizations. andparticiindemocratic tobe participants andleaders ofmenandwomen inthenarrow is notonlya result ofsexism andinequality institutions patory have menandwomen ofthedifferent valuesthat sense.It is also theresult Solanda self-identities." their gendered internalized as theyhave created and autonomy and to demand this"naturalness" womenbeganto question and in generalactivities as a group.Theywantedto participate identity as equals.This andtreated butalso to be respected with others "coordinate" we a "They thought as threat: committee was viewedbytheneighborhood and the commitment reduce actions, with them, duplicate wanted tocompete to of theneighborhood committee reaction goals."The negative to general as an exprescan be analyzed barrio women's organization an autonomous in that themen and paternalistic ideology-patriarchal sion of patriarchal and within their organization control thewomen totheir tried tosubordinate a women's organizain that "allowed"and"encouraged" they paternalistic bythem. tioncontrolled inLatin andareQften promoted havebecomeaccepted Women's groups setup by ofmothers' groups Thereis a tradition American neighborhoods. Theseorganiandnational andinternational agencies. thestate, thechurch, as "welfare groups";womenoftenseek to zationsare usuallyregarded to receiveoutside center becauseit is a wayforthem a mothers' organize and so on. Duringthe past medicine, clothing, help,food,second-hand has changed. womenorganize theway in whichbarrio decade,however, to andwelfare-oriented practices paternalistic Manyhavemovedawayfrom to modesof organization. They are organizing alternative morecreative and services, infrastructure conditions and to demand their living improve combine Someofthese in thenewneighborhoods. organizations especially and health carecenters, suchas creches, schools, forservices mobilization organizations communalshops (oftensponsoredby nongovernmental skills ofpractical with thelearning orthegovernment) [NGOs],thechurch,

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procThisconsciousness-raising dailylife. ofwomen's andtheexamination Some women of genderidentity. to the construction ess is fundamental seek suchas theSolandawomen, whileothers, groups in mixed participate autonomously. toparticipate GENDER, DIFFERENT NEEDS, AND DIFFERENT WAYS were Center oftheSolandaWomen's theobjectives Fromthebeginning, conditions, ofbarrio living as (1) theamelioration participants bythe defined school, a primary creches, ofservices suchas water, theprovision especially the including of women'sstatus, and (2) theimprovement and a market, themes andother rights ofwomen's skills anddiscussion ofpractical learning their from arising of conflicts to women'sdailylife.As a result related andto ask inthefamily also begantotalkaboutviolence they participation, successinhaving abouttheir enthusiastic werevery The women advice.3 for their andin overcoming as a women9sorganization recognized4 their group hadtheir time they Forthefirst committee. with theneighborhood problems Theneighborhood andneeds. owndesires their ownvoiceandcouldexpress to was upsetaboutthe Women'sCenterand made an effort committee arelazy-they "Thesewomen the participants: itbygossiping about discredit thewomen However, is not women." goodfor this group tobe athome; ought topursue their goals. andsetup work groups begantodevelopsolidarity with roles. gender can be madein connection a distinction At thispoint "for to engagein struggles that menarewilling datasuggest The empirical and and transport, sewerservice, electricity, needs"suchas water, housing withtheseproblems. efforts begintheir committees usually neighborhood health, childcare,schools, suchas food, needs," Therearealso "household within ofwomen totheengendered position which arerelated andmarkets, than concerned tobe more tend women oflabor, andhere thesexualdivision less Men are frequently actors.5 engagedas principal menand are usually women's willsometimes support they though in these problems, interested to pursue committee fora neighborhood for example, It is rare, initiatives. onlywomenare or a nursery school;usually of a creche theestablishment in different Data from neighborhoods many in suchmobilizations. engaged this. confirm oftheworld other from parts as wellas theliterature Quito6 attheneighborhood division a tacit exists there that gender Thissuggests in housing involved needs,womenare level. While menare particularly with associated needs household and both for housing ina struggle involved barrio in which the that It also way role. may suggest their reproductive

