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Ethnic and Racial Studies

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A white side of black Britain: The concept of racial literacy

France Winddance Twine Published online: 20 Aug 2006.
To cite this article: France Winddance Twine (2004) A whit e side of black Brit ain: The concept of racial lit eracy, Et hnic and Racial St udies, 27:6, 878-907, DOI: 10.1080/ 0141987042000268512 To link to this article: ht t p:/ / dx.doi.org/ 10.1080/ 0141987042000268512
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Ethnic and Racial Studies Vol. 27 No. 6 November 2004 pp. 878 907
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A white side of black Britain: The concept of racial literacy

France Winddance Twine
Abstract Opposition to transracial adoption on both sides of the Atlantic, has been based, in part, on the assumption that white parents cannot understand race or racism and thus cannot properly prepare children of multiracial heritage to cope with racism. In this article I draw on a seven-year ethnographic study to offer an intensive case study of white transracial birth parents that counters this racial logic. I draw on a subset of data collected from field research and in-depth interviews with 102 members of black-white interracial families in England. I provide an analysis of three practices that I discovered among white transracial birth parents who were attempting to cultivate black identities in their children of multiracial heritage. I offer the concept of racial literacy to theorize their parental labour as a type of anti-racist project that remains under the radar of conventional sociological analyses of racism and antiracist social movements. Keywords: Antiracism; racism; black identity; interracial families; critical race
theory; black Europeans.
Black people only see the white side of you and white people only see the black side of you. (Rhea, the 18-year-old daughter of a white mother and black British father) In a racist society there is a hierarchical racial order, with much for young children to learn. There are complex racial rules to be comprehended and lived.1 Ive always said to [my daughter], Look youre black. Society sees you as black, and its best you know that because at the end of the day. . . The white people dont see you as mixed. (Justine, the 36year-old mother of a 12-year-old daughter)
# 2004 Taylor & Francis Ltd ISSN 0141-9870 print/1466-4356 online DOI: 10.1080/0141987042000268512
A white side of black Britain
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On 16 September, 2000, the Guardian published a story entitled Black women win payout for soldiers racial abuse. Two black women who were subjected to a barrage of racial abuse at an army base have been awarded thousands of pounds in compensation by a judge. Sue Hunter and her sister Angie DeMeyer suffered racial chants of nigger and say they had guns pointed at them when they attended a dance at Oakington Barracks, Cambridgeshire, in August 1995. The women say their ordeal came at the hands of soldiers of the first battalion of the Chesire regiments, based at the barracks, whose commander in chief is the Prince of Wales2 (Dodd 2000). Kenneth Bragg, the soldier who racially abused Sue Hunter and her sister, Angie DeMeyer, was dismissed from the army after a court martial in August 1997. He was ordered by the Nottingham Crown Court to pay 7,000 compensation to Angie DeMeyer and 5,000 to Sue Hunter. According to the Guardian the catalyst for this incident was Sue Hunters intervention on behalf of a black soldier who was being abused by Bragg. Sue Hunter, referred to as Black in the newspaper article, is the daughter of a white working-class woman and a USA black serviceman from Detroit. Sue was raised by her Irish mother on a housing estate in the Midlands of England. Her mother, born in Belfast, met her father, a black American serviceman, in the 1960s when he was stationed at an Alconbury Royal Air Force Base which is located about forty miles outside of Leicester. Sue reported that her mother and father had an amicable separation after her mother declined her fathers invitation to relocate to the United States when he was discharged from the Air Force. There are a number of theoretical angles from which to consider this article in the Guardian. This legal victory, by the daughter of a working-class Irish woman, could not have been achieved without the self esteem and the motivation to challenge racism. The case of Sue Hunter and her sister unsettles assumptions about the ability of nonblack parents to prepare children who may be socially classified as black or mixed race, to cope with racism? When I interviewed Sue Hunter in her home in Leicester several years before this court decision was handed down, she insisted that it was her Irish mother who taught her to identify with black struggles against racism. Sues belief that her mother was responsible for providing her with what I term racial literacy skills calls attention to the dearth of empirical data on these micro-cultural processes that occur in multiracial homes. In demographic terms Sue Hunter is not an anomaly. While she may represent only a racial fraction of the larger British population, she is an increasing segment of the black British population. In 1991, half of
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British-born black men, and a third of British born black women, had selected a white partner. Thirty-nine per cent of children born to black Caribbean mothers or fathers, had white parents, and in the majority of these cases the mother was the white parent (Modood et al ., 1997).3 Since interracial marriages between blacks of Caribbean origin and whites continue to increase in the UK this demographic trend in the United Kingdom raises important theoretical questions about how racial hierarchies and racial boundaries are managed by white members of multiracial families. The significant proportion of children of black Caribbean ancestry born to white parents provides sociologists with a strategic empirical case to examine how white parents translate, negotiate and resist racisms. Whiteness studies and black studies In the early 1990s an interdisciplinary body of literature on race in the United States shifted its attention explicitly to whites and whiteness. This body of literature included the path-breaking work of critical race scholars in history (Roediger 1991; Jacobson 1999), literature (Morrison 1992; Segrest 1994), anthropology (Brodkin 1998; Hartigan 1999), sociology (Frankenberg 1993, 2001), legal theory (Harris 1993; Haney-Lopez 1996) and media studies (Dyer 1997) and
Figure 1. Sharon Dawkins (far right) and her daughters, Aisha, Tanika, Rhea, and Imani (on her lap). She has been married to their father for more than fteen years. Photograph by Michael Smyth
