AFRICANA BULLETIN

Warszawa 2004

Nr 52

Maciej Kurcz

THE CONTEMPORARY DHIKR DIFFERENT ASPECTS OF THE SUDANESE RELIGIOUS EXPRESSION*

INTRODUCTION

Despite the efforts to introduce in the present-day Sudan the orthodox, centrally popularised version of Islam, called by D. F. Eickelman the radio Islam, the popular, folk version of this religion is still alive, both in cities and villages of this country. Dhikr may serve as an example of this phenomenon. Originally the term dhikr (remembrance) was used in relation to the worship of God. It is applied in this very sense in the Koran1. As time passed by, probably in the 8th century, it began denoting special way of praising God (Danecki 1998:12, 23). It consisted in different kinds of collective, ecstatic prayers, dances, chants or litanies, in which the name of God was repeated numerous times, and it aimed at putting the participants into a trance. Usually they were accompanied by the body movement, adequate breathing and music. In this shape dhikr was particularly popular among Muslim mystics and in the end it became the fundamental element of the liturgy of the most of the Sufi brotherhoods (Trimingham 1965:212-214, Kennedy, Hussein 1978:42, Danecki 1998:23).
I had the opportunity to observe the practices of dhikr several times during my two stays in the Northern Sudan in 2000 and 2001 when I carried out the research on the institution of the religious sheikh in the contemporary Sudan. This project was conducted in the collaboration with the Polish Joint Archaeological Expedition to the Central Nile Valley. 1 In one of the verses (33.41) the Koran says: O you who believe! remember Allah. Also one of hadiths points at benefactions coming to a man who practices this way of praising God (Danecki 1998:24).
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Maciej Kurcz Two kinds of this ritual are known. The first one, of greater deference, but also more complex, is performed only silently (dhikr khafi)2. The second one is the loud dhikr (jali), said to be more common, vulgar and intended for those less acquainted with the mystic philosophy of the brotherhood members (Trimingham 1965:212, Kennedy, Hussein 1978:44, Danecki 1998:23). Still, it is definitely more popular and it satisfies both an average participant and a spectator of this ceremonial (Trimingham 1965:212, Kennedy, Hussein 1978:44). As I mentioned, these practices are inseparably connected with the activity of Sufi brotherhoods. Each of these societies, like in the case of the offered mystical path3, has its own version of the ritual, although the difference may not be significant and concerns the choice of texts and formulae and the way they are recited (Trimingham 1965:213, Kennedy, Hussein 1978:44, Danecki 1998:24). From the perspective of the classical Sufism it should be opened by chants for God, Prophet or a saint; moreover, by prayers consisting in reading special Koranic verses or allegorical passages about the life of Prophet. Only after this introduction the proper dhikr should start, i.e. recitation and repetition of the formulae connected with God.4 The whole ritual is to transform gradually into a more impetuous spectacle. The power and the rhythmic of the repeated formulae, followed by more and more vehement body movement, intensify. It is the way chants or recitation are intoned that is so characteristic of each brotherhood. Eventually the participants come to the edge of stamina but at the same time attain the state of absolute excitement and exultation (wajd) (Danecki 1998, Trimingham 1965:212-214). The place, the time and the frequency of the service depend basically on each brotherhood and on the attitude of the local people. In Sudan dhikr can be organised in a local mosque or in a zawiya, a box of the sheikh, each Monday
Two varieties of it can be distinguished. The first one is available to everyone and it consists in worshiping of God silently and in expressing the worship through rhythmic leaning. The second one, termed as dhikr of personality, is intended only for those who mastered the secrets of the esoteric art. 3 This term stands for a way of doing something and conveys the notion of following a path (tariqah) which is the doctrine of the Sufi school. 4 Formulae: la ilaha illa`llah, subhana llahi, al-hamdu li-llahi, Allahu akbar, astaghfiru Llaha (There is no God but Allah, God be praised, Glory to God, God is the greatest, I beg God for forgiveness); words: Allah or its attributes like Al-Hayy i.e. Alive (Danecki 1998:23, Trimingham 1965:213).
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Contemporary Dhikr and Friday evening or occasionally on one of these days. In the case of some grand event in the life of an individual (e.g. child birth) the ceremonial takes place in the yard of an ordinary farmstead, and its participants are the members of the family and the immediate neighbors. Basic occasions, however, when this service is solemnised are the religious feasts, both those resulting from the precepts of the orthodox Islam and those of the folk origin (Kennedy, Hussein 1978:45). On these occasions the ritual has the greatest setting and attracts the multitude of people. The scenery for this great solemn dhikr is predominatingly the tomb of some local saintly man and the surrounding cemetery. Those that take part in this ritual are called dhakir forming a community called majlis al-dhikr5. All adult male members of the community may take part in it and occasionally small boys, whose participation in celebrations is perceived as an element of the religious upbringing. Each of the participants is obliged to ritual purity, both in the literal, physical sense and in the spiritual, mystical one. Like in the case of Muslims in other countries, dhikr became for the Sudanese the way of practicing Islam much the same as the Friday prayer in the mosque. The only difference is that it is expressed in a very vehement, vivid and emotional manner. For its many followers these very elements are undoubtedly the most important; more important than its hidden mystic ideology about which the considerable majority simply has no idea (Trimingham 1965:214). The causes of the lasting popularity and strength of this ritual should also be traced in its non-religious properties. Undeniably it fulfills important sociable functions being a pretext for revelry and meetings of the local society. It is also not a rare case when it turns out that the ritual becomes a commercial feast attracting nearby merchants and craftsmen on the ceremonial place (Blackmann 1927:252-257). Moreover, for many of the participants the ritual is also a form of coming into being in the society, in which day by day they pass unnoticed, if not despised (Dzigiel 1992:154). This matter seems extremely well visible in the case of dervishes. In brief, its multifacetness reminds of mediaeval indulgences in memorial of the Christian saints.

