Академический Документы
Профессиональный Документы
Культура Документы
P. 1-4
KREMLIN c Viktor Zubkov : the Petersburg hard core takes over FOCUS c Yuri Chayka, a public prosecutor on a tight-rope DIPLOMACY c The new Russian priorities in Asia ALERT c Mikhail Margelov to head the Council of Europe parliamentary assembly? INTERVIEW c Alain Blum (EHESS)
P. 4-6
ENERGY c Europe : a new challenge visible for Gazprom ALERT c Lukoil and Gazprom soon in Somalia ? FOCUS c Nuclear : the first steps toward reform BEHIND THE SCENE c Shtokman : Gazprom waits hand and foot on Yuri Kovalchuks friends
P. 7-8
FOCUS c Why Kamchatka is again becoming strategic CAUCASUS c Ingushetia, the weak link
SUBSCRIPTION
Print Edition
(23 issues, airmailed overseas)
1200 TTC
The serious business in anticipation of the succession of Vladimir Putin to the Kremlin has just begun in Moscow. September 12, the head of government, Mikhail Fradkov, submitted his resignation to the Russian president, who accepted it after having given a strong (and apparently sincere) homage. A few minutes later, the president of the state Duma, Boris Gryzlov, declared that the Kremlin had retained the candidature of the head of the Federal financial monitoring agency (Rosfinmonitoring), Viktor Zubkov, 65, to succeed Mikhail Fradkov. An announcement which was all the more surprising since the entire corps of Moscow observers took it for granted that in case of such a reshuffle, Sergey Ivanov would be the next Prime minister. Viktor Zubkov is not an unknown quantity for the readers of Russia Intelligence. In our edition of last March 2, we revealed his rise in Russian power circles. As a matter of fact, the future Prime minister (his candidature will be confirmed by the parliament September 14) is a part of the Putinist first circle. Born in 1941 in the Urals, he is a 1965 graduate of the Institute of agriculture in Leningrad. His rise began truly beginning in 1985 : he then found himself assigned responsibility within the Communist party. Viktor Zubkov in 1991 is the first secretary of the executive committee for the district of Priozersky of the Leningrad region. This is the time when became acquainted with Vladimir Putin and Boris Gryzlov. According to information gathered by Russia Intelligence, Viktor Zubkov would have facilitated the transfer of plots of land for construction by the well-known dacha cooperative Ozero. Located in Solovyovka on the banks of lake Komsolmoskoe, the latter included, it should be recalled, among its founding members Vladimir Putin (a the time in charge of external relations for the Saint Petersburg municipality), Vladimir Yakunin (head of the RZhD, the Russian railways), Vladimir Smirnov, (TENEX read also articles page 2 and 6), Nikolay Shamalov and Viktor Myachin, joint shareholders of the Rossia bank of Yuri Kovalchuk. From January 1992 to November 1993, Viktor Zubkov presented himself for the post of governor of the Leningrad region, but he collected only 8.5% of the votes (Boris Gryzlov was then his campaign manager). Vice minister of finance from 2001 to 2004, he assumed the leadership in 2004 of Rosfinmonitoring, the financial investigation squad, which he headed until his surprise nomination. Viktor Zubkov is therefore, as can be seen, a trusted associate of Vladimir Putin. He is in addition the father-in-law of the Defence minister, Anatoly Serdyukov, whose surprise nomination last February also follows the same pattern. Viktor Zubkov is also very close to Viktor Ivanov, the presidential assistant who has a controlling hand on nominations and who we had previously indicated had strengthened his position in the Kremlin (Russia Intelligence n49 of February 16 2007). The main question is certainly to know if the promotion of Viktor Zubkov makes of latter the long awaited successor to Vladimir Putin. His profile and also his age lead most Moscow sources for Russia Intelligence to doubt this scenario. Viktor Zubkov could remain Prime minister after March 2008, reproducing the trajectory of Mikhail Fradkov, who also came out of nowhere and was installed before the presidential vote of 2004. The other question concerns the reason that led Vladimir Putin to delay, or even to abandon, the Sergey Ivanov option. The first vice Prime minister, very much in view in the media at the side of the president since the beginning of summer, seemed well on the way. A veteran, like Vladimir Putin, of the KGB external intelligence services, he shares with him the same weltanschauung. But we also know that Sergey Ivanov arouses considerable fears within the numerous Kremlin clans, whom he is not obligated to and to whom he had given no guarantees for after 2008 (Igor Sechin who Sergey Ivanov, rightly or wrongly, suspects of having set a trap for him in the media during the Sychev affair, which involved this terribly mutilated draftee in a Ural barrack in late 2005 felt particularly targeted according to information we have gathered. The elevation of Viktor Zubkov also leaves open the scenario, long considered as emerging from science fiction but which could be unwise to exclude in view of the essentially Byzantine nature of the Russian political game : a faked departure for Vladimir Putin. The latter could leave the Kremlin in March 2008, as the constitution obligesto better return on the scene in place of a Viktor Zubkov who would have then fulfilled his ultimate mission in the service of his friend. d
www.russia-intelligence.fr
RUSSIA INTELLIGENCE
FOCUS c
Po l i t i c s & G ov e r n m e n t
August 27 may seem in retrospect as the finest hour for Russias General prosecutor. In announcing to Vladimir Putin in the Kremlin that the investigation of the murder of journalist Anna Politkovskaya was concluded and that the godfather of the Tambov group - Saint Petersburgs principal mafia organisation had been locked up, Yuri Chayka thought he had established himself as the hero against all the dangers of this postvacation season, (Russia Intelligence n60 of August 30 2007). But the cards changed completely in the space of a few days.