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became part of an intellectual movement that came under the rubric of whiteness studies. One stream of this literature includes memoirs written by the white mothers of children fathered by black men and their black sons in the United States (Jones 1990; Reddy 1994; Lazarre 1996; McBride 1996). These memoirs explored the sociological, political and emotional dimensions of parenting children and thus provided fertile theoretical terrain for critical race theorists. A second stream of literature is concerned with the identity formations and racial self-classifications of children and youth of multiracial parentage (Wilson 1989; Root 1996; Twine 1996; Ifekwignewe 1998; Harris and Sim 2002; Olumide 2002; Rockquemore and Brunsma 2002). A third stream of sociological literature includes studies by British and North American scholars concerned with the experiences of black-white multiracial couples as they cope with racial ideologies, racial boundaries and racial hierarchies (Cayton and Drake 1945; Drake 1954; Smith 1960; Washington 1970; Stuart and Abt 1973; Benson 1981; Rosenblatt, Karis & Powell 1995; McNamara, Tempenis and Walton, 1999; Twine 1999a, 1999b, 2001; Hildebrandt 2002). Finally a fourth stream of relevant sociological literature is focused on white anti-racism (Bowser 1995; OBrien 2001; Thompson 2001). My aim is to build upon this earlier interdisciplinary work on racism and anti-racism in black studies and whiteness studies by providing a micro-cultural empirical analysis of the labour that white parents perform as they translate and transform the meaning of whiteness, blackness and racism in their families of reproduction. I do this by examining parental practices designed to teach their children to strongly identify with black people and assist them in coping with racial hierarchies. While building upon these earlier studies my research shifts the focus to the quotidian practices of transracial parents and their efforts to counter racial hierarchies that privilege individuals of European ancestry. This research is informed by the theoretical concerns of feminist race theorists concerned with microcultural processes and race theorists such as Michael Omi and Howard Winant (1988) interested in macro-level state racial projects. I draw on a larger intensive case study of white anti-racism to provide an analysis of micro-cultural familial practices that mediate racial hierarchies and macro level projects. In this article I provide the concept of racial literacy to explore micro-cultural social processes in which racial hierarchies are negotiated within multiracial families. Here, I restrict my focus to parents who I classified as racism-cognizant. Elsewhere I address the variation that I encountered among the white birth parents interviewed. Building upon the work of Ruth Frankenberg (1993) I use the term racism-cognizance to refer to white parents who identified racism as a serious problem for their children and had concluded that
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it is either undesirable or impossible for their children to manage everyday racisms if they are not taught how to identify and respond to racial hierarchies and resist racisms. In my analysis of the narrative accounts that white parents provided of their racialized experiences as transracial parents, I discovered a pattern of practices among those parents who reported actively training their children to strongly identify with the struggles of black people. I will examine three practices that white parents employed in their efforts to train their children to resist racism. Combined, the practices I detail constitute one dimension of what I term racial literacy. The racial literacy projects that I will examine do not register in conventional sociological accounts of anti-racism. I argue that these racial literacy practices provide children of African Caribbean ancestry with resources that assist them in countering everyday racism4 (Essed 1991; Feagin 1992). My analytical focus on white parents offers a partial and restricted view of the dynamics in these families. Elsewhere I analyse the gendered aspects of these processes and the racial logics and practices of white parents who are not invested in their childrens identification with the black British community.5 Here I restrict my focus to an analysis of how white parents train their children to resist racism because I am also interested in understanding how white parents
Figure 2. Jackie Hall and her partner Andrew are raising Lolie, their daughter, in an inner-city neighbourhood located two blocks from the African-Caribbean Center. Photograph by Michael Smyth
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attempt to translate and transform racial hierarchies. My research innovates whiteness studies and black British studies by examining the ways that non-black parents attempt to translate and transform racial hierarchies to their children. Research methods This article draws on data collected in structured interviews, informal conversations and participant observation conducted between 1995 and 2002. I draw primarily on interviews with fourteen white parents of African-descent children including three fathers. This represents a subset of the fifty-four black-white interracial families studied. I draw on interviews with white birth parents of African-descent children, whom I classified as racism-cognizant. These parents identified racism as a potential problem for their children and argued that their children needed special resources (emotional, political, cultural) to assist them in coping with the various forms of racism that they anticipated they might encounter. In the spring of 1995 during the first phase of this ethnographic study I conducted a pilot study in which I interviewed twenty-five white birth mothers of African-descent children in London and Leicester. In 1997 I began the second phase of my research. I moved to an urban neighbourhood located near the city centre of Leicester for nine months.6 During this period I interviewed and reinterviewed sixty-one white birth mothers including the women in my pilot study. The transracial mothers who volunteered to participate in my study were between twenty-eight and seventy years old. Sixty-one per cent of the mothers interviewed were between the ages of thirty and thirtynine years old. Twenty-seven per cent were between the ages of forty and forty-nine years old. Twelve per cent were over the age of fifty. The women in this study gave birth to their first child between 1959 and 1999. Irish women represented twelve per cent of the women interviewed. At the time of my first interview their children ranged in age from three months to thirty-seven years. During the third phase of my research I expanded my research to include the experiences and perspectives of black fathers and black sisters-in-law. I requested permission from a selected group of white mothers to contact their black male husbands, former domestic partners and black sisters-in-law. I interviewed fifteen black fathers whom I divided into the following categories: 1) Second-generation black men of Caribbean origin born in the UK, 2) First-generation Caribbean born black men who migrated as children to the UK, 3) North American black men of non-Caribbean origin who had been born in the United States and migrated to the United Kingdom as employees of the United States military.