That is why the term majlis (assembly) is sometimes used in relation to dhikr (Kennedy, Hussein 1978:45).

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Maciej Kurcz

DHIKR IN OMDURMAN

I participated in this service on Friday afternoon twice at the cemetery Hamad el-Nil in Omdurman. The necropolis is connected with the Arakiyya brotherhood (a Qadiriyya faction), the progenitor of which is buried in this very place.6 The ceremonial did not began at some particular point in time. Between 4 and 5 p.m. the cemetery gradually started to fill up. Those who arrived went to visit tombs of sheikhs first. After they had took off their shoes, they entered the qubba7. Then, what one could hear were salutations and prayers; some of the visitors undoubtedly informed the saints about their own problems and presented requests. Eventually each of them went around the sarcophagus decorated with a green linen and leaned at the special slit to take a handful of sand from the inside of the grave or kissed the green linen (kiswa)8. After visiting the sheikhs tomb one could have a cup of coffee or tea at a special stall, smoke a cigarette or simply sit down and talk. There was also a considerable group of people who mobbed at one of the qubbas, the sheikhs receiving chamber. They came there not because they wanted to talk to him, as only few have this honour, but because they could see him or stay near him for a while. These who came there with a problem could be heard by one of the companions of the master who received people on a mat at the chamber. At the back of the tomb on a field grille there was meat provided a moment earlier by a woman as a sign of gratitude for the received grace. When it was ready the whole was given to the poor ones. Others spent the time before the service at the graves of the family members. Although the real dervishes came a minute before the service (their arrival marked the beginning of the ceremonial), some of them had already been there9.
I was informed that this brotherhood was originally related to one of the tribes living in the Gezira region. In the 1960s the brotherhood was moved to Omdurman by sheikh Hamad el-Nil Ishaq, the father of the today sheikh. The tomb came to be surrounded by the entire necropolis and on Friday afternoons at the very place the dhikr ritual began to be celebrated. 7 A dome tomb, the most characteristic form of the Sudanese saints burial. 8 As I was informed this linen is to symbolise jallabiya of the saint, touching of which is said to have magical properties. 9 Dervishes usually do not belong to any brotherhood. They do not pass through initiation and they do not devote themselves to religious studies. They serve a saint rather that a living leader of the brotherhood. Although they are commonly called dervishes, they stress that are disciples
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Contemporary Dhikr One could not miss them. They looked funnily wearing green, thick robes with colourful patches on them, pointed hats with colourful strings (tamina), pendants and rosary hanging here and there from the hat. Nevertheless, their outfit is to express a deep sense. Apart from the significance of the green colour, also the patches have their meaning, namely they symbolise poverty and asceticism. They point at their simple, pious and far from luxurious character of life. Older interlocutors explained that once their outfit used to be less sophisticated as far as colour and composition is concerned and that the today fashion is due to their ambition to achieve the greatest originality possible. Each of them had a very intriguing equipment; there were swords, knives, lashes or even a dummy of a machine-gun as well as objects I was not able to identify. As far as the appearance and the behaviour are concerned, they were far from being normal. Many of them were undoubtedly physically or psychically disabled, others tried to look as such. The dervishs face was usually covered with significant and untidy stubble and the head with a bushy and unkempt coiffure. While talking to somebody they were alternately friendly and aggressive; calm and noisy. It should also be added that each of them represented his own style when it comes to both appearance and behaviour and later their ecstatic dance10. After about an hour first musicians appeared; these were two men wearing white robes and turbans and having instruments resembling tambourine (tar). A number of spectators surrounded them at once and one by one, singly or in pairs, they entered the circle and started dancing. Their dancing displays, rhythmical walk took on average no longer than one encirclement after which they left a money contribution to the musicians and returned to the audience. Then, out of the blue, a bus appeared. Everything has died down, the participants turn their faces towards the vehicle. Dervishes in their characteristic clothes as well as some notables smartly dressed in white jallabiya and turbans get out of the bus. Immediately a procession is formed; dervishes, who with green banners
(tilmidh) or sheikhs sons (ash-sheikh). Their religious mission is satisfied by the dhikr service or sitting and watching at the place of burial of their saint as well as performing different kinds of magical practices for the local people. It is often a case that these people come from the margins of society and being a dervish is a form of their social existence. They are often insane to a degree, which is interpreted as their complete devotion to God (Kennedy, Hussein 1978:43). 10 Majdhub, literally charmed (by God); that is how the strange behaviour of dervishes or insane people is explained. In the case of Sufism their state is said to result from a preternatural being or spirit of a saint. This term relates also to participants of dhikr who got into trance (Trimingham 1965:213).