The Politkovskaya case : an accusation that evaporates.
It was with obvious satisfaction that Yuri Chaika had told of the interrogation of ten suspects in the Politkovskaya case. Among those was found an FSB lieutenant-colonel, Pavel Ryaguzov, two agents of the Interior ministry research service, Dmitry Lebedev and Oleg Alimov, as well as an anti-gang squad member, Sergey Khadzhikurbanov, which seemed to indicate that the investigation had been thorough. Yuri Chayka had also established a link between the assassination of Anna Politkovskaya and the one of Paul Khlebnikoff, the editor in chief of the Russian edition of Forbes shot to death in 2004, and the former vice president of the Russian central bank, Andrey Kozlov (Russia Intelligence n41 of October 13 2006). The latter point was all the more surprising since the Kozlov case had been said to have been solved in the spring and the presumed killers jailed. Yuri Chayka in any case thought he had two winners. The solving of the Politkovskaya case, a few days from the first anniversary of the death of the Novaya gazeta journalist, was made to order to bolster the image of the Russian president in the West. It was also meant, for the public prosecutor, to underline the efficiency of his services on the eve of the creation of a Committee for investigation, a quasi-autonomous structure of the Prosecutors office whose presidency Vladimir Putin had assigned to Alexandre Bastyrkin, one of his former university classmates (Russia Intelligence n58 of June 28 2007). But by August 28, it seemed that Yuri Chayka had proclaimed victory prematurely. It was learned first of all that a first detainee had been cleared by the investigators and released. Lawyers for Sergey Khadzhiburbanov had themselves let it be known that their client had a solid alibi since he had been in detention on October 7 2006. The actions Pavel Ryaguzov was charged with dated back to 2004 and had no connection with the murder of Anna Politkovskaya. In the end, this case smacks so much of amateurism that one is left to wonder whether Yuri Chayka wasnt manipulated and sent into oblivion.
