US-China Education Review 2013 2B

US-China Education Review
B
Volume 3, Number 2, February 2013 (Serial Number 21)
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US-China Education Review

B
Volume 3, Number 2, February 2013 (Serial Number 21)
Contents
Preschool Education
Adaptation of Social Interaction Practices for the Preschool Years Into Turkish: Validity and Reliability Study Aye ztrk Samur, Sema Soydan An Evaluation of Social Adaptation Skills of Children With and Without Preschool Education Background Based on Their Mothers Views Yunus Gnindi
71
80
Educational Policy and Administration

Conflict Resolution Strategies in Non-government Secondary Schools in Benue State, Nigeria Angie Oboegbulem, Idoko Alphonusu Alfa 91
Educational Sociology
Women Empowerment Through Access to Information: The Strategic Roles of Non-governmental Organizations in Nigeria Adetoun A. Oyelude, Alice A. Bamigbola Science Education and Challenges of Globalization in Igbo Nation Ezeudu F. O., Nkokelonye C. U., Adigwe J. C. Ethnicity: A Continuum on Education Sujata Chakraborty, Bhola Nath Ghosh 128 116
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US-China Education Review B, ISSN 2161-6248 February 2013, Vol. 3, No. 2, 71-79
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Adaptation of Social Interaction Practices for the Preschool Years Into Turkish: Validity and Reliability Study
Aye ztrk Samur
Adnan Menderes University, Aydn, Turkey
Sema Soydan
Mevlana University, Konya, Turkey
The aim of this study is to adapt SIPPY (social interaction practices for the preschool years) scale into Turkish. The SIPPY is a tool designed to assess teachers judgments of the acceptability and feasibility, as well as their current use of literature-supported strategies for promoting the development of young childrens social competence in early childhood classrooms, but only one part of the scalethe form about determining strategies that preschool teachers useis used in this study. It is a 5-point Likert-type scale and has 30 items. After verification of Turkish equivalence of the form, it is administered to 200 preschool teachers for validity and reliability study. The scales total and internal consistency was calculated by using Cronbach Alpha reliability coefficient, Sperman-Brown formula, and Guttmann Split-Half reliability coefficient. Descriptive analysis and CFA (confirmatory factor analysis) and item discrimination forces were calculated in order to identify the scales content validity. Findings show that the scale is an appropriate instrument to examine preschool teachers practices about supporting preschool childrens social competence. Keywords: preschool teachers social interaction practices, preschool childrens social competence, early childhood classroom
Introduction
Social competence of the children, in broad meaning, is behaving in a cooperative, sensitive, and friendly way and taking responsibilities to maintain interpersonal relationships in a positive way (Green & Rechis, 2006). Social competence encourages social harmony and social integration, and solves and avoids social conflicts (Benson, 2003). As a part of healthy development, students need to improve their social competence (Butts & Cruzeiro, 2005). Researchers have pointed out the effects of students social relationships and emotional developments on their adaptation to school and their academic success (Cooper & Farran, 1988). There is a dynamic relationship between social-emotional learning and academic success. Development of social competence has positive effects not only on quality of interpersonal relationships and relationships formed among children, but also on their academic success. Moreover, students need a healthy social-emotional development in order to be prepared and to be ready to learn. Social-emotional competence includes cooperative and pro-social behavior, friendship with peers, initiating and maintaining relationship with adults, management of aggression and conflict, development of superiority and self-esteem, and regulation of emotions and giving appropriate
Aye ztrk Samur, Ph.D., assistant professor, Department of Preschool Education, Faculty of Education, Adnan Menderes University. Sema Soydan, Ph.D., assistant professor, Department of Preschool Education, Faculty of Education, Mevlana University.
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ADAPTATION OF SIPPY INTO TURKISH: VALIDITY AND RELIABILITY STUDY
reactions (Aviles, Anderson, & Davila, 2006). Basic knowledge and skills acquired in early years with qualitative and sufficient experiences not only increase the individuals success in their further learning, but also affect their social-emotional life positively. Key factors affecting social-emotional development include characteristics of the child, upbringing style and family characteristics, environmental factors, interactions among some factors, and peers and teachers characteristics. There is not a single factor responsible for a childs social-emotional development. All factors are interrelated and responsible for the results (Campbell & James, 2007). Social interaction process which begins with realization of a baby itself continues for a lifetime (Ccelolu, 1998). Social interaction begins in the family and intensifies in the school life and the chance of interaction with both adults and peers increases. The most important factor that will influence social interaction process in school is the teacher. Teachers social-emotional skills, well-being, healthy teacher-student relationships, effective classroom management, emotional activities, and healthy classroom environment affect students social-emotional and academic outputs (Jennings & Greenberg, 2009). When the literature is reviewed, it is seen that there is not an instrument in Turkish to measure social interaction activities in preschool period. In this study, the aim is to adapt SIPPY (social interaction practices for the preschool years) which is a tool designed to assess teachers judgments of the acceptability and feasibility, their usage of strategies for promoting the development of young childrens social competence in early childhood classrooms into Turkish, but in this study, only one part of the scalethe form about determining strategies that preschool teachers useis adapted.
Method
Research Model Survey model was used in this study. Within this framework, by doing validity and reliability study of the scale which is developed to identify teachers social interaction activities, teachers and preschool teachers level of social interaction activities tried to be identified. Participants The sampling of the study is composed of 200 preschool teachers working in kindergartens and preschools affiliated with National Ministry of Education. Data Collection Instrument SIPPY scale developed by Kemple, Kim, Ellis, and Han (2008) is a 30-item 5-point Likert-type scale with three sub-scalesThese are strategies about the environment, natural strategies, and intensive strategies. Questionnaire Adaptation Process According to Hambleton and Patsula (1999), while doing an adaptation of a questionnaire, one of the most important phases was translation, so in this phase, the questionnaire was translated from English into Turkish by three experts in their fields. Translations were compared and discussed and the Turkish text was formed by choosing the best representatives of each item. Then, these items were translated from Turkish into English by three English language experts, and it was found that there was equivalence with the first form of the test and translation phase was finished. After being examined by field experts, one of the items was removed from the test and it took its final form with 29 items to be used in a pilot study. Before its psychometric features were analyzed, the scale which was adapted and the necessary corrections which were made were administered to a pilot group, and whether there were any other changes needed were
73
checked. Adapted scale was given to preschool teachers to revise, and in the light of their opinions, it was revised again. After forming rough form of the scale, it was administered to 200 preschool teachers in order to analyze the scales factor structure and construct validity and reliability of the scores and distinctive feature of the items. Data Analysis After administering rough scale to the sample, group gathered data were uploaded to SPSS 16 (Statistical Package for the Social Sciences) and Amos software to analyze the scales validity and reliability from statistical ways. In order to identify construct validity and factor structure of SIPPY scale, CFA (confirmatory factor analysis), exploratory factor analysis, and principal component analysis as factor techniques were used. In CFA, model and data consistency were analyzed and hypotheses formed to analyze the relationship between the variables were tested (Tabachnick & Fidell, 2001, as cited in Glbahar & Bykztrk, 2008). In CFA, a number of conformity indexes were used to evaluate the models validity. Among them, chi-square goodness, GFI (goodness of fit index), AGFI (adjusted goodness of fit index), RMR/RMS (root mean square residuals), and RMSEA (root mean square error of approximation) are the ones mostly used (Glbahar & Bykztrk, 2008). In literature review, if (2/sd) ratio calculated with CFA is lower than five, it is a sign of a good confirmation between the model and real data (Maccallum, Browne, & Sugawara, 1996; Smer, 2000). For confirmation between the model and data, it is expected that GFI and AGFI values must be over 0.90 and RMS or standardized RMS with RMSEA values must be lower than 0.05 (Smer, 2000; imek, 2007). On the other hand, if GFI value is over 0.85, AGFI value is over 0.80, and RMS value is lower than 0.10, then, this is accepted as a criterion for the confirmation between the model and the real data (Anderson & Gerbing, 1984; Marsh, Balla, & McDonald, 1988; Smer, 2000; Kline, 2005; imek, 2007). Moreover, for the questionnaire whose factor structure was identified, and for its sub-scales, Cronbach Alpha, internal consistency coefficients, and the power of item distinctiveness, total item correlations were calculated. Each item was scaled as Never (1), Rarely (2), Sometimes (3), Often (4), and Always (5). The scores obtained from the teachers responses to 5-point Likert-type scale do not show an standardized quality as there are differences in the number of items in sub-scales. As a result, turning gathered raw scores into the lowest 20 and the highest 100 as standard scores would be appropriate. Because the aim of developing this scale is to reach social interaction practice scores that can be standardized without depending on administered groups characteristics. While converting raw scores into standardized scores following formula can be used:
Levels corresponding to the scores obtained from sub-scales can be summarized as: 20-51: low level, 52-67: average level, and 68-100: high level. On data that are calculated in this way in order to identify teachers practices about social interactions in preschool, frequency, percentage, arithmetic average, standard deviation, and t-test were used. In differentiation analysis, p < 0.05 significant level was considered enough (Korkmaz & Kaya, 2012).
Findings
Findings Related With the Scales Validity Construct validity. In order to identify SIPPY scales construct validity and factor structure, confirmatory
74
and explanatory factor analysis were used. Before applying explanatory factor analysis, first the appropriateness of the items, partial correlation between the items, and appropriateness of correlation matrix for factor analysis were examined. Moreover, using KMO (Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin) coefficient and Bartletts test of sphericity, appropriateness of the data was examined too. Then, considering the items theoretical structures according to three factors, varimax orthogonal rotation technique was used. Gathered results were shown in Tables 1 and 2 as below. Table 1 KMO and Bartletts Test Results
KMO measure of sampling adequacy test Bartletts test of sphericity Notes. X2 = Chi-square; df = Degrees of freedom. X df p
2
0.83 1.62 32 0.00
Table 2 Factor Analysis Results of SIPPY Questionnaire

Item number 1 2 3 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 Factor load values before rotation 0.33 0.48 0.37 0.34 0.55 0.67 0.39 0.38 0.50 0.45 0.48 0.46 0.54 0.36 0.54 0.52 0.31 0.47 0.45 0.43 0.30 0.36 0.46 0.54 0.50 0.45 Varimax orthogonal rotation Strategies related with environment Natural strategies Intensive strategies 0.44 0.69 0.53 0.49 0.73 0.81 0.57 0.54 0.70 0.66 0.69 0.49 0.68 0.47 0.61 0.60 0.36 0.68 0.66 0.50 0.43 0.42 0.64 0.59 0.56 0.48
It is seen that KMO value (0.83) and Bartletts test were significant (X2 = 1.62, df = 32, p = 0.00, p < 0.05). In order to evaluate factor structure of data with factor analysis, related literature review suggests that factor
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load must be 0.30 at least, KMO value must be over 0.60, and Bartletts test of sphericity must be less than 0.05, or in other words, must be found significant (Bykztrk, 2002; Hinkin, 1995). Consequently, these results indicated that data were appropriate to do factor analysis. At the end of varimax rotation and rotated component matrix, the first factor load value of SIPPY scale changed between 0.440.81, the second factor load value changed between 0.470.70, and the third factor load value changed between 0.360.68. When total variance obtained at the end of components analysis was examined, three factors predicting 45.42% of the total variance were found. Findings show that the first factor predicts 29.61% of the total variance, the second factor predicts 8.53% of the total variance, and the third factor predicts 6.98% of the total variance. These findings show that the scale developed to identify social interactions used in preschool classes by teachers measures this structure fully and achieves this aim. Item differentiation. In this section, according to total item correlation method, item differentiation level was tested by calculating correlations between scores gathered from each item and scores gathered from factors. Thus, each items service level to the scales overall objective, correlations between scores gathered from each item, and score gathered from the scale overall were tested. Item-factor correlation values gathered for each item were given in Table 3. Table 3 Item-Factor Scores Correlation Analysis
Strategies related with environment m. 1 2 3 6 7 8 9 r 0.42** 0.37** 0.49** 0.45** 0.47** 0.44** 0.40** m. 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 18 19 Natural strategies r 0.47** 0.37** 0.30** 0.30** 0.58** 0.54** 0.43** 0.63** 0.59** m. 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 Intensive strategies r 0.49** 0.38** 0.44** 0.53** 0.45** 0.47** 0.53** 0.65** 0.63** 0.61**
Note. ** p < 0.001.
As it is seen from Table 3, item-factor correlation coefficients for the first factor is between 0.37 and 0.49, for the second factor is between 0.30 and 0.63, and for the third factor is between 0.38 and 0.65. Each item has a positive and significant correlation with the overall factor (p < 0.001). These coefficients are validity coefficients of each item and indicate that they are consistent with the whole factor; in other words, they indicate the level of their service to the factors overall aim (Carminesi & Zeller, 1982; Parasuraman, Zeithaml, & Berry, 1988, as cited in Yksel, 2009). CFA (Confirmatory Factor Analysis). CFA is based on the principle of regarding each correlation between the observed and unobservable variables as a hypothesis and testing them as one (Pohlmann, 2004). Chi-square is a goodness of fit test which is used to test whether there is a difference between original variables matrix and the matrix that is suggested. The ratio of calculated chi-square value to degree of freedom is very important. If this rate is less than two, it is what is desired (Smer, 2000; Kline, 2005; imek, 2007). In
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this study, as seen from Table 4, calculated chi-square value is 366.11 and degree of freedom is 275. The ratio of calculated chi-square to degree of freedom is 366.11/275 = 1.33 and this value shows that there is a good fit between original variables matrix and suggested matrix. Table 4 Calculated Fit Indexes of SIPPY Questionnaires Measurement Model
GFI statistics 1. df 2. X2 3. RMSEA 4. CFI (comparative fit index) 5. GFI 6. AGFI 7. S-RMR Notes. X2 = Chi-square; df = Degrees of freedom. Value 275 366.11 0.04 0.95 0.90 0.85 0.06
RMSEA is a fit scale that is based on discrepancy (error) between the sample covariance matrix and the model covariance matrix. When the value of RMSEA is between 0 and 0.005, it indicates that there is a good fit, and when it is between 0.05 and 0.08, it indicates that there is acceptable fit (Smer, 2000; Kline, 2005; imsek, 2007). In this study, the value found for RMSEA is 0.04 and it means there is a good fit. CFI is used when comparing an independent model that is assumed to have a bad fit with present data and covariance of proposed model. For this index, the value between 0.97 and 1.00 indicates a perfect fit and the value between 0.95 and 0.97 indicates an acceptable fit (Smer, 2000; Kline, 2005; imsek, 2007). The CFI value for this study is 0.95 and it indicates that there is an acceptable fit. GFI shows the general covariance between the variables calculated by proposed model. When the value for GFI is between 0.95 and 1.00, it indicates a good fit, and when it is between 0.90 and 0.95, it indicates an acceptable fit (Smer, 2000; Kline, 2005; imsek, 2007). The GFI value for this study is 0.90 and it indicates that there is an acceptable fit. AGFI is the value of GFI that is adapted according to degrees of freedom. Critical values identified for this goodness index are 0.90100 indicating well fitting and 0.850.90 indicating an acceptable fit (Smer, 2000; Kline, 2005; imsek, 2007). The AGFI value for this study is 0.85, and it indicates that there is an acceptable fit. When all gathered values and expected critical values are compared, it is seen that the values gathered in this study for CFI, GFI, AGFI, and S-RMR indicate an acceptable fit, and 2/df and RMSEA values indicate well-fitting. In other words, the gathered model shows that factors are justified by the data. The connection diagram of the scales CFA is given in Figure 1. Findings About the Reliability of the Scale In order to test the reliability of the scale, data internal consistency analysis was done. The scales reliability analysis according to factors and as a whole were calculated using Cronbach Alpha reliability coefficient, Spearman-Brown formula, and Guttmann Split-Half reliability formula. Reliability analyses values for each factor and for the whole scale were summarized in Table 5. As it is seen in Table 5, Spearman-Brown reliability coefficient for the scale that is formed with three sub-factors and 26 items is 0.84; Guttmann Split-Half value is 0.83; Cronbach Alpha reliability coefficient is
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0.90. On the other hand, it is seen that these values for factors range between: Spearman-Brown 0.720.78, Guttmann Split-Half value 0.710.76, and Cronbach Alpha 0.740.83.
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,84
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,77
Pekitirmeli Stratejiler
e21
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-,14
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Figure 1. CFA correlation diagram.
Table 5 Reliability Analyses Results Concerning the Whole Scale and Factors
Factors Strategies related with environment Natural strategies Intensive strategies Total Item number 7 9 10 26 Spearman-Brown 0.72 0.77 0.78 0.84 Guttmann Split-Half 0.71 0.76 0.76 0.83 Cronbach Alpha 0.74 0.81 0.83 0.90
Findings Concerning Level of Teachers SIPPY Level of teachers social interaction practices in the preschool years is summarized in Table 6. As it is seen in Table 6, teachers scores for social interaction practices in the preschool years range between 26 and 130, and their average is x = 1.07. When data concerning their level of social interaction practices in the preschool years are examined, it is seen that more than half of them are high (79%) and 42% of them are average. According to this, it can be argued that teachers level of social interaction practices in the preschool years is high. It is identified that teachers mostly use intensive and natural strategies.
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Table 6 Level of Teachers SIPPY

Variables Strategies related with environment Natural strategies Intensive strategies Total n
S.S
Min.
Max. 35 45 50 130 5 0 5 0
28.30 4.27 7 200 38.89 4.58 9 39.88 6.22 10 1.07 12.9 26
Low 2.5 0 2.5 0
12 30 53 42
Level (f/%) Average 9 15 26.5 21
177 170 142 158
High 88.5 85 71 79
Results and Discussion

