IV Simposio de Prehistoria CuevadeNerja La Cuenca Mediterranea durante el Paleolitico Superior 38.000 - 10.000 anos Reunién de la Vill Comisién del Paleolitico Superior ULS.PP. ¢ . José Luis Sanchidrian Torti pA ay Ana NP Marquez Alcantara Cueva Nera José M* Fullola Pericot Organis i (bts univesaT DE BARCELONA CuevacieNerja Las opiniones y hecos consionados en tad articulo son de la exclusiva UNIVERSIDAD | espansabilidad de s CORvoRA @ Fundacién Cueva ioNor) en 24-920260-5-5, is Depésito Legal MA-1854/05 hornIV SIMPOSIO CuevadieNeria LA CUENCA MEDITERRANEA DURANTE EL PALEOLITIOO SUPERIOR Reunion de la Vill Comisign del Paleoltico Superior. Upper Paleolithic subsistence organization on the Atlantic fagade of the Mediterranean Basin Jonathan A. HAWS y Bryan S. HOCKETT General circulation patterns in the Nor Allantic give Portugal a distinct Mediterranean climate and ‘environment despite the fact that it does rot physically border the Mediterranean Sea, The Mediterranean character of Portugal is strengthened by comparative analysis with the Mediterranean region of Spain. Important simiarites in adaptation and material culture can be found between central and southern Portugal and Mediterranean Spain beginning at least as early as the Solutrean. Terrestrial mammal hunting centered on medium-sized ungulates (red deer, ibex,chamots and wilé boar) and rabbits. In both regions, rabbits are numerically dominant and consumption patterns are nearly identical. Land-use patterns also appear similar Most of the fauna-bearing caves and rockshellers were used {or intensive rabbit carcass processing ith occupations tasting tong enough to result inthe deposition of smaller and highly tragmented large mammal assemblages. The specialized use of these locations suggests a serious bias inthe record of subsistence practices Similarities in tereestral animal explotation might suogest athe resources wee utilized ina similar ‘way. Unfortunately, evidence tor plant foods is remarkably absent inthe Portuguese sites but thelr recovery from some Spanish sites offers a possible explanation. Marine resources are known from ‘many interior sites and inthe few examples in coastal areas of steep bathymetry. The uniqueness of the Cueva de Nerja and Vale Bol offs us a rich source from which several hypotheses concerning the importance of plant and marine focds in Upper Paleolithic dio. As a resulta fuller reconstruction of subsistence organization is possible. Los patrones generales de la circutaciér en el Atlantico Norte dan a Portugal un clima y un ambiente rmediterréneos distinios a pesar de el hacho de que no confinafisicamente e1 mar Mediterréneo. El cardcter mediterréneo de Portugal es corsolidado por andlisis comparativo con la regién mediterrénea {de Espafia, Las semejanzas importantes en la adaptacion y dela cultura material se pueden encontrar ‘entre Portugal central y meridional y Espafta mediterranea que comienzan por lo menos desde el Solutrense. La caza de mamiferos teresires se centr en los ungulados de tamatio mediano (ciervo, inex, rebeco y jabal) y los copejos. En ambas regiones, los conejos son numéricamente dominantes 'ylos patranes de consumo son casi idénticos. Los patrones del “land-use” también parecen similares. La mayoria de las cuevas y de los abrigos fueron uilizados para le carmicera inteniva del conejo proceséndolo durante ocupaciones que duraban bastante tiempo, para dar lugar a la deposiciOn de conjuntas de mamiteros grandes més pequefios ¥y muy fragmentados, El uso especializado de estas localizaciones sugiere una predisposicién en ol registro de las practicas de subsistencio, Las semejanzas en el aprovectamiento pudieron sugerir que otros recursos fueran utlizados de una ‘manera similar, Desaforlunadamente, la evidencia para las plantas esté notablemente ausente en {os sitios portugueses pero su recuperacén on algunos sitios espafoles ofrece una explicacién posible. Los recursos matinas son canocidos ex muchos sitios interiores y en los pocos ejemplos en dreas costeras de batimetria escarpada. La singularidad de Cueva de Nerja y Vale Boi nos ofrece una fuente rica de varias hipstesis reterentes a faimportancia de las cursos marinos en la dieta del Paleolitico superior. Consecuentemente, una reconstruccion mas completa de la organizacién de Ia subsistencia es posible. Jonathan A. Haws University of Louisville (USA) Jonathan hawe @louisvile.edu Bryan S. Hockett Bureau of Land Management (USA) 078en 079 Upper Paleolithic subsistence organtzation on the Atlantic fagade ofthe Mediterranean Basin With regards to the title of this symposium, the question might legitimately be asked, “why should Portugal be included in the Mediterranean Basin?” Although it does not physically border the | Mediterranean Sea, Portugal is by virtue of climate and culture “Mediterranean.” Portuguese scholars in anthropology, geography and history have written extensively on this topic (see Riboiro, 1945). Ribeiro’s suggestion that Portugal is a mix of Atlantic and Mediterranean vegetation, climate and culture is widely regarded in Portugal. “Mediterranean” is a cultural construct that we have ‘overiain for purposes of analysis. In the Late Pleistocene no shared "Mediterranean' identity is, apparent, There is, however, reason to argue for shared cultural traits in the Iberian peninsula south of the Ebro River. During the Upper Paleolithic there are similaities in projectile ponts trom the Valencia region to the southern coastal strip to Portuguese Estremadura. Subsistence wes based on red deer and rabbit, with greater focus on ibex in the mountainous regions of eastem and southern Spain than in Portugal. Wild boar was also an important prey species. From a furctionalist, techno- environmental perspective these similarities in adaptation seem obvious given the climate and biogeography of southern Iberia. Inthe Mediterranean Basin, an explicit neo-evolutionary framework is the dominant paradigm for Americanist scholars. The goal is to explain long-term trends in prehistoric human behavior. The Broad Spectrum Revolution