JOANNA SOFAER

POTS, HOUSES AND METAL: TECHNOLOGICAL RELATIONS AT THE BRONZE AGE TELL AT SZZHALOMBATTA, HUNGARY

Summary. At the Bronze Age tell of Szzhalombatta, Hungary, techniques used for making pottery echo those used in other media. Pottery and architecture have a close relationship. Not only were both made of clay, but methods of making pots echo those used for building. Similarly, pottery and metalwork share common themes and technologies for working with clay and bronze. Since choices made by potters are not solely conned to the environment, raw materials and tools, but are also socially and culturally dened, by implication the transfer of know-how must be situated within social networks between people. This paper considers how the identication of technical relationships between different media at Szzhalombatta can be used to explore social relations in Bronze Age society, thereby suggesting relationships that work on both technical and social levels.

introduction
Approaches to the technology of prehistoric pottery often tend to focus on the technical parameters of production. In Hungary, as elsewhere, technological studies of pottery manufacture have concentrated on the composition of ceramic artefacts and on provenance (Varga et al. 1989; Ilon and Varga 1994; Szakmny 2001; Szakmny and Kustr 2000; Gherdn et al. 2002). Firing techniques and the determination of ring temperatures have also received some attention (Maniatis and Tite 1981; Varga et al. 1988; Nagy et al. 2000). Similarly, examinations of metalworking technology frequently concentrate on the composition of bronzes and their provenance (Mozsolics 1967; Szab 1998; Bertemes and Heyd 2002). The investigation of house building technology forms part of an established Hungarian concern with the archaeological and ethnographic study of local domestic architecture, where the main focus is on building techniques (Kovcs 1977; Bna 1982; Mth 1988; Meier-Arendt 1992; Cseri and Fzes 1997; Poroszlai 2003a). Such studies have been of great importance in highlighting the complexity and sophistication of Bronze Age craftsmanship. They have, however, led to an emphasis on manufacturing processes and individual objects as the outcome of craft production, rather than highlighting craftspeople. Furthermore, while technological developments or production techniques have previously been studied in archaeological contexts within the connes of individual crafts, objects are rarely made or used in isolation. A range of studies have pointed
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out formal, metaphorical, and technical relationships between different crafts. For example, the production of skeuomorphs plays on the formal qualities of objects, moving between different media in order to deliberately evoke an object made in one material in another (Knappett 2002; 2005; Vickers and Gill 1994). Symbolic relationships between craft production activities and other aspects of human life may underpin belief systems, being used as a means of explaining the world (e.g. Gosslain 1999; Barley 1984; 1994; Herbert 1993; Sillar 1996; Mahias 1993; Leopold 1983). Craftspeople may also face common technical problems. Thus control over heat is a common theme in the production of pots and metal, and the pyrotechnology involved in pottery making and metalworking is closely related (Friedman 1998; Kaiser et al. 1986). There are, however, important differences between these three kinds of relationship. The rst is iconic rather than indexical (Knappett 2002) since it does not necessarily imply contiguity or causality, although given sufcient contextual evidence these may be explored (Knappett 2005). The second relates to the materialization of symbols and mutual understanding of a coherent belief system that links a wide range of potential actions. Only the third implies direct knowledge of production processes involved in the other craft and a real transfer of know-how between crafts and craftspeople. In this paper I want to focus primarily on the last of these three different kinds of relationship, as the social implications of the transfer of principles and techniques between crafts have been less frequently addressed in archaeological settings. In particular, I want to explore the social implications of the transfer of know-how between pottery, houses and metalwork in the Early and Middle Bronze Age using the rich ceramic assemblage from the tell site of Szzhalombatta, Hungary. At Szzhalombatta the methods used for making pots in clay echo those used in other media. Since the choices made by potters are not solely conned to mediating components of the environment, raw materials and tools, but are also socially and culturally dened (van der Leeuw 1993, 241), by implication the transfer of know-how must be situated within social networks between people (Bromberger and Chevallier 1999). The identication of technical relationships between different media can be used to consider social relations in Bronze Age society, thereby suggesting relationships that work on both technical and social levels.