In this study, SIPPY was adapted into Turkish. The scale is designed to assess teachers judgments of the acceptability and feasibility, as well as their current use of literature-supported strategies for promoting the development of young childrens social competence in early childhood classrooms. The scale is a 5-point Likert-type and has 30 items. One item under strategies related with environment sub-dimension was eliminated with specialists view. At the end of statistical analyses, two items from the same sub-dimension and one item from intensive strategies were eliminated too. The final form of the scale was formed with 26 items: seven items under strategies related with environment, nine items under natural strategies, and 10 items under intensive strategies. Factor analysis results conducted in accordance with reliability study of the scale have shown that load values of sub-dimensions of SIPPY range between 0.36 and 0.81. In varimax rotation, items with factor loads above 0.30 are used (Comrey & Lee, 1992). At the end of components analysis, it is seen that three factors can explain 45.41% of the variance in all scale scores. At the end of item factor correlation, correlation values obtained from each item and the factor that the item belongs to varies between 0.30 and 0.65 and each item has a positive and significant correlation with factor in general (p < 0.001). These coefficients are reliability coefficients of each item and show the coherence with the whole factor, in other words, the level to serve the general aim of the factor (Balc, 2009). CFA has shown that CFI, GFI, AGFI, and S-RMR values show acceptable fit, 2/df and RMSEA values show good fit. It was seen that about the reliability of the scale, Spearman-Brown reliability coefficient was 0.84; Guttmann Split-Half value was 0.83; and Cronbach Alpha reliability coefficient was 0.90. Concerning the factors, Spearman-Brown reliability coefficients were between 0.72 and 0.78; Guttmann Split-Half values were between 0.71 and 0.76; and Cronbach Alpha values were between 0.74 and 0.83. Looking at these values, it can be said that the scale can make reliable measurements. Likewise, if the reliability coefficient is 0.70 and above, it is accepted as a sign of the reliability of the scale (Bykztrk, 2002). It was seen that preschool teachers social interaction practices were high (79%) and average (42%). Furthermore, it was identified that teachers use intensive and natural strategies more. Consequently, it can be claimed that SIPPY scale is a valid and reliable instrument to measure the level of teachers uses of social interaction practices.
References
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An Evaluation of Social Adaptation Skills of Children With and Without Preschool Education Background Based on Their Mothers Views
Yunus Gnindi
Aksaray University, Aksaray, Turkey
This study was designed to discover if preschool teaching affects childrens development of social skills and behaviours. Mothers of 50 children from middle socio-economic class families attending preschools and mothers of 50 children from the same socio-economic class families not attending preschools were included in the study. Social adaptation and skills scale which was tested for reliability and validity was utilized in data collection. T-test was used in the analysis of the data. Moreover, SPSS 15.0 (Statistical Package for the Social Sciences) software was used to conduct statistical analysis. The study revealed that there was a significant difference in social skill behaviours between the two groups. Keywords: preschool children, interpersonal competence, social behaviour, mothers, emotion
Introduction
People lead a social life starting from their birth. Babies need their parents or someone else to take care of their needs when they are born. This leads to the first social relations and bonds they form (Gnindi, 2008). Socialization is process in which a child learns the attitudes and beliefs of the society and the behaviours that are expected from him; the effect of the members of a group on the behaviour and personalities of the members of another group; and a childs learning to abide by the rules and values of a community and his identification with these values. Such learning continues throughout life and the individuals relations with the people around him and his communication skills play a great role in this process (Bayhan-San & Artan, 2004, p. 237; Kandr, 2004, p. 81). Socialization is a means of acquiring the values, norms, and skills that are required to function as a member of a society. It is a stage which lasts from childhood to adulthood, and during this period, the individual becomes a person attaining the skills to internalize his culture and personal capabilities (Gney, 1998, p. 220). According to Wortham (1998), a child perceives the world primarily from his own perspective in the process of socialization and directs all his attention to himself. But in the following periods, he begins to be engaged in social interactions to gain a social status for himself (p. 226). In order to lead a life beneficial both to himself and to the society he belongs to, he should adopt his roles in the society as well as the behavioural patterns and moral values of the culture he lives in, by using the
Yunus Gnindi, Ph.D., assistant professor, Faculty of Education, Aksaray University.
AN EVALUATION OF SOCIAL ADAPTATION SKILLS OF CHILDREN
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abilities of thinking, acting, and sensing (Hyson, 1994, p. 348; Seluk, 1997, p. 54). After a successful socialization, the child starts to do his own health control and thanks to that, he behaves accordingly to the laws and rules of the society although these do not force him to do so. The theoretical foundation upon the socialization process of an individual, which enables the individual to lead a happy life and the society to sustain itself in a healthy way, can be said to be based on the social learning theory by Bandura and the psychosocial development theory by Erikson (1968). According to Banduras (1977) social learning theory, human behaviours and environment are in interaction. Individuals learn new behaviours and renew the present behaviours by using the imitation, observation, and modelling methods (p. 22). Bandura and Walters (1963) argued that individuals do not need to learn everything directly, but they can also learn through observing others experiences. According to Bandura (1977), people acquire new behaviours by observing others behaviours (Liebert & Spiegler, 1990; Maccoby, 2000). The child gains social behaviours, such as conscience, acquisition of self-direction and self-control-skills, internalization of values, postponement of pleasure, moral evolution, and development of appropriate behaviours within socially accepted norms by observing the models around him (Maccoby, 1992). On the other hand, Erikson (1968) stated that each individual faces a series of critical periods in life. According to him, when these periods are resolved properly, the psychosocial development of the individual is positively affected. In the process of behaviour formation, Erikson (1968) placed great importance on the culture the individual lives in. According to Erikson (1982), when appropriate environmental factors are provided, the individual can cope with the problems he faces and he can overcome the developmental crisis which he could not in the previous periods, thanks to his coherent interaction with his environment (Erikson, 1982, p. 43). In general, the situations that individuals face in the socialization process during their life and the behaviours they carry out in these situations with the effect of past experiences are of outmost importance. Knowing the processes which affect socialization and the precautions which must be taken during these processes would make it possible to acquire social skill gains in a positive and functional manner. The preschool period includes a time when the development is the fastest, the fundamentals of the personality are created, the child is affected from his environment at a great deal and he is open to all kinds of learning. The development of a childs social adaptation and social skills in early years constitutes the foundations of his social adaptation and skills in later years. Therefore, it is very important for a child to develop social adaptation and skills in the preschool period. According to Wilson and Sabee (2003), skill is the series of behaviours that can deliberately be repeated towards a purpose. Social skills are the special paths leading to the purpose which a child takes in order to fulfil social requirements. Social skills are the foundations of the good relations between people. As well as increasing the level of acceptance of a child among his peers, these skills include properties, such as predominance, directing emotions to success, forming intimacy, making empathy, and being a good team member. There are many definitions in literature related to social skills treated as learned behaviours. According to skill analysis, social skills are classified as skills related to starting, maintaining, and ending interaction and as skills related to dealing with unpleasant situations, solving conflicts and enterprising (Jenson, Sloane, & Young, 1988). Lack of social skills is defined as inability, lack of performance, lack of self-control, and lack of
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presenting skills (Greshaw, 1988, as cited in ifti & Sucuolu, 2003, p. 23). According to Korinek and Popp (1997), social skills include verbal behaviours (such as words and voice) and nonverbal behaviours (such as mimics, gestures, and posture). These two kinds of behaviours are formed as a result of interactions with peers and adults. Social skills are learned behaviours which include cognitive and intuitive elements that can be either observed or unobserved, they vary according to social content and they are directed to acquire, resolve, and redirect information accordingly in interactions between people (Yksel, 2004, pp. 3-5). Another definition divides social skills into two groups as verbal and nonverbal. The nonverbal elements are posture, gestures, body movements, physical proximity, touch, eye contact, smiling, and facial expression; and verbal elements are properties of speech and voice, the volume of voice, and the clarity of speech (J. Collins & M. Collins, 1992, p. 43). According to Mathur and Rutherford (1996), social skill is the ability to stay away from inappropriate behaviours in social cases and behave as accepted in the society (as cited in Johns, Crowley, & Guetzloe, 2005, p. 2). According to La Greca (1993), social skills are persons understanding of his and other peoples emotions, thoughts, and behaviours and therefore acting accordingly to this understanding in order to start and maintain positive social interactions (p. 288). Sergin and Giverts (2003) explained social skills as persons ability to appropriately state his positive or negative emotions and thoughts without incurring any loss of social support in the communication between people (p. 136). Foster and Eisler defined social skill as the ability of a person to successfully interact in his natural environment, such as school, home, and office (Sevin, 2003, p. 312). Calderalla and Merrill (1997) grouped social skills in five dimensions: skills related to peers, skills to self-control, academical skills, adaptive skills, and enterprising skills. Social development is a process during which individuals become the functional members of a certain group, they acquire the values and behaviours of other members. Individual also gains abilities, such as taking responsibility, leadership, sharing, and relations with their family, friends, and their environment in this process (Mary & Gardiner, 1981, p. 35; merolu & Uluta, 2007, p. 74). In the period when a child develops social skills, family, school, and environment each is an important factor. A child starts his first social relations within the family. Therefore, family is among the first factors that define if a child behaves according to the social rules or not. Church, Goltschalk, and Leddy stated that the family is the fundamental of social skills because they first develop in the family, namely home (as cited in Brodeski & Hembrough, 2007, p. 24). Also, the relationship a child forms with his parents is closely related to his present and future feelings of satisfaction and happiness (Erwin, 2000, p. 3). Later, although limited, the child passes on to relations with peers, his first significant relations with his peers and elders occur in school. School life is the first important environment after the life within the family. As the child slowly feels the need to expand his social relations, family becomes inadequate in satisfying the childs social and educational needs. School embodies many behaviours and skills for the childs socialization (Elkin, 1995, p. 81). The school environment provides many opportunities for the child to be together with his peers, to work in a group, and to cooperate. Through his peers, child can be taught to develop in social skills (McEvoy & Odom, 1996, p. 86). For the child, his peers are like a source of information (Jalongo, 2006). A child reaching the school age desires to spend time with his peers (Ladd, 1990). That is because the childs relation with his peers is different from that with his elders. Whereas the processes, such as obedience, adaption, and avoidance of punishment are
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common in child-adult relations, there are relations of cooperation, making mutual rules and obeying them in the interactions with peers. A child develops skills to empathy during relations with peers (Erwin, 2000, p. 1; Yamurlu & Durgel, 2007, p. 8). In school, no development of the child is left to chance and the child is supported within programs. While he is equipped with social skills by various environments and activities, he is also passed on values of the society. For the school programs, it is important that the child is capable socially as well as academically. Starting from preschool period, a child must gain fundamental skills and behaviours. These experiences in the first stages of life play an important role in how a child gets along with people, what kind of a relation he forms and how he reacts in social experiences in his future life (imen, 2000). Development of social skills starts in the family and continues in all the environments where the child interacts during the process. Therefore, especially the adults must set an example in showing the child the social norms of the society he lives in, and they must help the child develop his unique personality. A child supported with this approach continues his development of social skills with the following support in preschool and formal education period. The skills that must be strengthened in childhood have a permanent effect in the childs long-term development of socio-emotional, cognitive, and academical skills (Holland & Merrell, 1998, p. 169; McCellan & Katz, 2001, p. 1; Danielson & Phelps, 2003, p. 218; Choi & Kim, 2003, p. 41). The aim of this study is to evaluate social adaptation skills of children who receive preschool education and those who do not, from their mothers views.
Method
The research includes mothers of children who go to kindergartens of primary schools of Ministry of Education and mothers of children who do not go to any kinds of preschool teaching institution. In the study, the random sampling model was chosen. The names of the schools with kindergartens located in central Aksaray were obtained from the National Education Directorate of Aksaray. Later, 50 students chosen from schools where middle socio-economic class children attend were included in sampling. The reason why the children were chosen from middle socio-economic class families is that the research is not aimed to study, if there is a difference between socio-economic classes. The second group consists of 50 mothers whose families again belong to middle socio-economic class but whose children do not attend preschool education institutions. The children in the research group are aged between five and six. Whether there is a significant difference of social skills between ages and gender is not in the scope of this study. Data Collection Tool The research was designed to reveal any significant difference between the democratic behaviours of children attending and not attending preschool education, according to their mothers reviews. In the research, in order to evaluate the social adaptation and skills of the children, social adaptation and skills scale which was developed by Kandr (2004) and Ik (2007) and later given final shape after Iks reliability and validity study under the supervision of Kandr was utilized. Social adaptation and skills scale was created by dividing into to factor as social adaptation and social inadaptability. Social adaptation and skills scale consists of 17 statements related to social adaptation in sub-factor 1 and eight statements related to social inadaptability in sub-factor 2. It is seen in Table 1 that social adaptation and skills scale for KMO (Kaiser-Mayer-Olkin) value is 0.88 and Bartlett value is 2,930.99, p = 0.000 < 0.05. The fact that KMO value is almost perfect with the value of
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0.88 and that Bartlett value is high shows that the factor analysis is applicable to the scale and there is correlation between the statements. Social adaptation and skills scale basic component analysis is given in Table 2. Table 1 Social Adaptation and Skills Scale Results for KMO Sample Measurement and Bartletts Test
KMO sample Measurement value sufficiency Approximate chi-square value of Bartletts test Value 0.88 2,930.993 SD 210 p 0.000
Table 2 Social Adaptation and Skills Scale Basic Component Analysis Result
Article A1 A2 A3 A4 A5 A6 A7 A8 A9 A10 A11 A12 A13 A14 A15 A16 A22 A17 A18 A19 A20 A21 A23 A24 A25 1 0.798 0.809 0.810 0.752 0.683 0.726 0.711 0.799 0.706 0.678 0.621 0.778 0.626 0.607 0.709 0.768 0.635 2
0.674 0.509 0.529 0.776 0.610 0.621 0.715 0.614
Table 2 shows that factor load values are based on two sub-factors and the scale which consists 25 statements has factor load values of 0.506 and higher. This evidence explains that the scale which intends to evaluate social adaptation and skills of children is centered of two sub-factors. Seventeen of the scale statements are loaded on factor 1. The statements in sub-factor 1 with the highest load values are success of communication with friends, willingness to help the people around when necessary, and attempt to understand the other by empathy. The said statements were analysed and the depicted behaviours were found to state the presence of social adaptation and skill. Therefore, factor 1 was attributed to social adaptation.
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Eight (17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23, 24, and 25) of the statements in the scale were put under factor 2. Among these, complaining about his life and fighting with friends are the statements with the highest load value. The defined behaviours were taken as criteria for social inadaptability and factor 2 was agreed to evaluate social inadaptability. The scale was applied to children between the ages of four and 11, by gathering information from their parents and teachers. The directions in the scale are selected according to the suitability of the answers, such as Always, Sometimes, and Never. In the grading of the scale, the value of 1 was given to the answer Never; 2 for the answer Sometimes, and 3 for the answer Always. As the statements of sub-factor 2 were signs of inadaptability, reverse coding was applied for these statements. In relation to the reliability and validity of the scale, Cronbach Alpha coefficient, one of the calculated single-use reliability coefficients for social adaptation sub-factor is 0.93 and Spearman Brown two halves test coefficient is 0.84. It is seen that the reliability coefficients for the social adaptation skills of the social adaptation and skills scale are close to each other. Therefore, it can be stated that the inner reliability of the scale for social adaptation skills is quite high. Cronbach Alpha coefficient, one of the calculated single-use reliability coefficients for social inadaptability sub-factor is 0.83 and Spearman Brown two halves test coefficient is 0.85. It is seen that the reliability coefficients for the social inadaptability skills of the social adaptation and skills scale are close to each other. Therefore, it can be stated that the inner reliability of the scale for social inadaptability skills is quite high. The required permissions to apply the scale were acquired from the researchers of the scale. The reliability study of the scale was conducted in primary schools in districts of Aksaray by the reliability researcher of the scale. For this purpose, the scale was applied to mothers of 547 children total, who were attending the kindergartens of 10 central primary schools. In order to apply the scale, mothers were informed about how to fill the scale and they were asked to answer the scale in relation to their children. After the conduction of the reliability study, the reliability coefficient of the scale was calculated as () 0.79. Data Analysis SPSS 15.0 (Statistical Package for the Social Sciences) program was utilized in the analysis of the data. The answers given by the mothers to the statements in the scale were calculated as percentage and frequency. In order to define the difference between the averages in the reviews of mothers whose children attend and do not attend preschool education, independent samples t-test was carried out.
Findings
The research was designed to reveal any significant difference in the social adaptation and skill behaviours of children attending and not attending preschool education, according to their mothers views. Therefore, the gathered information was analysed and the findings were presented as tables. The percentage and frequency of the answers provided by the mothers whose children attend and do not attend preschool education to the statements in the scale are summed up in Table 3. The 34% of the mothers whose children attend preschool education institutions stated that their children are always in peace with their environment, 66% chose Sometimes as answer. However, none of the mothers of the said group chose a negative answer (Never) to this question. On the other hand, 74% of mothers whose children do not attend any preschool education institution stated that their children are sometimes in peace with
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their environment, 26% of mothers answered that their children are never in peace with their environment. However, none of the mothers gave the answer that their children are always in peace with their environment (statement 8). Table 3 The Percentage and Frequency of the Answers Provided by the Mothers Whose Children Attend and Do Not Attend Preschool Education to the Statements in the Scale
Attending preschool Article A1 A2 A3 A4 A5 A6 A7 A8 A9 A10 A11 A12 A13 A14 A15 A16 A17 A18 A19 A20 A21 A22 A23 A24 A25 Always f % 28 56.0 28 56.0 8 16.0 35 70.0 15 30.0 16 32.0 15 30.0 17 34.0 21 42.0 15 30.0 14 28.0 7 14.0 22 44.0 15 30.0 7 14.0 15 30.0 11 22.0 12 24.0 2 4.0 7 12.0 27 54.0 12 24.0 2 4.0 11 22.0 9 18.0 Sometimes f % 21 42.0 21 42.0 38 76.0 15 30.0 29 58.0 30 60.0 33 66.0 33 66.0 27 54.0 35 70.0 36 72.0 38 76.0 24 48.0 29 58.0 37 74.0 33 66.0 26 52.0 30 60.0 15 30.0 26 52.0 23 46.0 22 44.0 30 60.0 34 68.0 31 62.0 Never f 1 1 4 0 6 4 2 0 2 0 0 5 4 6 6 2 13 8 33 17 0 16 18 5 10 % 2.0 2.0 8.0 0 12.0 8.0 4.0 0.0 4.0 0.0 0.0 10.0 8.0 12.0 12.0 4.0 26.0 16.0 66.0 34.0 0.0 32.0 36.0 10.0 20.0 Always f % 14 28.0 14 28.0 0 0.0 24 48.0 0 0.0 13 26.0 12 24.0 0 0.0 0 0.0 0 0.0 36 72.0 0 0.0 12 24.0 14 28.0 0 0.0 1 2.0 14 28.0 1 2.0 23 46.0 23 46.0 24 48.0 27 54.0 12 24.0 26 52.0 22 44.0 Not attending preschool Sometimes Never f % f 10 20.0 26 13 26.0 23 49 98.0 1 26 52.0 0 25 50.0 25 12 24.0 25 38 76.0 0 37 74.0 13 37 74.0 13 37 74.0 13 14 28.0 0 50 100.0 0 24 48.0 14 13 26.0 23 12 24.0 38 27 54.0 22 24 48.0 12 37 74.0 12 13 26.0 14 1 2.0 26 26 52.0 0 13 26.0 10 25 50.0 13 24 48.0 0 28 56.0 0
% 52.0 46.0 2.0 0.0 50.0 50.0 0.0 26.0 26.0 26.0 0.0 0.0 28.0 46.0 76.0 44.0 24.0 24.0 28.0 52.0 0.0 20.0 26.0 0.0 0.0
The 30% of the mothers whose children attend preschool education institutions stated that their children were always willing to help the people around them when needed, and 70% selected sometimes for this article. Of the said group, none of the mothers gave a negative answer (Never). However, 74% of the mothers whose children do not attend any preschool education institution noted that their children were sometimes in peace with their environment and 26% replied that their children were never in peace with their environment. On the other hand, none of the mothers stated that their children were always in peace with their environment (statement 10). The 14% of the mothers whose children attend preschool education institutions ticked Always option for the question that whether their children would show efforts not to repeat a negative behaviour when warned. Seventy-six percent chose Sometimes and 10% chose Never as the answer. However, the mothers whose
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children do not attend any preschool education institution stated that their children would sometimes try not to repeat a negative behaviour when warned. The grades of the children who attend and who do not attend preschool education in the sub-factor of the social adaptation scale are compared and the results are provided in Table 4. Table 4 The Comparison of the Grades Which the Children Received From the Social Adaptation Sub-factor of the Social Adaptation and Skills Scale in Relation to Preschool Education Institution
The condition of attending preschool education institutions Attending preschool Not attending preschool N 50 50 X 1.94 2.17 ss 0.293 0.257 t -4.121 p 0.000
When social adaptation sub-factor is analyzed, there is a significant difference between children who attend and who do not attend kindergartens (t(50) = -4.121, p = 0.00). The social adaptation sub-factor grade of the children attending kindergartens is significantly higher (see Table 4). Independent samples t-test results of the social inadaptability sub-factor of social adaptation and skills scale grades for children who attend and who do not attend kindergartens are provided in Table 5. Table 5 T-test Results for the Social Inadaptability Sub-factor of Social Adaptation and Skills Scale Grades Which the Children Received in Relation to Preschool Education Institutions the Status of Attending Preschool Education Institutions
The condition of attending preschool education institutions Attending preschool Not attending preschool N 50 50 X 2.27 1.90 ss 0.180 0.191 t 9.783 p 0.000
When the answers related to social inadaptability sub-factor are analyzed, it is seen that the social inadaptability grades of the children who do not attend kindergartens are significantly low (t(50) = 9.783, p = 0.000). When the related researches are analyzed, it is observed that the social skills education programs which are applied in preschool period play an important role in preventing social problems that may rise in future periods (Beland, Anderson, Frank, & Mayhew, 1991, p. 9; Caldarella & Merrill, 1997, p. 265; Rocha-Derker, 2004, p. 3). Webster-Stratton, Reid, and Hammond (2004) stated that developing social and emotional behaviours in children with the help of social skills education has a positive effect on the childs readiness for school and his future school success (pp. 105-124). The child earns the abilities to successfully manage life, such as stating his/her social and emotional status, arranging social relations, solving daily life problems, adapting the complex cases in the processes of growing and developing, knowing oneself, not acting without thinking, working in cooperation, behaving passionately towards the people around, and making empathy thanks to the social skills education programs he is given in preschool education institutions (Elias et al., 1997, p. 2). A child who gains these social skills can successfully conduct social behaviours, such as accepting help, finishing an activity, asking for help, maintaining friendship, handling pressure from peers, working in cooperation, leaving a group, working individually, entering a group
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in class, joining an on-going conversation, dealing with disappointment, making friends, avoiding conflicts, playing in cooperation, and accepting a new member for the group (Campbell & Sperstein, 1994, p. 90).
Discussion and Conclusion

This study aims to evaluate social adaptation skills of children who receive preschool education and those who do not, from their mothers views. According to the status of attending preschool teaching institution, there is a significant statistical difference between social adaptation and social inadaptability sub-factors grades (p = 0.000). This result complies with studies analyzing the effects of preschool teaching on childrens development. Turul (1992) investigated the academic success and mental adaptation behaviours of children attending and not attending kindergarten teaching. As the duration of attending kindergarten extends, the occurrence rate of mental adaptation problems declines and socially positive behaviours increase. In another study, Gle and zdemir (2006) evaluated democratic behaviours of children attending and not attending preschool education institutions according to their parents. In the result of the study which included 100 parents from middle socio-economic class families whose children attend preschool education institutions and 100 parents from the same class whose children do not attend preschool education institutions, a significant difference in attitude and behaviour patterns was identified in favour of the children who attend preschool education institutions. In his study, zgrlk (2006) studied the effect of full-time or half-time preschool programs on the social-emotional development of 200 children attending these institutions with the related durations. As the measurement tool, Marmara Universitys social-emotional adaptation scale was applied to the sample group. As a result, it was determined that the children attending the full-time preschool were more developed in social and emotional ways that the children attend half-time preschool programs. Gven et al. (2004) evaluated socio-emotional adaptation level of 490 children, aged between six years old and six years old and 14 months, who attend first grade in primary school and who had or had not attended preschool education previously. General scanning method was used in the study. As the data collection tool, Marmara Universitys social-emotional adaptation scale was applied. As a result, the socio-emotional adaptation points of children who had attended preschool institutions were significantly higher than those who had not. The researches show that if children cannot gain social skills until the age of six, they have difficulty in gaining them in the following years and adulthood (Choi & Kim, 2003, p. 41; Danielson & Phelps, 2003, p. 219; McCellan & Katz, 2001, p. 1). Therefore, it is increasingly important that social development is programmatically supported by preschool education institutions (Bierman & Furman, 1984, p. 151; Robbins & Merrill, 1998, p. 204; Gimpel & Holland, 2003, p. 2). It is thought that the findings that are provided by the studies aiming to define the relations between social skills and attending preschool education institutions would positively affect parents willingness to send their children to these institutions. In line with these results: (1) More comprehensive studies with a large sample group should reach important findings; (2) It is seen that in the literature there are limited number of studies based on social adaptation and skills in preschool education programmes. New studies with different application and dimensions can be conveyed in
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this field; (3) The social adaptation and skills levels of the parents and the teachers, which are not taken into consideration in this study, can be compared with the social adaptation and skills of the children; (4) In accordance with the findings of this study, the preschool teaching is made compulsory which may have positive effects on childrens social skills.
References
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DA VID
PUBLISHING
Conflict Resolution Strategies in Non-government Secondary Schools in Benue State, Nigeria

Angie Oboegbulem
University of Nigeria, Nisukka, Nigeria
Idoko Alphonusu Alfa

Government Secondary School, Makurdi, Nigeria
This study investigated perceived CRSs (conflict resolution strategies) for the resolution of conflicts in non-government secondary schools in Benue State, Nigeria. Three research questions and three hypotheses guided this study. Proportionate stratified random sampling technique was used in drawing 15% of the population which gave a total of 500 respondents. The instrument used was CRSs questionnaire. This was used to collect data from respondents comprising principals, teachers, proprietors, and students. A four-point scale was used for the ratings of the respondents. Mean and SD (standard deviation) were used to answer the research questions. T-test statistic was used to test hypotheses 1 and 2, while a one-way ANOVA (analyses of variance) was used to test hypothesis 3 at significance level of 0.05. The major findings of the study are unnecessary interferences with the administration of the school by the proprietors and arbitrary increase of school fees by the school management, among others, constitute major sources of conflict. Findings on strategies for resolving conflicts include: agreeing on the procedure taken for the resolution of conflicts, encouraging parties to work together, taking staff and students comments and suggestions, and involvement of school disciplinary committee and public complaint commission, among others. Based on the findings, recommendations were made. Keywords: conflict, resolution, CRSs (conflict resolution strategies), board of governors, teaching service boards, focus group
Introduction
Effective administration of Nigerian secondary school system, to a large extent, depends on a cordial and cooperate working relationship among principals, teachers, proprietors, and students. The harmonious working relationship, mutual implementation of decisions, and peaceful academic environment will be jeopardized, if the school and members of the school community are often in conflict (Abanyam, 2001). Best (2006, p. 19) defined conflict as the pursuit of incompatible interests and goals by different groups. The researchers view conflict as a struggle over values or claims to status, power, and scarce resources in which the aims of the conflicting parties are not only to gain the desired values, but also to neutralize, injure, or eliminate the rivals. Conflict entails discord in actions, lack of concordance in opinion in order to achieve ones own goal. It connotes disagreement, distortions, inconsistencies, and antagonisms existing in a particular system. Obi (2004, p. 15) perceived conflict as human and social problems which involve mutual hostility, differences, disagreements, opposition resulting to mans inhumanity to man, use of violence, and turning point
Angie Oboegbulem, Ph.D., associate professor, Department of Educational Foundations, University of Nigeria. Idoko Alphonusu Alfa, Ph.D., Government Secondary School.
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CONFLICT RESOLUTION STRATEGIES IN NON-GOVERNMENT SECONDARY SCHOOLS
or crisis, which can escalate to the level of psychological warfare, physical or naked war. In all human interactions and organizational behaviour, conflicts are bound to occur. All organizations, such as schools and colleges, have conflict potentials since they are a collection of people with diverse personality. In other words, conflict is an inbuilt aspect of the organizational behaviour system. Hence, Flippo as cited in Edewusi (2003) and Akinwonmi (2005) pointed out that a total absence of conflict in any organization would be unbelievable, impossible, undesirable, and boring, and a strong indicator that such conflict is suppressed. The existence and prevalence of such conflicts and their traumatic effects cannot be ignored. It needs to be controlled and resolved because when this mutual hostility is not resolved, the effect is disharmony and dearth of peace. According to Oputa (2003, p. 13), peace advances development, growth, and progress. Peace is order, peace is brother-hood, and peace is life itself. The consequences of conflicts on the school organization have been regrettable. Part of the repercussions on schools is disruption of academic programmes, inadequate staffing as a result of unplanned transfer, hostility, suspicion and withdrawal from active participation in school activities. In some cases, school results were withheld or cancelled, as a result of emergency transfer of subject teachers. Hence, there is a need for resolution. Resolution is an act of finding a solution to problems or a conflict. CRS (conflict resolution strategy), therefore, is a method desired to develop peaceful means of amicably ending a state of conflict (Burton, 1990). Miller (2003) described CRS as a variety of approaches arrived at terminating conflicts through the use of constructive ideas. In this paper, the concept of CRS is a situation where the parties to a conflict are mutually satisfied with the outcome of a settlement and the conflict is resolved in a true sense of it. This can be achieved in Nigerian schools, if school administrators are sure or certain of what strategies to employ. School administration has been adversely affected by lack of knowledge of CRS. Most administrators handled conflict by a trial and error approach, because there were no specific procedures and methods of resolving conflicts (Olu & Abosedi, 2003). In most of the non-government secondary schools in the state, students are not allowed to participate in decision affecting them. In such schools, students do not know the importance of student representative council and they hardly know how to channel their grievances. The staff members, on the other hand, rarely explore the use of dialogue as a resolution strategy. The issue of conflict resolution has reached the point where effective use of relevant strategies are explored and employed. A number of authors have suggested different ways of resolving conflicts. Dzurgba (2006) opined that conflicts could be settled through dialogue and also could be persuaded to peace without further problems. Miller (2003) saw mediation as the intervention of a third party. The objective is to help parties to a conflict within an environment of controlled communities to reach solution to their problems. Umstot (1987, p. 16) listed four strategies that could be used to manage or resolve conflicts as: avoiding, accommodating, compromising, and collaborating. Umstot (1987) contended that when choosing a CRS, the first decision is whether to confront or avoid the conflict or not. According to him, there are times when conflict arises and one would want to put off acting upon it even though it is a problem. A visit to non-government secondary schools in the study area reveals the existence of conflict. Ugwu (1994a; 1994b) stated that schools are centres of indiscipline, homes of secret cults, and avenue for the evolution, and perpetuation of all types of crimes. Abanyam (2001) stated that the boards of governors as the governing or managing agents for the states
CONFLICT RESOLUTION STRATEGIES IN NON-GOVERNMENT SECONDARY SCHOOLS 93 school board in all non-government secondary schools are responsible for the overall welfare of the school. Capital projects initiated by the PTA (parents/teachers association) shall be referred to the board of governors for view before implementation. Similarly, any levy imposed on the platform of the PTA shall be referred to the board of governors for their views and approvals. However, it has been observed that some principals and proprietors prefer to work with the PTA rather than the board of governors because of fund generation. Again, because the board of governors is constituted as monitoring agent, some principals prefer to keep them out of the school system (by not inviting the board members to meeting even after the instruction by the chairman of the boards of governors), so that they may not question financial transactions. Conflicts arise when the board of governors insists on performing their statutory functions. Currently, in most of the community and private schools in Benue State, the PTA without clearance from the boards of governors execute capital project, such as building school halls, new classroom block. Yet, many of these projects executed by the PTA are hardly completed by the PTA because of confusion (Nwachukwu, 1987). This situation leads to conflict, as the board of governors tends to question the authorization of such uncompleted projects going on in the school. Several conflicts in non-government secondary schools in the state have been reported to TSB (Teachers Service Board) for intervention and necessary action. The public are, therefore, worried about the sources of conflict, which has resulted in inefficient functioning of the educational organs charged with secondary school administration in non-government secondary schools in Benue State, Nigeria (Nwachukwu, 1987). Statement of the Problem The handover of non-government secondary schools in Benue State, Nigeria, to their original owners in 1984, was because government had inadequate resources to finance education handedly. With the increasing enrolment in schools, it was difficult for the government alone to provide classroom, residential accommodation for teachers, and other amenities needed in the school (Ukeje, 1986). The government, therefore, invited genuine individuals and organizations in the management of education. However, the interaction among the school owners and various organs of education in the interpretation, implementation/execution of educational polices seems to create doubt in peoples minds as to whether they are living up to expectations. However, there has been tremendous amount of researches directed towards the causes of conflict in secondary school system, such researchers include Okolo (2000), Abanyam (2001), Denga (1995), and Onubogu (1985). Nevertheless, most of existing literature and research tend to focus on the effects of these causes on principals effectiveness and students performance, but little is known on the sources of conflict and its effects on the administration and management of non-government secondary schools in Benue State, Nigeria. The existing strategies, such as the school disciplinary committees and the presence of board of governors, are no longer sufficient to resolve these conflicts, therefore, there is the need to find ways of resolving conflicts among principals, teachers, proprietors, and students in these non-government secondary schools in the state. The main purpose of this study was to investigate CRS to be used in resolving conflicts in non-government secondary schools in Benue State, Nigeria. In specific terms, the study attempts to: (1) Investigate the sources of conflict between principals and teachers; (2) Investigate the sources of conflict between principals and proprietors;
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(3) Find out CRSs that can be adopted in resolving conflicts in non-government secondary schools in Benue State. With the knowledge of the findings, the principals will be able to identify sources of conflicts and ensure that such conflicts are effectively resolved through intensive motivational techniques, open door administration, and participatory governance. The findings will help school management to employ CRSs in resolving conflicts. This is because principals and teachers are employed to promote academic excellence and this can only be achieved in the atmosphere of peace and orderliness. The study will enable the proprietors of schools to ensure that they have effective disciplinary committees and functional board of governors in all their schools. This will enhance effective dispensation of justice, which will be of interest to the school and the community. The board of governors will follow the regulations on their functions and meetings very strictly. This will help them serve as a proper link between the school and the community for visible development. The findings will be of great benefit to students, teachers, principals, and proprietors. For instance, situation of a labour unrest will be avoided or minimized in the state. Under such situation, teachers will be adequately motivated due to the recommendation of the appropriate reward as to elicit their social commitment in their job while the students will also benefit academically. Finally, CRSs mapped out for the study will serve as a working guide for resolving conflict within and outside the school organization.
Research Questions and Hypotheses