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Anti-racist home-schooling: Conceptual tools and racial vocabularies In Black, White and Mixed Race?: Race and Racism in the Lives of Young People (1993), Tizard and Phoenix provide an analysis of the experiences of fifty-eight young people of multiracial parentage attending thirty-two schools in London. Tizard and Phoenix assigned scores to young people for their experiences of racism based on their answers to a series of questions. In analysing the racial scores they concluded that although they did not find gender or class to be a significant variable
[The scores] were significantly related to the extent of family communication about racism, and the extent to which they believed their parents had advised and influenced their attitudes to racism. They were also significantly related to the centrality of their own colour in their lives, and the extent to which they held politicized views and saw black and white people as having different lives and different tastes (Tizard and Phoenix 1993, p. 105). When considering the effect of the parents racial identity upon children of multiracial heritage, Tizard and Phoenix concluded that In about half of the families there was very little communication of any kind about racism initiated by either parent or child, so that each was unaware of what the other had experienced, and how they responded. And less than half of the parents were reported to have used the strategy of teaching their children to be proud of their mixed-parentage and their black heritage. . . We found no evidence that, according to their children, black and white parents gave different advice, used different strategies themselves, or communicated more or less about racism (Tizard and Phoenix 1993, p. 130). Building upon the work of Tizard and Phoenix on Londoners and extending my own research on racism and racial literacy in Brazil (Twine 1997) to a third national context, I now turn to the United Kingdom to examine the first dimension of racial literacy. I uncovered this dimension of racial literacy among one-fourth of the white parents interviewed. The provision of conceptual tools at home is the first practice that I detected when analysing parents practices and the descriptions of their efforts to prepare their children of African Caribbean heritage to respond to racism. White parents also described a number of discursive practices in which they trained their children to discuss, and critically evaluate media and textual representations of black people. In an analysis of the intergenerational transfer of race-related
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resistance strategies among US blacks Janie Victoria Ward evaluates black parents descriptions of their efforts to train their children to resist racism. In her analysis of the intergenerational transmission of resistance Ward identifies homespace as an important site for teaching black children to resist. She argues that Homespace is an important socializing setting where black children initially learn to deal with racism and prejudice and where they develop attitudes toward their own ethnicity and toward the larger social system. Parents provide their children with ways of thinking, seeing, and doing. Racial socialization includes the acquisition of attitudes, values and behavior appropriate to the social and political environments in which black children are raised (Ward 1996, p. 87). White parents and a number of their adult children described daily practices that prepared them to resist racism in ways not unlike those reported by north American black parents. White parents who were racism-cognizant reported that they trained their children to describe in detail social interactions that occurred outside the home. The discussion and evaluation of their childs experiences with race was a social practice that was central to transmitting analytical skills and comprises one dimension of racial literacy. In Ghostly Matters Avery Gordon argues that it is not simply the vocabularies themselves that are at fault but the constellation of effects, historical and institutional that make a vocabulary a social practice of producing knowledge, (Gordon 1996, p. 4). I employed Gordons concept of vocabularies as I excavated and mapped the racial logics operating in the interracial families I studied. Taisha, a twenty-one-year-old university student, is the daughter of Mary Hunte, an Irish woman who immigrated to England at the age of nineteen in the late 1950s and later established a family with a black man from Barbados. Mary divorced her husband when Taisha was a child and raised her as a single parent after more than twenty years of marriage. The youngest of six children, Taisha is pursuing a Masters degree in social work. Recalling her mothers practices when she was a child, she argued that her mother routinely discussed race and racism with her and thus provided her with a vocabulary for thinking about the political meaning of being of black, Irish and British heritage. In her analysis of why she became strongly identified with the African Caribbean community and why she has shifted from self-identifying as mixed-race to a black woman Taisha cites the alternative history lessons that her mother provided at home. Periodically breaking down in tears while we sat in the kitchen talking, Taisha described to me the forms of racial abuse she had experienced at school and how her mother helped her to cope with
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them. Taisha identified her Irish mothers efforts to promote her political and cultural identification with black Caribbean people. She described practices that remain beneath the radar of registered antiracist acts in sociological analyses precisely because they are improvised, informal and in response to the daily experiences of children. These practices are not always part of a formal strategy but over a parental career they may cohere into a pattern of strategies designed to soften the blow of racism. What distinguishes Taishas mother, Mary, from parents who were not racism-cognizant is that Mary identified racism as a recurrent and serious problem that required continual attention. She did not interpret incidents at school as isolated but as part of a larger pattern. In Taishas analysis of how she learnt to resist racism at school and maintained her self-esteem as a woman of Irish and African-Caribbean parentage, she recalls that When I used to come home from school and tell her what Id been through [. . .] and she used to talk to me about [racism]. Taisha describes her mothers efforts to help her cope with being racialized. Taisha identifies alternative history lessons and discursive space that her mother offered her at home as central to helping her to learn to analyse the erasure of black people from discussions of colonialism in the school curriculum, except for brief textual appearances as slaves. When youre doing history, it is all on the first and second World Wars. They never tell you that black soldiers fought in the war, or that they were put to the front line to be killed first. They never tell you about colonialism. They tell you about the British Empire, but they never tell you [. . .] how they achieved it. And I was always lucky in the sense that I knew that history [from my mother] I knew all of the things like slavery. . . and not just the negative but the positive things that black people had contributed to world history. Theres nothing there for you to relate to [in the British curriculum]. Returning to the work of Janie Ward, Taisha provides an illustration of a non-black mother providing in homespace what Ward describes is crucial to the development of adolescent black girls self-esteem. In Wards words black mothers have learnt to skilfully weave lessons of critical consciousness into moments of intimacy between a parent and child and to cultivate resistance against beliefs, attitudes and practices that can erode a black childs self-confidence and impair her positive identity development (Ward 1996, pp. 85 6). Taisha considered the informal and supplementary education that her mother provided as crucial because in her analysis of the British curriculum she argues that Basically I think black kids are made by the educational system to feel
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ashamed of who they are and their heritage because theres never anything positive. Its always negative. This supplementary education described by Taisha is a central component of racial socialization because this facilitated Taishas ability to analyse racism and British colonialism. It is Taishas belief that her mother provided her with conceptual tools, particularly a vocabulary and concepts necessary to identify and analyse patterns including the contributions of Caribbeans to British culture in the educational curriculum. If we accept Taishas analysis, we can argue that the conceptual training that she received from her mother constitutes a form of racial literacy that enabled her to identify symbolic and systematic racism in the readings and visual images that she encountered at school and to begin to counter this form of racism7 (Small 1994). Supplementary schools and social resources In an analysis of the old and new racisms in Britain, Paul Gilroy argues: The school provides a ready image for the nation in microcosm. It is an institution for cultural transmission and therefore a means of
Figure 3. Naomis mother sends her to an after-school club run by an African Caribbean colleague and friend so that she can learn about her fathers cultural heritage. Photograph by Michael Smyth