the tell at szzhalombatta

The site of Szzhalombatta is situated on the right bank of the Danube, 30 km south of Budapest (Fig. 1). The site is one of the largest and best preserved Bronze Age temperate tell settlements in Central Europe, being 200 by 100 m in area, excluding the south and south-west parts of the site, which may represent up to one-third of the original area and which were destroyed during clay extraction by a local brick factory and erosion by the River Danube (Poroszlai 2000). Deposits of cultural material at the site are up to 6 m deep and date from the Hungarian Early Bronze Age to the Iron Age (Varga 2000). The excavated Bronze Age layers date from the transition from the Classic Nagyrv (Szigetszentmikls) to Late Nagyrv (Kulcs) phase of the Early Bronze Age, with continuity in use of the site through the following Middle Bronze Age Vatya tradition (Vatya IIII) and Vatya-Koszider phase at the end of the Middle Bronze Age (20001500/1400 BC), until a hiatus in the use of the site that lasted until the Urneld period (Kristiansen 2000; Poroszlai 2000). The site has been the subject of three excavation campaigns: the rst in 1963 by T. Kovcs of the Hungarian National Museum (Kovcs 1969), the second in 198993 by I.
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Szzhalombatta
Lake Balaton

Danube

Tisza

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Figure 1 Location of the site of Szzhalombatta, Hungary.

Poroszlai of the Matrica Museum (Poroszlai 1996; 2000), and most recently from 1998 an on-going international excavation (the SAX Project), involving teams from the Matrica Museum, Gothenburg University, Cambridge University, and Southampton University.1 These excavations have resulted in a substantial, well-preserved ceramic assemblage belonging to the Nagyrv, Vatya, and Vatya-Koszider traditions of the Early and Middle Bronze Age. The Vatya phase represents a typological development from the Nagyrv and contemporary Kisapostag traditions (Bna 1975; 1992; Poroszlai 2000; 2003b; Vicze 2001) and there is a striking increase in the range of vessel forms at the start of the Vatya phase (Vicze 2001). However, while the range of vessel forms then seems to stabilize, as the period progresses there is a noticeable elaboration and exaggeration of existing forms (Vicze 2001) (Fig. 2ae). Wasters found at Szzhalombatta dating to the Vatya-Koszider phase indicate that pottery was made at the site (Poroszlai 1996). Bronze objects, fragments of bronze, moulds, and slag attest to metalworking at the site from the Early Bronze Age (Mozsolics 1967; Horvth et al. 2000; Poroszlai 2000; Srensen and Vicze in press). The rectangular houses discovered so far at Szzhalombatta are approximately 8 15 m, with a series of other smaller surrounding structures (Poroszlai 2000). There is continuity in house building techniques throughout the Early and Middle Bronze Age at the site (Poroszlai 2000). In common with other Vatya tells, it was fortied with a rampart and ditch during the Vatya phase (Poroszlai 2000; 2003b).

The SAX Project forms part of the wider EC-funded Emergence of European Communities Project.

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Nagyrv Vatya
Nagyrv Vatya/ Koszider Vatya

Figure 2a Major neware bowl and jug forms in the Early to late Middle Bronze Age at Szzhalombatta (drawing S. Budden after Bna 1975; Poroszlai 2000; Vicze 2001).

Figure 2b Major cup forms in the Early to late Middle Bronze Age at Szzhalombatta (drawing S. Budden after Bna 1975; Poroszlai 2000; Vicze 2001).

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pots and houses

The start of the Bronze Age saw a move towards the increased use of wood in architecture (Mth 1988). At Szzhalombatta there is signicant evidence for the use of wood in the construction of houses and other features. Ground stone tools, metal objects and moulds for bronze tools that could have been used for woodworking have been found at the site (Horvth et al. 2000; Poroszlai 2000). Post-holes indicate the use of substantial vertical timbers for building, along with large base-timbers laid in foundation trenches. A wood-lined pit was discovered in 2004. Houses and other structures at the site are also made with clay, which was used particularly for walls made of wattle and daub applied in layers, and oors which were made of beaten earth or plastered. Clay ovens are frequently associated with the houses. Clay was an important resource for building both pots and houses as both were made of the same local material, albeit with different mixes and tempers. Use and control over clay were vital
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Nagyrv Vatya/ Koszider Nagyrv Vatya/ Koszider Vatya Vatya

Figure 2c Major domestic storage/cooking bowl forms in the Early to late Middle Bronze Age at Szzhalombatta (drawing S. Budden after Bna 1975; Poroszlai 2000; Vicze 2001).