Research Questions The following research questions guided this study: (1) What are the sources of conflict between principals and teachers? (2) What are the sources of conflict between principals and proprietors? (3) What CRSs can be adopted in non-government secondary schools in Benue State? Hypotheses The following null hypotheses which guided the study were formulated and tested at significance level of 0.05: Ho1: There is no significant difference between the mean ratings of principals and teachers on sources of conflict in non-government secondary schools; Ho2: There is no significant difference between the mean ratings of principals and proprietors on sources of conflict; Ho3: There is no significant difference among the mean ratings of principals, teachers, proprietors, and students on CRSs.
Study Area and Methodology

Area of the Study The study was conducted in Benue State of Nigeria. Benue State is made up of 23 local government areas with three zones, namely, Zone A, Zone B, and Zone C which comprised the mission, the community, and the proprietary schools. The choice of these schools is that they have similar problems in terms of social amenities, infrastructural developments, and ownership. The study employed a descriptive survey, using questionnaire and focus group discussion guide for
CONFLICT RESOLUTION STRATEGIES IN NON-GOVERNMENT SECONDARY SCHOOLS 95 principals, teachers, and proprietors in examining the sources of conflict and CRSs. Methodology The population comprised 3,336 respondents made up of 200 principals, 200 proprietors, 1,136 senior teachers, and 1,800 SS3 (senior secondary school) students. Sample and sampling procedure. Proportionate stratified random sampling technique was used in drawing the respondents involved in the study. Fifteen percent of the population of the principals, proprietors, teachers, and students were randomly drawn. This gave a total of 500 respondents, which included 30 principals, 30 proprietors, 170 senior teachers, and 270 SS3 students. Instrument for data collection (questionnaire). The major instrument for data collection was questionnaire. The questionnaire was developed from the literature review related to conflict. Focus group discussion guide was used for collecting information from students. The questionnaire consists of 32 items built into three clusters. Clusters one and two consist of eight items that on sources of conflict between principals and teachers and sources of conflict between principals and proprietors respectively. Cluster three consists of 16 items on CRSs. The questionnaire response modes were structured on a four-point scale of: SA (Strongly agree), A (Agree), D (Disagree), and SD (Strongly disagree), with numerical values of 4, 3, 2, and 1, respectively. The instrument was face-validated by two experts in educational administration and planning and in measurement and evaluation, Faculty of Education, University of Nigeria, Nsukka. These experts were requested to examine each of the items of the questionnaire and make comments on their suitability, with a view of correcting any mistake. Their comments, suggestions, and corrections were used to modify the instrument. Focus group discussion guide was used in addition to the questionnaire to elicit responses from students on the sources of conflict and strategies for conflict resolution. In order to determine the reliability of the instrument, the researchers administered the questionnaire to the respondents comprising principals, proprietors, teachers, and students. The completed questionnaire was analyzed using Cronbach Alpha. The essence was to establish the internal consistency. A reliability coefficient of 0.828, 0.773, and 0.864 was established for the three clusters, respectively. Method of data analysis. The researchers used mean value in answering the research questions. The mean value response score at 3.54.0 was considered SA, 2.53.49, A, 1.52.49, D, while 0.051.49 is SD. T-test statistic was used to test Ho 1 and Ho 2 while a one-way ANOVA (analysis of variance) was used to test Ho 3.
Results
Research Question 1 Question 1: What are the sources of conflict between principals and teachers in non-government secondary schools? The data on Table 1 show the responses of the respondents based on the eight items. From Table 1, it can be observed that the principals had mean rating of 2.40, 1.87, 2.66, 2.74, 2.31, 2.47, 2.22, and 1.87 for items 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, and 8, respectively. A look at Table 1 shows that principals agreed that items 3 and 4 were sources of conflict, while they disagreed in items 1, 2, 5, 6, 7, and 8. In other words, they were not sources of conflict. With a mean rating of 2.65, 2.22, 2.57, 2.49, 2.49, 2.79, 2.38, and 2.34 for teachers, it is observed that
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items 1, 3, and 6 were rated high as sources of conflict while they disagree in items 2, 7, and 8. In the case of proprietors and students, the proprietors had very low mean rating on items 1, 2, 5, and 8 while students had low mean rating on items 3 and 8. Table 1 Mean Rating on the Perceived Sources of Conflict by Principals, Teachers, Proprietors, and Students
S/N 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Source of conflict Constant misunderstanding between principals and teachers Personality clashes among the teachers of different department Lack of adequate consideration on areas of specialization in assignment of duties Deviation from organizational objectives by some teachers Poor communication network between principals and teachers Favouritism in school organization Principals inability to maintain unity among staff and students Principals do not show concern in staff welfare Overall mean Principal X 2.40 1.87 2.66 2.74 2.31 2.47 2.22 1.87 2.31 Teacher Dec. X A 2.65 D 2.22 A A A D D D D 2.57 2.49 2.49 2.79 2.38 2.34 2.49 Student Proprietor Dec. X Dec. X Dec. A 2.12 D 2.67 A D 2.16 D 2.60 A A D D A D D D 2.72 2.40 2.36 2.52 2.44 2.16 2.36 A D D A D D D 2.38 2.60 2.41 2.73 2.42 2.08 2.48 D A D A D D D
Research Question 2 Question 2: What are the sources of conflict between principals and proprietors in non-government secondary schools in Benue State? Table 2 Mean Rating on Source of Conflict Between Principals and Proprietors
S/N 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 Source of conflict between principals and proprietors Poor accountability on the use of school finance by the school principal Lack of adequate knowledge of role of proprietors in accordance with education edict guidelines Imposition of illegal levies in cash or materials by the principals without authorization Unnecessary interference with the administration of the school by proprietors Top-down issuance of orders by principals without due regard to the principals and school proprietors instruction Poor communication network between principals and school proprietor Differences in individuals perception of the organizational roles Proprietors poor attitude to staff welfare Grand mean Principal Teacher Proprietor Student X Dec. X Dec. X Dec. X Dec. 2.17 D 2.71 A 2.48 D 2.88 A 2.73 A 2.24 D 2.67 A 1.91 D 2.22 2.36 2.93 2.40 D D A D 2.74 A 2.47 D 2.78 A 2.29 D 2.57 2.45 3.05 2.63 D D A A 3.28 A 2.48 D 2.74 A 2.36 D 2.28 2.40 3.08 2.96 D D A A 2.58 A 2.60 A 2.43 D 2.53 A 2.35 2.58 2.50 2.55 D A A A
Table 2 shows the responses of the principals, teachers, proprietors, students, and prefects. Based on the data, it can be observed that items 10, 12, and 16 were rated by principals as sources of conflict while items 11, 13, and 15 were viewed as not sources of conflict. The proprietors rated items 10, 12, and 16 as sources of conflict while items 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, and 16 were sources of conflict for students. Research Question 3 Question 3: What CRSs can be adopted in non-government secondary schools in Benue State? The data in Table 3 show responses of the respondents used in the study. Based on the study, the
CONFLICT RESOLUTION STRATEGIES IN NON-GOVERNMENT SECONDARY SCHOOLS 97 principals had a mean rating of 2.96, 3.36, 3.56, 3.18, 3.16, 2.82, 2.96, 3.22, 3.00, 2.98, 3.18, 3.49, 3.44, 2.47, 3.27, and 2.07 for items 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, and 32, respectively. From these items, it can be observed that items 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, and 31 statements were rated by the principals as CRSs. Items 30 and 32 statements were viewed by principals as not CRSs. Table 3 Mean Rating on the Perceived CRSs by Principals, Teachers, Proprietors, and Students
Principal S/N 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 CRSs by principals, proprietors, and students Parties in conflict should agree on the procedure taken for the resolution of identified conflict Attempt should be made to gather information on the sources of conflict Encouraging parties to work together to find mutually accepted solution to problems (collaborated approach) Taking into consideration staff and students comments and suggestion (open door policy) Establishing communication network among groups to reduce tension Promoting negotiation among powerful sub-group leaders Adopting roundtable conference strategy Providing an excellent reward programme where people are paid fairly and equitably with bonuses for outstanding performance Persuading the conflicting groups to change their sub-goals to meet the larger objectives Consulting the conflicting groups on individual basis Building of mutual understanding among groups in conflicts Involvement of school disciplinary committee in the resolution of conflict Involvement of school board of governors in the resolution of conflict Involvement of the public complaint commission on the resolution of conflict Applying dialogue for resolving conflicts Inviting the law enforcement agency Grand mean Note. Overall mean = 3.01. X Teacher Proprietor Dec. X Student Dec. Dec. X Dec. X
2.96 A 3.36 A 3.56 A 3.18 A 3.16 A 2.82 A 2.96 A 3.22 A 3.00 A 2.98 A 3.18 A 3.49 A 3.44 A 2.47 D 3.27 A 2.07 D 3.06 A
3.12 A 3.24 A 3.32 A 3.19 A 3.25 A 2.92 A 3.09 A 3.05 A 2.98 A 2.74 A 3.14 A 3.11 A 3.12 A 2.39 D 3.11 A 2.10 D 2.99 A
3.24 A 3.16 A 3.36 A 3.44 A 3.12 A 3.36 A 3.44 A 3.40 A 3.08 A 3.04 A 3.16 A 3.44 A 3.32 A 2.48 D 3.40 A 3.36 A 3.11 A
3.12 A 3.24 A 3.29 A 3.23 A 3.14 A 2.88 A 3.06 A 3.11 A 3.01 A 2.81 A 3.10 A 3.16 A 3.14 A 2.55 A 3.14 A 2.22 D 3.01 A
Table 3 indicates that the teachers had a mean rating of 3.12, 3.24, 3.32, 3.19, 3.25, 2.92, 3.09, 3.05, 2.98, 2.74, 3.14, 3.11, 3.12, 2.39, 3.11, and 2.10 for items 1732 respectively. From these, it can be observed that items 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, and 31 statements were rated by the teachers as CRSs. While items 30 and 32 statements were viewed by the teachers as not constituting resolution strategies. The data in Table 3 show that proprietors had a mean rating of 3.24, 3.16, 3.36, 3.44, 3.12, 2.36, 3.44, 3.40, 3.08, 3.04, 3.16, 3.44, 3.32, 2.48, 3.40, and 3.36 for items 1732 respectively. From these, it can be observed that statements of items 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, and 31 were rated by the proprietors as CRSs. Items 22, 30, and 32 statements were viewed by proprietors as not constituting CRSs. The data show that students had a mean rating of 3.12, 3.24, 3.29, 3.23, 3.14, 2.88, 3.06, 3.11, 3.01, 2.81, 3.10, 3.16, 3.14, 2.55, 3.14, and 2.22 for items 1732 respectively. From these, it can be observed that items 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 29, 30, and 31 statements were rated by the students as CRSs. Item 32 was viewed by the students as not a constituting CRS. In other words, item 32 is not a major CRS to adopt.
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Hypothesis 1 Ho1: There is no significant difference (p < 0.05) between the mean ratings of principals and teachers on sources of conflict in non-government secondary schools in Benue State. Table 4 shows that items 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7 are not significant at 0.05 level. Their calculated t-values are 1.53, 0.21, 0.96, 0.97, 1.91, and 0.83, respectively. Items 2 and 8 are significant at 0.05 level with the calculated t-value of 0.02 and 0.01, respectively. The overall t-value is 1.68 with the significant values of 0.09, which is above 0.05 level. This shows that there is no significant difference between the mean ratings of principals and teachers on their perceived sources of conflict. The null hypothesis was therefore accepted. Table 4 T-test Analysis of Responses of Principals and Teachers
S/N 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Item Financial matters Personality classes between the staff of different departments There is no consideration of areas of specialization in assignment of duties Insubordination by the staff to principals Poor communication network, i.e., between principals and staff Favouritism by the principals Principals inability to maintain unity among staff and students Poor attitude to staff welfare t -1.53 -2.28 -0.21 -0.96 -0.97 -1.91 -0.83 -2.69 df 241 241 241 241 241 241 241 241 Sig. (2-tailed) 0.13 0.02 0.84 0.34 0.34 0.06 0.41 0.01 SD 0.89 0.84 1.05 0.93 1.20 0.94 1.16 1.06 Dec. N/S S N/S N/S N/S N/S N/S S
Notes. Overall t-value = 1.68; Significant value = 0.09; the mean difference is significant at 0.05 level; S = Significant; N/S= Not significant.
Hypothesis 2 Ho2: There is no significant (p < 0.05) difference between the mean ratings of principals and proprietors on sources of conflict in Benue State. Table 5 T-test Analysis of Responses of Principals and Proprietors
S/N 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 Item Poor accountability on the use of school finance by the school principals Lack of adequate knowledge of the role expectation of proprietors in accordance with education edict guidelines Imposition of illegal levies in cash or materials by the principal without authorization Unnecessary interference with the administration of the school proprietors Issuance of orders by principals without due regard to the school owners Lack of effective communication between principals and school owners Difference in individuals perception of the organization votes The non-challant attitude of some school owners towards the welfare of staff t -1.02 -2.19 -0.77 -0.18 -1.69 -0.19 -0.19 -0.53 df 68 68 68 68 68 68 68 68 Sig. (2SD tailed) 0.31 1.11 0.03 0.45 0.86 0.10 0.85 0.85 0.60 1.20 1.19 1.22 1.10 1.20 0.93 1.00 Dec. N/S S N/S N/S N/S N/S N/S N/S
Notes. Overall value = -1.21; S = Significant; N/S= Not significant.
Table 5 indicates that items 9, 11, 12, 13, 15, and 16 are not significant at 0.05 level. For the items above, their calculated t-values are -1.02, -0.77, -0.18, -1.69, -0.19, and -0.53, respectively. But item 10 with calculated t-value of -2.19 is significant at 0.05 level. This indicates that there is no significant difference between the mean ratings of principals and proprietors on their perceived sources of conflict. The null hypothesis was therefore accepted. The overall t-value of -1.21 with the significant level of 0.23 is above 0.05 level.
CONFLICT RESOLUTION STRATEGIES IN NON-GOVERNMENT SECONDARY SCHOOLS 99 Table 6 Summary of ANOVA on Mean Rating on Resolution of Conflict by Principals, Teachers, Proprietors, and Students
S/N CRSs Parties in conflict should agree on the procedure taken for the resolution of identified conflict Attempt should be made to gather information on the source of conflict Encouraging parties to work together to find mutually acceptable solution to problems (collaboration approach) Taking into consideration staff and students comments and suggestion (open door policy) Establishing communication network among groups to reduce tension Promoting negotiation among powerful group leaders Suggesting perceived remedy for resolving conflict Providing an excellent reward programme where people are paid fairly and equitably with bonuses for outstanding performance Persuading the conflicting groups to change their sub-goals to meet the larger objectives Consulting the conflicting groups on individual basis Building of mutual understanding among groups in conflict Involvement of school disciplinary committee in the resolution of conflict Involvement of school board of governors in resolution of conflict Involvement of the public complaint commission on the resolution conflict Applying dialogue for resolving conflict Source of variation Between groups Within group Total Between groups Within group Total Between groups Within group Total Between groups Within group Total Between groups Within group Total Between groups Within group Total Between groups Within group Total Between groups Within group Total Between groups Within group Total Between groups Within group Total Between groups Within group Total Between groups Within group Total Between groups Within group Total Between groups Within group Total Between groups Within group Total Between groups Within group Total Between groups Within group Total Sum of squares Degree of freedom 5.013 4 382.065 481 387.078 485 2.513 4 369.349 481 371.862 485 8.350 4 342.574 481 350.924 485 5.163 4 379.026 481 384.189 485 5.641 4 348.845 481 354.486 485 8.641 4 379.986 481 388.628 485 4.870 4 324.399 481 329.270 485 4 3.698 449.077 481 452.776 485 0.740 4 404.1549 481 404.899 485 3.657 4 440.304 481 443.961 485 3.035 4 383.025 481 386.060 485 8.035 4 350.124 481 358.158 485 16.565 4 373.921 481 390.486 485 11.637 4 458.577 481 470.214 485 7.121 4 449.916 481 457.037 485 4 12.051 560.502 481 572.553 485 1.528 4 131.742 481 133.270 485 Sig. Mean F-value (2Dec. square tailed) 1.253 0.794 1.578 0.179 N/S 0.628 0.768 0.818 2.088 0.712 2.931 1.291 0.788 1.638 1.410 0.725 1.944 2.160 0.790 2.735 1.218 0.674 1.805 0.925 0.934 0.990 0.185 0.840 0.220 0.914 0.915 0.999 0.759 0.796 0.953 2.009 0.728 2.759 4.141 0.777 5.327 2.909 0.953 3.051 1.780 0.935 1.903 3.013 1.165 2.585 0.382 0.274 1.395
17
18
0.514 N/S
19
0.021 S
20
0.163 N/S
21
0.102 N/S
22
0.028 S
23
0.127 N/S
24
0.412 N/S
25
0.927 N/S
26
0.408 N/S
27
0.433 N/S
28
0.027 S
29
0.000 S
30
0.017 S
31
0.109 N/S
32
Inviting the law enforcement agency
0.036 S
Overall total
0.235 S
Notes. Any computed significant level above 0.05 is not significant; Any significant level below 0.05 is significant; S = Significant; N/S= Not significant.
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Hypothesis 3 Ho3: There is no significant difference (p < 0.05) among the mean ratings of principals, teachers, proprietors, and students on the perceived CRSs adopted in non-government secondary schools in Benue State. Table 6 shows that items 17, 18, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, and 31 have calculated F-values that are significant at 0.179, 0.514, 0.163, 0.102, 0.127, 0.412, 0.927, 0.408, 0.433, and 0.109 but not significant at 0.05 level of significance. This shows that the null hypothesis of no significant difference in the mean responses of the principals, teachers, proprietors, and students on perceived CRSs in non-government secondary schools in Benue State is accepted. The data also revealed that in items 19, 27 28, 29, 30, and 32, there are significant differences in the mean ratings of the four categories of respondents on encouraging parties to work together to find mutually acceptable solution to problems, promoting negotiation among powerful sub-group leaders, involvement of school disciplinary committee in the resolution of conflict, involvement of school board of governors in the resolution of conflict, involvement of the public complaint commission on the resolution of conflict, and inviting the law enforcement agencies. The calculated t-values for items 17, 18, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, and 31 show that there are no significant differences in the mean rating of principals, teachers, proprietors, and students on parties in conflict agreeing on the procedure taken for the resolution of identified conflict, gathering information on the sources of conflict, taking note of staffs and students comments and suggestions, establishment of communication network among group to reduce tension, among others. The calculated F-values for the above items are 1.578, 0.818, 1.638, 1.944, 1.805, 0.990, 0.220, 0.999, 0.953, and 1.903 respectively while the F-value of 2.931, 2.735, 2.759, 5.327, 3.051, and 2.585 are significant at 0.021, 0.028, 0.027, 0.000, 0.017, and 0.036 and also at 0.05 level of significance. Consequently, the null hypothesis of no significant difference in the mean rating of principals, teachers, proprietors, and students of non-government secondary school, Benue State is rejected. This, however, means that there are significant differences in the mean responses of the four categories of respondents on items 19, 22, 28, 29, 30, and 32.
Discussion
The respondents from all non-government secondary schools in the area of study agreed that constant misunderstanding between principals and teachers on financial matters, and lack of adequate consideration of areas of specialization in assignment of duties, in-subordination by the staff and favoritism in school organization constitute sources of conflict. There was no significant difference in the mean responses of principals and teachers on constant misunderstanding, favoritism, poor accountability, and lack of adequate knowledge of role expectations of proprietors in accordance with education edict guidelines as constituting sources of conflict. The above finding is consistent with that of Umstot (1987) who observed communication barriers, role conflict, conflict over resources, and individual perception as sources of conflict. Principals, teachers, proprietors, and students are of the opinion that poor accountability on the use of school finance by the school principal, imposition of illegal levies in cash or materials, issuance of orders by principals without due regard to the proprietors instruction, poor communication network between principals and school proprietors and proprietors poor attitude to staff welfare are sources of conflict in non-government secondary schools. There was no significant difference in the opinion of principals and proprietors on the above sources of conflict between principals and proprietors. Any organization characterized by conflict is bound to fall short of goal expectation and goal attainment.
CONFLICT RESOLUTION STRATEGIES IN NON-GOVERNMENT SECONDARY SCHOOLS 101 This type of situation could give concern to the society to which the school belongs. According to Burton (1990), conflict within organizations can result from many forces, such as interpersonal relationships, group dynamics, and violation of laid down rules. Abanyam (2001) opined that conflict destroys stability and endangers organizational structure. The researchers are of the opinion that conflicts create negative impact that militates against goal achievement. In the opinion of principals, teachers, proprietors, and students, strategies for resolving conflicts include: agreeing on the procedure taken for the resolution of conflicts, encouraging parties to work together, taking staff and students comments and suggestions/open door policy, use of suggestion box in the school, promoting negotiation among powerful sub-group leaders, involvement of school disciplinary committee and public complaint commission in the dissolution of conflict, and application of dialogue between the conflicting parties. This strategy is in line with Miller (2003) who posited that negotiation is a direct process of dialogue and should be applied in conflict resolution.
Conclusion
The following conclusions are drawn from the findings of the study: The major sources of conflict in non-government secondary schools are: (1) Constant misunderstanding between principals and teachers on financial matters; (2) Lack of adequate consideration of areas of specialization in assignment of duties; (3) Deviation from organization objectives by some staff; (4) Poor accountability on the use of school finance by the school principal; (5) Lack of adequate knowledge of role expectations of proprietors in accordance with education edict guidelines; (6) Unnecessary interference with the administration of the school by proprietors; (7) Imposition of levies in cash or materials by the school principal without authorization; (8) Poor communication network between staff and students, among others.
Recommendations
The researchers recommend as follows: (1) Government should ensure that every non-government secondary schools and all other secondary schools in the state should have effective disciplinary committee, functional board of governors and cordial school community relations. This will enhance effective dispensation of justice for the interest of the school and the community; (2) Government should ensure that the regulations on the functions and meeting of the board of governors of secondary schools are strictly adhered to; (3) There should be effective and regular orientation programme for the staff and students, on improving techniques of administration as this will help them improve their performance; (4) Proprietors of schools and principals should avoid arbitrary increase of school fees and other levies to avoid unnecessary demonstration by students; (5) Principals should engage themselves in intensive motivational techniques, open door administration, and participatory governance to drastically reduce conflict in schools; (6) Government and principals should establish effective communication network among the educational
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organs. This is to ensure that all the educational organs are consulted before major decisions and actions concerning secondary school administration in the state are taken.
References
Abanyam, P. S. (2001). Principal teacher conflict: As a source of dysfunctional secondary school administration in Benue State (Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Calabar). Abenga, F. M. (1995). Principle and practice of school administration in Nigeria. Makurdi: Oniari Publishing Co. Ltd.. Abenga, F. M. (1981). Conflict on dual system of school management: A case study of Benue State Schools Board (Unpublished M.Ed. thesis, University of Jos). Akinwonmi, O. O. (2005). Conflict and conflict resolution in schools: Implications for educational administration. In A. A. Adenokun (Ed.), Aspects of educational administration for colleges and universities (pp. 64-76). Ogun: Samrol Venture & Printing Co.. Best, S. G. (2006). Introduction to peace and conflict studies in West Africa. Spectrum Books. Burton. (1990). Conflict human needs theory. In J. W. Burton (Ed.), Conflict resolution. Retrieved January 4, 1980, from http:// www.ParentsAssociation.com/health/conflictresolutionhtm Denga, D. I. (1995). Teacher effectiveness. Journal of Curriculum Development, 1(2), 140-152. Dzurgba, A. (2006). Prevention and management of conflict. Kogi, New Bodija, Ibadan: London Books Publishers. Edewusi, O. O. (2003). Conflict management in secondary schools (Unpublished M.Ed. thesis, University of Nigeria). Ezeabe, C. (1997). Management of conflict in Nigerian educational system. In A. N. Ndu, L. O. Ocho, & B. S. Okeke (Eds.), Dynamics of educational administration and management: The Nigerian perspective (pp. 146-150). Awka, Meks Publishers. Miller, C. A. (2003). A glossary of terms and concepts in peace and conflict studies. Genera: University for Peace. Nakpodia, D. E. (2000). Educational administration: A new approach for students and practitioners. Warri: Jonokase. Nelson, M. (1995). Interpersonal team leadership skills. Hospital Material Management Quarterly, 16(4), 53-63. Nwachukwu, C. C. (1987). A comparative study of the perception of the School Board of Governors (SBG) and Parents-Teachers-Association (PTA) on their roles in secondary school administration in Imo State (Unpublished M.Ed. thesis, University of Nigeria). Obi, E. (2004). Issues in educational administration. Enugu: Empathy International. Okolo, A. N. (2000). Sources of conflicting roles in school organisation and resolution strategies among voluntary agencies (Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Nigeria). Olu, O., & Abosedi, O. (2003). Conflict management in secondary schools. Journal of Africa Studies, 12(1), 25-38. Onubogu, B. O. (1985). Constraints in the administration of post-primary institution in Anambra State of Nigeria (Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Nigeria). Oputa, C. (2003, May 15). Peace building and non-violence conflict resolution: Approaches in Nigeria (p. 13). Guardian. Porter, J. N., & Taplin. (1987). Conflict and resolution, sociological introduction with updated bibliography and theory selection. London: University Press. Ugwu, B. C. E. (1994a). In L. Achimugu (2000), The agonies of Nigerian teachers, NUT, friend or foe. A presidential address presented at The 51st Delegates Conference of NUT (p. 8), Akure, Ondo State, May 9-16, 1994. Port Harcourt: Baron Limited. Ugwu, B. C. E. (1994b). Emotional conflict resolution among secondary school students: Implication for guidance and counseling. Review of Education, 14, 81-86. Ukeje, B. O. (1986). School and society in Nigeria. Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishers. Umstot, D. D. (1987). Understanding organizational behaviour Cos. Angeles San Francisco West Publishing Co..
DA VID
PUBLISHING
Women Empowerment Through Access to Information: The Strategic Roles of Non-governmental Organizations in Nigeria
Adetoun A. Oyelude, Alice A. Bamigbola
University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria