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integration and assimilation. It hosts two important and related confrontations which have been of great interest to the popular press. The first arising where conflicting cultures have to contend for the attention of the child who may be caught between them, and the second takes shape where the multicultural zealotry of the local authorities who set overall educational policy has had to struggle against the ideologies and politics of heroic, individual teachers who have sought to resist this unwholesome tide of politically motivated zealotry. Mother-tongue teaching, anti-racist and multicultural curricula are all under attack. (Gilroy 1993, p. 59)8 The black voluntary school movement emerged in Britain in the late 1970s, and has been described as part of a broader political and education ideal that has directly arisen from an assessment by AfroCarribeans of their social position in Britain and of the part that the existing white dominated education plays in its perpetuation (Chevannes and Reeves 1987, p. 147). In their analysis of how voluntary or supplementary schools differ from other educational projects, Chevannes and Reeves note: The schools have been set up for the benefit of children of AfroCaribbean descent: they are indeed black schools in aim and composition. The fact that there may be no deliberate colour bar (a white or Asian child may be allowed to enrol or a white volunteer invited to help) has little bearing on the organizers view that the schools have been set up to provide in a predominantly black environment for the needs of black children. black children attend because they are deliberately recruited from families where the parents believe in the need for their children to undertake extra study with children from the same racial group and to obtain support from teachers who understand what it is to be black in white society (Chevannes and Reeves 1987, p. 148). The African Caribbean Education Working Group [ACE], founded and staffed almost entirely by African-Caribbean women, operates the Saturday School.9 The primary goal of the school is to foster black childrens self-esteem through racial/cultural pride rather than to pursue a specific curriculum. The supplementary school in Leicestershire, known as Saturday School because it is held for two hours on Saturday mornings during the official school term, has been operating since 1981. Children between the ages of five and sixteen years are welcome to attend.10 Until three years ago, the school was free of charge. Now a nominal fee of ten British pounds per family is charged to cover the costs of the workbooks. Because it receives no permanent
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funding, the Saturday School depends upon annual grants and is operated by a small voluntary organization. Providing children with access to privileged cultural knowledge and social relationships with black adults and children is the second dimension of racial literacy that I identified. Sending their pre-teen children to supplementary schools run by blacks or enrolling them in black-run after-school clubs are practices that socially integrate their children into black friendship networks. This required more work for middle-class parents who lived in predominantly white residential communities outside the inner city. This strategy is concerned with a dimension of racial literacy that differs from the discursive practices discussed earlier because it provides social experiences that enhance self-esteem and integrate children into black social networks. White parents, particularly those who belong to the middle- and uppermiddle classes, often reside in residential communities in which their children do not routinely meet blacks in schools or as neighbours. In contrast to the working-class parents interviewed and parents who resided in inner-city communities, they were more likely to argue that it is potentially harmful for their children to be socially isolated from black children and are thus less likely to form social relationships with blacks. Racial locations While blacks are concentrated in the major urban centres and are not evenly distributed across geographic regions in England, they nevertheless live in closer proximity to non-blacks and are more exposed to white English people than their counterparts in the United States.11 When compared to North American black people, blacks in Britain do not experience the same degree of social isolation or spatial segregation from whites as their US counterparts (Smith 1989: Massey and Denton, 1993). This presents particular dilemmas for white parents who are concerned that their children are over-exposed to whites. In a study of mixed-race children Anne Wilson identified spatial isolation from blacks and other ethnic groups as a problem for the interracial families she interviewed in the late 1980s. Approximately one-fourth of the parents I interviewed identified racial and social isolation from blacks as a liability for their children. In The First R: How Children Learn Race and Racism Debra Van Ausdale and Joe Feagin provide a penetrating analysis of play groups involving children between the ages of three and six. Van Ausdale and Joe R. Feagin argue that Early friendships are often precursors of relationships formed later in childrens lives. How and with whom children form relationships at this stage can influence how and with whom they will choose to affiliate as they grow up. Early friendships
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inform children on what social groups are suitable for them and what groups they can expect to be included in over time. Some recent research suggests that these early relationships are the foundation for social understanding, intelligence, self-evaluations, social comparisons and social competence (Van Ausdale and Feagin 2001, p. 90). Claire Alexander (1996) and Les Back (1996), British ethnographers of race, have each conducted extensive field research in London when they examined how racial identities (and racism) were negotiated among youth. These British scholars have produced several insightful community studies that have carefully examined issues of racial hierarchies, racism and racial performance. Their work guided me as I listened to discussions between Justine and her daughter as they negotiated her place on the spectrum of whiteness and blackness.12 Saasqua invoked a racial logic and linguistic code that differed from the one used by her mother. Justine Moonen, the daughter of an Australian mother and a Dutch father, is a striking thirty-six year old blonde. Born in Brisbane, Australia, Justine spent her early childhood years in West Africa where her father taught. When her parents separated, she was taken to Ghana by her father, where she attended her first school and established her first close friendships. As one of a handful of few white children attending the school where her father taught, virtually
Figure 4. Justine Moonen and her twelve year old daughter, Saasqua disagree on how she should self-identify by race. Justine, a single parent, sent Saasqua to a Saturday School run by the African Caribbean Education group for several years when she was a young child. Photograph by Michael Smyth
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all of her early friendships were with black African children. Justine, is one of the white women whom black women described to me as living in the black scene.13 Justine reported that she has only dated black men in her life. As a Youth and Community worker she is employed by the Coordinator of the African Caribbean Center to work with youth aged nine to twenty-five. She describes her job responsibilities as to develop their educational and social skills. As a single mother of a teenage daughter whose beautiful cinnamon coloured skin conceals her Dutch and Australian ancestry, she expressed her concern that her daughter does not strongly identify as black. Mothers such as Justine expressed their fear that their childrens social isolation from black children could result in their being rejected by the black community and this could be another potential source of injury to their childrens well-being. When I asked Justine to explain her motivation for sending her daughter to the local African Caribbean supplementary school, she replied, I sent her to [Saturday School] to educate her. I mean she gets her European culture here [at home] so I would send her to Saturday school, which provides classes which tell her the conditions around being black and black culture and being about Africa and the West Indies and all that. But if I ask her how she identifies, she doesnt see herself as black. . . . And Im quite upset because Ive always said to her, Look, youre black. She goes, Well, Im not black because if I say Im black Im disrespecting you. And I thought, You have a good point there. But what I said to her was Okay, Put it this way. Society sees you as black. And its best that you know that because at the end of the day if it came to one or the other it would be black people that would accept you. The white people dont see you as mixed with white. . . At the end of the day its the black people who will look after you. If push comes to shove, its the black people. Im not going to tell you any different. Id rather you be safe, than be in a position where youre not comfortable. In this exchange between Justine and her daughter, Saasqua we see that her daughter rejects her mothers definition of her as black. The desire that their children identify with the black community often masks the disagreements and struggles that some white parents have if their children operate with more nuanced classification schemes and strongly identify with their white parents as positive role models. In this case, Justines daughters identification with her European ancestry is interpreted by Justine as a problem because she fears Saasqua will not be prepared for the racism she will encounter and will be unable to defend herself.