model has been applied and refined in the Mediterranean over the last thrae decades (Clark and Straus, 1986; Stiner, 2001; Stiner et al, 1999, 2000). ‘The model states that during the Late Pleistocene people intensified their harvest due to population pressure on resources caused by changing climates ‘and population growth (Binford, 1968; Flannery, 1969). This was accomplished by resource intensification, diversification, and specialization (Straus, 1992, 1995, 11995). This Tardiglacial paracigm’ is also widely used in Iberia (Morales et al, 1998). Preliminary faunal analyses fom Lapa do Picareiro and impressions from other sites resulted in a model of intensified rabbit and red deer procurement and a, broadening of the diet to inclide aquatic resources, ‘and possibly plants at the endof the Upper Paleolithic in central Portugal (Bicho and “laws, 1996). However, subsequent work suggests that these resources were paart of the diet for the entire Upper Paleolithic and, ‘may date to the Middle Paleolthic (Hockett and Haws, 2002), In fact, little is careful taphonomic and behavioral studies of the faunal assemblages. Systematic and taphonomic analyses of Upper Paleolithic faunal assemblages have been only recently begun (Aubry ef al., 2001; Bicho et al, 2000; Davis, 2002; Haws, 2003; Hockett and Bicho, 2000; Valente, 2000). Unfortunately, the ‘current sample of sites with faunal preservation is inadequate to resolve the larger questions concerning Late Pleistocene coastal settlement, resource use and subsistence organization. Systematic survey for Paleolithic sites in Portugal has only begun in the last decade (Thacker, 1996; Bicho et al, 2001), “The following discussion focuses primarily on resource availabilty and use throughout the Upper Paleolithic in central Portugal. Ultimately we hope to understand how and why people organized their subsistence. However, we must first know what resources they were utilizing before we can understand prehistoric decision-making 1. Mediterranean Portugal ‘Several forces determine the climate of Portugal and Create its Mediterranean-type environment. In the winter, the Polar Jet descends into the North Atlantic and brings storms across the ocean to Iberia. In the summer, the Azores High pressure cell keeps moisture from penetrating southward, thus creating the summer {dry season, Annual rainfall varies from 1,000 - 2.000 mm. in northern Portugal to 300 mm. in the south. The central coastal regions average about 600-700 mm annually. In most of the country, the majority of the precipitation falls between October and March, ‘Average winter temperatures range from 8-12° C. on the northern coast to about 16° C. in the south. In the interior north and montane areas temperatures often fall below freezing in winter. Summer temperatures range from average highs of 25 - 28° C. near the coast to as high as 40° C. in the interior. In the Estremadura region of central Portugal, winters, are cool and wet while summers are warm and dry. ‘Onthe Iberian Peninsula, the Euro-Siberian vegetation typical of temperate Europe occurs along the northern strip from the Basque country in the northeast to the northern tip of Portugal in the west. The rest of the peninsula is covered by Moditerranean-type vegetation. Rivas-Martinez (1982) divided the Mediterranean vegetation into étages or levels based on altitudinal zonation (Table 1). Most of Portugal fais within the ‘meso-Mediterranean zone, which in its natural state is characterized by evergreen oak forest (fig. 1) ‘aie. ora alan. Mra Wares (087, oe known about’ human e r subsistence during the | Sownsve “ages ele oe Late Pleistocene in 0 ee ee Portugal. The visible | =e te a“ os changes in the fie “428 archaeological record 8-18°C iE °C 2-9 have been interpreted 13-176 1-40 9-148C without the benefit of 7-18 | 410°C | 14-18°Cwv CuevacieNerja A CUENC: Reunion d t N Atlantic Ocean @ | Evrosiberian © = supraMediterranean = MesoMediterranean = ThermoMediterranean NEA DU Mediterranean Sea Pr Figure 1, Wap of bocimatiorones mh bara In central Portugal, meso-Mediterranean tree and shrub ‘communities are found in varying proportions depending ‘on exposure, soils and altitude. Agriculture, intentional planting and timber harvesting over several millennia have dramatically altered the natural vegetation ‘communities. No truly wild places exist any lenger. Some areas have been protected for several centuries and their composition provides the best model fo" the natural distribution of trees and shrubs. In these places, the evergreen oaks, Stone pine, privet, wild stranbery, wild olive, myrtle and Mediterranean buckthorn prefer the sunny, exposed areas. The Portuguese oak, Montpelier ‘maple, laurel and Maritime pine are found in shadier areas. Along streams other trees and shrubs include alder, elm, poplar, witow and elderberry. The deciduous oak, Quercus faginea, is often seen as a transitional ‘species ocourring in the north and south (Vieira et a, £2000). In the north and in the mountains, the vegetation is predominately supra-Mediterranean. Arboreal ‘vegetation includes the deciduous oaks, chestnut, pine, birch, ash, elm, willow, and wild fruit trees. Shrubs include juniper, yew, hazel, holly and heather. 