In the last few decades, there has been steady increasing awareness of the need to empower women in order to improve their socioeconomic status to be able to cope and also contribute effectively in this period of economic crisis. ATI (access to information) provision is a vital factor in empowerment, thus, many organizations, such as library, resource centres, and NGOs (non-governmental organizations), have been involved in empowering women in Nigeria. The paper examines the various programmes/services of the libraries, resource centres, and NGOs in meeting the socio-economic and political information needs of women. It ascertains how women actually access the information provided by the NGOs (especially those that have information or documentation centres) and its impact on their socio-economic status. It also identifies the challenges of the NGOs face in providing information to empower the women. The case study research method was adopted and data for the study collected from the women (users) and management and staff of the NGO centres through questionnaire and interview, while qualitative data gathered were reported. Majority of the women using the centres had to be taught how to use new technologies like computers, laptops, ipads, and smart phones. The most used means of accessing information by the women was the radio and television, and person-to-person communication either by word of mouth or by telephone. The NGOs were discovered to be slowly but steadily gaining ground in educating the women and creating awareness among them of their potentials to do better, to be empowered, and to stand up for their rights and themselves anywhere. Constraints faced by the NGOs were mostly funding and getting enough materials, equipment, and other media needed to further empower women. They were found to be a great source of inspiration to the women especially in the rural or less urban parts of the country. Gendered information was provided in the documentation units of the NGOs and efforts were ongoing in a few of them to translate some relevant materials to local languages. Keywords: women, ATI (access to information), information centres, women empowerment, NGOs (non-governmental organizations), resource centres, gendered information
Introduction
An old adage says If you think knowledge is unimportant, try ignorance. A state of not knowing is one which is not desirable for anyone and is more devastating when a woman does not know. This because she/he is most likely to transfer this ignorance to her/his offspring and then there results more ignorant women and men. The African Continent is favoured with abundant natural, human, and cultural resources, yet Africans remain
Adetoun A. Oyelude, chief cataloguer, Kenneth Dike Library, University of Ibadan. Alice A. Bamigbola, Ph.D. candidate, Department of Library, Archival and Information Studies, University of Ibadan.
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WOMEN EMPOWERMENT THROUGH ATI: STRATEGIC ROLES OF NGOS IN NIGERIA
poor and most of the poor Africans are women. In almost all the countries in Africa, womens empowerment poses a major challenge (ADF (The African Development Forum), 2008). Several efforts to tackle this challenge gave birth to initiatives, such as the NEPAD (New Partnership for Africas Development), Africa Network of Gender Machineries, and AISI (African Information Society Initiatives) by the AU (African Union)the former organization of African Unity (Economic Commission for Africa, 2005; Africa Partnership Forum, 2007). About half of the worlds population is women who are ideally supposed to contribute half of the worlds economic, social, and political input. This does not occur, however, as research indicates otherwise. In Nigeria, it was revealed in a comprehensive report presented by the British Council Lagos on Gender in Nigeria 2012 that only 15% of Nigerian women have bank accounts, and yet, of the 162.5 million people in the country, 49% (80.2 million) are girls and women (Nwiro, 2012). Furthermore, other researches confirm that many women live in ignorance, poverty, and with little hope of getting to know what is happening in the outside world. Meanwhile, women are increasingly being forced to seek alternative avenues for generating an income to be able to keep their families going. Since there are many more female-headed households, and therefore, more than ever before, women are in need of information that will lead to economic empowerment. NGOs (non-governmental organizations) have sought to find ways and means of empowering women in order to assist them to stand up for themselves and achieve economic, social, and political independence. The strategic roles of NGOs in their effort to provide ATI (access to information) to Nigerian women in the process of empowering them are presented here. Statement of the Problem The level of womens ATI is rather low and therefore the women are not as empowered as their male counterparts, or are totally disempowered. The NGOs have put in intervention strategies in various ways and to various ends, the greatest of which is to empower the women and girls, give them a voice and improve their lives. An attempt is made to highlight the success stories of the NGOs identified in this study and discuss the challenges faced by them in the empowerment bid. In spite of the tremendous prospects for growth and development by women for their empowerment, the ATI of the women is advancing at a less than desired slower pace. Objectives of the Study This study was designed to investigate the level of ATI that NGOs provide for their women clientele. The specific research questions in the study were: (1) What is the mission of the NGOs? (2) What are the specific objectives and programmes of the organisation geared towards achieving women empowerment? (3) What are the strategic roles the NGOs perform to help women access information for development? (4) What are the impacts of provision of ATI to the women so far? (5) What are the challenges faced by the NGOs in achieving their ATI provision mission?
Literature Review
Women Empowerment in an African Context Although African countries have adopted a number of universal declarations and commitments but little
WOMEN EMPOWERMENT THROUGH ATI: STRATEGIC ROLES OF NGOS IN NIGERIA 105 has been done in translating those declarations into national policies (Economic Commission for Africa, 2005). Even where commitments have been implemented, nevertheless, African women are persistently marginalized in accessing information and ICTs (information communication technologies) due to problem of illiteracy, socio-cultural attitudes, and lack of understanding of the resources and situational impediments experienced by women (ADF, 2008). This is perhaps as a result of low access to productive information resources and wide gap between commitments and implementation (Economic Commission for Africa, 2005). In this information society, whatever area of empowerment, ATI is very crucial and the African Union Gender Policy realized this, thus, one of the policy frameworks is to:
Promote equitable access for both women and men to resources, knowledge, information and services including basic needs. Also facilitate the implementation of corrective measures to address existing inequalities in access to and control over resources, as well as other empowerment opportunities. (Department of Trade and Industry, 2011, p. 25)
The promotion of womens empowerment in Africa in areas, such as education, politics, and economics has been slow and much remains to be done. ADF (2008) averred that empowering women to participate in the information economy would bring about benefits, such as increased creativity, expertise, and competitiveness in technology sector and thus assist the information economy thereby lead to economic growth. The government in African countries cannot do this enormous task alone, this is the reason that NGOs in Africa have stood up to the responsibility of empowering women in different areas. In fact, the Economic Commission for Africa (2005) commended the efforts of the NGOs in the development and adoption of the Protocol to the African Charter of Human and Peoples Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa. Friedmann, as cited in Lennie (2002), however, had earlier purported that empowerment cannot be conferred by external agents and suggests that such agents can play a role in providing support in ways that encourage the disempowered to free themselves of traditional dependency. Empowerment, therefore, becomes an effort to achieve social, political, and psychological well-being. Looked at from the perspective of people in households, these various states of power can be achieved and further sustained with education and proper information acquisition. Information Access and Use by Women Information remains a very crucial commodity for any person or groups of persons and its use in making decisions has been noted. Though everyone needs information, women particularly need information on issues affecting their health, that of their babies during and after pregnancy, and for their businesses. ATI for women is often limited due to cultural, religious, and sometimes sociological factors. As noted by Olutunla (2008), myriads of difficulties are faced by women in developing countries in gaining ATI (e.g., unawareness of microfinance institutions), resulting in much of the resources available to them remaining untapped. Women even face discrimination policies of society at large when sourcing for financial aid from financial institutions despite research proving that women are more reliable in refunding of loans (CTA (Technical Centre for Agricultural and Rural Cooperation), 2001). Brush et al. (2004) found that there is no gender discrimination in the issuing of loans but rather some banks are more concerned with the owners credit risk and prospect rather than gender, and if any gender differences exist, it is because of womens disadvantaged status in lacking assets. A contradictory result was recorded from a study conducted by Adesua-Lincoln (2011). The result of her study showed that many of the women entrepreneurs (76.0%) lacked information and advice on how to access finance and this was a very serious constraint affecting their business start-up. In addition, 61.0% of the female
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entrepreneurs stated that lack of avenues for business networking was a very serious constraint on firm growth. Information networks that are supposed to make ATI easier for women remain out of their reach especially in rural areas where physical access is difficult due to bad roads and poor infrastructure. Atinmo (2012) in considering the exclusion of the visually impaired saw ATI as access to everything and advocated that libraries for special persons especially the visually impaired be given attention by governments, associations, and people who had the vision for inclusion of the less privileged. Studies indicate that men are more likely than women to use the Web to read news, seek financial information and trade stocks online, participate in online auctions, access government Websites, and search for sports news. Women, on the other hand, are more likely to seek health information and play online games, and are more inclined than men to get religious information and research new jobs (Pastore, 2000). Uganneya and Umaru (2008) found that women farmers in Benue State, Nigeria, own various types of information and communication media, particularly radio sets (53.0%) and television sets (37.0%). Majority of the womens ATI and communication media was not impressive due to high cost of the media and high rate of illiteracy. Sibanda (2001) reiterated the fact that in Africa, radio is and will continue for a long time to be the most appropriate communications technology that is available to the majority of people in developing countries, particularly the disenfranchised communities, women, children, and the youth. Since the rural populations, the urban poor, the illiterate, and the marginalized are at the greatest risk of being left out of the information and knowledge revolution, the radio is usually the communication media most used.
Methodology
The case study research method was adopted. The study was conducted on NGOs selected from online searches to identify organizations with womens concerns. NGOs that had Web presence, thus, formed the core of the study population. The respondents were the Chief Executive Officers of the NGOs or their information officers. More information was got from telephone interviews, online chats, and e-mail communication. In order to gather data that are truly representative of Nigerian NGOs, the decision was taken to draw the sample from six geopolitical zones of Nigeria if possible. Eight NGOs were contacted but only four were able to give full details and responses to the questions asked. They are: (1) CIRDDOC (The Civil Resources Development and Documentation Centre), Enugu State; (2) Women Inspiration Development Centre, Ile-Ife, Osun State; (3) W-TEC (Womens Technology Empowerment Centre), Lagos, Lagos State; (4) EWEI (Empowering Women for Excellence Initiatives), Kaduna, Kaduna State. Case Studies CIRDDOC, Enugu State. CIRDDOC, Enugu State, was established in 1996 for the protection and promotion of human rights and womens human rights and the strengthening of civil society. CIRDDOC is committed to the institutionalization of good governance, gender equality, and the rule of law in Nigeria. They have branch offices in Anambra and Ebonyi States as well as in Abuja the Federal Capital. They have a Web presence at http://www.cirddoc.org. They publish books and monographs and provide gendered information, that is, information that was designed or gathered specifically for either men or women in their documentation unit for women in their community. They have book sales outlet and organize seminars and workshops to educate the women on topical issues that concern them. Some of their challenges are funding and the ability to get the women
WOMEN EMPOWERMENT THROUGH ATI: STRATEGIC ROLES OF NGOS IN NIGERIA 107 to master the use of the new technologies that they need to use to access information; Women Inspiration Development Centre, Ile-Ife, Osun State, Nigeria. The vision of this NGO is to provide a safe place and network to empower women and girls in challenging situations to discover the real purpose of their existence and create new possibilities for themselves without fear or intimidation. Its aim is to increase the efforts of improving the health, economic and social status of Nigeria women and girls and doing so can reduce violence against women and girls to its barest minimum. Programmes developed are along the lines of: (1) Accessing information through sensitization workshops organized viz.: (a) They have empowered about 80 women within two years through participation in workshops that help them increase their self-confidence and self-knowledge so that they can discover what is important to them; and (b) Translated this knowledge into a workable vision; identified and transformed the limiting beliefs that inevitably arise when creating something new; and adopted an actionable growth strategy to attain their goals. This training program was developed by David Gershon and Gail Straub, founders and co-directors of Empowerment Institutes School of Transformational Change, in the United States of America. Busayo Obisakin, the Chief Executive Officer of the NGO is a Certified Empowerment Trainer of that school; (2) Empowerment through talks and enlightenment campaigns: They have empowered about 350 women and girls in their community on how to protect themselves from domestic and sexual violence through talks and enlightenment campaigns; (3) Empowerment through counseling and outreaches: (a) They have also helped women facing domestic violence with one-on-one counseling, helped them to start small business and find a safe place to settle down with their children; and (b) Violence prevention outreach had been organized in poverty-stricken slums and villages around Ile-Ife to educate women and girls about their rights. It is also to educate men about the fact that women and girls are to be taken care of and not turned into punch bags. Campaigns always last for two hours engaging in conversations, and then questions and answer sessions follow. Each empowerment workshop is organized for women and girls in the community on creating their lives the way they most want. The workshop focuses on seven areas of lifeemotions, relationships, sexuality, money, body, work, and spirituality. In each of these areas of life, the workshop helps them to: (1) Discover what is uniquely meaningful; (2) Translate this insight into a realistic vision; (3) Heal and transform unconscious limiting beliefs that might prevent its realization; (4) Build a new belief through affirmation and visualization to manifest their vision; (5) Heal and release emotional wounds from the past; (6) Deepen the quality of their relationships by more vulnerable and authentic communication; (7) Nourish and enhance intimacy in their sexuality; (8) Achieve prosperity and quality of life; (9) Create work that is fulfilling and inspiring; (10) Develop a conscious and sacred relationship with their body; (11) Build their spiritual path around a sense of higher purpose. After the workshop, participants are followed up for three months to see how they are doing and the improvement that have occurred in their lives. Many of their past participants are now living better lives as a result of the workshops and enlightenment campaigns. Many have learnt to raise their voices against violence
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against them, many now have additional economic power that shields them from abusive husbands, and many are having better relationships with their neighbors, friends, and children. Many are now having fulfilled sexual lives. The achievements, so far according to Busayo, the Chief Executive Office, are that: (1) There are increased hopes and visions for the future; (2) Women in her community are becoming more conscious of their rights; (3) Women are making more contributions in their community; (4) There is a decrease in the rate of girls wandering aimlessly about in the community; (5) The voices of the women are becoming louder in their community; (6) There are some behavioral changes in relation to the quality of life of the women. Challenges faced are those of getting enough information materials for the women, and having to translate this information to local languages for those of them not literate in English, the language in which most of the gendered information is written. W-TEC, Lagos, Lagos State. W-TEC is a NGO working for the economic and social empowerment of girls and women, using ICTs. They have chosen to focus on this area because statistical evidence has shown that in most African countries, womens use and knowledge of ICTs (to store, share, organize, and process information) are lower than mens, denying them of income-generating opportunities and the chance to network with others. W-TECs programmes comprise technology literacy training, technology-based projects, mentoring, and work placement. W-TEC will also research and publish works examining pivotal issues related to how African women use technology, barriers preventing or limiting technology use, and strategies for more efficient technology use. Their objectives are for Nigerian women to develop financial independence by: training for ICT-specific jobs, like computer engineer, programmer, system analysts, hardware and network specialists, and designers; developing technology skills that can be used for other ICT-reliant jobs or self-employment. They also want women to develop skills and confidence to use ICTs for activism, learning, awareness-raising, and advocacy for a better quality of life. The goals of the NGO are being achieved by: (1) Providing technology education for Nigerian women and girls, so that they are able to use ICTs effectively for work, activism, and networking; (2) Producing innovative and ground-breaking research that supports the development and implementation of technology programmes for women and girls; (3) Promoting and supporting the use of ICT in uplifting womens rights; (4) Establishing a network of technology-fluent alumni and mentors. Their achievements so far are mainly in the various training programmes they have successfully conducted. (see Figures 1 and 2). Networking for Successthe project of W-TECs, taught women how to use Web 2.0 tools to collaborate on projects, gather and build knowledge, and share information. During the project, participants took part in online discussions with mentors, who were people experienced in applying Web 2.0 tools to development work, networking, and entrepreneurial ventures. These discussions are recorded on the project blog at http://wteconline.nfsblog/, which serves as a resource for people interested in practical applications of Web 2.0 and social media.
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Figure 1. W-TEC in training session (Source: Retrieved from http://www.flickr.com/photos/wtec).
Figure 2. W-TEC Web 2.0 training session.
After the project ended, they discovered that many of the participants are using tools learnt from the project in their professional or personal lives. For instance, one participant set up a group on a popular social networking site to promote her businesses; another participant created and managed a blog on behalf of her employer, a youth-focused NGO, which is used to gather feedback from their stakeholders. Another participant combined a blog and a social networking group to set up a discussion group for young mothers. Many more participants were using the tools in a variety of ways to promote issues of particular interest to them. The Networking for Success project was implemented from May to July, 2008, with the kind support of the IDRC (International
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Development Research Centre). EWEI, Kaduna, Kaduna State, Nigeria. EWEI was founded in April 2008 with a vision of providing multi-sectoral interventions towards the empowerment of women and improving the lives of women through capacity building and advocacy. Needlessly, countless children and women die of preventable causes like malaria, HIV (human immunodeficiency virus)/AIDS (acquired immunodeficiency syndrome), lack of proper child and maternal care, and change can only come when women come to a realization of their abilities and the need for them to take an active part in decision-making and policy formation. EWEI seeks to bring such information to women through the use of the Internet, seminars, newsletters, and various other interventions. EWEI was officially registered by the Corporate Affairs Commission of Nigeria on the June 6, 2008, and has been actively working to achieve her aims and objectives which are to: (1) Enlighten girls/women on health, reproductive, political, economic, and social issues and topics; (2) Encourage girl-child education; (3) Inspire girls/women to aspire to be the best they can beaim for excellence; (4) Encourage girls in various fields of study like sciences and information technology; (5) Encourage political participation of girls/women and contribute to both the political and legislative process through capacity building, civic education, and advocacy; (6) Work towards the accomplishment of millennium development goals 2, 3, 4, and 5; (7) Make simplified information accessible to girls/women at no cost; (8) Get involved in and advocate for progressive budgeting practices, gender mainstreaming, and good governance initiatives; (9) Advocate for legislation for womens rights and the rights of the girl-child, using creative means like sports to build self-esteem and confidence in girls, women, and youth in general. The main activities of the organization are: (1) Empowerment and topical seminars (focuses on issues like HIV/AIDS, malaria, cancer (breast, cervical, etc.)), excelling in careers, girl-child education, MDG (millennium development goals) awareness, health practices, etc.; (2) Bi-monthly newsletters featuring topics that touch on health, politics, economic empowerment, security, food, and nutrition, etc.; (3) Website: It provides access to the same information in the organizations newsletters and a lot of helpful resources. It is designed to encourage IT (information technology) literacy among girls and women (Retrieved from http://www.ewei. wetpaint.com); (4) Delegate/Mentor program: Representatives of EWEI help to mentor and encourage beneficiaries in their various areas of need. It provides a support base for EWEI activities across the nation and gives delegates and mentors a chance to give back to their communities; (5) Advocacy and participation: This involves advocacy to various stakeholders, making a case for necessary legislation and implementation of existing laws, and policies for enforcements of womens rights; (6) Sports, recreational, intervention, and step-down programs: These programs are usually designed in collaboration with other organizations to further the development of women in the various subject matters; (7) Educational subsidy programme: This programme is designed to encourage girl-child education and subsidize the cost of education for girls from indigent families. The subsidy is currently a small fund that can benefit girls at any level of education;
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(8) EWEI projects: Empowerment seminars: EWEIs Exceptional Empowerment Seminars are designed to enlighten female students on various topics. So far, such seminars have featured talks on HIV/AIDS awareness, Making early wise choices, Excelling in your chosen career, and Your role in governance. Such seminars have held at prince schools and Beijing international schools in Kaduna, Nigeria, where 99 female students and 38 adults actively participated and benefited. Empowerment seminars can also follow the CEPWOP and KNOW AND SAY NO design; (9) Getting involved: A step-down of the British Council/World Bank Institutes Debate to Action, Getting Involved is a programme that seeks to raise awareness about the Millennium Development Goals and the National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy among youth, equip them on how to effectively share this information with others in their communities, and to determine their own roles within these frameworks. This knowledge not only empowers young people to change agents within their communities, but also contributes to transparency and accountability, which in turns supports good governance. By 2009, EWEI has been able to reach over 1,500 youth and adults through the Getting Involved Programme which included seminars, newsletters, a Train the Trainers Seminar, and distribution of Global Fund insecticide treated mosquito nets; (10) Let her play: In Partnership with Generations for Peace, Amman, Jordan, EWEI has been involved in the design and implementation of the Let her play campaign. The campaign is designed with a primary focus of increasing the participation of girls and women in sport in northern Nigeria and helps bridge the gender, ethnic, religious, and political divides in our local communities. Let her play has been able to reach over 4,000 children, youth, and adults in and beyond northern Nigeria; (11) Educational subsidy programme: Currently, a small fund, EWEIs ESP is designed to encourage girl-child education at all levels. It is currently working to help subsidize the cost of books, uniforms, and exam fees for girls from indigent families; (12) EWEI NEWS: EWEI publishes free bi-monthly colorful newsletters which contain political, educational, health, financial, and other articles for girls/womens benefit and are currently distributed in more than six states of Nigeria. EWEI NEWS contains articles in the local social language of where it is most widely distributed. Over 6,000 copies have been distributed and free, since the commencement of the project in 2008. This project also occasionally features articles and contributions from girls and women helping to play their part in national development. An online version is also available by clicking the link on their Website or going direct to the newsletter Website: http://www.eweinews.wetpaint.com; (13) EWEI online: The EWEI Wiki and Website were launched to give many more beneficiaries access to EWEIs activities and resources and encourage IT literacy among women. Retrieved from http://www.ewei. wetpaint.com and http://www.eweinitiative.org; (14) Economic empowerment partnerships: Training Programmes and Economic Empowerment Partnerships targeted at low income or out of school girls and women. Beneficiaries of this programme are empowered through capacity building and micro credit facilities to set up or build upon existing economically viable businesses or projects; (15) Capacity building and partnerships: EWEI has formed solid partnerships, collaborations, and capacity building relationships to help consolidate and improve their work and interventions. Some of these partnerships have been forged with: Kaduna State Government, UNICEF, NDI (National Democratic Institute for International Affairs), British Council/World Bank Institute, Generations for Peace, CPCC/OBI (Open Budget
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Index), PMNCH (Partnership for maternal, newborn, and child health), CSOLO (Civil Society Office Liaison Office)-NASS (the National Assembly), CSACEFA (Civil Society Action Coalition on Education for All), and many others. One of the EWEIs activities on empowerment is an advocacy and sensitization project with the objective of encouraging and promoting womens participation in the political process. It was also organized to encourage women to come out and register to vote during the voters registration exercise and 2011 elections. Another empowerment programme was a collaborative one held by one of the NGOs empowered women (see Figure 3).
Figure 3. Asabe Victor Yohanna, a 2010 CEPWOP delegate organized her step down project in collaboration with the Aminci Awareness and Empowerment Women Club which held on January 8, 2011.
Findings of the Study