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A former needsat thelocal levelis moreintegrated. their perceive women "Theymay it as follows: expressed committee leaderof theneighborhood open-minded." of.Theyaremore do notthink we [men] that ofthings think atthe locallevel? andmen action ofwomen the then, tointegrate Is itfeasible, ofbarrio might be viable?Whatis thecontribution Whatkinds ofdemands ofthese andtheincorporation needs" of"human toan understanding women socialmovements? needsintourban supply ofwater theproblems beganbyconfronting Center TheWomen's sitewas availableforthe a building knewthat The women and education. committee, to inquire aboutit. The neighborhood school,so theystarted that itwas nota realneedat theschoolon thegrounds opposed surprisingly, oftheWomen's said: Center A leader themoment.
and committee You won'tbelieveit!The neighborhood This was incredible! becauseofthenoise totheschool were opposed community somepeopleinthe itwas better areas. green to maintain andbecausesupposedly of thechildren want ourchildren becausewe didnot important, us theschoolwasvery Butfor the against hadtostruggle Solanda.Ourorganization togo to schoolsoutside as well.We puta fencearound andtheauthorities committee neighborhood annoyed. andtookitaway.We werevery cameinthenight theland,butthey toaskfor Wewent the about theschool. tothemunicipality firm Wewerevery were did nothelpus; they on theland,buttheauthorities legal documents did notrespect We felt that they We went backmany times. alwaystoobusy. One ofourgroup cried becauseshefelt andpoor. us becausewe werewomen that wewoulddenounce the Onedaywe threatened authorities so disrespected. ourpetition. Theygave in themedia, andimmediately considered they them we do notwanttosee you andsaid,"Pleasego away, us thelegaldocuments again." the withthemunicipality, meeting Duringall thistimewe wereoutside, a lotabout these institutions. andwe learned the council, parliament, provincial werevery we had many at home;ourhusbands problems As a consequence, aboutus and weretalking first because peoplein theneighborhood angry, cleanourduties-children, saidthat we were neglecting secondbecausethey earlyin the This was nottrue. We did ourhousework ing,and everything. in the family. Many of our we did not wantto have problems morning; Westarted toask assaults. violent including problems, experienced colleagues do not. togo out,andwomen toparticipate, ourselves whymenhavetheright a lot.We gotthe we learned process thisstepin ourorganization During were that oursacrifices Wewere recompensed. Itwasgreat! happy school. very to respect ourworkand started The community recognized We wereproud. to aboutit.We wanted was angry however, us. The neighborhood committee, werebad people. butthey committee intheneighborhood anyway, participate but ofthecommittee, as a member One ofus was elected bythecommunity werescheduled All themeetings herparticipation. to sabotage thementried out of the forexample.In the end we dropped verylate in the evening, alone.Westruggled Center as theWomen's towork andcontinued committee to ask us about a market, creches.Many people started forwatersupply,

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in theneighborhood, becausewe knewwhatwas goingon. The everything itsleaderschangefrequently, problems; has many committee neighborhood process we transformed ofthis ithasno head.In thecourse andatthemoment [tercas]. We becameinsistent ourselves.

various aspects illustrates Center oftheSolandaWomen's Theexperience thepossible level.Morethan at theneighborhood participation of women's to analyzethe it is important of women'sparticipation material effects to effects and howthesecontribute learning processes and group personal also illustrates newidentities. The Women's experience Center establishing against inwhich classandgender In struggling needsconverge. thedynamic they subordination; to confront gender thesewomenhave learned poverty andhavedeveloped power relations tonegotiate andevenchange havebegun inwhich Thisis not, a however, viewoftheworld they participate. a critical "to out,itis important (1990: 188) haspointed As Jelin process. mechanical role theconditions under which leave their traditional women ask whether deparin dailylifetoenter a significant constitute thepublicdomain rooted inwomen's helping toform with tosocialchanges subordination, regard ture thecurrent ofdomination." identities that system putindoubt gender The agents. was influenced by external The Solanda Women'sCenter of a women'sgroupwere stimulated by forthedevelopment conditions inQuito'spopular ofanNGO working women as part feminist middle-class abouttherelationship raisessomequestions Its experience neighborhoods. issuesas the andsuchsensitive NGOs andgrass-roots organizations between similarities and differences among needs, gender roleof NGOs in meeting andrepresentation. women, power, STRUGGLING WOMEN: LEARNING TO SPEAK to Barrig women'sorganizations, (1989: 138), according In thebarrio becausesilence which tospeak, is very significant "recover the women ability I wouldargue that forms ofwomen's oppression." evident is oneofthemost do thepowerof speech, women learnto speakanddiscover they although haditinthefirst never tospeakbecausethey place.As theright notrecover When I talked I wasa nervous person. Mariaputit,"I lacked self-confidence; in Now I to I never looked athiseyes. wasafraid speak public. tomyhusband to I learned to In the Women's Center I was. speak, look I realizehowtimid Sofia All fears in said, "In the disappeared." my people straight theeye. the I from learned to I how learned women'sgroup managerelationships, Rosa And all of us have similar in because our said, others problems." group did time. I never forthefirst in a women's "I'm participating organization