2. Upper Paleolithic plant resources Recently, Haws (2004) published a detailed argument for Upper Paleolithic plant exploitation. This attempt ‘centered on a few key questions, First, were people harvesting wild plants? What resources would have been available? Where should we expect to fnd different resources in the archaeological record? The invisiblity of plant resources owing to poor preservation does not necessarily mean they were not significant ir prehistoric iets. Assuming that absence of evidence is not evidence of absence we will address the latter questions. ‘The lack of low elevation pollen records for much of Iberia precludes a definitive paleoenvironmental reconstruction. In most cases, except El Asperillo, Mougas and San Rafael, pollen cores come from lakes, ponds or peat deposits in mountain zones (Pantaléon-Cano et al, 2003; Ramil Rego et al, 1998; Stevenson, 1984). Most have no record ofthe initial deglaciation or at best imply cool, arid steppe vegetation prior to the last glacial-interglacial transition, In spite ofthis problem, warm adapted Mediterranean trees are evident in these cores albeit in very low frequency. This likely reflects a regional pollen input, ‘as well as the fact that warm-adapted plants were in low elevation refugia (Carrién and Van Geel, 1999: Carrién, 2002). Charcoal analyses provide the only low elevation Late Pleistocene paleobotanical data for Portugal. For the pre-LGM, analyses from Buraca Grande, Buraca Escura and Anecrial suggest upland vegetation consisted largely of Scots pine and heath during cooler times (Aubry ef al., 2001; Figueiral and Terral, 2002). In the lowlands, pine forests and some Mediterranean taxa were present (Figueiral, 1993; Queiroz and van Leeuwarden, 2002). Pollen records from deep-sea cores off Portugal concur with the terrestrial records (Sanchez Gofi ef al., 2002) ‘Taxonomic lists for the Gravettian (¢. 26 — 21.5 K y. BP) sites show a remarkably small range of species. This stands in contrast to the post-LGM. Figueiral (1993) identified components of a mixed Atlantic Mediterranean community of pine, evergrean and deciduous oak, birch, olive, ash, wild strawberry, tree heath and Leguminosae in Cabeco do Porto Marinho (CPM) levels dated 11.2 K y. BP, corresponding to the Allerod. Charcoal analyses of the Magdalenian levels of Lapa do Suao show a similar composition 080sper Paleolithic subsistence org ization Species identified include deciduous oak, pine, wild fruit (members of the Rosaceae famiy) and olive. Lapa do Picareiro has abundant charcoal in levels dated between 8.3 - 12.3 K y. BP but it has not been fully analyzed. Preliminary analysis points to a similar ‘vegetation comprised of deciduous oak, pine, wid olive, willow, ash and Leguminosae typical of Mediterranean ‘garrigues. After the LGIM it would appear that similar plant communities existed as do tocay. ‘Assuming that people utilized the nutritious and ‘economically valuable plants available to them, we have to consider how they may heve been utilized. Haws (2004) focused attention on pine nuts and acoms, two potentially valuable plant foods with a history of consumption in Iberia (Lewthwaite, 1982; Mason, 1995; Sieso and Gomez, 2002). These two resources were also heavily utilized in the western United States so it makes sense to draw inferences based on general models that have been applied there. Metcalfe and Barlow (1992) built a model for field processing and transport of pine nuts that can be Lseful to derive expectations regarding possible Upper Paleoithc use. In their model, fekd-processing decisions are conditioned by the travel time to the resource, its utlty (edible: inedible portion) and the time necessary topprocess it. They applied pinyon pina nut utity indices to a central place foraging medel to “explore relationships between the costs and benefits of collecting, field processing and transoorting loads ...1o base camps and the implications for overall efficiency while foraging” (Barlow and Metcalfe, 1996: 352) Bettinger etal. (1997) also used a certral place foraging model to explore acorn and mussel use in central California. In each of these models, knowledge of distance andor travel time to resource location and the time needed to process are critical elements Unfortunately, paleoenvironmental reconstructions are not fine-grained enough to know the locations of various resources in relation to an archaeological site. Often, site types (i., residential vs task sites) are not easily determined. Given these problems the central place foraging models cannot be fully utilized for most prehistoric cases. They do, however, provide some expectations concerning resource use that can be applied to Late Pleistocene Portugal. The Metcalfe and Barlow (1992) model predicts when resources should be processed in the field prior to transport. The feasibilty of processing is dependent on the type of ‘package’ the resource is founc, or the inedible fraction that must be removed, Removing this portion increases the utility of a resource and allows more to be collected and transported back to camp. For plants, the greater the processing time requred the less likely a resource will be field processed Time and group composition also place important constraints on the decisions. if women and children are collecting, they are less likely to camp overnight than men, thus placing a time constraint on collecting. Weight is also an important variable because of thresholds in the amount that can be carried. Reducing or eliminating buiky, inedible parts lowers the weight and increases the overall ullty of a resource, ade of the Mec Barlow and Metcalfe (1996) found that foragers could lower costs and raise return rates if they moved residence to the resource location. For pine nuts, the cones represent a significant, space-consuming fraction and should be removed to maximize the amount of edible nuts transported. The hulls require more processing and itis not economical to remove ‘them prior to transport unless extrernely long distances are involved (>100 km.). Unless stands are within a very short distance pine nuts should be transported to base camps in their hulls. This means that cones should be rarely deposited in residential camps, but pine nut hulls may be deposited in large numbers. ‘Since they do not require heating to be cracked open, these may rarely be charred and therefore not likely to preserve except in rare cases of exceptional preservation. Based on the central place model, if pine nuts were a significant resource then residential ‘camps would not necessarily be expected in areas near stands because pine nuts can be transported fairly long distances before it becomes unprofitable. For Portugal, the data are equivocal concerning the types of pine located near Upper Paleolithic sites. Both Pinus pinaster and P.pinea were present at the open air site of CPM (Figuieral, 