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As a white woman who works in both predominantly white areas and racially mixed areas, Justine has concluded that white people do not distinguish between her daughter of mixed parentage from a black person of no visible or known European parentage. Justine argues that in the eyes of the white people with whom she is familiar, her biracial daughter will be perceived as just a non-white person in their face. In contrast to her mothers perception, Saasqua resists and rejects her mothers racial prescription and insists that her biological and cultural ties to her mothers whiteness be recognized. This is an example of the troubled terrain and competing conceptual maps that white mothers (and fathers) reported encountering when they attempted to cultivate cultural and political allegiances to the black community among their children of multiracial heritage. Their children sometimes interpreted this placement of them on the spectrum of blackness to be a denial of central aspects of their cultural identity and social experiences. A black lens: Aesthetics and anti-racist home interiors In this section I examine a third practice that I identified as a method of training children to cope with racism. As I analysed how transracial parents trained their children to recognize and respond to racial inequalities, I discovered that aesthetic and consumption practices constituted another critical dimension of racial literacy. One-fifth of
Figure 5. Stephen Hawke, a white Rastafarian and his eldest son, Zizwe. He makes African-inspired furniture for his family. Photograph by Michael Smyth
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Figure 6. A table made by Stephen Hawke which sits in the living room near the entrance. This table, decorated with African inspired symbols and cultural icons, reects his commitment to Rastafarianism and is stacked with black books and anti-racist materials for home-schooling. Photograph by Michael Smyth
the parents interviewed reported that they carefully searched for and selected black-produced art, material objects, music, toys and symbols because they believed that this would enhance their childs self-esteem and facilitate their positive identification with black diasporic communities. Their home interiors constituted a specific form of racial socialization that provided children with a symbolic and visual culture that promoted an identification with African-descent peoples and black struggles. White parents described their selection and consumption of blackproduced cultural objects as they designed their home interiors to promote an anti-racist aesthetics. They collected and displayed visual art, toys, books, music and de cor that idealize black Africans, black Caribbeans, and North American blacks. I was shown art produced in the Caribbean, the United States, and West Africa on the walls, floors, tables, chairs and bedrooms of their homes. The display of visual images and literature that depict African-descent people as the social and cultural equals of the Anglo-British was a repeated theme in the narratives of racial consciousness for those parents who anticipate that their children must be prepared to cope with racism and racial hierarchies that denigrate people of African descent.
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Middle-class parents who had the financial resources to pay for travel to other countries in Africa, the Caribbean or the United States could provide their children with experiences that strengthened their cultural and emotional ties to a transnational black community. These parents displayed black-produced and black-inspired art and books that they purchased during their travels abroad. In contrast to middleclass parents, poor and working-class parents were more likely to reside in multi-ethnic communities with a highly visible black Caribbean community. They relied on their local shops and familial networks when searching for art, books, toys and greeting cards that reflected black images and black British experiences. In the next section I will draw on focused interviews with three white parents, including two mothers and one father, who self-identified as anti-racists. All three of these parents reported that they had been actively engaged in anti-racist political work prior to establishing families. I was introduced to them by black community activists who had worked with them as members of anti-racist coalitions. Vivian Vivian, the forty-five-year-old mother of a daughter who she is raising alone, grew up in a middle-class family in a small English village. She
Figure 7. Helena Mitchell and her daughter, Eshe. Photograph by Michael Smyth. Ms. Mitchell enrols her daughter in an after-school programme developed and directed by an African-Caribbean colleague
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acquired a university education, a professional job, and has chosen to reside in an inner-city neighbourhood that was described to me as the ghetto by black and white residents. Vivian has been the sole white member of a number of committees and community organizations that service the black and South Asian communities. Her daughter was eleven years old when I was first introduced to her. At that time she expressed a number of concerns for her daughters emotional wellbeing. In her words You know, subconsciously [children] very quickly take in the view that in [British] society [. . .] to be white is to be desirable. And occasionally [my daughter] has said to me that she wants to be white.[. . .] I think my main fear at the moment is that she will grow up sort of feeling that shes white. And I wouldnt want that. I would want her to embrace her African heritage, to put it rather grandiously. I suppose, I feel that Im not perhaps up to the task of enabling her to do that. Vivian fears that Naomi, her daughter, will identify with her whiteness to the exclusion of her blackness. Vivian does not want her daughter, who is of visible African Caribbean ancestry, to identify with whites. This fear has motivated her to remain in a working-class community where whites are a minority and black Caribbeans, Asian Indians and multiracial families predominate. Vivian, in contrast to less financially secure unmarried mothers, who have no academic qualifications and do not have professional jobs, has the resources to move from the inner city to a middle-class community. She has cultivated and sustained a social network that includes black and South Asian women as well as black male friends who have white partners. She described her closest female friend as a black woman who she called African Caribbean. She has designated this same friend to be the Guardian of her daughter in the event of her death. Vivian describes some of the difficulties of trying to provide problack messages for her pre-pubescent daughter in a national context in which aesthetic hierarchies in British popular culture continue to idealize and privilege girls with blond hair and blue eyes. In her efforts to counter this form of white supremacy she relies on a range of material and social resources. For example, Vivian reported that she is a member of the Letter Box Library, a mail order book club that provides resources for children of colour. I order books from [Letter Box Library] which show black children and stories about black children. . .. I mean thats just an example of trying to look at books and things like that give a positive image and actually show black people. . . Now shes getting older. Id like to do more sort of structured things. . . perhaps look at things like the history of the Caribbean. I mean, the other very useful input is that she goes to an after-school club, which a [black] colleague of mine at work has been instrumental