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that I was unableto usedto think I usedto be a conformist-I before. that I've person; ofit.NowI'm likea different incapable I felt responsibility, take I don'twantto be a injustices. aremany there Now I realizethat changed. things." I want to do something tochange conformist, learn women saythat Onecannot process. tospeakis a dynamic Learning Noneto speakin thepublicarena. themselves andthen to talkamong first experithedifferent that inSolandasuggests observation theless, participant women eachother. Barrio areableto speakathomewithout encesreinforce groups-when andinmixed areable to speaktoinstitutions fear whenthey husbands/partners oftheir wereafraid feelself-confident. Somewomen they experiences After their hadtocontradict them. they andwereina panicwhen and thepolititheauthorities, committee, theneighborhood in confronting fear tothese "Whycan I speakwithout ciansthey beganto ask themselves, ofparticipaexperience Thecollective peopleandnottomyownhusband?" be thesame willnever onwomen's lives.Someofthem effects tion hasmany in the changesin relationships self-confidence, again. Personalgrowth, to shaping their and community gender contribute neighborhood, family, identity. a popular oftheSolandaWomen's Center calledthemselves The women as identity the"struggling women ofSolanda."Their women's organization, a the as not intervened in group, sphere meant that public women they barrio their In theprocessof establishing autonomy they as isolatedindividuals. confronted and as a collective. as individuals They their discovered identity andchanged the committee within theneighborhood andmalepower sexism In the into oneofactive women subjects. ofpassiveandresigned stereotype created a newimage with thecommittee confrontations they courseoftheir therespect oftheneighborhood. andearned women ofbarrio literature of thenew-social-movements paradigm The identity-oriented of the importance their cultural ignoring dimension, tendsto emphasize new "the example, toEvers( 1985),for intheir According power constitution. bits increating consists within thenewsocialmovements precisely element is The cultural dimension in which of socialpractice poweris notcentral." from are notexempt butpopular organizations of courseveryimportant, andbetween within occur both Power conflicts overpower. groups conflicts and newandold members, Differences between young andoutsiders. them The Women's conflict. ownersand renters maypromote mature women, andnew founders between was crosscut Arguments Center bysuchtensions. someof itsmaterial to control arosewheneach group attempted members andexternal thegroup between also existed Tensions agents-other benefits. the theNGOs, the politicalparties, the state, institutions, organizations, It is at thetwolevelswereinterrelated. and so on-and conflicts church,