1993, 1995). Distinguishing these two is important because P pinaster has a much smaller seed than the «pigholia» of P pinea, Considering the preferred habitats of these pines, the calcareous soils of the limestone uplands in Estremadura may have limited the spread of P pinea, Thus, sites in Serras, dire and Candeeitos, where most ofthe fauna-bearing ‘caves are located, would not be expected to have ‘evidence of pine nut consumption. These sites were probably specialized animal carcass processing locations, not residential sites (see below: Bicho, 1996; Ziihao, 1895). On the other hand, the low plains and valleys of Estremiadura are covered by Miocene sands ‘and podzols which are well suited for P pinea. The Rio Maicr valley would have been prime habitat for Ppinea. Its ocourrence during the Tardiglacial is confirmed by the charcoal record. Unfortunately, direct evidence of pine nut processing in open-air sites is missing. Organic preservation is extremely poor in the sediments of the area. The absence of charred nutshells does not necessarily mean that pine nuts were not utilized. ‘Although heating aids seed removal and thus may resultin charting, itis not required, Dried seeds could easily be cracked open to remove the seed from the hull. The technology does not necessitate large slab grinding stones, common for plant processing in later times, Small grinding stones have been found at CPM in the Rio Maior valley but no residue analyses have been made on them. Grinding stones were also found: in open-air Gravettian sites in the Rio Maior valley and. Vale Boi in southern Portugal (Thacker pers. com; Bicho et al, 2000). Of course, the occurrence of grinding stones does not necessarily mean they were used in plant processing. They could have been used in pigment ‘gtining or animal bone grease processing. Untl residue analyses are made, interpretation oftheir use is open. ‘Turing to Mediterranean Spain, Badal (1998, 2001) Identified over 9,900 carbonized pieces of pine conesw Cuevacenena LACuEnc ‘and seed hulls from Pinus pineain the Cueva de Nerja. Most ofthese were recovered from three archaeological levels dated to the Solutrean, Upper Magdalerian and Microlaminar Epipaleolithic. In the Solutrean level 9, dated 18,420 + 530 BP to 17,940 + 200 BP (Jordd Pardo et al., 1990), Badal (1998) reported 2580 fragments of cones and 196 hull pieces. The occurrence of P-pinea indicates warm, humid conditions near the ‘cave suggesting an occupation during an interstadial following the LGM. Importantly, it demonstrates substantial human use of pine nuts as early as the Solutrean in the cave, although pine cones and hulls are found in the Early Upper Paleolithiclevels too. In all levels containing evidence for pine nuts, the ‘occurrence of cone fragments implies a short cistance topine stands. According to the Barlow and Metcalfe (1996) model, these would only be transported with pine nuts if round trip times to find and collect them ‘were less than a couple of hours. ‘Acorns were another important food resource in Iberia during the last several millennia. The most widely consumed ones come from Quercus lex, the Holm oak, whose sweet-tasting acorn requires minimal processing, usually drying or roasting. Others like those from Q. suber and Q. pyrenaica could have been eaten as well. According to pollen and charcoal analyses, both evergreen and deciduous oaks were present in Late Pleistocene Portugal. Generally, only broad categories may be discernible by wood anatomy. Oaks are divided by non-taxonomic categories, such ‘as white, black and red oaks, etc., by North American foresters. Identification through wood anatomy is ‘more easily done for these categories than by species although there is apparent disagreement on this between North American and European specialist. Carrién et al. (2000) claim to have distinguished the pollen form of Q. suber from @. ilex. Their criteria have not been applied to other regional pollen aralyses so the best hope for determining which species was ‘more prevalent during the Late Pleistocene is the modern ecology and biogeography ofthe two species. Regardless of these problems, each of the species present today would have been present in the Late Pleistocene. Because Iberia was a refuge for many northern European plants, addtional deciduous types ‘may be present in the pollen and charcoal samples from northern Iberian sites (Bennett et al, 1931). During the cold periods of the LGM and Dryas |, @. ‘lex was probably limited in its biogeographic range. While it may have been able to withstand the lower temperatures, the increased aridity would have precluded the formation of closed-canopy Holn oak forests that characterize much of the natural areas of lowland central and southern Portugal today. Charcoal analyses of LGM sites shows that Q. suber ‘was present in Caldeirdo, located in a shettered valley, bbut not in the upper elevation site of Anecrial or the open, low-elevation site of CPM (Zilhao, 1997).Thus, acorns from these species would not have been available in large quantities to hunter-gatherers during old, dry periods like the Solutrean and Midcle (2) MEDITERRANEA C fe la Vill Comision del ULS.PP, Magdalenian. They would likely have been present during the immediate post-LGM Early Magdalenian but more prevalent during the warm, humid Bolling/Allerod period corresponding to the Late Magdalenian. The evergreen oak charcoal from CPM attests to its presence in the Late Magdalenian, The ‘occurrence of Q. suberin CPM and Caldeitdo is likely due to their location near sandy Miocene sediments where cork oaks are found today. At present there is no physical evidence of acorn use during the Upper Paleolithic or Epipaleoihc in central Portugal. In Spain, acorn parts were identified in the Upper Paleolithic levels of Cueva de Nerja and a few Epipaleolitc sites. Considering the Bettinger et al (1997) model for acorn processing and transport Unprocessed acorns should be transported from stands to residential sites. They found that cupule removal, cracking, winnowing and