All the NGOs have empowerment programmes for women and though their focus or areas of concentration differed, they all had an ATI provision priority. It was found that majority of the women using the centres provided by the NGOs had to be taught how to use new technologies like computers, laptops, ipads, smartphones, and so on. From observation of the management of the NGOs, the most used means of accessing information by the women was the radio and television, and person-to-person communication either by word of mouth or by telephone. This finding corroborates Muturis (2004) and Wambuis (2004) findings that radio is widely used by women especially in rural communities and it helps empower them. The NGOs were discovered to be slowly but steadily gaining ground in educating the women and creating awareness among them of their potentials to do better, to be empowered, and to stand up for their rights and themselves anywhere. The Women Inspiration Development Centre particularly seeks to give women a voice by presenting the Women Pulse platform. Women can tell their stories, share their ideas, and help others mutually exchange for the benefit of all. Their program touches on social inclusion of women for strategic empowerment. Gendered information can be shared and networking maintained. From the online chats, it was gathered that a few of the NGOs partnered with governmental organizations
WOMEN EMPOWERMENT THROUGH ATI: STRATEGIC ROLES OF NGOS IN NIGERIA 113 and media houses to broadcast information to the general public to sensitize them to initiatives and programmes that affected women especially and which could empower them and their offspring. However, only one of the NGOs documentation units is managed by an information professional while the three others manage with neither information professional nor collaboration with any libraries. The translation of materials to local languages aspect is handled by professionals outside the library/documentation centre. Some of their contacts in the media houses where they send their materials for conversion to jingles that sensitize the public about issues concerning women and girls, their health, HIV/AIDS assist in translating the materials. The presence of more qualified library/information specialist is not usually found in NGO libraries/documentation centres because of the cost of paying salaries. Most NGOs cannot afford the expert hands and where they do get, it is usually on contract basis to organize the collection initially and when the cataloguing and classification has been done, they get less qualified staff to work and often double as information officers for the NGO. Foreign organizations were seen to be major donors or contributors to the NGO programmes. One of the NGOs faced some funding constraints as well as lack of enough materials, equipment, and some other media needed to help further empower women. The NGOs were found to be a great source of inspiration to the women especially in the rural or less urban parts of the country. Gendered information was provided in the documentation units of the NGOs. Examples of this was information on reproductive health, HIV/AIDS, maternal mortality, and information on occupations predominantly carried out by women (depending on the area and culture), which had been documented and kept. Efforts were ongoing in two of the NGOs to translate some relevant materials into local languages.
The Way Forward

There is a need to expand some of the programmes of the NGOs to cater for more women. With a broadening of the scope, more women can be reached and more ATI provided. In addition, there is a great need for the creation of awareness to education for women (basic, adult, and information literacy). Women need to be fully made aware of the importance of education. The NGOs and womens organizations should conduct awareness programmes to sensitize women to make sure they get basic education and also make their children acquire education so as to be empowered. Networking or resource sharing should be encouraged among NGOs involved in ATI provision. Since each NGO cannot provide everything, they should collaborate with other information providers like special, academic, and public libraries to get timely and accurate information to women. Collaboration with research and development agencies, academic and special libraries in the repackaging of information for women would be a way of solving the problem of localising the gendered information in the NGO libraries or documentation centres. The information on the online databases and Websites of the NGOs could also be made available in different local languages. Collaboration with radio and television houses would yield better results for the NGOs in providing ATI for women. Campaign for the removal, eradication, or reduction in the religious, cultural, and social practices that exclude women from gaining ATI should be vigorously pursued. This would make it easier for more women to understand that they need the information, and the current practises forming barriers to womens ATI would be greatly reduced if not totally eradicated. Library associations globally should take up the challenge and open up units or sections that could be of
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assistance in repackaging information for special interest groups like that of women and girls, in order to further widen ATI and thus enhance their empowerment role.
Conclusion
In Africa and especially in Nigeria, women contribution to the nations economic, social, and political input is far beyond expectation because most of them are marginalized in accessing information needed for empowerment. Information remains a critical commodity for empowerment, on the realization of this, many NGOs have been involved in empowering women through provision of access to information. Four of such NGOs highlighted in this study have been slowly and steadily educating women on diverse areas, such as economic, social, and political through gendered information provision. Some constraints were also identified, such as inadequate funding, lack of sufficient materials, equipment, and other media needed. For effectiveness of the information provided, it is apparent that collaboration with libraries and services of information professional might be required for adequate users studies and subsequent repackaging of information which many of the NGOs lack. The public and private sectors of the information divide should partner more closely to make ATI for everyone, especially disadvantaged women a reality highly achievable anywhere. Librarians are herewith encouraged to be more proactive in performing their jobs and also where jobs in established parastatals cannot be got, they could actually create jobs for themselves and others by doing consultancy for NGOs, helping to repackage, rebrand, and disseminate information with the specific aim of making ATI more feasible than hitherto. The challenge for libraries globally is to be proactive in assisting such NGOs in repackaging information for special interest groups so as to indeed avoid the exclusion in ATI provision.
References
Adesua-Lincoln, A. (2011). Assessing Nigerian female entrepreneurs access to finance for business start-up and growth. African Journal of Business Management, 5(13), 5348-5355. ADF (The African Development Forum). (2008). Empowering African women. In Key messages & practical guide for print & electronic media action on gender equality, womens empowerment ending violence against women in Africa. Retrieved from http://www.uneca.org/adfvi/documents/ADFVI_MediaBrief_2.pdf Atinmo, M. I. (2012). Including the excluded: Providing equitable access to information. An Inaugural Lecture 2011/2012 Session, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria, May 17, 2012. CIRDDOC (Civil Resources Development and Documentation Centre). (n. d.). Enugu State, Nigeria: CIRDDOC. Retrieved from http://www.cirddoc.org Department of Trade and Industry. (2011). Towards an enabling environment for women economic empowerment in South Africa. Retrieved from http://led.co.za/sites/led.co.za/files/cabinet/orgname-raw/document/2011/the_dti_-_economic_empowerment _of_women_2011.pdf Economic Commission for Africa. (2005). Promoting gender equality and womens empowerment in Africa: Questioning the achievements and confronting the challenges ten years after Beijing. Report of the 7th African Regional Conference on Women. Retrieved from http://www.uneca.org/eca_programmes/acgd/Beijing%20+10%20Outcome%20Document%20and% 20Way%20Forward%204.pdf EWEI (Empowering Women for Excellence Initiatives). (n. d.). Kaduna, Kaduna State, Nigeria: EWEI. Retrieved from http://ewei.wetpaint.com/ Lennie, J. (2002). Rural womens empowerment in a communication technology project: Some contradictory effects. Rural Society, 12(3), 224-245. Muturi, N. (2005). Gender, ICTs and health in the Caribbean. In Gender, society & development, gender and ICTs for development: A global sourcebook (critical reviews and annotated bibliographies series kit). Gender, 17(24), 61-74.
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Nwiro, E. (2012). Gender in Nigeria: Calls for girls, womens empowerment. This Day Newspaper, May 10, 2012, p. 33. Olutunla, G. T. (2008). Policy framework and strategy for entrepreneurial development of Nigeria women. A paper presented at The International Workshop on Promoting Entrepreneurship Education Among Nigeria Women: Issues and Approaches. Pastore, M. (2000). Web remains a mans world outside US. Retrieved April 26, 2012, from http://www.clickz.com/stats/sectors/ demographics/article.php/5901_409541 Sibanda, J. (2001). Improving access to rural radio by hard-to-reach women audiences. Presented at The 1st International Workshop on Farm Radio Broadcasting, on Information & Communication Technologies (ICTs) Servicing Farm Radio: New Contents, New Partnerships, February 19-22, 2001, Rome, Italy. Retrieved February 23, 2012, from http://www. fao.org/documents/show_cdr.asp?url_file=/docrep/003/x6721e/x6721e00.HTM Uganneya, S., & Umaru, I. (2008). Access to information and communication media by women farmers in Benue State Nigeria. Production Agriculture and Technology, 1(4), 53-61. Retrieved February 23, 2011, from http://www.patnsukjournal.com/ currentissue Wambui, M. (2005). Development through radio: A case study from Sierra Leone. In Gender, society & development, gender and ICTs for development: A global sourcebook (critical reviews and annotated bibliographies series kit). Gender, 17(24), 51-61. Women Inspiration Development Centre. (n. d.). Ile-Ife, Osun State, Nigeria. Retrieved from http://www.worldpulse.com/node/ 35536 W-TEC (Womens Technology Empowerment Centre). (n. d.). Lagos, Lagos State, Nigeria: W-TEC. Retrieved from http://www.w-teconline.org/
D
Nation
DA VID
PUBLISHING
Science Education and Challenges of Globalization in Igbo
Ezeudu F. O., Nkokelonye C. U., Adigwe J. C.

University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Nigeria
This paper reviewed the scientific contents in Igbo culture. Description of the Igbos who constitutes an ethnic group occupying southeastern Nigeria was made. It x-rayed the pre-colonial, colonial, and post-colonial culture of Igbo people and identified the scientific cultural activities, which can be harnessed to meet the challenges of modern day globalization. The advent of science and science education in Igbo culture and its applications in various cultural activities of the Igbos both in the pre-literate and post-literate era were discussed. The implications of these for the development of Igbo nation were examined and recommendations were made on how the scientific cultural activities can be improved to enhance the integration of the Igbo culture into the modern-day globalization. Keywords: Igbo, origin, culture, evolution, science education, colonial, globalization, challenges
Introduction
Igbo Origin and Cultural Evolution The Igbo nation is not to be introduced in the community of nations. The University of Nigeria, the first indigenous university in Africa, south of Sahara and north of the River Limpopo, is Igbo contribution to world civilization. From the 18th century, three Igbo patriots had acquired international fame and reputation (Afigbo, 1981, p. 145): (1) Olaudah Equiano (Gustavus Vassa the African) living in Britain published on March 1, 1789, his autobiography titled The Interesting Narrative, which made a great deal of noise in Europe; (2) King Jaja of Amaigbo and Opobo (18211891) distinguished himself as a dogged fighter of British imperialism; (3) In 1958, the great Igbo novelist professor Chinua Achebe published his monumental work Things Fall Apart now translated into several world languages; (4) The Igbo computer wizard, Philip Emeagwali, is declared the best computer scientist in the world has ever produced in the last 50 years. A worldwide poll conducted by Internet stated that Emeagwali is the best scientist in the world ever produced. The world richest man and the greatest American computer wizard Bill Gates confessed that Emeagwali has overtaken him in the art of computer (Amzat, 2004). The world will not forget that Igbo prodigy and Biafran Warlord-Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu (19332011)the leader of the short-lived, ill-fated Biafra (May 30, 1967January 15, 1970) recognized by
Ezeudu F. O., Ph.D., Department of Science Education, University of Nigeria. Nkokelonye C. U., Ph.D., professor, Department of Education Foundation, University of Nigeria. Adigwe J. C., Ph.D., Department of Science Education, University of Nigeria.
SCIENCE EDUCATION AND CHALLENGES OF GLOBALIZATION IN IGBO NATION
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five sympathetic weak, supine, pauperized, and imperialized nations, namely, Zambia, Tanzania, Haiti, Gabon, Cote dIvoire (Ivory Coast). Biafran nationalism was a gallant resistance against three world powersUSA (United States of America), UK (United Kingdom), and USSR (United Soviet Socialist Republic), as well as the entire Arab world. American public was in sympathy with Biafra. But American government damned public opinion and gave support to Nigeria to crush Igbo political revolution. But Then Who Are the Igbos? And Where Did They Come From? Niven C. R., a colonial political officer, stated that tribes living along Rivers Niger and Benue had no tradition of origin except that they came from East, Mecca, and Egypt (Afigbo, 1981, p. 145). English M. C. (1959), a colonial education officer and principal government secondary school Owerri, stated that the Igbos among others came from Egypt. All the above reports point to the oriental origin of the Igbos. The fact is that Igboland lies in the tropical forest belt of West Africa. Archeological study of Igboland yielded evidence that Igboland was under effective occupation by the third millennium (Afigbo, 1981, p. 145). Antiquity of Igbo origin is important. But of greater importance is the question of original homeland of Igbos. We return to this later. Igbo People: Ecological Background Igbos are tropical rain forest inhabitants in southeast Nigeria. They are found east and west of the lower Niger. The people share a common language described by linguists as the Kwa language family of West African languages (Ugwu, 2007, pp. 28-30). Hence, Kwa Ibos of colonial records refers to the Igbos who are living around Kwa River. It is wrong to say that it refers to Ibibios (Afigbo, 1981, p. 145). Onitsha Igbos refers to Igbos who live in Onitsha. Owerri Igbos refer to Igbos who live in Owerri. Niger Igbos refer to the Igbos living in Niger basin. Therefore, Kwa Igbos refer to the Igbos who are living in Kwa River basin. Igbo Culture Areas Early European anthropologists who worked in Igboland divided the Igboland into five culture areas: (1) Onitsha Igbos is known as northern Igbos; (2) Owerri Igbos is known as southern Igbos; (3) Delta Igbos is known as western Igbos; (4) Cross River Igbos is known as eastern Igbos; (5) Abakaliki/Ebonyi is known as northeastern Igbos. Today, this five-zone structure has been criticized as poorly conceived and unsatisfactory. Niger Igbos or Riverine Igbos known as Olu is left out of the scheme. The four Niger kingdomsOnitsha, Aboh, Osomari, and Oguta constitute a separate cultural zone. The Niger kingdoms are called Riverine Igbos, because they live along the banks of the River Niger. Igbos of Nigeria are also found in the five states of southeast Nigeria, namely, Abia Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu, and Imo States. The Igbos are also found in five other states of the federation, namely, Delta, Rivers, Bayelsa, Cross River, and Akwa Ibom.
Speculations on the Original Homeland of the Igbos