Figure 2d Major domestic storage/cooking jar and strainer forms in the Early to late Middle Bronze Age at Szzhalombatta (drawing S. Budden after Bna 1975; Poroszlai 2000; Vicze 2001).

to everyday life. The site is situated on a substantial local clay deposit and although the term age of clay has been applied to the Neolithic (Stevanovic 1997), here too people were literally surrounded by clay. The overwhelming use of local clay, while clearly practical and expedient, may also have bound people to the site through a close relationship between place and material expression, and control over desirable local resources. Both pots and houses at Szzhalombatta are composite constructions that exhibit a mix of building techniques. For example, studies of storage vessels and urns suggest a tripartite composite construction (Kreiter et al. in press). The bases of many storage vessels were made with a at disc-shaped slab. The body of the pot was then made using a slab building technique. In some cases, the rst vertical slab was added starting from the middle of the base disc and squeezed outwards, allowing better cohesion between the vessel wall and the base. As a result, the bases of storage vessels in cross-section often exhibit two layers of clay. Since the use of
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Figure 2e Major urn forms in the Early to late Middle Bronze Age at Szzhalombatta (drawing S. Budden after Bna 1975; Poroszlai 2000; Vicze 2001).

heavy slabs on the upper parts of bi-conical vessels may lead to vessel collapse, this technique is particularly suited to building the lower parts of such vessels. Coil joins were observed in cross-sections of necks and rims of urns indicating that this technique was used for the more delicate parts of these vessels and to facilitate abrupt changes in vessel curvature. This tripartite structure of pots mirrors that of houses, which can be divided into oor, wall and roof. In another prehistoric context, Jones (2002, 1612) has argued for a metaphorical relationship between pots and houses on the basis of symmetry in their construction. What is particularly striking at Szzhalombatta, however, is the similarity in the principle of composite technology used for pottery forming and house building, reecting expediency in techniques that allow pots and houses to be made in particular ways. In addition to similar principles of construction, there are commonalities between techniques involved in building houses and vessel-making techniques. Clay storage bins inside houses were made by coiling. Woodworking involves scraping and smoothing, techniques that are evident on a large number of sherds. The majority of vessels at Szzhalombatta are treated and/or decorated and the wide range of decorative elements includes carved or incised motifs (Poroszlai 2000; Sofaer et al. 2003). Potters may also carve wood or bone tools for pottery making and there is a range of bone tools from the site including a number of worked bone scrapers and perforators (Choyke 2000), some of which may have been used in the production of pottery. In addition, while there is no direct evidence for wooden vessels at the site, vessels made of wood have been found at a range of European Bronze Age sites (Harding 2000). Pots may be incorporated into houses. Sherds have been found placed in the foundations of walls, while grog was mixed with daub and used for clay ovens. There are also decorative " house walls similarities between pots and houses. At the Nagyrv site of Tiszaug-Kmnytet o were covered with geometric designs (Csnyi 2003). Similar complex geometric motifs are found on Nagyrv pots over the entire Nagyrv distribution area (Csnyi 2003), including those found at Szzhalombatta. Furthermore, at Szzhalombatta there is a more prosaic, but also striking, resemblance between the visual impact of the vegetable matter included in daub and the surface treatments of pots made using grasses, reeds and twig tools.
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pots and metalwork

Clay and metal are both extremely plastic media that can be bent, shaped, twisted, and decorated. While these materials have different potentials, this common property lends itself to the construction of iconic relationships between pottery and metalwork. The inuence of metalwork on Bronze Age pottery forms has long been recognized in Hungary, as well as elsewhere, in terms of the formal characteristics of vessels such as shape, sheen and decoration (Friedman 1998; Kovcs 1977; Trachsler 1966; Childe 1949; Knappett 2005). In Hungary, this inuence can be seen as early as the late Copper Age in the high looped handles of Baden cups (Kalicz 1970). At Szzhalombatta, the highly exaggerated, angular and complex shapes of some vessels, which reach their height in the Koszider (Rkospalota) phase at the end of the Middle Bronze Age, suggest the inuence of metalworking (Fig. 3). Although there are some simple shapes, mainly for open vessels such as sh plates, sieves and some types of bowls as well as some of the cups and deep vessels, particularly in the early part of the Vatya phase (Vatya I) (Vicze 2001), there is a clear preference for discontinuous proles, with pots displaying corners rather than curves, sharp angles separating the body from the neck, carination and everted rims (see Hnsel 1968; Bna 1975). Fineware bowls, jugs and cups are commonly strongly burnished