leaching or roasting are not economical in the field unless acorns are transported over 125 km. Since no groups were ever observed transporting acorns over such long distances itis assumed that this processing did not take place in the field. Drying to reduce load weight may be the only economical field processing but this is contingent ‘on the amount of time spent in the field. Therefore, evidence of acorn use should occur predominately in residential camps, not in logistical task sites, Unfortunately, these are the sites in Portugal that lack organic preservation, Itcan be demonstrated that central Portugal was a refugium for Mediterranean and temperate plant ‘species during the Late Glacial (Bennett ef al, 1991; Figueiral and Terral, 2002; Turner and Hannon, 1988: Vogel et al., 1999). This mixed community existed in low-lying plains and valleys until the Late Glacial interstadials allowed recolonization of upper elevations, However, the archaeological record is insutticient to know whether or not plants comprised a substantial portion of the diet during the Late Upper Paleolithic and Epipaleolthic. Current research projects in central and southern Portugal are utilizing methods to recover such evidence, Preliminary data indicate the use of Plants as early as the Gravettian (Thacker pers. com.) Given these findings, itis kely that plant exploitation was a regular and probably significant portion of the human diet during the Late Upper Paleolithic. The implications from central place modeling drawn upon in this section should serve to guide future research expectations concerning the types of plant materials that could be expected to occur in a given location. Pine nut and acorns serve as examples of the types of plants that could have played important roles in Upper Paleolithic hunter-gatherer subsistence in Portugal. Whether or not they could have been staples is debatable. Additional nuts may not have been as abundant as pine nuts and acorns in Estremadura, Walnuts are thought to have been introduced to Portugal bythe Romans. Chestnuts and hazelnuts occur naturally ‘and were evident from Late Pleistocene pollen diagrams in northwest Iberia, However, nether has been identified in charcoal assemblages from Estremadura,upper Pai an on the Allantic faga Certainly, a wide variety of plants besides tree nuts were available as food. Many ofthese, such as greens and tubers leave no durable remains, The pits of wild ‘ruts and beries are virtually unknown in archaeological sites from this period. Only a few seeds from Rubus, probably blackberry, were recovered at Picareiro. Of the edible roots, tubers and bulbs mentioned by Clarke (1976), there isno specific evidence to date, However, the use-wear and starch grain analyses on Gravettian tools have produced some promising results (Thacker Pers. com.) The availabilty ofthese plants is unknown because there are no pollen cores in low altitude locations in central Portugal thal date tothe Late Glacial However, the pollen diagram fram San Rafael in Spain shows that coastal marsh taxa were present as early as 16.000 BP. Even at Mougés, in Galicia, pollen from the Liliaceae and Umbeliferae, two important families with edible taxa, were present in the Boling/Allerad. Since many of the plants Clarke discussed inhabit this zone, they may have been available to Magdalenian People. The lack of human skeletal material on which stable isotope and trace element assays can be made precludes a better identification ofthe sources of protein and calcium in the diet 3. Terrestrial animal exploitation The recent excavation of a few Upper Paleolithic sites ‘and taphonomie analyses ofthe archaeofaunas has led toa much-improved unders:anding of subsistence. Unfortunately, the study cf site function and Subsistence organization through carcass utilization strategies is impossible using the old museum collections or revisiting and re-excavating the known, sites. Most of the excavated faunal remains are inaccessible either because the bones were not kept during excavation or have been lost in subsequent years, In many cases the sample size is insufficient to make behavioral inferences At this point itis only Possible to talk about Upper Paleolithic terrestrial ‘mammal utlization in general :erms. Only three Gravettian and Solutrean faunal assemblages have been published in detail, The analytical methodology precludes any knowledge of Subsistence organization or carcass utilization strategies such as butchery or transport patterns. Resuits from Lagar Velho and Buraca Escura, Anecral ‘and Galdeirao show that rabbit. horse, red deer, ibex and chamois are commonly associated with Gravettian, Terminal Gravettiar and Proto-Solutrean Cccupations (Aubry ef al, 2001; Davis, 2002; Moreno- Garcia and Pimenta, 2002). Ibex appears to dominate the macrofaunal portion but ths is probably because many sites are located in higher elevations or on steep valley slopes. At Lagar Velho, wild boar, roe deer and aurochs are present in low frequencies, During the Terminal Gravettian, rabbit is abundant in lower and upper elevation sites (Hockett and Haws, 2002; Moreno-Garcia and Pimenta, 2002), Only Caldeiréo has stratified Middle and Upper Solutrean faunal assemblages in Estremadura. Davis (2002) observed a dramatic decrease in camivore input between the Mousterian and Solutrean. This is likely due to local extinctions and more intensive human ‘occupation of the cave during the Last Glacial Maximum. This appears to be @ common pattern in Estremadura (Valente, 2001). At Caldeiréo, red deor is the most represented ungulate followed by ibex, horse, and chamois. Rabbits are particularly abundant which is likely due to the low elevation of Caldeirao and its proximity to preferred rabbit habitat refugia (Hockett and Haws, 2002). Unfortunately, Davis (2002) lumped all of the Solutrean levels in his analysis, thus precluding a fine-grained resolution of changing faunal frequencies with regard to climate change. The Middle Solutrean level in the “Hanging Remnant” at Lagar Velho contains rabbit, red