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as Salman(1990: emerge, new identities that within thesepowerrelations that thenew toassume plausible itnotbe more out:"Would 133) haspointed andwithin relations power with intertwined must andwilldevelop, identities Should,therefore, parties? of instrumentalist political thegivenstructures inconceptualithesurrounding notbe incorporated with society interaction aimat?" themovements abouttheidentity zations themas thewomen on thecontrary, does notmeanisolation; Autonomy They from others." forthegroup is getting respect selvessaid,"Autonomy it in the forand earned they fought that was a conquest; autonomy learned thestate, committee, with theneighborhood relations courseof conflictive organiThemarginalization ofwomen's parties. theNGOs,andthepolitical which ingroups likethe Center, SolandaWomen's is a risk, especially zations After them. if use cannot they to ignore try organizations male-dominated some with the committee, neighborhood experience theirfirst negative The with it. connection from any maintaining were discouraged women theNGOs, with thestate, a learning experience Center developed Women's and/or withregard to themodesof confrontation and thepolitical parties as a thegroup arosewithin to each.Some problems appropriate negotiation Atthesametime, itsunity. butitmaintained result ofdifferent perceptions, in Ecuadorare weak.7 The women'sorganizations linksbetween popular different articulate is young, anditcannot movement appropriately women's and with itsconsolidation interfere "knots" Untangled women's perspectives. 1992). (see Rodriguez, expansion as oneofitsprimary Center "popular" emphasized TheSolandaWomen's thelocalauthorities, indealing with Thewomen's experience characteristics. was very theNGOs,andthechurch important theprivate politicians, sector, that did not they Whenthey said,"We felt in defining themselves. to them "poor"and and poor," they paralleled us becausewe werewomen respect Atthe a general senseofexclusion. Thiscanbe seenas reflecting "popular." withtheir themselves neighborhood: same time, theyidentified however, we needmany Welackservices, things; "Solandais a popular neighborhood. shared Their experience thenorthern8 from neighborhoods." we aredifferent was unsuccessful at withthestateand itsrepresentatives of confrontation and even asserted themselves, exerted pressure, butin theend they first, how tounderstand inorder tobe heard. They began theauthorities threatened coulddeal with howthey their livesandtoexplore relations affected power we used to walkquietly, we wereworried; speak "In thebeginning them: that a favor. Lateron we learned It was as ifwe werealwaysasking quietly. our way of askingfor We changed It was veryimportant. we had rights. fear.... When we ask,we speakwithout Now we aremore confident; things. the on ourloans, to interest Bankwanted increase theEcuadorian Housing

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butthey tothebankauthorities, ina demonstration; we went we participated Onlymen aretheleaders? toreceive us. Theysaid,'OK, where didnotwant was able togo andone ofourgroup theoffice.' Butwe protested, can enter themen." in alongwith they werenotonly arena, tooccupy thepublic Whenbarrio women began ofdomestic therules andchanging thelimits lifebutalso breaking straining institutions, authorities, men, with others: relationships oftheir thepatterns were women Barrio can be calledempowerment. Thisprocess andthestate. inthe lackofpower. their experience their Through to overcome struggling andhow ofpower forms different torecognize learned they group women's empowerwomen, andfamily lives."Forthese affected their personal they powerideasaboutthecausesof their their change ment beginswhenthey and them, thatoppress forces thesystemic whenthey recognise lessness, the lives"(Morgen andBookman, conditions oftheir acttochange when they 1988:4). them andinfacing households, thewomen's arosewithin Manyproblems out of the Women's Some dropped strategies. womenadopteddifferent orbeganto their orpartners with husbands inorder to avoidconflict Center why with their asking families, Others their negotiated participation. disguise Someevenbroke off their relationto go to meetings. werenotfree women as women, their women oppression beganquestioning ships.In anyevent, their alter family could notimmediately new ideas evenifthey espousing out:"We as Vargas (1991: 29) points Thisis a common experience, relations. usetraditional forms all battles atonce.Wenegotiate, we cannot fight realise themost instance, relegating topreserve goals,for highly-valued ofarguing of changein thesexualdivision forthetimebeingtheneedof substantial becausewe knowthisis one of themostdifficult thehome, labourwithin likeours." in societies tochange things to discuss wereverycommon, theystarted Because family problems Violenceagainst each other. and support these-to sharetheir experiences totheir tocallattention Theydecided as an important topic. emerged women their husthecommunity, theater aimedat sensitizing through experiences usedbrooms Intheir "TheBrooms," first women. they andother play, bands, a symbol them into andtransformed domestic oftheir as a symbol oppression to educatethe first This was one of their majorefforts liberation. of their and and machismo on women's aboutconstraints participation community as women. their about ownconsciousness oppression aboveall toraisetheir seemsto be oftheir ofthe"naturalness" confrontation oppression Women's their and sharing of articulating withthecollective connected experience situations. are in similar other women that and learning problems personal A gender their world. torediscover minds andhelpsthem their Thischanges