Figure 3 Koszider jug (photograph J. Sofaer). OXFORD JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY

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on the outside. The high gloss produced by burnishing is reminiscent of the sheen on polished bronze. In addition to the formal similarities between pottery and metalwork at Szzhalombatta, the techniques used to make ceramic and bronze objects display a number of parallels. Potters and metalworkers need to be familiar with soils and minerals, since they crush and grind their materials to a powdery state and then remove the impurities by vanning (tin) or sieving and levigating (clay) (Herbert 1984; Friedman 1998). Experimental work at Szzhalombatta using local clays has emphasized the importance of adequate clay preparation through sieving and wedging. Research on fabrics from the site indicates that thermodynamically inefcient amounts of well-crushed grog (510 per cent) were systematically added to temper storage vessels (Kreiter 2005). Petrological examination of this grog has revealed pieces of grog within grog indicating the reuse of pots with a similar temper and clay (Kreiter 2005). This recycling of pots is analogous to the reuse and recycling of metal. The techniques of hammering and beating are shared by potters and smiths (Trachsler 1966, 145). From the Early Bronze Age Nagyrv phase onwards, some vessel types are made by assembling separate pieces together and joining them with a hammering technique. The similarity between potters and metalworkers techniques can be seen, for example, in Classic Nagyrv one-handled jugs. These are made out of a number of separate pieces: a pinched and sometimes coiled base, a conical neck, and the handle. The vessel is assembled with the base and the neck joined together by hammering (Fig. 4). Use of moulds is another technique often used by potters and smiths (Friedman 1998). Anvil moulds may have been used for forming the bases of some large storage vessels, although analysis of thin sections from Szzhalombatta and other contemporary sites has shown that the paddle and anvil technique for the initial shaping of vessels was employed in a limited way for pottery found at Szzhalombatta and was in wider use at other contemporary sites of the Ottomny and Gyulavarsnd traditions (Kreiter et al. in press). Paddling was more frequently employed as a nishing technique for some slab-built storage vessels such as urns (Kreiter et al. in press). The incised triangle and punched dot decoration on Koszider pots parallel those of metalworking incising, embossing and repouss decorative techniques seen on Carpathian Middle and Late Bronze Age metalwork including axes, daggers, sword hilts, belt ttings and ornaments (see Mozsolics 1967; Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975; Kovcs 1977). There are also strong iconographic links between pots and metalwork. Though relatively rare, anthropomorphic vessels are known from the Vatya tradition (Kovcs 1973). Female vessels have hands and breasts, while male vessels depict hands and metalwork. The metalwork, which may be a dagger or an axe, is applied in relief and depicted in detail suggesting that the makers of pottery must have been familiar with them (Kovcs 1973, 24). Sherds of female and male vessels are known from Szzhalombatta, the gender of the male example being indicated through the depiction of a dagger (Poroszlai 2000).

the transfer of know-how: pots, wood, and metal

Where materials are used in conjunction with each other, such as clay and wood in houses, or where materials have similar decorative, plastic or transformative potentials as in the case of clay and metal, or where basic forming or shaping techniques are shared between media, these may allow borrowings and exchange of ideas with common spheres of knowledge between crafts. At Szzhalombatta, one particular aspect of pottery vessel forming techniques a
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Figure 4 Nagyrv one-handled jug (photograph J. Sofaer).

common method of attaching handles suggests just such a real transfer of know-how between crafts and craftspeople. At Szzhalombatta, handles are attached onto Early and Middle Bronze Age cups, bowls and jugs by piercing a hole in the vessel body from the vessel exterior while the clay is leatherhard, resulting in a sharp, raised margin in the vessel interior. A peg or pin made from the end of the handle is slotted through this hole (Fig. 5). The end of the peg may then be attened inside the pot to provide anchorage. In a few cases, the end of the peg is split and bent back in a similar manner to a buttery clip. If a ner nish is desired the inside of the pot is smoothed. On many occasions, however, on pots which are otherwise well-nished, the interior nish is lacking or poorly executed. In cups and jugs the bottom part of the handle was probably attached rst, being xed from its base and attached to the rim. This would facilitate the making of the characteristic ansa lunata handle of the Koszider phase of the late Middle Bronze Age (Budden 2005). The top of the handle is joined by smoothing the clay of the handle onto the body. This method of xing the handle is strikingly similar to the principles involved in the use of pegs and posts through cross-timbers, or mortice and tenon joints in wood (cf. Piggott 1935; Bradley 1978), and rivets for joining metal. Although relatively little well-preserved wood has so far been found at Szzhalombatta, prohibiting a detailed study of woodworking
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Figure 5 Peg method of attaching handles at Szzhalombatta (photograph A. Kreiter).