deer, roe deer, horse and wild boar (Moreno-Garcia and Pimenta, 2002). Lite can be said of human behavior trom these assemblages because the methodological approaches to identification and quantification employed at Caldeiréo and Lagar Velho resulted in the exclusion of 96% and 99% (respectively) of the macrofaunal assemblages as “non-countable" and “undetermined” (Davis, 2002; Moreno-Garcia and Pimenta, 2002). No useful data are available on skeletal element representation. Therefore, knowledge about subsistence prior to the: Magdalenian is limited to alist of identified taxa. ‘Though few sites in Estremadura fufll the expectations of a residential camp based on size, studies of lithic assemblages by Zilhao and Thacker led to the classification of a number of sites as ‘residential base ‘camps: For the Magdalenian, Zilhéo (1997) considers the open-air sites Bairrada, CPM, Cerrado Novo and Olival da Cameira to be base camps. This was based €n their location in strategic places on the landscape and the occurrence of a high diversity of tool types in all stages of manufacturing. Unfortunately, none of these contained preserved faunal remains. in contrast, none of the fauna-bearing sites could be classified as residential sites. All are in small caves or rockshetters that wore likely used as hunting camps or butcheryiprocessing sites. However, Zilhéo (1995) has suggested Caldeiréo functioned as a base camp throughout the Upper Paleolithic. The lack of long- term residences does not mean that hunter-gatherers during the Late Pleistocene employed an exclusively “foraging” strategy. Considering lithic raw material procurement and tool manufacturing during the Magdalenian, Thacker (1996, 2000) argued in favor of pattern of relatively high residential mobility. Whereas flint cores were prepared at ithic quarry sites during the Gravettian, whole cobbles were brought to sites 1 = 2 km away during the Magdalenian. Furthermore, Thacker (2000) argues that the decreases in local quartz and quartzite use suggests greater residential mobility during the Gravettian than the Magdalenian since base camps would contain a wider range of raw ‘material if they were occupied for long periods. Zilho (1995) also noted a diachronic shift in settlement paiterns between the Gravettian and Magdalenian in Estremadura. Both industries are characterized by retouched mieroliths. The site types discemible in theReunién de la Gravettian include specialized workshop sites, specialized logistic sites and generalized residential sites whereas Magdalenian assemblages exhibit a greater homogeneity leading to the conclusion that a forager settlement pattern was in place. During the Magdalenian, caves and rockshetters in the limestone massif were repeatedly used as short-term ‘carcass butchery and processing sites (Haws, 2003). Red deer and wild boar are prevalent in most assemblages. Aurochs and horse are present but in low frequency. This subtle turnover is thought to be due to paleoenvironmental change from open to more forested conditions after the LGM (Bicho, 1993; Zhao, 1990, 1995, 2000). Concomitant with this change is the local extinction of the large carnivores such as hyena, leopard, cave lion and cuon. Only wot, fx, wild cat and lynx survive the LGM, Intensive red deer and rabbit hunting characterize Magdalenian sub-sistence (Aura et al, 1998; Bicho et a, 2000; Hockett and Bicho, 2000; Zhao, 1995). Red deer skeletal elements at Picareiro are well-represented, showing no clear relationship with body part utility indices (Table 3, fig 2). Wild boar was often hunted and may have been preferentially transported from most fauna-bearing sites (Haws, 2003). This is based on Picareiro where wild boar exhibits a clear, reverse ulllty curve, represented by the low utility parts (Table 3). Haws (2003) used the Magdalenian archaeofaunal record to test the hypotheses put forth by several researchers that resource intensification and dietary diversification occurred in central Portugal as part of a pan-Iberian Tardiglacial phenomenon. The data indicate that large game, in this case red deer, did not undergo size reduction as expected by Broughton and O'Connell (1999) according to the diet breadth model. Furthermore, ungulate and rabbit carcasses appear to have been utilized with the same level of intensity throughout the Upper Paleolithic. Data from Stiner (2008) and Haws (2003) point to regular, systematic marrow extraction and grease processing {rom ungulates at Vale Boi and Picareiro. Limb bones, are highly fragmented and limb epiphyses are underrepresented. At Picareiro a positive correlation between skeletal element representation and bone density coupled with an insignificant relationship between body parts and utility indices suggests a carnivore-ravaged assemblage (Grayson, 1988; Lyman, 1994) (fig. 3). However, the presence of a large rabbit bone assemblage casts doubt on this interpretation (Hockett and Bicho, 2000). As Walter (1984) and Hudson (1993) observed small game bones are almost entirely consumed by dogs when discarded by humans. It seems unlikely that scavenging carnivores would ignore the small game bone fraction and focus exclusively on larger, harder to chew large game bones. Binford (1981) discussed the implications for human and carnivore bone assemblages by considering the relationship between long bone splinters and articular ends. In carnivore-ravaged assemblages, splinters represent "what is no longer present,” which are the Comisién del Paleolitico Superior ULS.PP. articular ends (p.177). In assemblages left by humans, splinters represent ‘what remains,” which again are the articular ends. The exception for humans is grease extraction whereby articular ends are destroyed thus mimicking a carnivore-ravaged ‘assemblage. Given the absence of carnivore remains, paucity of carnivore gnaw marks and low impact of density-mediated attrition, absence of limb epiphyses and vertebrae at Picareiro suggests grease extraction (Haws, 2003). Stiner (2003) showed this practice dates to at least the Gravettian at Vale