As mentioned earlier, Igbos have lived in Igboland for about three millennium. Some writers assert that they came from Hebrew land in Palestine, pointing to the real or imagined cultural similarities, such as male circumcision and naming ceremony as evidence. Another account pointed to Niger Benue confluence in Igala
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kingdom as original homeland of the Igbos using linguistic similarities as cultural evidence. A third account pointed to ERI (an Igbo name) who fell down from the heaven/sky and paddled his canoe to Anambra River as the eponymous ancestor of Igbo nation. Most historians who examined this issue were apologists of what Afigbo (1981) called oriental mirage. Afigbo defined oriental mirage as the tendency to trace Igbo origin from the east, mainly, Egypt, Yemen, and Mecca. For instance, Olaudah (1794), an Igbo ex-slave was the first to claim that Igbos originated from the Jews or the Hebrew land. Basden (1912, pp. 246-247) asserted that Igbos were of Hebrew extraction. Igbo culture, according to him, was an extension of Jewish culture and tradition. Following Equiano and Basdens accounts, historians both local and foreign came up with the conviction that Igbo ancestors were Jews. They supported their views with the words Uburu, Ozuburu (name of Igbo towns), and the word Igbo itself said to be a derivative of the word Hebrew. This is why Jeffreys (1946), an ethnographer and ethnohistorian, argued that Igbos have Jewish origin. An Aro historian Ijeomanta traced Igbo origin to Egypt specifically in the Nile Valley (Afigbo, 1981, p. 204; Onwukwe, 1998a, p. 46, 1998b, pp. 15-33). These claims to oriental origin and impact were wide-spread and popular among the Igbo of southeast Nigeria. Afigbo (1981) warned that these wild claims and uncritical assumptions cannot be taken seriously by careful students of Igbo history. He based his rejection of oriental origin of Igbos on the following reasons: (1) Igbos are Negroes. Archaeology established that Negroes came from the northern fringe of tropical grassland or savanna. This suggests that the Igbo homeland cannot be found as far north as Egypt, Mecca, or Yemen. The areas around south of Sahara and north of the River Limpopo are more authentic; (2) A close study of glottochronology of Kwa language sub-family which includes Igbo nation revealed that members of this sub-family language group, namely, Igbos, Izon (Ijaw), Edo, and Idoma, separated from the cradle homeland between 5,000 and 6,000 years ago (Afigbo, 1981, p. 145); (3) Language specialists held that it is likely that members of the Kwa sub-group otherwise called Niger Congo family separated in the Niger Benue confluence (Lokoja/Igala/Idah); (4) The art historians supported this view pointing to Bida and Kotonkarifi as the watershed in the cultural development of Middle Belt and southern Nigeria which includes Igboland. The culture historian, Afigbo, emphatically asserted that until contradictory evidence emerges, Igbo historians had no choice than to continue looking for original homeland of Igbos and their Kwa neighbours in the area of Niger Benue confluence. In some of the traditions of origin of Igbo people, historians came across claims of Benin-Idah and Benue Congo origins. Igala tradition of origin claimed that the first Asadu of Igala was an Igbo man. Long range activities of Nri priests and diviners were ubiquitous in Igala land. Nri priests and diviners officiated during coronation ceremonies of Attah of Igala. To these claims pointing to cultural origin of Igbos, the Igbo culture historians stated that Idah traditions were later developments associated with the rise of Igala kingdom as the dominant political power and controller of trade and politics in Niger basin (Afigbo, 1981, p. 145). This gave Igala business men the impetus and courage to venture after off into the lower Niger (northern Igboland) and settled at different parts for trade and industry. Moreover, defeated Igala elements in the war of succession to Igala monarchy fled the kingdom outside the reach of Attah Igala. It has been established that Igala kingdom was an undeniable external power that made cultural impact on the northern Igbos. Nsukka plateau was an area of intensive and extensive Igala activity. This activity was in form of slave-raids, trade and commerce which led to cultural diffusion. Today, Nsukka dialect is full of borrowed
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Igala words. After Igala, Igbo-Benin relations were another external factor that made impact on Igbos. Many communities inhabiting Awka-Orlu zone have traditions of origin claiming Benin origin and cultural impact. Afigbo (1981) stated that, of all non-Igbos who exerted influence on Igbos, the Benin kingdom was the most pervasive. Nri had never minimized its claim of dominion over Benin through the activities of its priests and diviners. These were generally known as ojenamuo medicine men (ojenamuo: long-range travelers in spirit world). Eze Nri told north-cote Thomas (1914, pp. 5-6) the first anthropological officer engaged by government of the colony and protectorate of southern Nigeria that among the areas subject to him was IDU (Bini Igbo group)a common Igbo name for Benin. Hence, we hear of two medieval ballad in Igbo gathering and ceremonies: Igbo Kwenu (Igbo concur) Yaa (Yes) (3ice) (3 times) and Idu Kwenu (Idu concur) Yaa (Yes) (3ice) (3 times). This shows that IDU or Ana-Idu na oba or simply Benin (Bini) was part and parcel of Igboland. Undoubtedly, Bini was originally a satellite state of Igboland. Before the advent of the white man, Obalike was Eze Nri and crowned Obas of Obodo Idu or Ana-Idu. This was the situation in the heyday of Nri ascendancy, ritual hegemony, and dominance, before the rise of Benin monarchy to imperial greatness (Jeffreys, 1941, p. 42). Jeffreys reported that when a new Oba of Benin was crowned Nri, man must be present. The Aro of Cross River Igbos claimed that they were already established and very active in Benin before the rise of Benin to imperial greatness. Chima (Chukwumaan Igbo name), the founder of Umu Eze Chima in Onitsha was identified as an Aro commercial agent operating in Benin. The unforgettable encounter with the imperial forces pushing on all sides for imperial expansion of Benin Empire changed the migration direction and the course of Igbo which advance west of the River Niger. Why Igbos Were Aggressive Emigrants, Migrant Workers, and Travelers Population explosion among the early settlers of Igboland: Agriculture was the main economic mainstay. However, trade and industry flourished where population explosion and soil exhaustion were inhibiting factors. Land hunger and population pressure drove many of them to migrate to new lands in search of green pasture. Population explosion brought about westward migration of land-hungry Igbo farmers. As pressure on land did not build up one day, Igbo migrants travelling in little groups like desert caravans carried along with them the culture acquired from their original homeland. This, according to Afigbo (1981, p. 145), influenced cultural development of Igbos. The overall effect is lack of cultural homogeneity. Another reason was agricultural revolution and iron technology which came into forest belt of West Africa and Igboland earlier than other parts of the sub-region. Important cultural changes/innovations followed in the wake of these revolutions. The most important of these changes was better land use. Institution of kingship became urgent so as to maintain law and order in the area of better land use. Eze Nri emerged and controlled agricultural cycles and equity in land use. With the institution of Eze Nri, Igbos attained giant strides in agricultural development, iron technology, and administration of long distance trade. Igbo Mythology: Basis of Nri Hegemony and Dominion Eri came down from heaven (sky). Chukwu (Almighty God) fed him with special food from heaven. When Eri died, his first son, Nri complained of food scarcity. God of heaven asked him to sacrifice his first son and first daughter. Nri obeyed. After three weeks, yam germinated from the grave of the first son, cocoyam grew from the grave of the daughter. Later Nri killed male and female slaves. After three weeks, oil palm grew
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from the grave of the male slave. Breadfruit tree grew from the grave of the female slave. Arrival of new food items meant bountiful supply of food. Food crisis ended with plentiful supply of food, economic property occurred. God then ordered Nri to distribute the new food supplies to people all over the world. He refused, because he got the food by sacrificing his children and slaves. Agreement was reached. Nri was to supply food items to all people. Nri had a number of rights and privileges granted to him by God as a reward and compensation: (1) The unalloyed right to cleanse every town of abomination or breaches; (2) Crowning of kings all over the world; (3) Putting on (of) ankle cords to title holders; (4) Making of yam medicine every year to ensure steady bountiful harvest of yam. All the vassal towns/tributary states would pay feudal fealty (annual tribute) to Eze Nri and his descendants; (5) Umu Nri had to be accorded automatic diplomatic immunity. They had right to travel unarmed freely without molestation throughout the world. No one would attack or hurt them (Jeffreys, 1956, pp. 122-123). In the event of violation of this agreement, Nri agent would plant his ritual staff in the cultural soil of the offending community, pull it out, and the yams would follow the Nri ambassador. The result was hunger and starvation until fresh agreement was entered into with Eze Nri (Jeffreys, 1956, pp. 122-123; Thomas, 1913, p. 48). Armed with this information, Nri people became the culture carriers and ambassadors with plenipotentiary powers moving, travelling, traversing every nook and corner of Igbo world and its environs. The Nri hegemony and dominance continued unchallenged until the rise of Benin Empire. War of expansion and succession in Benin, a highly-militarized community, flared up here and there. Rival claims were settled by wars of conquest and effective occupation. But among the Igbos, wars of conquest and effective occupation were virtually unknown. Benin acquired martial tradition and ruthlessness and quickly halted Igbo advance further west. The politically and militarily weak emigrants with Nri claims and pretensions were ridiculed and silenced like Spanish Armada of 1588 which was scattered by wind and battle. The ambassadors plenipotentiary and peaceful emigrants retreated (their steps). Some settled at Ika Igbo which was said to be the first area to be occupied by the retreating Igbo elements. Others settled at Asaba and around areas occupied by Aboh kingdom. Igbo hawks that were faster than their legs had advanced farther than others, encountered the direct pressure of firepower of Benin and fled back to the east from where they came. Some, on retreating crossed over the Niger and founded the commercial city of Onitsha. These were the Umu Eze CHIMA (Children of King Chima) of Onitsha Ado na Idu. It is the cross over episode of Igbos who had gone west that survives today and is played up in the traditions of the four Niger kingdoms, the IKAS (an Igbo group) and riverine communities as flight from Benin. This claim contains element of truth. But just like in all history, it is tainted with a patriotic desire to bask in the reflected glory and splendour of Edo kingdom. Some storytellers wanted to give dignity and luster to their cultural history in order to invest on it a halo and prestige which it may or may not possess. Be that as it may, Benin had cultural impact on Igbos especially in the choice of chiefs in western Igbo and riverine areas of Igboland. The Benin impact is conspicuous in the regalia of their chiefs and title systems (Afigbo, 1981, p. 145). Cultural Impact of Benue-Congo-Speaking People of the Cross River Valley Benue-Congo-speaking people were the inhabitants of Cross River Valley otherwise known as Cross
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River Igbos. Benue-Congo-speaking peoples were politically weak like their Onitsha and Owerri counterparts. Their cultural impact in Igboland was in form of cultural borrowing/diffusion and assimilation. This penetrated early through trade language development and interracial marriages (intertribal). Two major social institutions were borrowed from Cross River/Benue-Congo-speaking neighbours. The first was the use of secret society as instrument of social control. Common or well-known secret societies were MUO (ancestral spirits), among southern Igbo communities and Odo or Omaba (ancestral spirits) prevalent among northern and northeastern Igbo people. Impersonation pretence/simulation is the game plan. By pretending to be the spirit of departed ancestors, they played a significant role in social control. By impersonating dead ancestors, they provided entertainment and relaxation. The second institution borrowed from Benue-Congo-speaking peoples was age-grade systems, headhunting, and martial tradition. A clash between enculturation and acculturation is visible in the cultural practices of Benue-Congo-speaking people and their next door neigbhour especially in the area of dual descent. This is the clash between patrilineal Igbo and matrilineal Benue-Congo-speaking neigbhours. Finally, ecological background of Igbos is given, cultural grouping, origin, and cultural evolution with emphasis on cultural impact of Igala, Benin and Benue-Congo-speaking neigbhours have been highlighted. The Advent of Science and Science Education in the Pre-colonial Culture of Igbo People Science is relatively younger than the presence of man on the Earth (Emevon, 1985, p. 7). Man uses devices fabricated through trial and error. Thus, man learnt to use wood, stone, and animal skin. He made them into shapes and later he discovered fire with which he warmed himself and cooked his meals. Mans activities could have improved rapidly but taboos and superstition hindered the progress. Igbo man is not an exception. Before science was introduced into Nigeria by the missionary educationalist, it was seen as a magic. The Igbos saw science as magic, a way by which people explained their relationships with the natural word (Dienye & Gbamaria, 1990, p. 131). This may sound primitive and ignorant but to them science fell in line with their magical beliefs. The Igbos then believed that the world was controlled by spirit and other hidden forces that can be found in animals, trees, seas, mountains, wind, etc.. The magicians channel these forces to achieve mans purposes. He did so by invocations, incantations, and preparation of magic portions. The magic principles held that the world was made up of visible and invisible human beings, animals, and plants. Some were spirits while others were spiritual forces. The manifestation can be seen in action like thunder and lightning or earthquake or flood. Diseases and sicknesses were signs of acts by evil spirits. So, man can now intervene to offer solutions to phenomena experienced by man. In order to find these solutions, the magician enters into manipulative acts which could lead to knowledge of the various substances. These processes were regarded as empirical, because they lead to preparation of magic portions. The formula and uses of these ingredients can be systematic leading to experimental results and remote ancestor of the modern science. The scientific knowledge of the Igbos developed to a level mystical qualities were acquired by sound people out of selfish gains and this led to witchcraft. Witchcraft were practiced and seen as forces from the evil spirits. Then priest craft came into protect the people from the witches and wizards. The priest craft was hereditary. The priests were so powerful that they acted as guardians of special knowledge (scientific knowledge). They interpreted the calendar of events and year of agriculture. They were knowledgeable in astronomy which was a secret only known to them. They controlled the people with much power. If events
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like thunder occur, the priest will be consulted and he could interpret it as the divine anger of God. Priesthood and other vocations involved scientific processes. There was no formal curriculum but the training was relevant to the needs of the society. The method of learning was through apprenticeship. The science was not documented and some of the processes lacked adequate scientific explanations. People could not explain the causes and events observed in the natural environment. They only consult the priests and oracles. Science was practiced as traditional education activities in various vocations like farming, food preservation, clothing (textile, dying, and weaving), blacksmiting, salt making, pot moulding, traditional medicine, hunting, etc.. Boys and girls of about 13 or 14 years are recruited sometimes among close relatives or friends of the families. Sometimes, they work long distances with their load. This process separates them from their homes and parent care. In preparation for the separation, the parents especially the mothers made some preparations of food items to travel with. The fathers gave those words of wisdom and encouragement, as their success in life lies on their determination and hard work. As the apprentices leave home, there were usually weeping and sobbing. There was science and technology in pre-colonial period. South eastern states (the Igbos) use science and technology to produce palm oil. They were able to produce cloths from cotton plants. They were able to extract drugs from herbs to care diseases. Igbos are so indigenous technologist with many indigenous artisans with innovative and inventive spirit which requires only conducive environment to nature. Local gins were produced from crude palm wine. What happened during the war in the production of arms and war implements shows how innovative the Igbos are. Biafran science and technology during the Nigeria civil war attest to that. The Igbos produced tanks, rockets, mortars, antiaircraft, gums, landmines, and shore batteries (Nkokelonye, 2005, pp. 11-12). During that time, the Biafran petroleum refinery was established. But then science was practiced, as traditional education activities in various vocations like: (1) Traditional medicineThere were two sets of native doctors. One was the doctors who deal with magic medicines. These doctors invoke the supernatural to help the patients. They demand things or items for sacrifices and pray to god to drive away the enemies or evil spirit that caused the illness or to forgive the sin of our forefathers responsible for the diseases. The second set of doctors were the native physicians and surgeons who treat diseases with herbs and they can do all sorts of operations like the eye doctors, skin doctors, bone physicians, etc.. Among this set was herbalists that have the knowledge and application of herbs for the purpose of prevention and cure of diseases. For example, in the treatment of malaria, a combination of dogoyaro, pawpaw leaves, lemon grass, and lime and guava leaves can be boiled. The mixture can be steamed or drank. There were herbs for purgatives or treatment of diarrhea, etc.. The orthopedic doctors treat all sorts of bone problems. They can pick broken bones, use leaves to bring them together and apply all sorts of invocations and rub mixture of herbs and the bone will heal. There were traditional midwifery specialists trained for pre- and post-natal skills in child birth. There were drugs mixed with okro and inserted inside the pregnant woman and it turns the baby that was coming out with legs and the baby comes with the head. There were traditional means of immunization. There were drugs like ogwu egbe, ogwu mma, ogwu akpi, ogwu agwo, etc. (Nwankwo, 2011); (2) BlacksmittingIt is the craft of Awka people. They got their raw materials (pig iron) from Agbaja as explained by G. B. Basden missionary. This was confirmed by Jeffries in 1932, who started that the Agbaja towns where the Awka blacksmiths obtained their raw pig iron were Uyukwe, Okwe, and Umuaga. This iron ore raw was called aga which was mined locally. The smelting furnace was called ikishi. It was a tall
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oven of the 6th height, which was built of mud or clay and it had an outlet base where the smelted iron ore flowed out. The oven was connected to a tunnel leading to bellow (eko) made of animal skin. The apprentices took turn pumping or blowing the bellow. The fuel was charcoal made from araba and called icheku. Awka people and Agulu-Umuana are immigrates from Agulu-Awka, so also are the people of Ihakpo-Awka, a village far north of Igboland near University of Nigeria Nsukka Campus. The products were for farming, domestics, rituals, and ornaments. These were needles of all sizes, hoes, knives, cutlasses, ear-rings, ankles armlets, swords, iron gates with designs, guns, door locks of various kinds, metal gongs, bronze, bells, spoons, stuffs, spears, etc.. The charcoal is placed, burnt, and heated by bellows. The hammer was used to refine, improve, and furnish the products; (3) Clothing (textile)Dying and weaving was very common among the Igbos. Body decoration was common among the young girls and women. Black and dark blue dyes were obtained from uri plant. The fruits were grounded and the juice was used to make patterns on the body. The fruits of uri and the leaves of indigo could also be used to decorate floors walls, etc.; (4) CarvingIgbo people by nature are decorative. Beds and chairs (stool) can be carved from raffia palm, bamboo (otosi) or other woods. Pestles and mortars for pounding fufu were carved. Spoons and cooking spoons (eku) were carved. Other items that were carved were walking sticks, combs, hoes, matchets, baskets, trays, brooms, cups, bowls, musical instruments, etc.; (5) Soap makingBlack native soaps were obtained from burning oil palm bunches to obtain ngu. The ash was dissolved in water, filtered, and boiled. The resultant solution was mixed with bleached palm oil. The mixture was stirred and allowed to cake and the soap was thus produced; (6) Local pomade (Ude Aku)Palm nuts were collected, washed, and placed in a dry open pot. The pot is heated and extraction by heating is done to collect the black liquid which is placed in a bottle and its liquidities into a cream (Ude Aku). Ude Aku apart from being rubbed in the body is also medicinal. It can be taken during convulsion, prochaitics, and other upper respiratory diseases. Advent of Science and Science Education During the Colonial Period Science only came to higher institutions in 1909 when Kings College, Lagos was established. In 1934, higher college, Yaba College of Technology was formed. The University of Ibadan as university college was established in 1948. These led to the first graduates in sciences in the 1940s. The features of the education at the colonial period involved each denomination moving into all parts of Nigeria, establishing schools, which was aimed at training interpreters, catechists, and teachers. The schools should act as a catalyst to win converts and evangelize the people. The curriculum was concentrated on the 3RS (reading, writing, and arithmetic). The textbook was the Bible. Girls were introduced to cooking and sewing. The missionaries move with singing from house to house persuading parents to allow their children to come to school. The funding of the education then came from the missions abroad. With the coming of Phelps-Stopes committees in 1924, criticisms on the quality of education came in. There was no science subject. Then history and geography taught were following foreign examples. No attempt to localize the curriculum. Vocational subjects were excluded from the education. So many ordinances were established on the colony on matters of native education in 1926, the colonial development act of 1929, and educational ordinance of 1948. More indigenous teachers were trained and then government propounded polices and offered grants to the missionaries. These helped the missionaries in providing more schools,
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payment of staff salaries, providing equipment, infrastructures, hospitals, and dispensaries. More scientific approach to break the cripple tradition came in like the provision of cloths to girls by the UAC (United African Company), stoppage of human sacrifices and twin murder, eradication of skin diseases, smallpox, and enfant and mother mortality. Many superstition beliefs were destroyed. The Igbo people had taught that these processes and diseases were from the gods. These moves by the missionaries helped the schools to grow. The colonial government saw education as ways of ruling. The government established their own schools and government had to set standard of maintaining of hygiene. There were hostel inspections, inspection of teeth, hairs, nails, and toes. The use of chewing sticks and grounded charcoal was introduced for cleaning the teeth. The school children imbibed some scientific ideas and the move went to hinterland and to their parents. Some women with narrow pelvis, which was attributed to sin and adultery were operated upon and they gave birth to the life of babies. Some scientific revolution came to liberate the women. Post-colonial Science Education in Igboland In Igboland, science education was in the post-colonial education curricula. Science education in the post-colonial era was viewed as a way of life. This view had some relevance to science education in the western world. It involved training by observation and apprenticeship. In Igbo language, the linguistically invented alphabets were used in writing Igbo sentences (see Table 1). Table 1 Igbo Alphabets
a b j P ch k r d kp s e kw sh f l t g m u gb n gh v gw nw w h ny y i o z
This was a great scientific achievement of the Igbo post-colonial culture. The invention of Igbo numerals equating them to the Roman and Arabic numerals, in order to have a common base for understanding quantification in global terms was scientific. Thus, Igbo alphabets and numbers as ofu (one), abua (two), at (three), an (four), etc., emerged in the post-colonial Igbo culture. The Igbo culture in the post-colonial era, thus, had arithmetic and language operatives for commerce and communication. These operatives are still being developed in this modern era in both depth and scope of understanding. In the modern Igbo culture, science education becomes a tool for living. The life activities in the culture are becoming scientific and the traditional technologies are now explained in scientific terms. The traditional processes of shoe-making, salt production, pot-making, food preservation, black smiting, fishing, farming, erosion-control, and arts/crafts among others in Igbo culture have become scientific and compared to the western scientific technology. The Igbo cultural belief/value systems are also affected by the science education. The Igbo beliefs in superstition had given way to scientific understanding of natural phenomenon. The beliefs are now being interpreted in a more scientific understanding. While Igbo values are not only formed in terms of scientific understanding, but also scientific purposes and objectives. Hence, the traditional monoculture farming is now taken over by agro forestry, a combination of animal husbandry and crop rotation.
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Traditional animal husbandry has changed from keeping of fowls and goats to full-scale modern poultry, piggery, cattle farm, etc.. The traditional technical crafts that produced only cutlass, hoes, pots, and wooden utensils have specialized to production of plates, spoons, grinding machines, gas/electric cookers, electric generators, UPS (uninterrupted power systems), radios, and audio-visional systems to mention just a few. These were made possible by the establishment of the NTAC (National Technology Adaptation Centre) at Awka in Anambra State, Nigeria. In the modern Igbo culture, food processing has taken a scientific procedure. Food preservation through drying by open fire/sunlight has changed to sterilization, canning, bottling, use of refrigeration, and more modern approaches (Ihekeronye & Ngoddy, 1985, pp. 231-265). The traditional methods of cloth wearing, which had produced the Obakpa and Akwuete cloths commonly worn by the affluent Igbo citizens in the pre-colonial era, have been modernized through the application of scientific knowledge to production of modern fibrics and dying technics of Baltic, Adire, and Otuogwu among others. Science education was able to bring about these changes due to the inclusion of science as a subject in the modern school curricula at the primary and secondary school levels. The primary science based on natural observation was made to improve scientific understanding. This was changed from natural science to primary science, while science in the junior secondary school level changed from nature study to general science and to integrated science. This was made to train the students in the unified processes of science as a way of life, to make them understand that problems of life cut across subject boundaries. While at the senior secondary school, science was broken down into biology, chemistry, and physics for in-depth study of environment. The objectives of science education in the education policy remarkably stated that the attainment of scientific/technical knowledge/skills necessary for agricultural, industrial, commercial, and economic development (FRN (Federal Republic of Nigeria), 2004) are the sole aim of science education. These guiding principles have been utilized in the modification of Igbo traditional technology and culture. Communication in Igbo culture has, as a result of influence of science, changed drastically. Traditional method of person-to-person imparting of information, which later changed to the use of gong (agogo) has changed in the modern Igbo culture to written/printed information circulation to the use of electronic media. Science has made it possible for globalization in electronic technology to influence communication in Igbo culture. Since majority of the Igbo citizens receive science education from the schools, the use of electronic media in communication in Igboland was made possible.
Challenges
The Igbos have, as a result of science education, been able to attain a reasonable level of scientific living. Science education has transformed the pre-colonial Igbo culture to a modern scientific culture and improved the living standard. The challenges of the scientific enculturalised of the Igbo culture are the provision of certain basic amenities by the government. Apart from this, the Igbos are highly skillful and their function technologically and economically in Nigeria as Japan does in the world of technology and trade. Igbos are Japan in Nigeria but they lack global leadership. The economic development is seriously affected by her remoteness from the world markets. Igbos are situated very far from the maritime. Thus, they
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are geographically disadvantaged. Other factors responsible for the low economic growth are the poor transport system with bad roads, inadequate infrastructure, inefficient transit system, and low foreign direct investment that would have promoted industries, high cost of imports and no protection for traditional knowledge, etc.. All these problems pose some challenges for the Igbo nation to meet the global competition. With the economic and political situations in Nigeria, can the Igbos talents, intelligence skills, courage, and culture be ever integrated into the worldwide economy. The obvious answer is very far-fetched. Most of the problems listed above can only be solved if we have Igbo leader in Nigeria, but the political situation right now suggests that it may not be possible.
Recommendations
There is the necessity for provision of technical facilities and other amenities in Igboland. The lack of regular power supply has hampered industrialization in Igboland. Transportation and communication which are vital for industrial development are vitally lacking. Therefore, transportation and communication processes are very important. Provision of international airport is very necessary to help solve the problem of geographical handicap. Attraction of foreign investment which will be accompanied with the establishment of industries that will use young talented Igbos in solving the problem of unemployment. Rich Igbos should help to build our road network, thus, reducing cost of transportation and increase the expansion of local products. Worldwide active communication systems can only get down to Igboland, if schools are equipped with computers, laptops, and desktops. This calls for the high Igbo elites to make donation of these items and provide scholarship for teachers to be trained and retrained in computer education.
References
Afigbo, A. E. (1981). Ropes of sand. Nsukka: Nsukka University Press. Amzat, K. (2004). Emeagwalis feat. The Guardian, 20, 4. Basden, G. T. (1912). Notes on the Igbo country. The Geographical Journal, 39, 246-247. Dienye, N. E., & Gbamaria, S. P. T. (1990). Science education: Theory and practice. Port-Harcourt: Totan Publishers Limited. Dike A. Azuka. (1985). The resilience of Igbo cultureA case study of Awka Town, Enugu. Nigeria: Fourth Dimension Publishing Co. Ltd.. Emevon, E. U. (1985). Experience, the practice of science in Nigeria. The 26th Annual Conference Proceeding of Science Teachers Association of Nigeria (p. 7). English, M. C. (1959). An outline of Nigerian history. London: Longman, Green and Co. Ltd.. Ezeudu, F. O. (2002). Fundamentals of science education. Enugu: C. City and Co. Ltd.. Fafunwa, A. B. (1991). History of education in Nigeria. Ibadan: NPS Education Publisher. Federal Republic of Nigeria. (2004). National policy on education. Lagos: NERDC Press. Ihekoronye, A. I., & Ngoddy, P. O. (1985). Integrated food science and technology (pp. 231-265). London: Macmillan Educational Ltd.. Isichei, E. (1976). A history of the Igbo people. London and Basingstoke: Macmillan Press. Isichei, E. (1977). Igbo worlds. London and Basingstoke: Macmillan Education Limited. Jeffreys, M. D. W. (1941). Orero mask. In Nigeria Field, 10, 42. Jeffreys, M. D. W. (1946). Dual organization in Africa. African Studies, 5(2&3). Jeffreys, M. D. W. (1956). The Umundri traditions of origin. African Studies, 15(3), 122-123.
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Njoku, O. N. (1988). Awka and early iron technology in Igboland: Myths, probabilities and reality. Odu, 33, 133-148. Nkokelonye, C. U. (2005). History of education ancient and modern. Nsukka, Enugu: University Trust Publishers. NTI (The Nigerian National Teachers Institute). (1990). History of education. Kaduna, Nigeria: NTI. Nwabara, S. N. (1977). Iboland: A century of contact with Britain 1860-1960. Great Britain: Holder and Stoughton limited. Okigbo, B. N. (1980). Ahiajoku lecture. Owerri: Culture Division Ministry of Information, Culture, Youth and Sport. Olaudah, E. (1794). The interesting narrative of the life Olaudah Equiano or gust avus the African (8th ed.). Britain, Norwich. Onwukwe, S. O. (1998a). Rise and fall of the Arochukwu empire: 1400-1902. Owerri: Udebiuwa Press. Onwukwe, S. O. (1998b). The Igbos: Endangered species in Nigeria (p. 46). Owerri: Good Davies Associates. Reges, G. E. (2011). Theory of globalization: Fundamental basis. University of Pittsburgh, Graduates School of Public and Internal Affairs. Thomas, N. W. (1913). Anthropological report on Igbo speaking people of Nigeria (Part I). London. Thomas, N. W. (1914). Anthropological report on Igbo speaking people of Nigeria (Part IV). London. Ugwu, C. C. (2007). Nigeria peoples and culture in perspective. Enugu: Our Saviour Press.
D
Bhola Nath Ghosh
DA VID
PUBLISHING
Ethnicity: A Continuum on Education