The strange Barsukov affair. Virtually unnoticed in the West, the arrest of Vladimir Barkusov (alias Kumarin) is however even as politically sensitive as the Politkovskaya case. The one presented as the godfather of the Tambov group was arrested on August 22 by units of the Interior ministry and Prosecutors office who had come from Moscow without the outposts in Saint Petersburg getting any advance warning of the operation. An apparently useful precaution since, according to Yuri Chayka, many well-placed persons had tried to derail the investigators. Vladimir Barsukov was wanted; among other reasons, for money laundering, extortion of funds, attempted murder and murder. He is notably accused of the attack in the spring of 2005
RUSSIA INTELLIGENCE
D I P LO M AC Y c
Po l i t i c s & G ov e r n m e n t
In the decade of the collapse of the Soviet union, Russian policy toward Asia rested essentially on strategic partnerships with India and the Peoples Republic of China. Vladimir Putins recent tour of the region on the occasion of the 15th APEC summit in Sidney illustrated the new geographic priorities of the Kremlin and confirmed the dominance of economic factors in Russian diplomacy. The first stopover of the Russian president, Indonesia is one of the new strong points of the Kremlin policy in southeast Asia. It was well known that for several months Moscow and Jakarta were discussing the details of new arms contracts. During the recent Moscow air show, Rosoboronexport and the Indian Defence minister had signed an accord on delivery, between 2008 and 2010, of 6 new Sukhoi fighter-bombers (3 Su-30SKM and 3 Su-30 MK2, for an amount evaluated at 335 million dollars). Another, more ambitious, accord was completed in Jakarta September 6. Russia and will in fact deliver to Indonesia ten Mi-17 and Mi-35 transport and attack helicopters, twenty BMP-3F armoured troop carriers, as well as two Kilo class conventional submarines. This transaction will be financed by a credit of a billion dollars from the Russian government, an arrangement that illustrates Moscows new financial flexibility, which had already been inaugurated during the summer of 2005 in the framework of a contract with Jordan. According to certain information, Indonesia would also be interested by the Kornet anti-tank systems from KBP Tula, unspecified anti-air arms, and also in civilian aircraft (the Sukhoi SuperJet-100 and the Be-200 and Be-103 amphibious aircraft. The successes of Russian industrialists in Indonesia were not limited to the armaments and aerospace sectors. Lukoil and the national company Petramina signed a cooperation accord concerning several off-shore deposits. Rusal and Antam also signed an accord on the construction by 2001, of a complex of a capacity of 5 Mt/yr that will be supplied by bauxite deposits from Munggu Pasir and Pantas. Oleg Deripaska s group represented in Jakarta by the former Finance minister Alexandr Livshits will hold 51% of a joint venture that will soon be created. Lastly, Altimo telecoms subsidiary of Alfa-Group is said to be prepared to buy, for 2 billion dollars, the share of ST Telemedia (Singapore) in the Indonesian mobile telephone operator Indosat. We should also point out that the president of Alpha-Bank, Pyotr Aven, accompanied Vladimir Putin on his Asian travels, as well as Sergey Kirienko (Rosatom), Vagit Alekperov (Lukoil), Vladimir Evtushenkov (AFK Systema), Vladimir Dmitriev (VneshEkonomBank), Leonid Reyman, the Communications minister, Sergey Stepashin, the president of the Court of accounts, and also the chief representative of Vladimir Putin in the Far-east federal district, the Tatar Kamil Iskhakov. The Australian phase for Vladimir Putin was also as fruitful. True, the discussions with George Bush led only to an invitation to a fishing date in Siberia, with no progress seen on the thorny problem of the WTO or the anti-missile defence. But Vladimir Putin obtained from his APEC partners that the organisations summit planned for 2012 take place in Russia. On the economic front, the major event was incontestably the Russia Intelligence N61 j September 13 2007
ALERT
www.russia-intelligence.fr
RUSSIA INTELLIGENCE
DEMOGRAPHY c Alain Blum
Po l i t i c s & G ov e r n m e n t
An interview with Alain Blum, director of the Studies centre of the Russian world, the Caucasus and Central Europe (School of advanced social science studies and the CNRS national scientific research centre) and director of research at the National institute of demographic studies (INED) Author specifically of Birth, living and dying Alain Blum in Russia, Paris, Payot, 2004, and Bureaucratic anarchy statistics and power under Stalin, La Dcouverte, 2003, (with Martine Mespoulet).
The demographic situation was recently described by Vladimir Putin as one of the principal threats to national security for Russia. What are the profound causes?