Boi. Therefore it seems carcass processing was intensive throughout the Upper Paleolithic. Clearly, more research is necessary to test this conclusion, Rabbit carcass processing also appears to have been intensive during the entire Upper Paleolithic. Hockett and Bicho (2000) and Haws and Valente (2001) interpreted breakage patterns on rabbit long bones from Picareiro and Sudo as evidence for marrow extraction. The absence of vertebrae at both sites indicates grease processing (fig. 4). A similar pattern in Gravettian and Solutrean sites implies a constant level of intensive carcass processing throughout the Upper Paleolithic (Hockett and Haws, 2002) Any discussion of site function and subsistence organization requires a consideration of skeletal element patterning. In Estremadura this is made difficult by the lack of such analyses. Only Picareiro, Suao and, to a degree, Caldeirao have been systematically studied and published. Lagar Velho, Buraca Grande and Buraca Escura have only a preliminary analysis (Aubry et af, 2001; Moreno- Garcia and Pimenta, 2002). Comparison of the former three is even more difficult because of diferent analytical methodologies used on the Caldeirao assemblages. In spite of this problem, some general patterns are evident and provide some interesting hypotheses for further research. Total ungulate NISP: MNE ratios can be calculated to measure the degree of bone fragmentation at Picareiro and Sudo (Table 4). However, estimating bone fragmentation using NISP: MINE for Caldeirao is impossible because bones were not counted in the same manner. The number of identifiable specimens, is unknown and therefore no reliable MNE estimation can be made. Using NISP and indeterminate counts, the difference between these two sites and Caldeirdo in Table 5 is readily apparent. Caldeirao has more large animal ‘specimens and roughly equal or slightly fewer rabbits in the Magdalenian levels. Does this mean that there were greater numbers of ungulates brought to Caldeirao?. Assuming a similar degree of fragmentation it would appear that Caldeiréo actually contained a greater percentage of ungulates than’ Picareiro. Given the high NISP: MNE ratio at Suao and Picareiro it is unlikely that the Magdalenian, assemblage from Caldeirdo could be significantly more fragmented 08aUpper Paleolithic subsisten nce organization on the Allan ie fagade ofthe Mediterranean Basin Table 2 Paro Level F Table 8 Pcarero Level wld boar (isolated teth ted deer complete bo : ot inched) femert representation [Red Dee ig Craniat Witdon NI Manlble = 7 Veervial | manaie 5 Vithoracte \Gernsees a Viumbar ra lee | tocol ‘Seapula 1 Scapula Humerus 1 Humerus Sey G Radius fine fl C2 Carpals o | — Metacarpals 4 | | Metacarpals Pelvis al —. | Femur o bsagd | Tibia 1 | The [pata =| oo | Fibula aaa 5 ee Calcaneus o a Astragalus o Ccaleaneus haptaceae ei ‘Astragalus ie mH Metatarsals eal eel Phalanges san Pe re dese Table 4, NISP: MNE ratios for Pcaren 7 : [ otal ungulate NISP:MNE ] PicareiroF 35 ‘Sudo (7, 8+9) ot . LP Level Fred deer 129 100 ° om mm 2 ee o @ ‘s)Fur 3 = ° = © o a =e e Table 6. Comparison of macrofauna an aleian ses in cetal Portal 7 ° «0 —] Piareno | sufo | cageror lain oats Ugulategpecimens | 1919 | 278 | 2071 20 sane a os pads eee ie | Raobanise erat Fg 8, Pt of st eer eu toe ‘ mera ens ( 120 100 3 caus 80 60 0 | Zs 20 Le 2H es a omc VL) | O 2 > e rig o PP FOF OES Hse CLS ELS sy [sudo TE suioe+9 1] PicareiroF Finute @ Rant SoMaVv CuevacioNerja ACUI 's the higher percentage of ungulates in the Magdalenian ‘at Caldeirdo due to significant ciferences in ste function? Caldeirdo is located further inland than Picareiro but lat much lower elevation and closer to the preferred habitat of many game animals. Therefore it should be expected to have more taxa and more animals represented. Each site appears to have been utiized as a temporary carcass processing site. Large game Was intensively processed for meat and marrow and ‘much of it seems to have been consumed onsite at Picareito and Caldeirao. At Sudo the ungulates were mostly transported away or deposited outside the cave. On the other hand, al three sites were rabbit carcass Processing stations. Large numbers of rabbits were butchered and consumed onsite, Many more may have been transported away from Picareiro and Sudo. The rabbits from Caldeirdo have not yet been published so no definitive conclusions can be made. 4. The broader regional context Comparing these sites with the other poorly known Caves and rockshelters in Estremadura a number of observations can be made. Firs, it would appear that ‘caves and rockshelters, while providing most if not all of the direct evidence for Late Upper Paleolithic ‘Subsistence, do not contain the same quantities of large animal bones as they do in other regions of Europe, especially Cantabrian Spain and Southwest France. This does not mean that environments were poorer Large gregarious herds of reindeer, bison and horses ‘simply did not exist south of the Pyrenees. The animals hunted south of the Ebro River had diferent biogeographic and ecological characteristics. Large animals were rare and mecium ungulates were solitary (found in small groups. In contrast, small game was ‘much more abundant, probably due tothe milder cimatic Conditions of near-coastal Iberia. Coastal and plant fesources were probably more plentiful as wel. The ‘opportunity for high numbers of large mammal bones: to accumulate from processing of mass-kills would not have existed. Instead most of the locations were used for intensive rabbit carcass processing with occupations lasting long enough to result in the deposition of small but highly fragmented large mammal assemblages. ‘These sites do not seem to be long-term residences. Recent syntheses of the archaeological recore from the Mediterranean regions of Spain by Aura et al. (1998) and Villaverde ef al. (1998) suggest a similar human land-use and subsistence pattern to the one in Portugal. As noted earlier, both regions share a similar climate and environment. Both regions are Characterized