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Maciej Kurcz go on before, are followed by elegantly dressed elders. Other dervishes as well as musicians close the procession. All go towards the mob gathered in front of the qubba singing in the rhythm of music. The procession stops at the entrance to the tomb where everyone salutes the sheikh that was buried there. Then mutual salutations reverberate. Once more a kind of circle (halqa), this time a more spacious one, is formed. Only then I am able to see a dervish of impressive posture with a cosh in his hand. He turns out to be a guard. As I was told, this instrument serves to restore order in case of some unexpected explosion of religious emotions. Only the dervishes and the musicians enter the circle; all the others remain outside. Front rows are occupied by men followed by women and children. The proper part of the service began; one can hear monotonously repeated formula, half-recited, half-sang. The audience accompanied by drums (noba or darabuka), tambourines and instruments resembling small cymbals starts swaying rhythmically. It is different from what the dervishes are doing. One begins twirling where he stands, the second hurries along in the circle, the third starts running and shouting from one place to another. Some of the dervishes, swaying and reciting, parade in a group along the surrounding mob. After a moment a short break comes. Soon the chants and recitations are undertaken; only the music is faster. Dancing movements of the participants are more and more dynamic, chants more and more vehement. Gradually the dervishes seem to loose contact with reality. Shouts reverberate, someone fells down. Dynamic movements raise a cloud of dust and it is hard to grasp what is going on. Suddenly the music abates but only for a moment. It returns with even greater strength. The stimulated and enthusiastic mob is joined by sheikh. In the centre of events he and the elders form two rows vis--vis each other. The sheikh sways and moves with them rhythmically, back and forth. The longest and the greatest part of the ceremonial starts. Some do not dance anymore and lie curled up on the sand. One of the dervishes who has kept on twirling and drilled a hole in the sand starts running from one place to the other and shouts. The chants are joined by shouts and laments. The characteristic joyous screech of women is definitely best distinguishable. There is so much dust in the air that it is impossible to recognise the situation. There is the scent of incense in the air. After a moment one can see a dervish walking with an incensory in his hand. He approaches everyone and people try to incense themselves directing the smoke with their hands11. Suddenly everything subsides, there is
The odour of the burning substance is said to have vital properties which makes the participants feel no fatigue during the ritual and makes others, who gave vent to their emotions, regain consciousness.
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Contemporary Dhikr neither singing nor music. The cloud of dust slowly falls down. Now a noise of greetings reverberates; people felicitate and embrace each other. Certainly, the biggest interest concentrates on the person of the sheikh, but he quickly leaves the place of prayers and goes to his room. Before he enters the room he quickly gives his blessing to some chosen ones. Some woman desperately asks him to help her daughter, who wishes to go to school. Sheikh charismatically spreads his hands, and pronounces some formula. The woman smiles, kneels down and kisses the sheikhs hands. Later on the sheikh decamps. Most of the participants leaves just after the end of the ceremonial. Rickshaws and taxis drive up. Others stay at the qubbas to pray. The sun sets and there comes the time of the evening prayer.
DHIKR IN OLD DONGOLA