techniques, at other contemporary Hungarian sites with a range of different architectural traditions, particularly those of the Middle Bronze Age Gyulavarsnd group (Vargha 1955; Csnyi and Trnoki 1992; 2003), and at Bronze Age sites elsewhere in Central Europe (Harding 2000; Arnold 1982; Menotti 2004), woodworking techniques used for building houses have been studied in more detail. At the Gyulavarsnd site of Trkeve-Terehalom, for example, upright posts were anchored in and through base-timbers laid in the foundation trenches of the walls (Csnyi and Trnoki 1992; 2003). The mortice and tenon joint was widely known throughout Bronze Age Europe. Riveting is a technique that can be identied in metalwork contemporary with the pottery from Szzhalombatta (Mozsolics 1967; Kemenczei 1988; 1991; Hnsel 1968). The dagger on the Vatya anthropomorphic pot from the site clearly shows riveting (Poroszlai 2000). The attachment of handles in clay in this manner is not simply imitative of wood or metal in the sense of wanting to give the formal effect of these materials. Nor is it a symbolic device designed to speak to members of the community through use or display of the vessel. While this method of attaching handles may be clearly seen on the inside of broken vessels, it is not visible from the outside of the vessel or on whole pots. In addition, it is not the most functionally adept or practical method of making and joining handles as it does not fully exploit the plastic qualities of clay. In clay, this method of attaching handles might actually be said to introduce weakness into the vessel as there is less surface area where the handle adheres to the pot.2 In the Szzhalombatta assemblage there is a recurring pattern of breakage with numerous examples of vessels where the handle and its surrounding area have come away from the rest of the pot. In other media, however, this kind of joint is extremely strong and secure. Joints are designed to withstand particular kinds of stresses which may be tension, compression or torsion (Weeks 1982). In wood, mortice and tenon joints are particularly useful for resisting lateral tension and compression (Weeks 1982). In metal, a rivet acts as a clamp that holds two or more pieces of material together. Rivets will resist tension to a certain degree, but their primary job is to transmit loads along the piece of material, not at a major angle away from it. Given the

I am grateful to Sandy Budden for discussions on this point. OXFORD JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY

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usefulness of mortice and tenon joints in wood, and rivets in metal, perhaps Early and Middle Bronze Age potters thought that they were strengthening their vessel by attaching handles in this way. If so, this emphasis is intriguing because relatively small vessels such as cups or bowls show this feature, although in functional terms they do not necessarily demand extreme strength even if lifted by the handle.