The demographic situation and the demographic policies followed in Russia today, are the object of very extensive media attention, fostered by the entourage of Vladimir Putin. This is part of the general rhetoric concerning the promotion of the greatness and power of Russia, which translates here in terms of population, as well as the argument that an increase in births would be the direct expression of a hope and rediscovered confidence. The reform of the 1990s have been put forward as the causes of this demographic situation, inasmuch as the decline in population as well as the decline in fertility date back about to the collapse of the USSR. The growth rate turned negative in the early 1990s. Certain political or media figures had even accused Boris Yeltsin of being responsible for genocide of the Russian population and nationalist and conservative speeches adopted this accusing tone. But, when we examine closely the demographic trends, we can see that the reality is completely different. The most preoccupying, the extremely high level of mortality, (the male life expectancy at birth, the most preoccupying, reached 58.9 years in 2005, compared to 76.8 in France the same year. Russian men live on average close to 20 years less than French men!) is linked to a gradual, quasi-linear, degradation, that began in at the start of the 1970s decade. Nothing to do with the Yeltsin reforms. The cyclical, and very temporary, effect of the war on alcoholism in 1986 gave the impression of a counter-action of these reforms. If the latter existed at all, it was very limited compared to the long-term trends. The causes are complex, and closely linked to the lack of adaptation of the health-care system to the new health conditions, alcoholism which remains very preoccupying, important violent mortality, affecting in particular young men closely linked to alcoholism. In terms of fertility, there was certainly the effect of uncertainty about the future, leading many couples to delay the arrival of children. But that situation was only partially linked to the reforms. The current fertility rate corresponds to European levels, and, whats more, it has suffered from the delay of the age of the first birth, which had been extremely precocious in Russia. Young women delayed their first Russia Intelligence N61 j September 13 2007
Its impossible to furnish numbers since evolution is difficult to forecast, especially migratory terms. A realistic projection supposes, however, that mortality will begin to decline and that fertility will rise slightly (strongly for a while, and then return to an average level) and that immigration flows will develop, whatever policy is put in place. On this basis, we can probably foresee a population of 135 million inhabitants by a timeframe of 2015, a relatively high variant, rather than the 145 million imagined by Medvedev. Reaching such levels would presuppose very important migratory flows, which are not to be excluded but which remain unrealistic (while Medvedev counts only on a strong increase in births).
Demography is one of the national projects to the same extent as housing or education under the responsibility of vice Prime minister Dmitry Medvedev. What public policies have been put in effect by the government? Can they have a real impact, in your view?
Policies in demographic matters are at the heart of Vladimir Putins public communication. Two national projects, one on demography, the other on health, are developing. The first made considerable noise and consists primarily of a premium of 8500 euros (250 000 rubles)for the second birth, a considerable sum when compared with the average salary. This payment is placed in a pension fund, then available after a few years to finance housing or studies for the child. It represents a short-sighted policy, very much in line with certain Soviet policies : the impact will be rapid, without a doubt, since couples will anticipate the birth of their 2d child. But the effect will probably be temporary and will mark more the moment when couples have their 2d child. As a result, we risk having violent upheavals in the age pyramid, a difficult management for child care, education, follow-up health care. The age of maternity will again decline, which is hardly desirable. Fertility will probably rise slightly in the end but much less than it will seem in the years to come. At a high price, in terms of public child management. On the other hand, the health system is significantly below what it should be, even if we can hope that mortality will decline considerably in the years to come, given the incredibly high level of today. The government, apparently, is not developing a demographic policy, but a political fact, essentially to put forward successes which are in large part illusory. d www.russia-intelligence.fr
RUSSIA INTELLIGENCE
ENERGY c Europe
If the discussions with Total, BP or E.On are proceeding and indicate some new and very promising cooperation (Russia Intelligence n60 of August 2007), Gazprom also nevertheless risks being confronted by new political obstacles from certain European governments and the European commission in Brussels. Like in previous autumns, Gazprom is readying to launch discussions with its clients on the price of gas for the coming year. Since world hydrocarbon prices remain particularly high (more than 70$ a barrel on average in August), a new re-evaluation remains the order of the day. The first to get excited were the Lithuanians. On August 29, the daily Lietvos rytas published an article reporting on a notification addressed by Gazprom to the two Lithuanian gas importers, Lietvos dujos and Dujotekana, warning of an increase of 40% beginning on January 1 2008 (or 280$/1000 m3 against 195 currently). The Lithuanian Prime minister, Gediminas Kirkilas, had for his part spoken of an even larger spread (312-320$/1000 m 3) during an interview with Reuters news agency a few days earlier. Comparable increases are also awaited in