I had an opportunity to watch an completely different dhikr in the northern province of Sudan. The gathering took place in Old Dongola in the scenery of a desolated Muslim village and a nearby cemetery. This area has been desolated for a long time and is entirely included in the scene of the desert. The nearest settlements are Ed Ghaddar, a village 5 kilometers north of Old Dongola, and Bukibul, a settlement about 5 kilometers south of Old Dongola. Still, desolated Old Dongola is alive in the mind and culture of the local people. This place is surrounded by a dose of mystery and sanctity. The inhabitants still remember its Christian magnificence. This is also the place where the first mosque in the region and one of the first mosques in Nubia was founded in what used to be the seat of Christian rulers. Finally, this is the place where a great necropolis with monumental qubbas of numerous generations of sheikhs (many of whom are no longer known by name) is located. Old inhabitants of the region, ancestors of villagers of both villages, rest in peace near them. This is probably the reason why Old Dongola is an exceptional place where a stranger cannot remain unnoticed. Natives come here to pray quite often and it is here that dhikr is celebrated collectively. This ritual is performed here only on special occasions, twice a year when two great Muslim feasts take place. Dhikr that I observed was on the occasion of Id al-Adha (Sacrificial Feast), also called al-Id alKabir (Major Festival), which in 2001 took place on March 5-712.
12 As I was told the second so solemn dhikr takes place at the time of Al-Id as-Saghir (Minor

Festival), also called Festival of Breaking Fast, that starts the last night of the fasting month of Ramadan.

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Maciej Kurcz Both the time of feasts and dhikr caused great stir and special preparations in the two villages. Women mixed and applied henna, washed and ironed their ceremonial cloth. Men prepared animals to slaughter and being excited they talked about coming dancing displays. For people who had to walk, the feast day started very early. We were lucky to have a car and we could have arrived just before everything began. On our way we could look closer at all means of transport available to the local people. Most of them rode a donkey or a camel, others came by bus or car. This was the time when the view of the desert watched from the direction of Old Dongola was impressive. Usually deserted, now it was full of traveling people whose clothes remained colourful in contrast with the desert scenery. About ten oclock everyone was on the spot gathering at the cemetery. It started with visiting tombs of relatives and friends. Graves, usually gray in perfect harmony with the desert were now decorated with green stalks of palms by which dishes with water were placed. One could hear prayers, and then the buzz of greetings and talks, everywhere. The atmosphere resembled to a great extent the Polish All Saints Day. No need to say that qubbas of sheikhs enjoyed great popularity. The crowd at the entrance was enormous, and the most numerous ones among people trying to get into the tombs were women. When the time came, the visitor took off the shoes. After he got inside, he greeted the deceased sheikh and proceeded to circle the sarcophagus. The sarcophagus, usually a pile of stones or a poor wooden construction, was specially decorated on the occasion of that day, namely it was covered with a green linen (kiswa) with a plentitude of small knots13. In the air there was the scent of incense. After the ritual circling, everyone leaned to take some sand from the tomb. Some hid it, others tipped it after a while. Soon the visitor left the tomb as there were others waiting for their turn. I noticed that in some distance from the necropolis prayers were still officiated. Those who prayed formed two groups; in each of them men stood in front, while women behind them. The prayers were officiated by local Imams and companions of the sheikh. The prayers were followed by so common on that day felicitating and shaking hands. At about 11 oclock everything was coming to an end. Some of the people went back home; however, a considerable part of participants moved towards a
This is simply a sign of contact magic practiced extremely often at the time of visiting graves of saints.
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Contemporary Dhikr homestead outside the cemetery, situated in the ruins of the desolated village. There was nothing characteristic of that building that would make it stand out of the whole antique complex except for a green banner. I had already seen it on many occasions but now I was surprised to see it solemnly decorated. It was loud and crowdy. Jugs (zir) were filled with fresh water, and one could smell smoke as well as scent of infused coffee and tea issued from the inside of small, partly covered with sand rooms. Quite a number of women bustled nearby preparing kisra, meet and other festal dainties. The biggest room was a place of prayers. It was vast and oblong with two rows of columns supporting the roof. The floor was covered with sand. Light entered the room through several windows and clearances in the walls. It was obvious that this building is used only on the occasion of feasts, several times a year. Inside there was only a group of men sitting at the walls on mats. The sheikh and his entourage took a sit in the central place at the wall where vis--vis the entrance there was the mihrab. All of them were of old age. The atmosphere there was also sociable. A man, specially appointed to that job, served coffee and tea as well as savory toasts; one could also smoke a cigarette there. The air was filled with the aroma and smoke of incense, burnt in the middle of the room.14 After a while the glasses were collected. Everyone got up and a couple of musicians with tambourines turned out in the centre. Al-Fatiha15 was read aloud and then the words of the declaration of faith reverberated: la ilaha illa Allah, i.e. There is no god but Allah. The service started. One man intoned the recitation of the Gods names. The musicians started playing and singing and soon they got up from the mat and started circling the room. Then, men from the mob, one by one, joined them. After one had circled the room one time dancing his way, he returned to his place leaving a money dole for the musicians. This way almost everyone who gathered there showed off his solo dance. At some time, though the pace of the music remained the same, the sheikh got up and joined the ceremonial singing and clapping his hands in the rhythm. As it turned out later it was the culminating moment of the ceremonial. Then the music abated and people started embracing others and wishing them all the best. And again there was the time to have a cup of tea or coffee in other mens company. After a short rest, the festal dinner was finally served; it consisted purely of the animals slaughtered specially on this occasion.
Burning incense is a practice of universal meaning; it expresses fear of God as well as respect for Him and it has the power of magic and the power of miracle making. 15 This is the first Surah of Koran, also called The Opening.
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Maciej Kurcz