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in setting up, where theyve done quite a bit with the children on things like African history and so on. Vivian organizes her daughters social activities to maximize her immersion in black social networks so that she can establish friendships with black children. She pays 10 per week to send her to an after-school club run by Gerry Burke, one of her African Caribbean colleagues. She has declined higher paying jobs located in other cities because she does not wish to relocate to a predominately white area where her daughter might feel socially excluded or racially isolated as the only girl of colour and possibly face more discrimination. Parents such as Vivian struggle to socialize their children to be proud of their African Caribbean heritage, in part, because they recognize that they are not able to transfer their white status and the privileges that accompany it to children whose African Caribbean ancestry is visible. In their view, their children are at risk for discrimination by both communities. Racial and ethnic affiliations are not taken for granted but actively cultivated. It is not a belief in the one-drop rule but rather a recognition that racism and racial hierarchies continue to structure British life and that they need to prepare their sons and daughters for this reality. Claire Claire, a statuesque blonde with brown eyes, is the thirty-five year old parent of a teenage son. She and her son reside in a middle-class white professional neighbourhood located within walking distance of Leicester University. She is the vice-principal of a school located in an inner-city neighbourhood that now services a predominantly Muslim and immigrant student population. This same school historically served the African Caribbean community that was once concentrated in this inner-city neighbourhood. Claire describes her efforts, as a single mother, to provide her son, who is now eighteen, with anti-racist and black-centred images and books at home. Ive always attempted to make sure that there are different images on the walls, that there are different books on the shelves. That, you know, there are these representations [of blackness][. . .] It was very, very difficult to do this at the time [1960s] its not so difficult now. I would sort of purposely hunt out books that had black children or Asian children or people of colour in them, lots of different situations, and read those things. They were very difficult to find [when he was a child]. There were lots of books about black Sambo, I think, but nothing positive. It got easier, but I did feel at one point that home was the only place that [anti-racist images] was happening.
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And as Claires comments suggest, she perceived herself as having to actively seek out nonracist images of blacks. Claire belongs to a subset of university-educated white parents who have worked both within communities of colour and who have struggled to educate themselves about racism and anti-racism. Brian When asked to describe how they decorated their home interiors, white fathers who self-identified as anti-racists, like mothers, described similar anti-racist aesthetic projects. Brian Piper, a sixty-one-year-old trainer and consultant in Equal Opportunities and an anti-racist consultant for the Episcopalian Church, is the father of two black sons. He has been married for more than twenty-five years to Annette, a nurse who migrated from Trinidad, in the 1960s. Brian Piper is part of a cohort of white anti-racists who became active in race relations and anti-racism prior to forming an interracial family. Brian is a member of the first generation of British university students to be trained in the post-World War II era which witnessed the rapid decline of the British overseas empire and the emergence of an anti-racist movement in Africa, the Caribbean and South Asia. Brians son was born in 1976, the year that the National Front received 18 per cent of the vote in the outlying suburbs of Leicester. In
Figure 8. Brian Piper, an anti-racist consultant for the Episcopalian Church and his wife Annette Piper. They have raised two sons together. Photograph by Michael Smyth
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the mid-1970s Leicester was a site of intensive organized racism and served as the national headquarters of the National Front party. When the National Front marched through Leicester, Brian took his three year old son with him on anti-fascist political marches.14 He served as an elected member of the city council during the period when the National Front narrowly lost its bid for a seat on the city council. He describes how he and his wife Annette, decorated the interior of their home to counter the rampant racism in the public sphere during a period when it was still very difficult to obtain books outside of a few speciality bookstores in London that did not present racist images of black people. We saw it as important for [our son] to grow up in a world where he saw successful black men. And also that the books and the images and the toys that he had reflected the cultural diversity. There were not many on the market, but they were becoming increasingly available twenty one years ago. We had to look for it in those days. . . Weve made sure that there were images around the house which reflected black success and achievement, which were not stereotypes. It would be very easy to get figures which reflected stereotypical views of black people. . . and white views of their beauty and aesthetics and so on, but we wanted [our son] to grow up in that kind of ethos, how black people portray themselves. Brian expressed concern about his sons self-esteem and argued that in the past two decades access to anti-racist or nonracist childrens books depicting brown skinned children (as well as black and multiethnic families that include African Caribbeans) had increased significantly. He also reported that their children had more access to multicultural books (many were USA produced) at the local library that do not recycle racist ideologies and that provide imaginary possibilities for black characters. This is an example of a central dimension of racial literacy the ability of children to expect to see characters of all hues and physical types in fiction, including those who resemble them. By providing their children with multicultural books, white parents were also training their children to see and notice the absence of black characters in various media representations that they might encounter.