Estonia and Latvia. After having demonstrated a policy of relative restraint for three consecutive years on prices upon entry of the Baltic states into the European union a moderation which had found a counterpart in its entry into the capital of the national gas distributing companies Eesti Gaas (37.02%), Latvijas gaze (34%) and Lietuvos dujos (37.1%) Gazprom will now charge the normal European prices to repeat the expression of one of its managers. The Russian company is even less inclined to make concessions in the case of Lithuania since the parliament of that country this spring adopted a law forbidding Lietvos dujos to apply a margin higher than 8% of the price of Russian gas bought at the border. The discussions could continue until October 31, the date set by the Russian and Lithuanian parties. In order to avoid a head-to-head confrontation with Gazprom that promises to be dangerous, Vilnius announced that it hoped to associate other European union countries in the discussions. This is an initiative that has few chances of succeeding in the absence of a common European policy but which confirms the extreme politisation of energy questions in the new member states in the Baltic region. Gazprom is equally confronted with significant political resistance in the case of Nord Stream, the underwater gas pipeline linking the region of Vyborg to Germany. Poland has let it be known that it would ask Stockholm to conduct new environmental studies since the new path of the future pipeline was modified to the limits of Swedish and Danish territorial waters. This change had the object of distancing Nord Stream from zones where shells from the second world war lie, but all pretexts are valid as seen from Warsaw to try to delay the Gazprom project. The Russian group could also find some other difficulties coming from Estonia. If certain information drifting out of Tallinn are confirmed, the Reform party plans to submit to the parliament a draft law on maritime frontiers that foresees extension of territorial waters of 3 nautical miles. We recall that Finland and Estonia left a neutral corridor of 6 nautical miles between their respective waters, to permit Russia to have a free access to rest of the Baltic sea to the north of which a segment of the Nord Stream should pass. There again, the prospects of such an approach would seem, to say the least doubtful, so long as it is hard to see Helsinki headed toward a clash with Moscow in this matter. But the strategy of harassment by the opponents of Nord Russia Intelligence N61 j September 13 2007
ALERT
www.russia-intelligence.fr
RUSSIA INTELLIGENCE
c cFOCUS
www.russia-intelligence.fr
RUSSIA INTELLIGENCE
FOCUS c Why
The brief visit undertaken by Vladimir Putin on the way to Indonesia and then Australia (read article page 3) was once again the occasion for the president to demonstrate his proximity even a certain complicity with Sergey Ivanov, whose bowling prowess the Russian television viewer could admire (and learn at the same time that the new leisure centre built at Vilyuchinsk for the families of the crews from the Russian pacific fleets submarine force was financed by Surgutneftegaz). The third to date since 2000, it primarily served to confirm the priority afforded by the Russian state to the peninsula, which has been called on to play a new economic and military role in the coming years. Forbidden to foreigners during the Soviet era, Kamchatka, during the 1990s, experienced an economic collapse aggravated by its twin distinctions isolation and the strong military presence the major victims during the Yeltsin presidency. In order to boost the region, the Kremlin for a while imagined duplicating the model tested with a certain success in neighbouring Chukotka with Roman Abramovich (Russia Intelligence n53 of April 13 2007). In other terms, assign the province to an oligarch ready to invest his personal resources as a means of redeeming himself. Long considered, Viktor Vekselberg managed to escape the honour. As a result, the administration privileged another scenario. The re-establishment of management over the peninsula came in three phases. The Kremlin first of all dismissed in March 2005 Vladimir Logimov, the governor of the autonomous district of the Koryaks. It then initiated the merger between this area subject to Federation control with the Kamchatka region, actually approved by a referendum October 23 2005 and officially completed on July 1 2007. This administrative remodelling also had as a byproduct the removal of the governor of Kamchatka, Mikhail Mashkovtsev, elected in 2000 under the communist label. He was replaced last May by one of his assistants, Alexey Kuzmitsky, the governor of the autonomous district of the Koryaks. The latter studied and passed most of his career in Saint Petersburg. A graduate of the Electro-technical institute (1992) and the administration academy (2003), he was, among other posts, counsellor of the director of the institute of radio-navigation and then financial director of a firm linked to the national fisheries committee. It was his connections with this sector of activities highly important to Kamchatka that explains the rise of Alexey Kuzmitksy in the peninsula in May 2005. The other illustration of the renewed interest by the Kremlin for Kamchatka was the announcement in early July 2007 of a new submarine base in Vilyuchinsk. According the commander in chief of the Russian combat navy, Admiral Vladimir Russia Intelligence N61 j September 13 2007
RUSSIA INTELLIGENCE
C AU C A S U S c Ingushetia,
As in the autumn of 1999, the north Caucasus has invited itself into the heart of the Russian news on the eve of Russian legislative and presidential elections. This time, however, its Ingushetia and not Chechnya in the spotlight, and the federal power structure could have done without such attention. Attacks, special operations, and clashes are in fact virtually daily events, arousing fears of increasingly wider destabilisation.