CONCLUSIONS

Both services as we can see are a part of one and the same tradition elaborated ages ago by individual leaders of religious brotherhoods. The essence of each of them is rhythmical and collective recitation of excerpts of Koran, religious texts and names of Allah accompanied by music and dance. Particular stages, i.e. tilawa (recitation), Istighfar (request), the recitation of Al-Fatiha and the declaration of faith (la ilaha illa Allah) are usually a constant element. Both of them seem to favor the loud dhikr instead of some other more sophisticated methods of meditating. However, it does not mean that the latter ones were completely absent.16 More spiritual ways of praising God were used by the sheikh himself and a few more people, undoubtedly from his most immediate entourage. Still, there were some differences between the rituals. It is quite natural that these practices being the concept of individual sheiks differ a little as far as the degree of vehemence and the choice of additional texts and religious songs are concerned. These differences are quite obvious in the case of both above described versions of dhikr. Even an observer unacquainted with Sufism matters would notice that dhikr from the Hamad el-Nil cemetery, filled with emotions, was definitely more vehement. At a glance course of events seemed almost completely unpredictable. For many of its participants the ecstasy was the most important as it gave them a religious satisfaction. There were no restraints while dancing. The ecstatic atmosphere spread to each of the participants of the ceremonial. The dervishes excited because of the enthusiastic mob, while the mob was excited because of the image of the dervishes. In Old Dongola it was entirely different; the ritual proceeded in a fairly different atmosphere. The service was static and still. There were no shouts, madness or a clear moment of ecstasy. The music had no noticeable changes of rhythm, the formulae were sang audibly and with veneration. In comparison to Omdurman, neither women nor children partici16 Undoubtedly sheiks were the ones who tried to fulfill traditions of dhikr performed quietly. The religious leader in Omdurman joined the ceremonial at the culminating point. Before that he was to meditate in his room. In Dongola the sheikh participated in the ritual, but he tried to pronounce all the formulae quietly. Moreover, it seemed that both saintly men were taken off by their immediate entourage, i.e. companions and local dignitaries.