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The one-drop rule: A view from Britain Historically the US Bureau of the Census has not used a scientific definition when enumerating the number of blacks in the nation, but a cultural one. In 2000 the US Census made changes in the criteria by which individuals could self-identify by race. (Lee 1993; Rockquemore
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and Brunsma 2002; Perlmann and Waters 2003). Prior to 2000 individuals of known or salient African ancestry were not given the option of self-identifying by more than one racial group. And prior to 1970 they were racially classified by the census taker. People of obvious or visible African heritage, who were of racially mixed parentage, were usually classified by the census taker as Negro or black in the census rather than mixed race. This rule is known as the one drop rule. The one-drop rule refers to the practice of classifying a person as Black on the basis of one drop of black blood. Some courts have called it the traceable amount rule. No other ethnic population in the United States is defined or counted according to a one drop rule. According to Floyd James Davis Not only does the one-drop rule apply to no other group than American blacks, but apparently the rule is unique in that it is found only in the United States and not in any other nation in the world (Davis 1991, p. 13). Thus, while the US census, state and federal courts in the United States have generally upheld the one-drop rule, blackness has not been legally defined in England. Consequently in the UK the social and legal classification of children of mixed ancestry has been characterized by more legal and social fluidity.15 Although the absence of the one drop rule does not diminish the complex forms of racism that children of multiracial heritage face in England, it may nevertheless generate peculiarly English dilemmas. This absence of a state sanctioned legal definition of blackness in Britain places a burden on white parents who, perceive their whiteness to be a liability and their childrens African Caribbean heritage to be a cultural and political resource that can empower them in the face of racism. In a national study of adolescent youth in the United States, David Harris and Jeremiah Joseph Sim (2002) analysed the racial reporting of multiracial youth whom they defined as those whose parents do not identify with the same monoracial group as their children. In their analysis of how youth respond to race questions, Harris and Sim found that 12 per cent of the multiracial youth surveyed provided inconsistent responses to nearly identical questions on race. They concluded that 54 per cent of the home multiracial population are not multiracial in school data, and 75 per cent of the school multiracial population are not multiracial in home data. The two multiracial populations are clearly overlaping, yet most youth who report being multiracial in one context identify as monoracial in the other context. (Harris and Sim 2002, p. 619). They also found that when compared to younger children, youth who are at least sixteen years old are more likely to conform to the one-drop rule, maintaining that although they are white and black, they are more black than white. Their data
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demonstrate the fluidity of racial self-identification and the ways that the questions structure responses in the US. This finding is consistent with earlier qualitative studies concerned with identity in Britain that drew on small samples. For example Anne Wilson (1987) found that the complexity of racial categorization and labelling increase with age. In their study of fifty-eight adolescents of mixed-race, Tizard and Phoenix, two developmental psychologists, situate interracial family formation in the British context. In contrast to the United States the British state did not regulate or criminalize black-white interracial marriage. Tizard and Phoenix note that: In Britain there was no legal definitions of a Black person, or legal restrictions on mixed marriages. This may have been in part because until the mid-1950s the number of Black people in Britain was very small never more than 15,000, often less. The few half-castes were generally recognized by both black and white people as different from black. But they were stigmatized in Britain as elsewhere, perhaps more so, since they were usually born into the poorest sector of society, whilst in other countries they tended to be part of an intermediate class (Tizard and Phoenix 1993, p. 3).
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The white transracial parents whom I classified as racism-cognizant were neither motivated by nor invested in a version of the onedrop rule. Instead their differential promotion of their childrens cultural and political identification with blacks was conceptualized as an anti-racist resource that would minimize the racial and cultural isolation that their children might experience in predominantly white environments. They defined the gap between their childs internal racial identity and how they might be perceived by others as a problem because it could leave them defenseless and unprepared for the racism that they could encounter. Their childrens socio-political identification with the black community was a resource that parents hoped would equip their children to function more effectively in black and non-black communities in Britain. Conclusion Analyses of race and racism in Western Europe must attempt to theoretically account for the work performed by white members of multiracial families if we are to gain a nuanced understanding of how racial identities are produced and racial hierarchies countered in black-white families. The racial literacy strategies I have described offers insights into the invisible labour performed by white parents living in England who are invested in the cultivation of black
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identities among their children of multiracial heritage. My research demonstrates how white parents, who do not essentialize black identities, and whose children may not initially self-identify as black, African or African-Caribbean, may nevertheless engage in specific practices designed to discourage biracial identities and encourage the social production of black children. Their childrens acquisition of a black identity is an achievement that requires parents to transfer particular racial literacy skills and forms of knowledge. White parents of children of African and black Caribbean heritage constitute a significant population from the perspective of the black community in Britain. The growth of black-white interracial families requires a rethinking of how racial belonging and racial hierarchies are negotiated by white members of these families. My analysis of the intergenerational transfer of racial literacy from white parents to their children of second-generation African-Caribbean ancestry provides an empirical case in which white parents counter white supremacy by socializing their children to strongly affiliate themselves with black communities. White parents engage in practices that resist racial hierarchies that privilege whites and people of multiracial heritage over blacks in a context in which the boundaries between blackness and whiteness are permeable. White members of multiracial families engage in practices, that although varied and improvised, have consequences for the ways that racial hierarchies and racism are negotiated by their children. Critical race theorists have not provided intensive empirical studies that examine the processes by which white parents transmit forms of anti-racist knowledge to their children of multiracial heritage. In this article I offered a case study of white transracial parents attempting to train their children to align themselves with blacks and reject a biracial identity in their efforts to equip their children to resist racism. My research provides evidence that the white parents who were training their children to identify with the black community believed that their children had the ethnic option of selecting a mixed race or biracial identity (Waters 1990; Song 2003). Their goal was to restrict these options by discouraging their children from embracing a mixed race identity because they feared that this option could disadvantage and disempower when they were confronted with racism. Minkah Makalani (2003) has analysed discourses in the movement in the United States to reclassify people with one black and one white parent as biracial. In Makalanis view advocates for a distinct biracial race to classify people of mixed parentage [PMP] is a reactionary political response to the racialization of people of African descent in the United States as black. Specifically it uses whiteness to distinguish PMP from African Americans as a new race that would be positioned between blacks and whites in a reordered, racialized
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social system (2003, p. 81). While there are scholars who would reject Makalanis characterization of this movement, it is clear that among these white parents, there existed a fear of being accused of advocating for a new racially privileged category that denigrates blackness. The racial literacy projects that I have detailed among white parents in multiracial families in Britain can be conceptualized as one strategy for resisting racial hierarchies. For some white birth parents, these racial literacy projects can also be used to negotiate racial and colour hierarchies within black and non-black communities that privilege individuals of known or recognizable European ancestry. Returning to the case of Sue Hunter and her sister Angie DeMeyer, who won a historic suit against a British soldier for racial abuse, we see that the readers of the Guardian are not informed of their multiracial genealogy. In a national and demographic context in which nearly 40 per cent of children of African and Caribbean heritage have a white parent, their mothers whiteness is unremarkable. The labour of Sue Hunters mother disappears behind the headlines of this story of a black victory against racism. Yet an analysis of the parental training that she received as a child illuminates the ways that racial hierarchies are translated to children and the processes by which women like Sue Hunter have been encouraged or discouraged by their white parents to identify politically with black struggles against racism. Although white parents may have encouraged their children to identify as black they did not accept these racial categories as binary and discrete. Although white parents of African-descent children constitute neither an ideologically nor culturally homogenous group, an analysis of how they informally train their children to negotiate and/or challenge racial boundaries provides critical race theorists and sociologists with insights into how white people conceptualize blackness, whiteness and anti-racism as the intimates of blacks. The labour of white transracial parents, whose children may join the ranks of the black community, does not typically register in analyses of anti-racist social movements because this form of labour typically occurs offstage or backstage (Goffman 1959). The anti-racist strategies that I have detailed here occur behind closed doors between parents and children in the privacy of living rooms, dining rooms, and bedrooms. Although they do not occur on the picket lines in view of organized anti-racists, they, nevertheless, constitute one type of antiracist project.