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ownlivesandthose their between confrontation this from emerges identity ofothers. IMPLICATIONS FOR URBAN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND THE FEMINIST MOVEMENT participate They as classandgender. a dualidentity embody Barrio women and communities of their as members and mobilizein theneighborhood they differences of gender because but anddaughters, mothers, housewives, and forms, nature, men.The content, way from in a different participate conembrace differences These are different. their of participation meaning social Urban develop. classandgender between andclashes relations, flictive undertheir into the dimension gender have not incorporated movements and needs women'sinterests and therefore of urbanproblems, standing womenand menhave similar It is assumedthat invisible. usuallyremain classof traditional The inability and responsibilities. needs,expectations, to needsis an obstacle to address gender organizations basedormale-based ofsocialmovements. construction andpluralist democratic themore tends socialmovements ofurban that theleadership It is a commonplace in malearewelcome to participate bymen.Women to becomedominated becausethese role.Moreover, onlyin a subordinate structures dominated becomes overlocalorganizations control clientelistically, function structures andother women's organizations barrio In somecases,as inSolanda, crucial. leadership groupsbeginto questiontraditional recentcommunity-based in making todecision with regard Therisk ofbeing marginalized structures. Many already. is real. Barriowomenare marginalized the neighborhood ofthe neighborhood, the dynamic outside general operating women's groups, There is,however, toanyone. nothreat represent they havenosuchproblem; when Center suchas theWomen's oforganizations for newtypes a problem andtoclaima share andthe procedures theleadership toquestion begin they havetodeal Herewomen indecision making. andparticipation ofthepower and aremarginalized their andsometimes groups maleauthoritarianism, with from participating. becomediscouraged they with incommon haveproblems women whereas barrio Atthesametime, insociety, ofwomen the with subordination associated women's other groups from thesegroupsin manyways.The Solanda womencalled theydiffer from themselves to distinguish in order a popular organization themselves priorities, agendas, women's Theyhaddifferent organizations. middle-class to be andevenrefused feminists from middle-class anddiscourses leaders, women's barrio that organizaItis obvious, however, as feminists. identified

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and in demands, feminist forembodying potential tionshave enormous Theyarestruggling subordination. gender arefighting ofthem many practice within powerrelations and changetheir conditions living their to improve theassumparequestioning andin so doingthey thehousehold, andoutside classes. ofthemiddle is onlythedomain feminism tionthat idein a sisterhood trapped aresometimes groups feminist Middle-class amongwomen. and conflicts of differences recognition hinders ologythat forpractical of struggles deniestheimportance feminism Narrow-minded issues.Itseemsimporthese around organization needsanddevalues gender and of thewomen'smovement concept their to broaden tant forfeminists have women'sorganizations and feminist "Progressive practice. feminist rolesas wives, thevalue womenplace on their failedto recognize often with engaging for lostopportunities andhavethus andhomemakers mothers way" (Bell, Hassim,and in a critical and creative consciousness popular Todes,1989). and tocultural for contributing potential women possessenormous Barrio capacity their organizational Theyneedto strengthen socialtransformation. resources, byacquiring andas groups as individuals themselves andempower coalitions. fordialogueand forbuilding and a capacity skills,leadership, complex. as we haveseen,arehighly Theseprocesses, CONCLUSIONS Urban thanconclusions. morequestions The case of Solandaproduces women a sense but in neutral not "people" movements together bring social and hopes,fears, rules,needs,beliefs, identities, and men withdifferent a place in whichobjectives, if notnecessarily wishes.The neighborhood differences On thecontrary, coincide. andmodesofparticipation demands, conflicts andreligion maycreate age,region, with class,gender, connected to socialmovements for urban arethepossibilities then, What, andtensions. concontradictions thespecific deal with thissocial diversity-to express of a democratization toenvisage Is itpossible differences? these with nected and the of social subjects theplurality thatrecognizes social movements viewof to developa holistic and needs?Is itpossible of interests diversity can be relations dailylife,and gender ideology, changein whichculture, confronted? barriowomen'sdaily lives have been In the processof participation of beinghousewives, mothers, We have seen howtheconstraints affected. their for subordination, forces transforming becomepotential anddaughters how powerless collective from participation, emerges how gender identity