potters, woodworkers, and metalworkers

Solving the technical problem of how to x a handle onto a pot represents a distinct choice made from a universe of possibilities (Lemonnier 1986, 153). Pottery manufacture is strongly inuenced by its social, cultural and political context, as well as by constraints imposed by the natural environment (van der Leeuw 1989). The sharing or borrowing of technical knowledge between crafts implied by the ceramic handles at Szzhalombatta indicates the way that technology was socially situated in Bronze Age society (cf. Pfaffenberger 1988; 1992) and therefore has implications for close social relations between craftspeople. Traditional models of the Early and Middle Bronze Age in Europe see it as a period of increasing social complexity with the development of prestige-based social hierarchy and craft specialization, particularly in metalworking (Harding 2000; Kristiansen 1998; Primas 1997; Shennan 1986; 1993). Woodworking and pottery production are less frequently discussed with regard to craft specialization. They are often implicitly regarded as being situated within the domestic sphere, although in Aegean contexts arguments have been advanced for highly skilled and specialized woodworkers based largely on the existence of carpentry tools, grave offerings and monumental architecture (Downey 1996). Even if the construction of houses was a family or communal affair as their size would suggest, this does not exclude the possibility of contributions from specialist craftspeople in the erection of major structures (cf. Waterson 1997; Leggett and Nussbaum 2001). In terms of ceramics, at Szzhalombatta the technical complexity and prociency with which newares and some large ceramic vessels were made strongly suggest specialization in the production of some vessel types. A focus on individual crafts, however, implicitly seems to separate and fragment society. In order for knowledge transfer to take place, such as that seen in the pottery at Szzhalombatta, there have to be channels for the transmission of know-how between craftspeople (cf. Layton 1989). These channels take the form of social networks whose characteristics allow the pooling of resources, knowledge, techniques and human potential (Faure-Rouesnel 2001; Bromberger and Chevallier 1999). Networks allow the transfer and circulation of knowledge from one industry to another. For example, spectacle-makers in the French Jura learned to cut the arms of spectacles from the technique which watchmakers use to cut clock hands, through a locally anchored network (Barbe and Lioger 1999). Transfer of knowledge is quicker and more easily assimilated when the social relations are closer between people (Rice 1984). Thus potters moving into new communities, such as wives moving into their husbands community, may rapidly adopt the practices of their new home, albeit with modications (David and Hennig 1972; Rice 1984). Gosselain (2000) has shown how pottery forming techniques are generally acquired at a young age from close relatives. Tracing the ow of information between followers of different strategies requires mapping communication networks in a society, including the institutions of kinship, moiety, fraternity and guild, which serve to exchange information between those who have experience in a certain matter and those who do not (van der Leeuw 1989, 324).
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In a hierarchical society concerned with prestige such as in the European Bronze Age, one form of network where exchange of knowledge can take place is a caste-like system. Often applied to the Indian sub-continent, Barth (1960) argues that caste is a local term given to a universal form of social stratication. Castes are commonly associated with traditional or craft occupations where the system as a whole is concerned with prestige, especially of those at the top of the hierarchy (Coningham and Young 1999). They are endogamous with restrictions on commensality between members of different castes. However, caste systems may also be more exible than is often suggested, with communities rising or falling within its rankings (Coningham and Young 1999, 92), thereby allowing for the possibility of social change. There are a number of ethnographic examples where the organization of craft activities takes place along clearly dened social networks, and potters and metalworkers form part of a caste-like group with close social relationships. Some of the best known of these are among the erny et al. 2001; Wade 1989; Biu-Mandara-speaking peoples of West Africa (see David 1990; C Vaughan 1970). Among the Fali, for example, a craft caste-like group known as the meehin typically form 58 per cent of the community. The meehin practise a range of crafts including woodworking, leather working, basketry, the manufacture of musical instruments, iron smelting and smithing, brass casting and potting (Wade 1989). The division of skills is strongly gendered, with the men responsible for metalworking and the women responsible for pottery manufacture, divining and serving as ritual specialists (Wade 1989). The meehin are frequently ostracized, despised or have an ambiguous status related to their role as morticians (Wade 1989). The status of the meehin as a craftsperson is ascribed but within the connes of gender roles, there is exibility of choice as to which craft is practised and the degree of specialization (Wade 1989). Craftspeople may concentrate almost exclusively upon a single artefact type, a single craft, or may practise several crafts. Because they are endogamous, craftspeople will always have relatives who can teach them the skills required in a chosen craft. This provides an effective structure for the learning, transmission, and use of technical knowledge (Wade 1989, 2323), as well as control over access to knowledge by others. A method of attaching handles to pots through a hole in the vessel wall, in a manner similar to that seen at Szzhalombatta, is documented in ethnographic studies of the Mende in Sierra Leone (Colonial Film Unit 1937). The Mende are a strongly hierarchical society with gendered craft specialization and a castelike social organization (Wolfe 1969; Aronson 1991). The use of ethnographic data to create a model for Bronze Age society raises gender issues, particularly in terms of the allocation of metalworking, house building, and potting to a particular gender group (see Srensen 1996). Based largely on ethnographic observations, there is a widespread assumption that metalworkers in the Bronze Age were male and that potters were female (Srensen 1996). Earlier in this paper I pointed to the use of metalwork as a male signier on anthropomorphic pots. However, identifying metal as a male signier in this particular context does not necessarily imply that all metal was made by men, or conversely that pottery was made by women. Indeed, there are large numbers of female ornaments made of bronze. In a discussion of gender and metalworkers in north-west Europe, Srensen (1996) has pointed out that in these contexts moulds for bronze casting are often made of clay and that applying different gender scenarios to these has contrasting consequences for how we understand both pottery and metalworking. Thus a traditional gender association between women and clay technologies might in fact suggest that women shaped the appearance of bronze objects. On the other hand, suggesting that men made the moulds would imply that they may have been active in pottery production. A third permutation considered by Srensen (1996)
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that clay technologies and therefore metalworking are not necessarily gender-exclusive makes for a richer and more complex model. She points out that evidence for metalworking in the form of moulds and crucibles has been increasingly demonstrated from settlement contexts and midden refuse rather than from spatially distinct or marked locations. Being a local and regular activity, Srensen (1996, 49) suggests that this means that metalworking would impinge on everyone in the settlement. Members of different gender groups may therefore have been involved in different stages of the production process or in negotiations surrounding it, particularly in terms of its planning and its relationship to a range of other unrelated, but potentially interfering, activities. Unlike Early Bronze Age and Middle Bronze Age sites in north-west Europe, at Vatya tell sites, most moulds for bronze casting are made of sandstone, although clay moulds are occasionally found (Mozsolics 1967; Horvth et al. 2000). Recent petrological work suggests that the number of Bronze Age clay moulds in Hungary may be greater than hitherto thought (Pterdi et al. 2002). Other objects made of clay involved in the casting process, such as tuyres, have also been found. There is evidence for a bronze-casting workshop set apart from the main settlement in an area of workshops at the Vatya tell of Lovasberny-Mihlyvr (Kovcs 1977; Petres and Bndi 1969). At Szzhalombatta the spatial organization of the settlement is a key question for ongoing excavations (Vicze 2004), but moulds, slag and bronze fragments have been found in settlement contexts, midden, and ll (Poroszlai 2000; Srensen and Vicze in press).3 The exchange of knowledge between metalwork and pottery at the site, seen in the method of attaching handles to ceramic vessels, suggests that social boundaries between the two crafts were rather uid. If one accepts a gendered model of craft production, this would, in turn, imply that while aspects of craft production activities may have been highly gendered, they also involved negotiation and co-operation between gender groups (Srensen 1996; Sofaer and Srensen 2002; 2006). Such negotiation between gender groups is visible in ethnographic lm of groups with strongly gendered roles (David 1990; Nicholson and Wendrich 1994), suggesting that the gender dynamics of craft production may be more complex than is often acknowledged. Even where craft production is, on the whole, strongly gendered there may be a range of local traditions permitting men and women to participate in different stages of the production process, from collection of raw materials and production of tools, to aspects of the production process itself (see David 1990; Brown 1995; Nicholson and Wendrich 1994). The model proposed in this paper also raises questions about the status of craftspeople in the Bronze Age hierarchy. While metalworkers are frequently regarded as having special status or roles within Bronze Age society on the basis of the transformative magic involved in the production of metal (Budd and Taylor 1995), and the status of woodworkers is at best ambiguous, potters are often seen to have low socio-economic status. More generally, it has been argued that as socio-economic differentiation increases, potters may, in fact, move downward on the socio-economic ladder (Rice 1984). In addition, potters are often said to be conservative because of their low socio-economic status (Rice 1984). Such a ranking of crafts is inconsistent with the formal and technical links between pottery, house building and metal making, including those that result in material transformations (cf. Vitelli 1995, 62). The transfer
3 This pattern is consistent with archaeological studies of the spatial distribution of craft waste in known caste systems. Craft activities are not necessarily spatially distinct and spatial divisions seen today in such societies are a relatively recent phenomenon (Coningham and Young 1999, 92).