Sujata Chakraborty
Mumbai, India
Sociological Research Unit, Indian Statistical Institute, Kolkata, India
This paper seeks to develop a clearer understanding of the role of education in the formation of ethnicity. The basic meaning of the term ethnicity is that it gives a distinct identity to a community and distinguishes one community or an individual from another. It has been found that ethnic consciousness or ethnic identity has been in increase even in the most developed countries of the world. Ethnic strife and conflict is the topic of the day everywhere. Education is one of the most potent components of development, and it can be considered that it does play a very distinguishing role in the formation of ethnic identity. Therefore, in this paper, an evaluative study has been made to know how, and in what ways, the education is helping in building up the ethnic awareness amongst the people. This study raises two questions: (1) How did the educational initiatives undertaken by the governmental and non-governmental agencies help in enhancing social integration and social mobility of the ethnic minority groups? and (2) What impact did educational (both negative and positive side of education) initiatives have on the ethnic minority groups? Keywords: ethnicity, ethnic conflict, ethnic consciousness, education
Introduction
The social scientists, anthropologists, researchers as well as other people believe that the members of human groups have an innate propensity to distinguish between insiders and outsiders. If this is indeed the case, ethnicity can be conceived of as being nearly as universal a characteristic of humanity as gender and ageunlike phenomena like nationhood and nationalism, which has been so conceptualized in the academic community as to concern the modern world only (Anderson, 1991; Gellner, 1983). Marx and Engels (1970) held, probably correctly, that sex and age, and the insider and outsider distinction were universal criteria of differentiation. If, on the other hand, ethnicity as we conceptualize, it can be shown to be a product of a particular kind of society and it can of course not be regarded as a historical and universal phenomenon. Here, ethnicity has been mainly studied in the perspective of education. It has been hypothesized that education leads to ethnic consciousness of an individual or a group. This has been reflected in a study made on the educational system of Hong Kong City. The ethnic minority groups are in particular, most of the Pakistani and Nepali are already the third generation. Yet, as the interviews concluded, they do not have a feeling of being integrated into Hong Kong society. Tertiary university education seems far away from them. The ideal of education functions as a tool to enhance social mobility does not seem to apply to these ethnic minorities. Their presence in local universities is virtually invisible; in contrast, participation in low-paid job market is
Sujata Chakraborty, Ph.D., independent researcher, Mumbai, India. Bhola Nath Ghosh, Ph.D., assistant professor, Sociological Research Unit, Indian Statistical Institute.
ETHNICITY: A CONTINUUM ON EDUCATION
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distinctively obvious. Education is a basic human right and has been recognized as such since the 1948 adoption of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights. Since then, numerous human rights treaties have reaffirmed this right and have supported entitlement to free, compulsory primary education for all children. In 1990, the EFA (Education for All) commitment was launched to ensure that by 2015 all children, particularly girls, those in difficult circumstances and those belonging to ethnic minorities, have access to complete, free, and compulsory primary education of good quality. Adult education for Aboriginal people in some ways is no different from the education of any dispossessed group. It provides the means to social, cultural, and economic survivalAll of which are inextricably woven together. When Aboriginal people are allowed to identify their learning needs, as opposed to them being identified by others, they seem to fall into at least three distinct areas: (1) Basic educationthose programs that can help access to further education and employment and help people live better lives in their communities: literacy and numeracy, health programs, and family skills; (2) Political educationthe skills required to work within political structures in order to improve matters for Aboriginal people: lobbying, negotiating, meeting procedures, and activist skills; (3) Community developmentto make local communities more self-sufficient and efficient: enterprise development, obtaining and using capital, administration, and bookkeeping (Brass, 1991). It is believed that Aboriginality will end up as a quaint folkloric activity with little or no real meaning, disappearing in much the same way as the cultures of many indigenous groups around the world faced with the inexorable onslaught of western, capitalist values. Should education perpetuate this disappearance by continuing to bring Aborigines into the mainstream which will inevitably corrode traditional values and culture or should there be separate but equal systems that will encourage diversity? For example, the recent emphasis on Aboriginal languages in Australia is in part a means to reconstruct Aboriginality for those people for whom it is at risk. A recent study (Riley-Mundine & Roberts, 1990) indicated that in 1989, there were some 91 separate Aboriginal languages being supported around Australia. From political view, Bernstein stated that education is a reflection of the distribution of power and the principles of social control can be observed when a society selects, classifies, distributes, transmits, and evaluates the educational knowledge that is considered public. For example, decision makers would select the contents of curriculum, so that all the students will learn the same knowledge, social norms and value and will have similar thought. Consequently, through the mass education, everyone will have something in common and it may enhance social stability. Next, language becomes important, since it also has political implication, for instance, unity by common language. Language, syllabus, and subjects knowledge are deliberately chosen to cultivate citizenship in a specific society and social cohesion and to integrate people of different cultural, religious, and linguistic backgrounds in society. In another word, education is to create social stability, which is in the best interest of the authority. Especially, language is a very important mechanism in transmission of knowledge. What language to be used as for medium of instruction and official language, this certainly carries political meanings. Potts (2003, p. 190) opined that language used in schools has specific purposepolitical unity. In Tibet, Chinese authority allowed Tibetan to be the medium of instruction in 1980s but replaced it with Chinese in 1990s. It is because the Chinese authority fears that encouraging Tibetan-medium schools will heighten Tibetan nationalists feelings and demands for more autonomy from China.
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Secondly, education in sociological view, Dye (2008, p. 125) opined that education is to create social cohesion by teaching or providing values, aspiration, and a sense of identity to less fortunate members of society, to resolve and even to prevent racial conflict by inspiring people respect for diversity. More importantly, education is also to enable every individual to achieve their goals in life. In other words, it is to make upward social mobility possible for every student. According to Haveman and Smeeding (2006, p. 129), Higher education is expected to promote the goal of social mobility and to make it possible for anyone with ability and motivation to succeed. For instance, a poor student can be prosperous through hard work and effort. The authors stated that President George W. Bush is one of the many who considers education as a primary force for economic and social mobility in the United States. Finally, education is also widely accepted as the major key to make labour force more productive, skillful, healthy, and competitive, to eliminate unemployment rate by teaching various job skills, and to lift people from poverty by teaching to enhance their full potential. Scholars conclude that the most recommended solution to the problems today in society lies at a very basic foundationbetter schooling. In brief, in this era of globalization, education institutions are also perceived not just as the place for educating people but also as the socializing agents. Students from different ethnic, religious, and cultural backgrounds get together, establish friendships, and learn to respect diversities through interactions at least in ideal intention. As stated above, the function of education is not just to teach people how to read and write but also is to enable all the individuals to achieve their goal in life. In addition, it functions as a tool to enhance social integration and social mobility. However, this ideal is not reflected in the reality. It is assumed that education is inevitably a force for good. While the provision of good quality education can be a stabilizing factor, Bush and Saltarelli (2000) showed how educational systems can be manipulated to drive a wedge between people, rather than drawing them closer together. In short, education reflects the society around it. The attitudes that flourish beyond the school walls will, inevitably, filter into the classroom. The report begins by describing the nature of todays armed conflicts, with virtually every conflict of recent years fought within, rather than between nations. It examines the growing importance of ethnicity in conflicts, as clearly seen in recent tragedies, such as Rwanda, Kosovo, and Chechnya. The destructive side of education is the uneven distribution of education to create or preserve privilege, the use of education as a weapon of cultural repression and the production or doctoring of textbooks to promote intolerance. And the constructive side goes beyond the provision of education for peace programmes, reflecting the cumulative benefits of the provision of good quality education. These include the conflict-dampening impact of educational opportunity, the promotion of linguistic tolerance, the nurturing of ethnic tolerance, and the disarming of history. While Bush and Saltarelli (2000) recognized the value of peace education, they stressed that it is only one of many educational measures needed in the midst of ethnic hatred. Curriculum packages that promote tolerance will have little impact if they are delivered within educational structures that are fundamentally intolerant. Peace education cannot succeed without measures to tackle the destructive educational practices that fuel hostility and should be seen as one part of a wider peace building education approach. Ethnicity itself is often asserted to be a key contributor to ethnic conflict. However, it is increasingly evident that ethnicity neither causes conflict, nor in many cases does it accurately describe it. Rather ethnicity/identity is increasingly mobilized and politicized in contemporary violent conflicts (Bush, 1997). Education on its own cannot be expected to manage or resolve identity-based violent conflicts, just as diplomatic and peacekeeping initiatives on their own cannot be expected to resolve militarized conflict in the
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absence of complementary political, economic, and social initiatives. Any solution to violent conflict will be sustainable only if it is developed and supported by both governmental and non-governmental factors within violence-affected societies in ways that are consistent with the fundamental and universal principles of human rights as education transmits language, culture, moral values, and social organization, leading to a particular identity and often has a strong political role. It is understood to rest on two distinct foundations: (1) The formal structures of schooling (a teacher who teaches and a student who learns); (2) The informal and non-formal structures of learninginvolving the acquisition of ideas, values, beliefs, and opinions outside educational institutions, whether in streets, fields, religious settings, or the home. Informal education is learning that occurs without being specifically planned and structured. Examples might be socialization, learning how to behave in a family or learning a trade from a parent. Non-formal education is planned and organized, offering specific learning environments and opportunities. Formal education is often viewed as a neutral or technical process of information dissemination set within a given societal context. As the authors and critic Postman (1993) have said,
Public education does not serve a public. It creates a public. The question is, what kind of public does it create? A conglomerate of self-indulgent consumers? Angry, soulless, directionless masses? Indifferent, confused citizens? Or a public imbued with confidence, a sense of purpose, a respect for learning and tolerance? (p. 18)
However, within the context of ethnic conflict, the importance of developing a better understanding of this dynamic is underscored by the finding by Padilla, Ruiz, and Brand (1974) that ethnic attitudes are formed early, and that once positive or negative prejudices are formed, they tend to increase with time. Early socialization experiences are, therefore, critical in the formation of ethnic attitudes. There are many components that make up these experiences for each child. In the broadest sense, Riegel and John (1976) argued that socio-cultural attitudes and identities are a function of the interaction of historical socio-cultural milieu, individual factors, and the physical environment. Together, these are understood to form unique patterns of development for each generation, each ethnic group, and each individual. Innumerable historical cases can be identified where ethnic groupsand more broadly, social groupshave been denied access to educational resources, and therefore, excluded from full participation in the economic and social life of a country. Such obstacles have both an immediate and longer-term impact on the socio-economic status of the affected groups, because education has increasingly become a highly-valued commodity. It also shows how the powers of the state can become ethnicized, that is, used to advance the interests of one group at the expense of others, as happened when the Serbian authorities reduced the number of places in secondary schools reserved for Albanians in Kosovo. In ethnically stratified societies, privileged ethnic groups usually attain higher average educational levels than members of subordinate ethnic groups. Several factors underlie this pattern. First, educational attainment is enhanced by a privileged background, and students from advantaged ethnic origins benefit from the educational, occupational, and economic attainments of their parents. Second, dominant social groups use the educational system to secure their privilege across generations. Third, dominant ethnic groups may control the political processes by which school systems are funded and structured and are able to promote those schools attended by their children or their own educational districts. As a result of these factors, students from advantaged social origins do better in school and obtain more schooling which, in turn, enables them to obtain more desirable occupations (Yossi, 1990). A sensitive handling of linguistic issues can also contribute to the building and maintenance of peaceful relations within and between different ethnic groups. In Senegal, for example, where
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there are 15 different linguistic groups and where Islamic and Christian populations have long co-existed peacefully, no civil wars have occurred since independence from France in the 1960s (Stavenhagen, 1996). Many governments have now recognized the importance of making school a less alien place for ethnic minority children. One solution is to use their mother tongue in the classroom, at least in the early grades. Also improving their chances of learning mother tongue and instructions given in mother tongue helps children to be proud of the language they have used from birth and reinforces their self-esteem, sense of identity, and sense of belonging. It also prevents language loss, hence, literacy in their first language precedes literacy in the second. Moreover, acquisition and development of the first language assists in the successful acquisition of the second (dominant, national, or majority language), which means that the first language enhances and does not detract from the learning of a second language. While teaching a national language in schools is part of nation-building, there is no evidence that teaching of minority languages necessarily diminishes a sense of political unity. In fact, compelling smaller groups to accept the linguistic dominance of the majority is a major cause of ethnic tensions and political instability. There are costs involved, including developing learning materials and training teachers in bilingual education approaches, and some countries feel that bilingual education is simply not cost-effective. But these costs should be weighed against the price society pays for high dropout and repetition rates of students in schools where such language programmes do not exist. In conflict-prone areas, insensitivity to the cultural and linguistic needs of ethnic minority groups has been shown to have a very high price indeed.
Conceptualization of Ethnicity
The word ethnicity is of modern origin. In America, it appears to have been used for the first time in Yankee City Series, the first volume of which was published in 1941. The early uses of ethnicity are found in W. Lloyd Warner and Paul S. Lunts The Social Life of a Modern Community (1941). Warner used ethnicity in the sense of a trait that separates the individual from some classes and identifies him with others. His ambiguous attitude towards Yankee as an ethnic group reflects the ambiguity of the Greek noun ethnos (nation and people), which was used to refer to people in general, but also to others. Philip Gleasons essay in the Harvard Encyclopaedia of American Ethnic Groups (1980) and his Americans All: Ethnicity, Ideology and American Identity in the Era of World War II (1980), conceptualized the ethnic as a prototypically American figure, not because of any distinctiveness of cultural heritage but for exactly the opposite reason, because the ethnic exhibited an extreme degree the character structure produced by the American experience of change, mobility and loss of contact with the past. In the United States, ethnics came to be used around the World War II as a general term referring to Jews, Italians, Irish, and other people considered inferior to the dominant group of largely British descent. Since the 1960s, ethnic groups and ethnicity became very common although, as Cohen (1978) has remarked that few of them bother to define the term. In everyday language, the word ethnicity still has a sphere of minority issues and race relations, but in social anthropology, it refers to aspects of relationships between groups which consider themselves and are regarded by others, as being culturally distinctive. Although it is true that the discourse concerning ethnicity tends to concern itself with sub-national units or minorities of some kind or another (Chapman et al., 1978), majorities and dominant peoples are no less ethnic than minorities. According to Devalle (1992), Ethnicity should be seen as a historical phenomenon, subordinated to existing class and centre-periphery contradictions, and as an element operating in cultural dialectics.
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Schermenhen (1970) has given the following definition of ethnic groups in Interethnic Relations: An Essay in Sociological Theory. An ethnic group is a collectivity within a larger society having real or accepted common ancestry, memories of a shared historical past, and a cultural focus on one or more symbolic elements defined as the epitome of their people hood. Examples of such symbolic elements are: kinship patterns, physical contiguity (as in localism or sectionalism), religious affiliation, language or dialect forms, tribal affiliation, nationality, or any combination of these. A necessary accompaniment is some consciousness of kind among members of the group. Glazer and Moynihan (1975) pointed out that it made its first appearance only in 1972 in the Oxford Dictionary. Ethnicity derived from the Greek word ethos ordinarily refers to nation, people, caste, tribe, and such others. Ethnic, according to Websters Third New International Dictionary (1967), relates to the gentiles or nations not converted to Christianity; community of physical and mental traits possessed by the members of a group as a product of their common heredity and cultural traditions; or indicates the racial, linguistic, and cultural ties of people with specific groups or exotic primitive culture. Ethnicity, therefore, stands for the ethnic quality or affiliations of a group bearing different meanings in varied situational contexts. Members of an ethnic group may distinguish themselves on the basis of their certain common physical-cultural characteristics as well as over periods of time and specific situations, nature, and composition of the state. Ethnicity also assumes different meaning depending on where the accent is placed as well as on the basis of the fact whether positive, neutral, or negative connotation is assigned to it as in the case of Russia, USA, and India (Danda, 1999). While expressing an urgent need in understanding the concept having cross-national perspectives in view, Danda (1999) broadly referred ethnicity to the dynamic process of interest alliance based on the manifest expression of adaptive strategy for fulfillment of the aspirations of individuals and groups involved in forming interest alliance. Ethnicity relates to consciousness of kind among the members of an ethnic formation: It also relates to the ideology of perception of collectivities as moral communities rather than as abettors of the coercive power of the state (Roy Burman, 1992, p. 33). Ethnicity is the sense of ethnic identity. It is an accurate appreciation of ethnic identity. Ethnic identity is the root from where ethnicity arises, which manifests in both intra and interethnic interaction (Kurane, 1999, p. 11). According to Kothari (as cited in Das, 2002, p. 23), ethnicity is expressed in a variety of ways: assertion of cultures, communal upsurges, revival of religion, movements of marginalized people, region and nationalism as a creative and regenerative force is also the opening to a human future. Danda (1992) observed that in India only such problems that involve the tribal are generally designated as ethnicity related problems. Pathy (1988), however, pointed out that there is no scientific treatment of the concept of tribe, and whatever superficial nature is attributed to it is not subscribed to by the overwhelming majority of the scheduled tribes of India. Common name, descent, territory, language, culture, and so forth seem to be not quite sufficient when it comes to deal with the tribes. Pathy (1988) referred to Riggs (1988, p. 4) who argued that though they possess ascriptive properties, as they are not part of a larger society, they cannot be treated as ethnic groups, and only when or to the degree they nest interactively in a larger context can give them the status. Pathy (1988) criticized this approach. In his words, As other social collectivities do not have to pass the criterion, it means perpetuation of the myth of tribal isolation in intellectual circles. Among the scheduled tribes of India such non-interacting communities would be rare. While Pathy has certainly made his point, Roy Burman (1992) said, It would be correct to speak of tribe as an ethnic group of a special type. Regarding the difference between ethnic groups and tribes, it is said that,
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An ethnic group is a collectivity within a larger society having a real and protective common ancestry, memories of shared historical past and cultural forces on one or more symbolic elements defined as the epitome of their people hood. Examples of such symbolic elements are kinship patterns, physical contiguity (as in localism and sectionalism) religious affiliation, language or dialect forms, tribal affiliations, nationality, and phenomenal features, or any combination of these. A necessary accompaniment is some consciousness of kind among members of the group. (As cited in Sollors, 1996, p. xii)
In the words of Roy Burman (1994, p. 67), any hereditary groups with shared values, lifestyle, exclusive symbol of identity, and consciousness of kind can be considered as one. An ethnic group shares many features with tribal organization, but all ethnic groups are not tribes. Generally, a tribal community has historical association or prerogatives in respect of some productive resources. An ethnic group may or may not have such prerogatives. Besides, while tribal societies are relatively closed societies, all ethnic groups may not be closed societies to the same extent. Ethnicity may be defined as an affiliation or identification with an ethnic group. On the one hand, ethnicity is subjective, since it is the product of the human mind and human sentiments. It is a matter of identification or a sense of belonging to a particular ethnic group (Yetman, 1991, p. 2). On the other hand, ethnicity is objective, because it must be based on some objective characteristics and is constructed by social forces and power relations. It is to a large extent independent of individuals desires. On balance, ethnicity is the outcome of subjective perceptions based on some objective characteristics such as physical attributes, presumed ancestry, culture, or national origin. The terms ethnicity and ethnic group are often used interchangeably. In actuality, although the two terms are closely related, there is a sharp demarcation dividing them. While ethnic group is a social group based on ancestry, culture, or national origin, ethnicity refers to affiliation or identification with an ethnic group. Ethnicity is essentially an identity that reflects the cultural experiences and feelings of a particular group. (Nikora, 1995). According to Spoonley (1993), an ethnic group may have a real or supposed common ancestry, memories of a shared historical past, a distinctive shared culture, a collective name, a sense of solidarity, and an association with a specific territory. An ethnic conflict or ethnic war is a war between ethnic groups often as a result of ethnic nationalism. The causes of ethnic conflict are debated by political scientists and sociologists who may be grouped into three schools of thought: primordialism, constructionism, and instrumentalism. Three arguments are at the heart of the primordialist school of thought. First, ethnicity is an ascribed identity or assigned status, something inherited from ones ancestors. For example, if ones ancestors are Chinese, then he/she is also Chinese because he/she inherits physical and cultural characteristics from the forebears. Ethnicity is a very deeply-rooted, primal bond to ones ancestral bloodline. Second, as an important corollary of ascribed identity, ethnic boundaries which demarcate, who is a member of an ethnic group and who is not, are fixed or immutable. Ethnicity is static. If he/she is born Chinese, he/she will be forever Chinese, and he/she cannot change the membership to another group. Finally, common ancestry determines ethnicity. In other words, people belong to an ethnic group because members of that group all share common biological and cultural origins. Primordialist is used to characterize this school of thought because it stresses the role of primordial factors, such as lineage and cultural ties, in determining ethnicity.
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Within the primordialist framework, there are at least two variant views. The socio-biological perspective represented by Pierre Van Den Berghe (1981) emphasized the importance of a socio-biological factorkinshipin determining ethnicity. Van Den Berghe (1981) argued that ethnicity is an extension of kinship. Ethnic affiliation originates from membership in a nuclear family, then an extended family, and finally the ethnic group. Ethnic identity develops and persists due to common ancestral bonds of group members. An implication of this view is that ethnicity will never perish because kinship always exists. A second current of primordialism is the culturalist perspective, which underscores the importance of a common culture in the determination of ethnic group membership. According to the third view, a common culture (e.g., a common language and a common religion) determines the genesis and tenacity of ethnic identity even in the absence of common ancestors. For instance, Hispanic identity is determined by a shared language, Spanish, rather than by peoples shared ancestry. Different racial groups of people originating from the same country can form an ethnic group and develop a common ethnic identity even though they have no common biological bonds. Grasping the sentimental or psychological origins of ethnicity, the primordial school provides a reasonable explanation for the rise and tenacity of ethnic attachment. However, the primordial school contains several drawbacks. First, this perspective cannot explain why ethnic membership or identities of individuals and groups change. Second, it cannot fully account for why new ethnic identities, such as Asian-American, emerge among biologically and culturally diverse groups, and why ethnic identities wane and disappear. Third, it tends to overlook the larger historical and structural conditions that construct/deconstruct or reinforce/undermine ethnic loyalties. Finally, it neglects the economic and political interests closely associated with ethnic sentiment and practice (Glazer & Moynihan, 1963). The primordial school was the dominant way of thinking until the 1970s, and many people are still accustomed to this way of thinking today. Starting from the 1970s, the constructionist school began to ascend. Constructionists have advanced three major arguments: First, ethnicity is a socially constructed identity, something that is created. The emphasis of this school on the social construction of ethnicity breeds the label of constructionist school; Second, as an extension of constructed identity, ethnic boundaries are flexible or changeable. Ethnicity is dynamic; Lastly, ethnic affiliation or identification is determined or constructed by society. Ethnicity is a reaction to changing social environment. Yancey, Erikson, and Juliani (1976) proposed an emergent ethnicity perspective. They downplayed the effect of cultural heritage and viewed ethnicity as an emergent phenomenon created by structural conditions. Focusing on the experience of Italian, Jewish, and Polish immigrants in America around the turn of this century, Yancey and his associates maintained that the formation, crystallization, and the development of ethnic communities, cultures, and identities were shaped by structural conditions closely associated with the industrialization process in the host society and the positions of ethnic groups within it. Specifically, the industrialization process led to the creations or expansions of certain industries (e.g., the garment industry, steel industry, and construction industry) and occupations associated with these industries, immigrant groups with different occupational skills moved into different industries and occupations at different times, leading to occupational concentration of ethnic groups with similar lifestyles, class interests, and work relationships; because of the transportation conditions at that time, immigrants working in the same industry and occupation tended to live in the same area, resulting in residential concentration; common occupations and residence led to the use of the same institutions and services, such as churches, schools, and financial institutions. All of these
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structural conditions resulted in the formation and development of Italian, Jewish, and Polish ethnic communities, ethnic cultures, and ethnic identities by reinforcing the maintenance of kinship and friendship networks (Yancey, Erikson, & Juliani, 1976, p. 392). According to this view, ethnicity emerges as a response to structural changes in society. On the other hand, quite a few studies (e.g., Alba, 1990; Bakalian, 1993; Kivisto, 1989; Waters, 1990) showed that although ethnic boundaries among the White population are weakening due to intermarriage, language loss, religious conversion, or declining participation, White Americans increasingly identify with their group of origin. Some argued that social change since the 1960s and shifting societal emphasis from assimilation into the Anglo culture to ethnic distinctiveness have resulted in resurgent ethnicity among Whites. On the other hand, Gans (1979) contended that ethnic revival among the Whites is nothing more than symbolic ethnicity, or symbolic allegiance to, love for and the pride in the culture and tradition of the immigrant generation and the country of origin, without having to be incorporated in everyday behavior. In other words, symbolic ethnicity is feeling ethnic rather than being ethnic. The more recent social constructionists perspective explicitly emphasizes the social construction of ethnicity and race and the dynamic process of ethnic/racial formation. For example, Sollors (1989) suggested the notion of the invention of ethnicity. Challenging the primordial assumption that ethnicity is an irrational form of cultural attachment, Sollars (1996) argued that ethnic identity is embedded in tradition, which is created, sustained, and refashioned by people. Joane (1994) contended that ethnicity is socially constructed and reconstructed by internal forces (i.e., actions taken by ethnic groups themselves, such as negotiation, redefinitions, and reconstruction of ethnic boundaries) and external forces (i.e., social, economic, and political processes and outsiders), and that ethnicity is a dynamic, constantly changing property of individual identity and group organization. Focusing on the centrality of race, Omi and Winant (1994) demonstrated how the meanings and categories of race both shape and are shaped by the political seekers. The constructionist school pinpoints the centrality of social construction in ethnic formation and retention; it highlights historical and structural forces that create and sustain ethnicity; and it better explains the volatility of ethnicity. Nevertheless, the constructionist school tends to ignore the ancestral basis of ethnicity and deemphasize the limitation of social construction. Like the primordialist school, it also pays insufficient attention to the role of political and economic interest in the construction of ethnicity. The instrumentalist school views ethnicity as an instrument or strategic tool for gaining resources. Hence, the instrumentalist tag is affixed to this school. According to this theoretical framework, people become ethnic and remain ethnic when their ethnicity yields significant returns to them. In other words, ethnicity exists and persists because it is useful. The functional advantages of ethnicity range from the moral and material support provided by ethnic networks to political gains made through ethnic bloc voting (Ported & Bach, 1985). To Glazer and Moynihan (1975) who are among the pioneers of this school, ethnicity is not simply a mix of affective sentiments, but like class and nationality, it is also a means of political mobilization for advancing group interests. Ethnic groups are also interest groups. The most extreme version of instrumentalism attributes the acquisition and retention of ethnic membership or identity solely to the motivation of wanting to obtain comparative advantage. For example, Patterson (1975, p. 348) asserted that The strength, scope, viability, and basis of ethnic identity are determined by, and are used to serve, the economic and general class interests of individuals. Hence, interests are the sole determinant of the ethnic identity and ethnic affiliation tends to be transient and situational as the benefits of ethnicity shift. A more moderate variant of instrumentalism combines advantages of ethnicity with effective ties. For instance,
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Bell (1975, p. 169) stated that Ethnicity has become more salient because it can combine an interest with an effective tie. Cohen (1969) suggested that cultural homogeneity of people facilitates their effective organization as an interest group and boosts ethnic solidarity and identity. Another recent formulation of instrumentalism is rational choice theory (Banton, 1983; Hechter, 1986). As a social theory, rational choice theory assumes that people act to promote their socio-economic positions by minimizing the costs of and maximizing the potential benefits of their actions. As an application to ethnic identity, rational choice theory maintains that ethnic affiliation is based on the rational calculation of the costs and benefits of ethnic association. For the advocates of rational choice theory, ethnicity is an option. People choose one ethnicity over another or avoid association with an ethnic group because of the utility or the cost of such affiliation. Some people favor an ethnic affiliation, because it is beneficial, while other people hide or deny an ethnic identity, because it will bring disadvantages. The fourth main position could be described as the social constructivist view. Drawing inspiration from all three classic perspectives outlined, but defending a reflexive position, representatives of this view more explicitly and frequently more viciously dissociate ethnicity from race and culture, often focusing on the ways in which ethnic identities and boundaries are historically arbitrary and the constructs of members of an elite looking for political power and/or material gainor the construct of a dominating group seeking to intimidate dominated groups by imposing ethnic labels on them. Each in their way, Roosens (1989) and the editors of the monograph of history and ethnicity (Chapman et al., 1989) represented such a strategy, which stressed the importance of the natives point of view in the development of ethnic identities. Their views were perhaps truly subjectivist (unlike Barths views, which combines subjective and objective factors) since they regarded ethnic groups as possible, but not necessary products of creative endeavors under particular historical circumstances. In their view, culturalist explanations of ethnicity are as invalid as racist explanations of social race, since ethnic identity formation involves the more or less haphazard appropriation of and over communication of alleged cultural traits. The degree to which societal factors are granted explanatory power within this exploratory matrix varies; Benedict Anderson, for example, could clearly be seen as a constructivist, although he insisted on the necessity of objective, enabling technological forces for ethnic (or national) identities to appear. The final approach to ethnicity studies mentioned here could be described as the historical one. This view has emerged as a component of the general increased interest in historical analysis in anthropology, which began when the Marxist and so-called neo-Marxist currents were in fashion and which has continued up to this day. Within the neo-Marxist framework, it has been argued that the development of capitalism produces the construction for the rise of ethnic self-consciousness and accelerates parochial loyalties (Smith, 1979, pp. 21-37). Some others have located ethnicity as an integral part of the uneven development of capitalism. In 1908, an American playwright, Israel Zangwill, wrote Broadway hit called The Melting Pot. He emphasized that ethnic groups, owing to their distinctive historical experiences, their cultures and skills, the times of their arrival and the economic situation they met, developed distinctive economic, political, and cultural patterns. As the old culture fell awayand it did rapidly enougha new one, shaped by the distinctive experiences of life in America, was formed and a new identity was created. Italian-Americans might share precious little with Italians in Italy, but in America, they were a distinctive group that maintained itself, was identifiable, and gave something to those who were identified with it, just as it also gave burdens that those in the group had to bear.
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Just as ethnicity and occupation overlap, so do ethnicity and religion. For some time, it seemed as if new identities based on religion were taking over from ethnic identities. This was the hypotheses of Will Herberg. The Jews remained Jews, with a subtle shift from an ethnic identification in the first and second generations to more of a religious identification in the third; the Irish became evermore Catholic in their self-image, and so did the Italians. Only for Negroes did racial identity seem clearly for more significant than religion. In Beyond the Melting Pot, we argued that religion and race seemed to be taking over from ethnicity. Yet, in the last few years, the role of religion as a primary identity for Americans has weakened. Particularly in the case of Catholics, confusion and uncertainty have entered what was only a few years ago a very firm and clear identity.
Ethnicity and Education