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Contemporary Dhikr pated in it17. As a result the service made an impression of a more stately one18. Undoubtedly one of the causes is otherness of Sufism traditions in these two places (although both sheikhs are said to be related to qadiriyya). The fact is that the ethnic and cultural background of both areas is different. In the case of Omdurman, the cultural mosaic of Sudan, different characteristics of indigenous African origin interfere. In the North of Sudan, unlike one could presume, in many respects the country seems to be far more conservative. The other source of differences are probably religious brotherhoods and their dervishes, as well as a group of trained people traditionally responsible for the course and the setting of these ceremonials. In Omdurman there was a whole body of them. One can even say that they were professionals (this is what the informers maintained and what was twice verified). Each of them performed clearly defined functions, like the above mentioned guard. The ceremonial was also attended by a group of people who were not dervishes. They were the immediate company of the sheikh; his companions, pupils, and undoubtedly a considerable group of local notables and elders; to be brief, full right members of the religious brotherhood. These people, in fine white robes and turbans and with smart walking-sticks, conducted the ceremonial and surrounded the sheikh all the time. In Dongola there were hardly any people that one could call dervishes or members of the Sufi brotherhood. Most of the participants were inhabitants of nearby locality. The peak of the social ladder was represented by the village elders and the religious authorities. There was, though, a kind of personnel that lived in the vicinity of the cemetery and is famous for rendering different kinds of magical and healing services (e.g. making charms); they consider themselves custodians of sheiks tombs. They constitute a separate group of people and, like the most of the dervishes, they also physically or psychically disabled to a degree. In both ceremonials musicians played a key role. In Omdurman there was almost an orchestra that consisted of people playing drums, tambourines, cymbals and rattles. To reinforce the sound of the instruments a modern sound
17 At the Hamad el-Nil cemetery women did not take part in dancing. Still, they could watch the ceremonial and it was clear that they also imbibed the ecstatic atmosphere. 18 Quite a similar dhikr was observed and then described in Upper Egypt by B.W. Blackman (1927:81-83).

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Maciej Kurcz equipment was used. In Old Dongola there were only two musicians who played tambourines. Certainly, there was neither place nor need to have a bigger band or an impressive musical setting. In both cases they were professionals famous for accompanying at such ceremonials. Usually, each region has its musicians but they do not need to be from the sheikhs entourage or a religious brotherhood (Nawal 1978:80). Only the most saintly ones can afford them. These people usually have a normal life and, with their music, they add splendor to both religious and secular ceremonials. Their services are said to be free but during the above mentioned dancing displays each of the dancers left them a money dole. At the time of some private dhikr or other family ceremonial they are usually rewarded with a gaudy meal. As far as the sheiks are concerned, they both honored the funcions. In Omdurman the sheikh joined it at the moment of climax when people were about to explode because of emotions. Then, applauded by the mob and the dervishes, surrounded by companions, he danced swaying rhythmically and moving back and forth in the centre of the spectacle. His movements, however, were more stately and orderly. Likewise, his face was full of dignity and meditation and no sooner did a smile appear on it than the music and motion ceased. He wore a long white robe and a turban and he still had his smart, wooden walking-stick. Sheikh Babikir from Old Dongola participated in the function from the very beginning as he conducted the recitation. Still, he did it sitting on an elegant mat at the mihrab it in the same pensive pose. Perhaps, once more we deal here with an example of dissimilarity as far as Sudanese Sufism is concerned. In Old Dongola dhikr was more stately. It did not behove the sheikh to recite aloud or to participate in dancing displays. His status prevented him from reacting in a similar manner to that of simple participants. His reaction was subdued but explicit and his thoughts seemed to be distant and concentrated on God. In both cases the sheiks clearly distanced themselves from the mob emanating dignity and devoutness. They both seemed to accomplish the ideals of the mystic exultation. In both cases dhikr took place at a cemetery. It is definitely about the noble of milieu of qubbas. In the Omdurman necropolis it was mainly the qubba of the sheikh Hamad el-Nil, while in Dongola the whole number of them. In most of the cases the ritual of dhikr is above all a form of remembering and revering of the saints. It is of particular importance to religious brotherhoods which in this way can express their identity. During most of this kind of ceremonials a