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of knowledge between crafts allowed by the emergence of a caste system argues for parity between craftspeople with a range of specializations, reecting a degree of social cohesion between specic occupationally dened members of the community. If, as is often argued, metal objects are prestige items restricted to a limited number of people who form an elite (Kristiansen 1998), and some woodworking tools are made of bronze (Arnold 1982), then by extension this suggests that woodworkers were able to tap into high status. Although there are relatively few bronze tools in Hungary compared to surrounding countries, a range of axes, adzes, and chisels are known from Vatya sites (Mozsolics 1967). Of the two hoards from Szzhalombatta, one contained two shafthole axes dating to the Vatya III phase (Poroszlai 2000), while the other, dated to the Vatya-Koszider phase, contained rimmed chisels (Poroszlai 1998; Kemenczei 2003). Elsewhere, strong arguments have been made for skeuomorphs as prestige symbols (Wade 1989; Knappett 2002; 2005; Vickers and Gill 1994). While the vessels at Szzhalombatta are not necessarily direct imitations of metal vessels, the inuence of metalworking on the formal characteristics of Early and Middle Bronze Age newares argues for their enhanced value. In relation to the Early Bronze Age Maros ceramics from south-east Hungary, Michelaki et al. (2002, 317) argue for the role of pottery vessels in social display activities focused around the display of subsistence wealth and consumption of food and drink. At Szzhalombatta display included, but was not conned to, consumption. In the Vatya-Koszider phase in particular, newares were meant for display even when not in use, the bases of so-called Swedish helmet bowls being decorated in such a way that they could be seen when hung on the wall of the house. The use of neware for display was a practice that was also employed at Hungarian Middle Bronze Age sites of the Fzesabony tradition (Szathmri 2003). The use of pottery with metallic characteristics in the display arena, for special deposits of groups of pots in pits (sometimes in association with grain) (Poroszlai 2000), and with the Szzhalombatta hoard, suggests that the desirability of these ceramic objects may have been signicant, just as metalwork was a desirable commodity. Poroszlai (2000) has argued that newares were linked to high-status individuals, while Vicze (2001) has suggested that a decline in the quantity of metalwork buried with the dead in the middle of the Vatya phase (Vatya II), contemporary with the increased elaboration of pottery, represents the transfer of a prestige ideology from one medium to the other (Vicze 2001, 174). Furthermore, the relatively rapid changes in shape along with the exaggeration seen in jugs, bowls and cups in the 500 years from the Nagyrv to the Vatya-Koszider periods suggest condent, creative, craftspeople rather than retiring, conservative ones. The potters of Szzhalombatta produced an extended repertoire of valued display prestige items which must have been reected back in the enhanced social value of craftspeople as a group (cf. Wade 1989, 238). In turn, the increased emphasis on social differentiation presented by possibilities in craft production placed craftspeople at the heart of Bronze Age social dynamics. It was a crucial part of the processes of centralization in settlement and production (cf. Wade 1989), and the development of hierarchy and stratication often proposed for this period in Hungary (Shennan 1993; Poroszlai 2000; 2003b), further reected in the fortication of strategic sites during the Vatya phase, and a potentially more restricted range of nds in contemporary unfortied settlements (Poroszlai 1988).4
4 Although the existence of a settlement hierarchy has been established for the Vatya period, to date relatively few small single-layer settlements have actually been investigated. The on-going Benta Valley project (Vicze et al. 2005) seeks to redress this imbalance by exploring the hinterland around the Szzhalombatta tell. OXFORD JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY