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now thatthey and politics powerrelations everyday womenare changing and thehousehold powerwithin and question to recognize have learned but theworld, changing not areperhaps it.Thesesoundless processes outside effects long-term As tothepossible world. havechanged their certainly they for have thepotential they that we can onlyconjecture of thesechanges, this is relational, new values intodaily life.Because gender introducing withmen. it involvesinteraction process;rather, cannotbe a one-sided goes some way towardempowering involvement Women'scommunity encourskillandself-confidence, with greater to interact menwith women as we have seen,is builtthrough agingchangesin menas well. Identity, ofconfrontation Itemerges thevarious experiences from processes. complex in life. Barriowomenhave developedtheirconsciousness in everyday not by a collective, but as not in isolation and publicspheres domestic class andgender butbyconfronting as a gender their oppression lamenting relations. ofitsachieveinterms be evaluated cannot Center TheSolandaWomen's are dynamic, and alone. Social organizations objectives mentof explicit them byexamining Perhaps during itsevolution. maycometolight changes These barrio of theseprocesses. therichness morecloselywe can capture gender around practical that mobilization suggests women'spoliticization into question calling consciousness, classandgender both develop may needs but itis not a mechanical product However, dichotomy. the practical-strategic is The roleof external agents factors converge. a processin whichvarious ofbarrio women's for survival organiTheprospects in this crucial process. their establishing own forces-strengthening groups, zationslie in their or links with toestablish theability developing themselves, among networks andthe thestate, the institutions, other parties, political movements, confront Male-dominated their autonomy. and preserving space and their church, barrio womenas maybecomeable to recognize urbansocial movements and to form as "help"forgeneral than rather struggles merely equal actors At thesame time,the withthem. and moreequal coalitions meaningful with different pracneedstobe revitalized approaches, movement women's the As feminists we have notsufficiently explored tices,and experiences. andtherefor race,andreligion, ethnicity, class,gender, linking possibilities women Whatthebarrio in practice. is confused whatis clearin theory fore that ina context this aredoing butthey their ownhistory, is making aredoing the international the the church, thestate, NGOs,the parties, includes political immeoftheir outside ideasgenerated offeminist andtheimpact agencies, is transforming aredoing, their What however, struggles diate understanding. of a feminism in thedirection capableof ideas and practice thesefeminist women. ofall anddesires thethinking, experience, embracing

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NOTES
has been consumption of laborpowerto collective of thereproduction 1. The reduction women (see ofdaily lifethat areparticularly important for aspects criticized becauseitexcludes 1988). Little, Peake,andRichardson, in understanding thesocial between "sex" and "gender" is important 2. The distinction to thephysical characteristics of malesand womenand men."Sex" refers between relations a psycho"Sex" is a biological term and "gender" is a social construction. females; "gender" one (see Oakley, 1972). logicalandcultural andAction (CEPAM),an NGO working Women's Center for Promotion 3. TheEcuadorian andadvicetothe since1983,hasoffered support areasinQuitoandGuayaquil inpopular urban Center from itsinception. SolandaWomen's are entitled to enter into of Social Welfare by theMinistry 4. Organizations recognized thestate, agencies. NGOs,orinternational contracts with insoupkitchens and women ofbarrio there is massive participation for example, 5. In Peru, andColombia. for Chile,Brazil, arereported milk Similar experiences programs. a government atthe level. cuidadoras movement handles neighborhood program 6. Amadres in the southof Quito have begunworking popularwomen'sorganizations 7. Recently butthey remain on particular dispersed. projects, together andthesouth ofthecity, thenorth was a cleardivision between thenorth 8. In thepastthere areawith fullservices andinfrastructure. as a rich beingidentified

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