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Contemporary Dhikr special excerpt from Koran, referring to dead sheiks, is read aloud. Additionally the name of a saintly person is repeated and sometimes even the man himself, his life and his wonders are remembered. Finally, this is the best time for the saint to bestow his might to those who gathered at his sanctuary. Because of the place where the ritual is performed it is also an opportunity to honour other dead ones, relatives or friends. every dhikr, dancing displays, feasting in the scenery of the cemetery seems to support in a way a kind of bond between the living ones and those who passed away. As I mentioned at the beginning, the cemetery is not the only place of celebrating this kind of ceremonials. Dhikr is often performed in the sheikhs seat or in the village mosque. Religious services are organised also in ordinary homesteads, either solely for family in the atmosphere of privacy or for the village community in order to commemorate some religious event. Dhikr is predominatingly organised on the occasion of all kinds of religious feasts, which are the best time for it. They may arise either from the fundamentals of the Muslim orthodoxy or from the folk religiousness. Most often they include the local Mawlid (birthday of a saint) or Mawlid an-Nabi (birthday of Mahomet) that fall on the 12th day of the rabi al-awwal month. In Old Dongola dhikr is performed twice a year, during Id al-Fitr and Id al-Adha. Many informers maintained that in the vicinity this ritual is performed on the occasion of the Mahomets Assumption, i.e. laylat al-Miraj celebrated on the 27th of the rajab month. The service commemorating one of these events is said to have the greatest importance, therefore it needs to have the most excellent setting. The whole community participates in it; on this occasion even pilgrims from other regions may come. This is the best time to make requests and render thanks to a saint. Almost exclusively a cemetery and a qubba of some saint is the setting of these dhikrs (Kennedy, Hussein 1978:45-49). Dhikr can be performed also on other days and in other periods. Friday is quite popular. Like it was the case of the Hamad el-Nil cemetery, it can be celebrated regularly every week on that day. It is usually the case of religious brotherhoods for which this very service is the basic form of religious practices. Informers from the Jezira region maintained that also Monday is a good day for dhikr since, as they explained, that is when Mahomet was born. Finally, all kinds of events from the individuals life such as child birth, circumcision, wedding or funeral can be an occasion for this ritual. In the case of a wedding or a birth dhikr can be performed each day of the entire ceremonial period. In the case of a death, it can be performed after the funeral or every

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Maciej Kurcz anniversary of this event. This dhikr may take place at a saints qubba, in a homestead or in a mosque. Basically, time and, to a lesser degree, also place depend on local version of Sufism and on the attitude of the local people. The sense of dhikr constitutes an inexhaustible subject. Moreover, it is a difficult subject since dhikr is often connected with very intimate matters or with ones far from orthodox way of understanding religion. Nevertheless, almost all interlocutors stressed that dhikr is one of forms of practicing their religiousness. Some pay special attention to regular praying, others to religious fundamentals, and finally there are those who pay attention to participation in dhikr. The worship of saints, the ritual of dhikr is the essence of the Sudanese Islam. Undoubtedly even those who maintained that they do not participate in it at the present time spoke about it with great veneration and respect and only sometimes they would criticise some of its varieties. The above described varieties of this ritual perfectly illustrate basic contexts in which it is practiced in Sudan. In Omdurman weekly dhikr performed at sheiks tombs was connected with the activity and practices of a particular religious brotherhood. It expressed the nature and the identity of the brotherhood, and it supported the bond between its members. The Dongola dhikr constituted above all the best of all possible settings of a great religious feast. It did not result from some Sufi calendar, but it expressed inhabitants devoutness showed in a traditional way. It was irrevocable, climax point of the festal period. More open interlocutors revealed to me to a degree the supernatural advantages of this service. The most important thing is to take part in it, especially through dancing and ecstasy. People who could bring their feeling to a climax, were treated as semi-gods. A shake of their hands or any other contact with them had great power. Women believe that touching a dervish, especially right after dance exultation, will provide them with fertility. The same power is assigned to the smoke of incense that is burnt during the service or to consumption of meals prepared for this occasion. However, many people did not care about Islam or esoteric experiences. The most important was a mere fact of participation in such a ritual and a chance of receiving a sacred grace. As I already mentioned, the ritual of dhikr, due to its magical power, accompanies actually all important moments of life of the Sudanese. It is performed on the occasion of childs birth, circumcision and wedding or a funeral. For example it is believed that after a child is born the ritual of dhikr allows dismissing bad spirits, protects against evil eye and expresses parents gratitude. As far as mourning is concerned one believes that dhikr will facilitate the dead to