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conclusion
At Szzhalombatta, techniques used for other materials informed those used to make pottery. Pottery and architecture have a close relationship. Not only were both made of clay, but methods of making pots echo those used for building. Similarly, pottery and metalwork share common themes and technologies for working with clay and bronze. The transfer of knowledge between different media is particularly evident and interesting with regard to the means by which handles were attached to neware vessels. While Early and Middle Bronze Age potters demonstrated incredible technology, skill and nesse in other areas (Budden 2002), the way in which they applied handles suggests a borrowing of techniques that is somewhat at odds with this, since it does not fully exploit the plasticity of clay. I am not arguing that the people of Szzhalombatta saw pots, houses and metalwork as the same, or that they deliberately set out to create one out of the other. As Knappett (2005) points out, there are many ways in which things can have meaning without being symbols. Rather, I am suggesting that there were relationships and borrowings between craftspeople at a number of levels that are revealing in terms of the perception of the materials with which people worked and the social context of craft production. Technological conceptual relationships tied these materials together and allowed people to borrow and transfer the techniques that they used in one medium to another, while a social network between craftspeople in this case a castelike system provided the avenue for the communication of technologies and techniques. As van der Leeuw (1993, 240) puts it, Techniques cannot be studied in isolation, but should be seen as the arena of mediation between what is materially possible or impossible and certain aspects of social organization. Techniques lend insights into society because the two are in constant symbiosis (van der Leeuw 1993; Lemonnier 1980; 1986; 1993). Technology thus takes a central role in understanding the organizational principles of the society which uses them (van der Leeuw 1993, 240).
Acknowledgements

This article has beneted from discussions with a number of students and colleagues in Hungary and Britain. I would particularly like to thank Sandy Budden, Alice Choyke, Attila Kreiter, Marie Louise Stig Srensen and Magdolna Vicze. Sandy Budden also gave generously of her pottery drawings for Figure 2. This paper is dedicated to the memory of the late Ildik Poroszlai, director of the Matrica Museum and founder of the Szzhalombatta Archaeological Park.

Archaeology School of Humanities University of Southampton Avenue Campus Higheld Southampton SO17 1BF

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