Murat Zyazikov looses his footing. Elected in 2002 and extended in his post by the Kremlin in 2006, Murat Zyazykov an exFSB general is far from controlling with assurance the situation in the Republic, as recently affirmed with confidence Karim-Sultan Kokurkhaev, a senior Ingush official in charge of human rights. Since the beginning of summer, no less than 40 armed incidents have in fact taken place. June 26 the facilities of the presidential administration and the general direction of the FSB in Magas, the new capital, were the targets. June 16, a Russian teacher, Ludmilla Terekhina, was assassinated with her two children. Two days later, an explosion took place during her burial at the Ordzhonikidjevkaya village cemetery, making 11 victims. We should note in passing that the small Slavic minority seems to be systematically the target of terrorists: August 30; another teacher, Vera Draganchuk, was assassinated in Karabulak; September 7, Natalya Mudarova doctor in charge of the blood transfusion service in Nazran, who was married to a Chechen, met the same tragic end.
This multiplication of attacks led the federal authorities to reinforce the deployment of the Interior ministry in Ingushetia. No less than 2500 additional men were dispatched on August 10 to conduct a special prophylactic operation. With, up to now, mixed results. The battalion of Interior troops stationed in Malgobek, for example, was attacked on the night of September 9, leaving one dead and three wounded among the federal forces. The Russian press has in addition begun to give voice to the increasing disquiet of the Ingush population in the face of the often blind repression of the FSB. In Moscow, several top specialists of north Caucasus affairs contacted by Russia Intelligence fear a repetition of events on a scale similar to the raid on Nazran in the summer of 2004, or on Nalchik in October 2005. It should be recalled that combat in the region in the capital of Kabardino-Balkaria which had opposed members of the Yarmuk Jamaat and state security forces lasted more than three days and claimed more than one hundred lives. As a sign of increasing anxiety but also of a certain defiance vis--vis Murat Zyazikov the Duma commission on security affairs just announced that it would take up the matter. But the Kremlin does not seem inclined to drop soldier Zyazikov. Dmitry Kozak, the special representative of Vladimir Putin in the federal south district; has excluded any change at the head of the republic. It must be said that those in the Centre have no alternative solution. The two other One Year Subscription
Printed Edition
(23 issues, airmailed overseas)
The objective of the Chechen president is to reconstitute the Chechnya-Ingush republic in its pre-1992 borders. At this stage, the federal authorities do not seem to be too enthusiastic at the idea of confiding the reins over Ingushetia to Ramzan Kadyrov, whom many especially in the military and within the FSB already find too powerful (the headquarters in fact currently support the military leader of the only pro-Russian unit the Zapad battalion still outside Kadyrovs control, Said Kakiev. We should note in passing that the test of strength between the latter and the Chechen president also includes a religious dimension since Kakiev is a representative of a Suffist brotherhood Naqshbandiya, while Kadyrov himself is a member of the Qadiriya brotherhood). It goes without saying that Murat Zyazykov and more generally, the Ingush elites have no desire to place their fate in the hand of the Chechen big brother. The events in Ingushetia pose the question of Vladimir Putins Caucasian political balance sheet. Certainly, the Kremlin has succeeded in finely tuning the thorny question of the successions (all the president of the north Caucasus republics have been replaced in recent years: in addition to Kadyrov and Zyazikov, Moscow has also installed Taymuraz Mamsurov in North Ossetia, Arsene Kanokov in Kabardino-Balkaria, Mukha Aliev in Dagestan, Aslan Tkhakushinov in the Adygea republic). Dmitry Kozak also mobilised the Russian oligarchs to invest in the region (Russia Intelligence n41 of October 13 2006), and not only in Sochi. But if the spectre of Chechen separatism is receding, the principal socio-economic challenges which the north Caucasus is confronting remain on the agenda. d
770 TTC
880 TTC
c Russia Intelligence j Group Publisher and Managing Editor : Franois Roche j Editor-in-chief : Arnaud Dubien j 115, rue Saint Dominique 75007 PARIS - France j Editorial : info@russia-intelligence.fr / Tel. : 33 1 53 59 35 72 j Subscription : subscriptions@russia-intelligence.fr / Tel. & Fax 33 1 46 45 53 75 j ISSN : 1771-3900 j Commision paritaire : 1206 I 85736 j Imprimerie : Hemmerl, 75002 Paris j Copyright : Eurasian Intelligence 2006 - Copy and dissemination in any form prohibited (including Intranet).
Russia Intelligence is published by Eurasian Intelligence SAS - Capital euros 37,000 . j CEO: Franois Roche j RCS Paris B 479 124 943 j Headquarter : 115 rue Saint Dominique - 75007 - PARIS
Eurasian Intelligence
www.russia-intelligence.fr