The idea of the large nation-state, grouping people together within geographic boundaries, does not seem to work anymore. People seem to identify more with those sharing a common culture or holding similar values. In the Information Agean era defined by knowledge workers, nothing will be as important as education. Yet todays educational system is a creature of the Industrial Age, a factory system for mass-producing minds. There are deep and enduring differences between various ethnic groups, in their educational achievement and in the broader cultural characteristics in which these differences are rooted. One of the best documented is that of the American Jews, who since the turn of the century, that is, a period about midway between the onset of heavy east European immigration in the early 1880s and its end in the early 1920s have shown a remarkable and disproportionate degree of educational achievement. For example, by the turn of the century, east European Jews already dominated the free city college of New York, to which entrance was obtained at that time only by formal educational achievement. Jewish children almost uniformly did well in schools. Jews, at a later stage, dominated lists of winners of New York state scholarships. Perhaps even more striking is the achievement of the Japanese Americans. The contrast between these two immigrant groups could not be greater. The pre-immigrant experience of one is urban and small town, the other peasant and agricultural. One defined itself as a priest people and placed a high value on formal study of religious classics; the other defined itself as a peasantry of inferior status. In this country, one group settled in New York and other large cities, the other in the California countryside. One showed early evidence of educational achievement and the other was defined as an educational problem. But by 1950, Japanese Americans were already the best-educated racial group in the state of California. On the other side, certain ethnic groups have done poorly educationallythe case of the Italian Americans has been studied in some detail by Leonard Covello. One thing it means and one reason why these differences have been studied is that it leads us to suspect that there must be differences in areas other than educational achievement. If a large number of Jews and Japanese Americans go to college, then we might be interested in knowing why this phenomenon arises, what factors in family structure, value teaching, disciplinary practices, goals set before children, the role of voluntary organizations, and so on, and we might learn about the group. These educational differences help support the argument that there are significant cultural differences among groups. And in order to support the argument of the importance of cultural differences, it is important to examine groups that have received no particular support from the general American environment (who have indeed been subjected to various degrees of discrimination, prejudice, and persecution such as the Japanese and the Jews) because then the argument as to distinctive cultural reasons for high educational achievement becomes all the more powerful.
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But some scholars have raised the question whether these differences are cultural differences or are they genetic and racial differences? Two such valuable works as Mark Zborowskis Life Is With People and Leonard Covellos The Social Background of the Italo-American Schoolchild assume that cultural differences with no relation to genetic factors can be taken as sufficient explanation. Beyond the racial explanation and the liberal social and cultural explanation, there lies yet another possibilitythe economic and political explanation, which is perhaps best called radical. This would argue that the genetic differences are non-existent or irrelevant, that the cultural differences are epiphenomenal, that only political and economic differences (in wealth, power, and status) lead to the differences among ethnic groups, and that these can be changed. Obviously educational achievement can be seen in variety of ways and one will judge the ethnic differences that seem to be related to it differently as one judges educational achievement, for example, directly through new types of curricular materials, teaching approaches, changing school environments and administrative patterns, by going into the home, working with parents, working with children, and so on. It is possible to take the position that differences in the levels of ethnic achievement will crumble under the impact of such changes in education, if the changes are sufficiently extensive and sustained. Ethnicity is a matter of definition and self-definition, and much of the future of race relations in the city and the country depends on what designations and definitions we use. For just as a nigger can be made by treating him like a nigger and calling him a nigger just as black can be made by educating him to a new, proud, and black image, and this education is carried on in words and images, so can racists be made, by calling them racists and treating them like racists. Whitlam (1999) said that no country is better qualified than Australia to play an educative role in the problems of ethnicity. Yet, the truth is that Australias diplomacy and indeed its society are diminished because Australias leaders, diplomats, educators, and opinion-formers embrace automatically the North Atlantic perspective and reduce almost entirely the full range of knowledge and tradition available within Australia itself. As a member to the Australian Parliament, he devoted an immense part of his time and effort to preparing programs of federal financial assistance to schools in order to eliminate the prejudices and tensions between Protestants and Catholics. Whitlam (1999) pointed out that The question, known in Australia as the State aid issue, had disfigured Australian society and retarded Australian education for more than a century. In so far as it represented the ancient conflict between the Anglo-Saxon ascendancy and the Irish Catholics, the dispute was more ethnic than educational. Whitlam (1999) further found that the deficiencies in Australias systems of education and communications are leading to new misunderstandings and tensions. For many years, Australians have been arguing about the diversity and responsibility of the Australian media. The post-war diversity of the Australian people has, in no way, been matched by a diversity of the sources used by the Australian media. They have a strong ethnic press. It is largely ignored by the mainstream media and the politicians, except for election purposes. Throughout the 1990s, there has been a steady bias in the media against orthodox Christian countries because the sources used by the media in Australia operate from each side of the North Atlantic. Since the break-up of the old Yugoslavia, tensions have increased in Australia along racial and religious lines, but at least not in schools. In many orthodox families in Australia, there was a surge of grievances against the systems of education and communication which they feel has let them down in the country of their adoption. Whitlam (1999) opined that, education is essential if ethnicity is to be understood, and if it is to be not merely tolerated but to be recognized as a source of enrichment in ethnically diverse societies like Australia.
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Education about ethnicity involves not least an understanding of history, not as propaganda or myth, but in its complex and often cruel reality (Whitlam, 1999). Multicultural education has been defined in various ways by various authors. According to some, multicultural education is a shift in curriculum, perhaps as simple as adding new and diverse materials and perspectives to be more inclusive of traditionally underrepresented groups. Others talk about classroom climate issues or teaching styles that serve certain groups while presenting barriers for others. Others focus on institutional and systemic issues, such as tracking, standardized testing, or funding discrepancies. Some insist on the way how education serves to maintain the status quofoundations, such as White supremacy, capitalism, global socio-economic situations, and exploitation. Gorski (1995) has given a working definition of the term multicultural education. According to him,
Multicultural education is a progressive approach for transforming education that holistically critiques and addresses current shortcomings, failings, and discriminatory practices in education. It is grounded in ideals of social justice, education equity, and a dedication to facilitating educational experiences in which all students reaches their full potential as learners and as socially aware and active beings, locally, nationally, and globally.
The underlying goal of multicultural education is to affect social change. The pathway toward this goal incorporates three strands of transformation (Gorski, 1995). Gorski (1995) has suggested two important aims for the students who he thought as an active participant in all the affairs of the society. He felt that every student must be prepared to competently participate in an increasingly intercultural society and teachers must be prepared to effectively facilitate learning for every individual student, no matter how culturally similar or different from himself. According to Banks (1988),
Every child comes to school with an ethnic identity whether these identifications are conscious or unconscious. This identification must be recognized and respected by the teacher. The point here is to acknowledge differences rather than ignore them. It is equally critical that the children recognize and appreciate their own ethnicity and learn to appreciate those of the other children in the class. This recognition of individual ethnic identities is the beginning point. It is the basic building block in the learning process which requires knowing where the child is relative to himself/herself and the content to be addressed. This ethnic identification is a continual point of focus throughout the education process and is the basis for developing the next level of identification which is a national identification. (p. 43)
Banks (1988) has tried to focus on the point that the individual identity as an ethnic entity is actually the basis for the national identity. Children who have developed both a strong ethnic and national identity can better develop a global identification which in turn makes them better citizens of the world community. But, here we find that the author has discussed about the identifications on a hierarchical basis, first recognizing the ethnic identity, then the national, and finally the global. It is important to point out that the individual identities are not static but continually evolving and so it is important for the curriculum to emphasize all three types of identities as learning progresses. Gordon and Roberts (1991) Report of Social Studies Syllabus Review and Development Committee pointed out that multicultural education relates to education and instruction designed for the cultures of several different races in an educational system. This approach to teaching and learning is based upon consensus building, respect, and fostering cultural pluralism within racial societies. Multicultural education acknowledges and incorporates positive racial idiosyncrasies into classroom atmospheres. The following excerpts are taken from Gorski (1995), a university of Virginia doctoral student during a
ETHNICITY: A CONTINUUM ON EDUCATION case study interview said that,
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The idea of political correctness with the black race astounds me. I found it extremely interesting that some blacks in our class prefer to be called African American. In all of my classes... I have felt like I was stepping on egg shells as to not offend the blacks in my class. I am honestly glad it is not that big of an issue to my fellow classmatesIt promotes a more comfortable, genuine environment for me to be totally honest and carefree.
From the above experience of the author, we find that benefits to multicultural education can help to eliminate the crux of stereotyping, prejudice, racism, and bigotry. The writer agrees with Hilliard and Pine (1990), If Americans are to embrace diversity, the conscious and unconscious expressions of racism (sexism) within our society must be identified and done away with. Multicultural education is the potential catalyst to bring all races together in harmony. According to some views, if one wants to alienate and further fragment the communication and rapport between ethnic groups that implement multicultural education. As stated by Bennett (1995), To dwell on cultural differences is to foster negative prejudices and stereotypes, and that is human nature to view those who are different as inferior (p. 29). Thus, multicultural education will enhance feelings of being atypical. Schools in America may see multicultural education as a way to color blind their students to differences. Ethnicity is breaking up many nations. If one looks at the former Soviet Union, India, Yugoslavia, and Ethiopia, all countries are in some type of crisis. Over time, multicultural education may have unplanned for and undesired consequences. For example, multicultural education rejects the historic American goals of assimilation and integration of ethnic cultures into the majority culture. Hence, the perception may result that America is a country of distinct ethnic groups, as opposed to a more traditional view of the country that involves individuals making decisions for the good of the order (Schlesinger, 1991). Strahinich (2000) pointed out that in education, one of the most threatened reforms is bilingual education, perhaps the most widely misunderstood and misrepresented new educational program. According to its most severe critics, bilingual education encourages students not to learn English; fosters a separatist mentality among minorities that could lead to severe linguistic cultural problems, like those presently dividing Quebec and Canada; and could force many Americans to learn foreign languages (e.g., Spanish in states like New Mexico and Florida). But in fact, none of these accusations is supported by a shred of evidence. By the mid-1970s, however, as ethnic identity became a powerful new ideology, the bilingual movement acquired more momentum. But as bilingual programs grew, and as they increasingly emphasized maintenance of an ethnic heritage rather than transition into mainstream American life, the opposition mounted them. The critics believe that bilingual education actually interferes with integration. For all these reasons, the bilingual movement now has its back against the wall. A dozen states still have no provision for educating language minorities, while six others (Alabama, Arkansas, Delaware, Nebraska, North Carolina, and West Virginia) have actually passed legislation prohibiting bilingual instruction of any kind (Bagley, 1984, pp. 8-12). Only in the 1950s did Canada develop an ideology of race and ethnic relations which was distinctly different from that of the White, protestant English-speaking group, which had dominated the empire for a century. Change took place because of new patterns of migration, the assertion of power by migrant groups from southern and eastern Europe and Ireland, and through the assertion of Francophone consciousness. Today, Canada in its multicultural policies is a dramatically changed society, unique in its policies which coincide with (but which have not created) a society in which racisms impact seems, on the face of thing, less dramatic than
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in many other ethnically mixed societies. Educational institutions in Canada, as the servants of the economy, generally socialize ethnic minorities, without overt discrimination, to undertake successful roles in a free enterprise system. Such a process of selection through careful immigration, education, socialization, and training for successful participation in a capitalist society has served the needs of the selected immigrants well, but it is not in an absolute sense fair or unbiased. Kaplan (2000a; 2000b) has defined an ethnic group as a set of people who consciously share certain characteristics, such as religion, origin, culture, or language, and are linked by common interests and some form of social participation. Members of such a group share an ethnic identity, or awareness of a distinctive origin and way of life. Different societies respond to the existence of ethnic identities in different ways and social trends may also vary over time. In addition, ethnic minorities differ in their desire and ability to maintain a distinct identity within the host society. Often, ethnic traditions are adapted to the majority culture. Shaped by developments within the host society, contact with the society of origin and the interaction between the two, ethnic identity can evolve and adapt itself to new circumstances (Kaplan, 2000a; 2000b). Kaplan (2000a; 2000b) has described the ethnic situation in Israeli society, which absorbed large numbers of Jewish immigrants who brought with them much of their culture and heritage. In so far as these immigrant groups came from various geographical locations, spoke different languages, possessed diverse cultural values, and maintained separate organizational frameworks, they resembled the phenomenon of ethnic groups. Kaplan (2000a; 2000b) said that the nature of ethnicity in Israel is somewhat unique. While edot maintained distinct cultural traditions and organizational frameworks, there was a much greater degree of commonality and unity among the various sections of the Israeli Jewish population than in other immigrant societies. Although it was possible to identify dozens and perhaps even hundreds of Jewish edot in Israel, the notion of ethnic identity was associated primarily with immigrant groups from the Middle East and North Africa. Kaplan (2000a; 2000b) further pointed out that a stronger sense of ethnic identity developed among oriental Jews due to the more limited effects of westernization in their communities, their feelings of deprivation and discrimination engendered by the process of absorption during the 1950s, the lingering socio-economic gap and the connection of ethnicity with politics. The continuing socio-economic gap led to violent outbreaks in the Moroccan populated Wadi Salib quarter of Haifa in July 1959 and to demonstrations by oriental Jews who formed the Israeli Black Panthers in Jerusalem during the early 1970s. In the following years, head start programs, integration in the schools alongside special classes for educationally disadvantaged students, leadership programs, project renewal (which built up the infrastructure of disadvantaged neighborhoods through the cooperation of local residents with diasporas Jewish communities), assistance to residents of development towns, government housing assistance for young couples, research into the history and culture of oriental Jewish communities as well as an increased role of oriental Jews in politics, led to a considerable narrowing of the socio-economic gap. No less important was the increasing social acceptance of oriental Jews among young Israelis as evidenced by mixed oriental-Ashkenazi marriages. In 19681969, 17.4% of all first marriages in Israel were mixed, and this figure rose to 20.3% in 1980. By the 1990s, roughly a quarter of all new marriages were mixed. The authors have given a general educational background of the Jews and the Israelis in order to analyze the point of view. By the 1990s, Ashkenazi Jews still received more schooling on the average than did Orientals.
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Even today, oriental Jews still have a much lower rate of university education. Only 16.5% of native born oriental Jews as compared with 56.0% of Ashkenazi Sabras have received a college education. The gap in school attendance has narrowed: In 19811982, the percentage of oriental youth aged 1417 that attended school was 79.2% compared with 84.2% of children from Ashkenazi families. It appears, however, that oriental children often receive a lower quality of education, probably because many lived in poorer neighborhoods and settlements that offer less educational enrichment. In short, one can state that the socio-economic gap, although narrower in certain areas, continues to exist, especially in education. This is both the result of socio-economic disparities, and a major cause for their perpetuation. We see, ethnicity research in Israel from 1988 shows that ethnic identity is not felt by most Israelis as a matter of great importance. The majority believe that education, urban renewal, and mixed marriages will resolve the socio-economic disparities. Few endorse affirmative action in universities or top posts, and even less advocate more radical measures, such as immigration limitation. Outside the family unit and the realm of folklore, there seems to be little legitimacy accorded to ethnic distinctiveness of Jews in Israel. Sociologists and socio-anthropologists also argue that the need of social security, which in the true senses, needs to be fulfilled by the state, but has failed to do so, and is sought via ethnic solidarities. It is also that regionalism emerges as a powerful social force during the period of transition when the people are subjected to great tensions and insecurities due to the phenomenon of the uneven spread of development and due to spread effects of development concentrated in some region and its backwash effects concentrated in other regions (Joshi, 1983). In this context, the incisive remarks of Rajni Kothari, are worth nothing. On the relationship between ethnicity and state, he wrote (Kothari, 1994),
When each community or caste or religious group interprets its insecurity as a result of the privileges of a competing group gained through favours and patronage from the state, the resulting conflict and violence does not aim at fighting another community but rather fighting the state, which is presumed to be dominated by or be preferential to the other community. The other community is perceived as a surrogate state.
And about ethnicity and development, he wrote (Kothari, 1994),

The more rapid the development of a region, the more modernized its infrastructure, the ethnic identities seem to deepen, and ethnic conflicts seem to intensify. Ethnicity becomes ground for reassessing the cultural, economic and political impacts of developmentalism.
Language plays an important role in the formation of an ethnic identity of a group. It provides a bond of unity among its speakers and defines a line of separation marking off one speech community from another. By language demands, we refer to publicly expressed demands on the political authorities made by organized groups claiming to represent categoric ethnic collectivities based on language loyalties. During the period of British colonial rule, the nationalists demand for freedom was associated with a demand for the replacement of the colonial language of administration by a national language as a unifying symbol of nationalism. The regionalization of language demands represented a move to bring together segmental social groups such as tribes, castes, dialectal speech groups, and religious community within the relatively wider unity of regional communities defined by linguistic affinity and closure. Systematic attempts proceeded in different parts of India along with the development of the still wider nationalist movement. This sometimes led to convergence but relatively often created a tension and conflict between them.
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In general, however, language demands of these minorities are usually directed to securing facilities of instruction in their own languages at various levels of education, with a special emphasis on the school level. Usually, these demands are advocated by organized associations and most often one target of these associations is the state administration. Since they claim a small part of the respective states resources, it has not been difficult to reach a negotiated settlement. These groups tend to make demands only when social mobilization offers competitive opportunities and values. In this sense, language demands are a function of economic, social, and political development. Where there are no local religious elites and relatively few socially mobilized people are produced from the local language group, a gradual process of assimilation to the language and culture of the dominant group will take place. An alternative situation also favorable to assimilation and decline in ethnic identity occurs when differential modernization also favors a minority ethnic group that it chooses to assimilate to the language and culture of the ruling ethnic group. However, such a process of assimilation may not save an ethnic group from being the target of the next to rise as education and industrialization penetrate more deeply into the society. The assimilated group may remain distinguishable enough by cultural or religious markerseven when its members do not choose to use such markers to build communal consciousnessfor it to be singled out as a scapegoat for the next group to raise and thereby serve as an instrument for building communal solidarity in the newly aspirant group.
Conclusion
Ethnicity is under attack with the tightening grip of modernization. It is true that we are becoming increasingly interdependent in economic and cultural terms, and that there is increase awareness that we are one world facing common ecological, political, and security problems. Yet, this very process of globalization, the very rapidity of the dissolution of the known world, creates a perverse effect. People reach out to the habitual, to the communities where they find familiar faces, voices, sounds, smells, tastes, and places. Confronted by the pace of globalization, they often need ethnicity more not less. Confused by post-modernity, relativism, and the deconstruction of their known world, they reaffirm what they believe to be true at a more local level and education plays an important role in this venture. Ethnicity and ethnic differences have arisen due to many reasons. One of these is through various kinds of coerced migration. Colonial and mercantile powers often brought different peoples to new settings for work on their plantations or to further their commercial interests: for example, 10 million African slaves were transshipped across the Atlantic. These patterns of involuntary migration led to complex, often three-way, interactions as indigenous people faced outsiders, who faced other outsider, who all faced representatives of the colonial powers. The next is phonotypical appearances. Quite often peoples look rather different from one another. In popular language, they are white, brown, black, yellow, dark, or light skinned, Nordic, Mediterranean, Latin American or Asian looking. There are real limits to the manipulative use of identity changes. It is relatively easy to change ones religion or ones clothes. It is less easy to change ones accent, manner, and language. While the term ethnic is old, ethnicity is relatively new. The ethnic terminology was practically imposed on the researchers by the changes that had taken place in the international scene after the World War II, the end of the colonial order and the emergence of the so-called the Third World in international politics. It is meaningful to talk of ethnicity only where groups of different ethnic origin have been brought into
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interaction within some common social context. Ethnic identity formation is a function of the interplay of internal and external variables as these operate within a given social environment too. Ethnic identity, no more than ego-identity, is neither given nor innate; the way in which it is generated is always a psychological process (Erikson, 1968). But, reality depicts to us a picture which shows that this psychological process has formed due to the effect of other factors, such as social, economic, and educational.
Any comprehensive understanding of ethnic minorities and processes of their development can only be feasible not simply within the minority contexts but especially with reference to the dominant communities coexisting within as given politico-economic and cultural region. (Pathy, 1988)
Theorists of both Marxism and modernism have predicted that as a society becomes industrialized and modernized, ethnicity will fade and eventually die out. Likewise, assimilationists and advocates of the melting pot theory have envisaged a withering of ethnic identification as a result of ethnic assimilation and amalgamation. However, none of these presumptions has materialized. On the contrary, the importance of ethnicity has been on the ascendance at every point of time. Ethnicity affects the opportunities of members of different ethnic groups in schools, jobs, income, housing, poverty, crime, and politics. Throughout the world, there is no sign that ethnicity is vanishing. In reality, the importance of ethnicity is even on the rise. As we have seen in the past 10 years or so, the broad Soviet identity failed to override ethnic divisions in the former Soviet Union; ethnic division has torn Yugoslavia apart and led to the ongoing war in Bosnia; ethnic strife and separation have continued in Northern Ireland, Quebec, and other European countries; Israeli-Palestinian conflict has lingered on despite the peace-making process; ethnic collision between majority Hindus and minority Muslims and Sikhs in India has intensified; ethnic fighting between ruling Sinhalese and minority Tamils killed 8,000 and forced more than 200,000 Tamils into refugee camps; in South Africa, racial tension remains despite the abolition of apartheid; and in Rwanda, ethnic warfare between the majority Hutu and minority Tutsi erupted in 1994. Not only has conflict along the ethnic lines remained a constant global theme, but it has intensified in many parts of the world. For long sociologists had assumed that ethnicity would disappear with modernization and industrialization, the Gemeinschaft (intimate community) would give way to Gesellschaft (impersonal society): A movement from ethnic type affiliations based in irrational, kin like bonds between people to affiliations based on the rational principle of mutual interest and social need. Within this epistemological foundation, melting pot theories of assimilation thrived. It is then assumed that technological progress, democratization of politics, expansion of education, and media communication would eventually wipe out ethnic assertions. In contrast to this transient, and dependent nature of ethnicity, Max Weber seems to have cast some doubt upon this line of reasoning, and argues that ethnicity, at times, helps to share political-economic patterns and makes them assume particular directions and styles. It is also said that as people need a sense of belonging somewhere which provides them with a great deal of strength to sustain themselves against the various pressures that occur in everyday modern life, ethnic identities become the source of strength.
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Educational Policy and Administration

ADAPTATION OF SIPPY INTO TURKISH: VALIDITY AND RELIABILITY STUDY

ADAPTATION OF SIPPY INTO TURKISH: VALIDITY AND RELIABILITY STUDY

ADAPTATION OF SIPPY INTO TURKISH: VALIDITY AND RELIABILITY STUDY

0.83 1.62 32 0.00

Table 2 Factor Analysis Results of SIPPY Questionnaire

ADAPTATION OF SIPPY INTO TURKISH: VALIDITY AND RELIABILITY STUDY

Note. ** p < 0.001.

ADAPTATION OF SIPPY INTO TURKISH: VALIDITY AND RELIABILITY STUDY

ADAPTATION OF SIPPY INTO TURKISH: VALIDITY AND RELIABILITY STUDY

,50 ,48 ,53 ,50

,49 ,49 ,60

s10 s11 s12 s13 s14 s15 s16 s18 s19

e14 e13 e12 e11

,56 ,49 ,36 ,38 ,63

Sosyal Etkileim Uyg.

,70 ,57 ,62 ,69

-,24 -,28 ,31

e10 e9 e8 e25 e24

Figure 1. CFA correlation diagram.

ADAPTATION OF SIPPY INTO TURKISH: VALIDITY AND RELIABILITY STUDY

Table 6 Level of Teachers SIPPY

28.30 4.27 7 200 38.89 4.58 9 39.88 6.22 10 1.07 12.9 26

Low 2.5 0 2.5 0

Level (f/%) Average 9 15 26.5 21

177 170 142 158

Results and Discussion

ADAPTATION OF SIPPY INTO TURKISH: VALIDITY AND RELIABILITY STUDY

AN EVALUATION OF SOCIAL ADAPTATION SKILLS OF CHILDREN

AN EVALUATION OF SOCIAL ADAPTATION SKILLS OF CHILDREN

AN EVALUATION OF SOCIAL ADAPTATION SKILLS OF CHILDREN

AN EVALUATION OF SOCIAL ADAPTATION SKILLS OF CHILDREN

0.674 0.509 0.529 0.776 0.610 0.621 0.715 0.614

AN EVALUATION OF SOCIAL ADAPTATION SKILLS OF CHILDREN

AN EVALUATION OF SOCIAL ADAPTATION SKILLS OF CHILDREN

AN EVALUATION OF SOCIAL ADAPTATION SKILLS OF CHILDREN

AN EVALUATION OF SOCIAL ADAPTATION SKILLS OF CHILDREN

Discussion and Conclusion

AN EVALUATION OF SOCIAL ADAPTATION SKILLS OF CHILDREN

AN EVALUATION OF SOCIAL ADAPTATION SKILLS OF CHILDREN

Conflict Resolution Strategies in Non-government Secondary Schools in Benue State, Nigeria

Idoko Alphonusu Alfa

CONFLICT RESOLUTION STRATEGIES IN NON-GOVERNMENT SECONDARY SCHOOLS

CONFLICT RESOLUTION STRATEGIES IN NON-GOVERNMENT SECONDARY SCHOOLS

Research Questions and Hypotheses

Study Area and Methodology

CONFLICT RESOLUTION STRATEGIES IN NON-GOVERNMENT SECONDARY SCHOOLS

CONFLICT RESOLUTION STRATEGIES IN NON-GOVERNMENT SECONDARY SCHOOLS

Notes. Overall value = -1.21; S = Significant; N/S= Not significant.

Inviting the law enforcement agency

CONFLICT RESOLUTION STRATEGIES IN NON-GOVERNMENT SECONDARY SCHOOLS

CONFLICT RESOLUTION STRATEGIES IN NON-GOVERNMENT SECONDARY SCHOOLS

WOMEN EMPOWERMENT THROUGH ATI: STRATEGIC ROLES OF NGOS IN NIGERIA

WOMEN EMPOWERMENT THROUGH ATI: STRATEGIC ROLES OF NGOS IN NIGERIA

WOMEN EMPOWERMENT THROUGH ATI: STRATEGIC ROLES OF NGOS IN NIGERIA

WOMEN EMPOWERMENT THROUGH ATI: STRATEGIC ROLES OF NGOS IN NIGERIA 109

Figure 1. W-TEC in training session (Source: Retrieved from http://www.flickr.com/photos/wtec).