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Acknowledgements This article is based on a larger eld research project concerning white anti-racism that received nancial support from the Rockefeller Foundation, the Andrew Mellon Foundation and the Deans Ofce at the University of California at Santa Barbara. I owe special thanks to Kathleen Blee, Mitchell Duneier, Avery Gordon, Sarah Susannah Willie, Irma McClaurin, Charles Gallagher, Miri Song, Julia Wrigley and two anonymous reviewers for their comments on earlier versions of this article. This essay also beneted from the insights of the following audiences: Ph.D. Program in Sociology at the Graduate Center, City University of New York, Department of Sociology Colloquium at the University of Edinburgh (Scotland), Department of Sociology Colloquium at Northwestern University, Department of Sociology at Duke University, Department of Sociology at Rutgers University, and the Department of African American and African Diaspora Studies at Indiana University. I am also very thankful to the following scholars for their support of this research: Claire Alexander, Les Back, Philip Kasinitz, and John Mollenkopf. Notes
1. See page 34. of Debra Van Ausdale and Joe R. Feagin. 2001. The First R: How Children Learn Race and Racism . Rowman and Littleeld. 2. See Vikram Dodd, Black women win payout for soldiers abuse, the Guardian, 16 September, 2000. 3. Women like Sue, who until the 2001 census did not have the option of a mixed race box and may have appeared on the 1991 UK census as either a Black Other or simply as an Other. 4. See Philomena Esseds Everyday Racism: Towards an Interdisciplinary Theory for a groundbreaking conceptualization and analysis of everyday racism . 5. See Bearing Blackness and Whiteness in Britain: An Ethnography of Racism and Racial Formation at the end of Empire. Forthcoming from Duke University Press. 6. Leicester, a city located 99 miles North of London by rail, is in the East Midlands of Britain. It is one of the larger cities in the region and serves as the transportation hub for the county. In 1991 Leicester had a population of 293,400, including a student population of around 30,000 associated with the Citys two universities. Leicester has the distinction of being the local authority with the highest percentage of all ethnic minorities including the largest Asian Indian population in the United Kingdom. Asian Indians constitute 22.3% of the population. However black people constitute only 2.4% of the population while Pakistanis and Bangladeshis constitute 1.4%. 7. Anthony Rampton et al . West Indian Children in Our Schools: Interim Report of the Committee of Inquiry into the Education of Children from Ethnic Minority Groups , (London: Her Majestys Stationery Ofce, 1981). 8. In Racialised Barriers Stephen Small (1994) provides an analysis of how racialised ideologies circulate among teachers, coaches, trainers and managers of sports institutions. He notes that while the state is central to the dissemination of some racialised ideologies, other racialised ideologies are important and are embraced and disseminated by groups outside the formal political arena.
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9. In Leicester several of the women who have chaired and administered ACE and who regularly teach at the Saturday School are qualied teachers who earned their degrees in England and are committed community activists. As in other supplementary schools there is no formal syllabus and the focus of the lesson plans varies considerably depending upon the interests and areas of specialization of the volunteer teacher who leads that weeks session. 10. Six of the twenty students who had attended all year were mixed race. The population of the Saturday School uctuates between 20 and 40.The retention of the preteens and teenagers was cited as a major problem by Aisha. 11. See American Apartheid by Douglass Massey and Nancy Denton (1993) for an analysis of residential segregation by race and The Politics of Race and Residence by Susan J. Smith (1989) for an analysis of the British case. 12. I had a number of private discussions with Justine. But Justine thought it was important that I hear her daughters perspective so I had an opportunity to discuss these issues with the two of them. To my surprise, Saasqua self-identied as a breed, which she explained was short for half-breed, a term borrowed from Hollywood Westerns. In the Western, this was a pejorative term referring to individuals who were of mixed Anglo-American and AmericanIndian parentage. One can nd an example of this character from the John Wayne lm The Searchers . 13. Roughly one-half of the women I interviewed had either only dated black men or had married their black boyfriend as a teenager, often after having only casually dated a white male. The remaining women had either married or dated white men prior to establishing a relationship with a black man. Five of the women I interviewed had children fathered by a white man and then married or established a domestic partnership with a black man and had subsequent children. These mothers were all socially integrated into the black community and reported having at least one close black female friend. 14. On Saturday, 21 April, 1979, the front page and lead article of the Leicester Mercury read 5,000 police move in for the Front march. The lead article reports on the National Front march through the city and the peaceful counter-demonstration of 1,500 people in opposition to the National Front in which Brian Piper and his son participated. 15. See F. James Davis, Who Is Black?: One Nations Denition , 1991, (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press).
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FRANCE WINDDANCE TWINE is Professor of Sociology at the University of California, Santa Barbara. ADDRESS: P.O. Box 23609, Santa Barbara, CA 93121, USA. Email: Bwind_dance@earthlink.net
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