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Contemporary Dhikr get to paradise and that it will protect mortals against anger of the dead. It is even said that the ritual can ban death away from the family. Therefore the participation in the ritual or its organising may arise from an individual intent or request. It is very often the case that sheikhs advise participating in dhikr to people suffering from severe and mysterious disorders. Then such a person draws attention with a special dance or partly covers the cost of the ceremonial. By and large, dhikr can be ordered in the case of different family and personal problems. On all these occasions dhikr is also a part of social life. It is accompanied by revelling and common feasting. Many people treat their participation in dhikr as an occasion to be seen and to show off. Dance interpretation and recitation displays created always an opportunity to comment and make remarks. In consequence getting the best opinions was a reason to be proud of oneself. Moreover, a dole given to the musicians proved generosity and wealth of the donour. Undoubtedly, organising private dhikrs for a family or for neighbours carries the same dimension. It bespeaks about the prestige of the family and about its social and religious manners. The ritual has also a great economic meaning. In most cases the cost of it is borne by all inhabitants of an area or its participants. A large part of funds, though, comes from individual donours, who wish to fulfil their promise given to a saint (nadr). I was also said that many sheiks often organise such practices covering all the expenses themselves, which is broadly. In spite of that dhikr is one of a few occasions within a year when all the inhabitants can revel, irrespective of their descent or wealth. There must be enough food for everyone. For the majority of villagers it is a rare occasion during a year when they can eat to the hearts content and relish meat meals (Nawal 1978). Unfortunately, modern times did not remain without impact even on this sphere of Sudan culture and influenced its intensity and character, at least in the way described by Michael Gilsenan (1973) in the context of Sufism in Egypt. Changes, though slower than in other Muslim countries, take place also in Sudan (Kennedy, Hussein 1978:56). Professional politicians, land-owners, journalists and teachers consist a potential threat for all those traditional leaders and for practices offered by them. Basically, these changes are stimulated by two factors: the omnipresent process of westernisation and the increasing significance of the orthodox Islam. In consequence, practices of broadly understood, popular Islam, inter alia the ritual of dhikr, are set aside. They are organised

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Maciej Kurcz more and more rarely and not in all those places where they used to be organised. In the country critical opinions about dhikr are not a rare case. People, influenced by aforementioned processes, realise dhikrs incorrectedness and opposition in relation to the true Islam; in consequence they simply cease participating in it and, whats more, severely criticise it in public, treating these practices with embarrassment. Other threats to such practices are plans of the Sudanese government connected with construction of a new dam lake over Nile between the Fourth Cataract and the vicinity of the Abu Hamed town (Hamdab Dam Project). This project implicates the action of resettlement, which in consequence may lead to obliteration of the culture of people who inhabit these areas to a degree similar to that of Egyptian Nubia after Naser Lake was built (Kennedy 1979). Dhikr, which I had an opportunity to watch at the Hamad el-Nil cemetery in Omdurman, is threatened also by tourists. Every year more and more tourists, attracted by stories of savagery of these practices, come on Friday afternoons to the Hamed el-Nil cemetery. Their presence, against presumptions, usually does not irritates dervishes or simple participants. On the contrary, savage dervishes pose when being photographed or filmed almost like film stars. It is quite obvious, however, that they will ask for money in return. It is a rule that each time such a dole is given to companions or to the leader of a brotherhood during an audience specially arranged for this purpose. Everything which might be defined as commercialisation lowers the value of this ritual. Its religious atmosphere, spontaneity and honesty vanish and are replaced by, one could say, a film scenario where everything happens according to a scheme and is subjected to needs of a spectator. Fortunately in Hamed elNil it is still a combination of pleasant and useful. The original meaning of the ritual is still clear and the negative, commercial dimension has not yet dominated the spectacle. Nevertheless, one can never be sure if soon dervishes especially in these big cities visited by tourists will not start dancing and whirling just for money in an air-conditioned venues of some hotels.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

B l a c k m a n , B.W., 1927, The Fellahin of Upper Egypt. Their Religious, Social and Industrial Life to-day with Special References to Survivals from Ancient Times, George G. Harp & Company Ltd., London. D a n e c k i , J., 1998, Podstawowe wiadomoci o islamie, (Essentials of Islam) Vol. II, Wydawnictwo Akademickie Dialog, Warszawa. D z i g i e l , L., 1992, Wze kurdyjski (The Kurdish Knot), Universitas, Krakw. E i c k e l m a n , D.F., 1981, The Anthropology of the Middle East. An Anthropological Approach, Englewood Cliffs, New York. G i l s e n a n , M., 1973, Saint and Sufi in Modern Egypt, Oxford. K e n n e d y, John G., H u s s e i n , M. Fahim, 1978, Dhikr Rituals and Cultural Changes in: Nubian Ceremonial Life. Studies in Islamic Syncretism and Cultural Change, John G. Kennedy (ed.), The University of California Press and the American University in Cairo Press, Cairo. N a w a l a l - M e s s i r i , 1978, The Sheikh Cult in Dahmit in: Nubian Ceremonial Life, J. G. Kennedy (ed.), The University of California Press and the American University in Cairo Press, Cairo. T r i m i n g h a m , J.S., 1949, 1965, Islam in the Sudan, Oxford University Press, London.

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