by intensive rabbit exploitation during the Upper Paleolithic. Cultural connections between the two can be seen from at least the Soluirean through formal similarities in projectile points. In Portugal, Parpallé points were found at Caldeirao, Salemas and Passal (Zilhdo, 1997), as well as at Vai Boi in southern Portugal (Bicho et al., 2003) The ‘Solutreo-Gravettian’ of Mediterranean Spain may exist in Estremadura as well (Zilhao, 1997). WEDITERRANEA DURANTE Comision del Paleolitico Sup SUPERIOR ULS.PP. ‘What are the reasons for the similarities and differences between central Portugal and Mediterranean Spain? Rabbit exploitation is almost certainly due to its availability and high productivity although foraging theorists would argue that post-encounter return rates, determine whether or not a resource is expiotted (e.g, ‘Stiner et al, 2000). led deer are found in small groups and individually for most of the year. Only in the Feproductive season (autumn) do larger groups (male harems) form. Thus red deer was probably taken’ through opportunistic encounter hunting for most of the year. Rabbits living in densely packed warrens. Were easily “gathered! through setting numerous traps and snares within their territory and along regular paths (Hockett and Bicho, 2000; Hockett and Haws, 2002) Rabbits offered a comparable or better yield of fat and protein from equal amounts of red deer (Hockett and Bicho, 2000; Hockett and Haws, 2003. in press). ‘Why then does rabbit appear to be more important in Portugal? Were large game resources depressed from excessive hunting by ever-increasing hunter- gatherer populations? Red deer size in Portugal did Not decrease during the Late Pleistocene (Davis, 2002; Haws, 2003). They were at least as large on average 4s those from Mediterranean Spain (both smaller than Cantabrian red deer). One possibilty appears to be the lack of ibex in Portuguese Tardiglacial sites as ‘opposed to Mediterranean Spain. Current data are probably not sufficient to test this proposition because of the greater number of sites in eastern Spain as opposed to central Portugal. The reliance on ibex in Mediterranean Spain is probably due to the fact many Sites are located in ecotones between higher elevations ‘and coastal lowiands. The absence of vex in the known | Portuguese sites is best explained by the lack of nearby Peaks greater than 1,000 m. Ibex may not have been very abundant in Late Pleistocene central Portugal due to the lack ofits prime habitat. 5. Coastal resource use One serious lacuna in the Upper Paleolithic record is the coastal region. Evidence for coastal resource use throughout the Upper Paleolithic has been found in the sites of the interior massif of Estremadura and Near coasts characterized by steep bathymetry. Marine shells were used as omaments from the Gravettian ‘onwards. Food remains include fish, shellfish and ‘marine mammal. This begs the question, how important were coastal foods in Upper Paleolithic subsistence? During the Last Glacial Maximum, sea levels were approximately 140 m. below their current level (Dias. 1985; Dias et al, 1997; Rodrigues et al, 1991, 2000) In some places along the Estremaduran coast, the LGM shore was approximately 40 km east of is current position fig. 5). By about 16 K y. BP, sea level rose to ‘about -100 m. but large areas of land were stil exposed, Lup to 30 km. in much of Estremadura. According to Dias et al, (2000) sea levels remained steady until about 13 K y. BP. Between 13-12 K y. BP, sea levels Tose to about 40m below their current level, 086087 Mediterranean Sea © 700 km Figure 5, a ctfectivaly shrinking the available land surface of Estremadura by about 25% during the Tardiglacial (ig, 2). This corresponds to the beginning of the beginning ofthe Boling/Alerod Late Glaca intrstacial. During the Younger Dryas cold snap set level lowered again to 60m, below present. Afterwards, sea level reached - 30 m. between 10 -8 K y. BP. The submergence of about 40 km of continental shelf has, in all likelihood, Grastically affected the Paleolithic archaeological record in Portugal. The archaeologica evidence from this period shows that people not only utilized coastal resources near the shore but they transported them ‘considerable distances inland, For the past several decades, archaeologists have been divided on the nature and timing of coastal adaptations. Coastal adaptations were argued to have appeared as a result of population growth and the ‘stabilization of sea levels in the early Holocene (Binford, 1968; Cohen, 1977; Osborn, 1977; Yesner, 1980, 1987). The reasons given to explain why coasts were not exploited appreciably during the Pleistocene are: 41) human populations did not reach the point necessary lo broaden the diet 0 include low- ranked shellfish and marine mammals, 2) sea levels were fluctuating enough to preclude the formation of rich productive estuaries 3) that overall ocean productivity was lower because of lower global CO:, and 4) continental shelves were exposed which lett very deep unproductive wa:er off the coast (Bailey and Parkington, 1988) Elandson (2001), ina thorough review of the worldwide evidence for coastal resource use, shows that coastal adaptation has a long history albeit in restricted areas. ‘The primary reason forthe lack of coastal sites is the fact that sea lovel has inundated or destroyed most Pleistocene coastal sites. The sole factor in the presence of coastal sitos from this period is that areas of steep bathymetry enabled site visibility (Erlandson, 2001). In these areas, the distance from the present shoreline to the glacial one is only a few klometers because of the narrow continental shelf, Additionally sites located above the Last interglacial shore could be preserved because sea level has not reached that height and inundated them. This explains why coastal resources ‘are common in Upper Paleolithic sites in Cantabria and OIS Se sites are preserved in North Africa Since ‘evidence for coastal exploitation exists in areas where itcould be preserved, there is litte reason to assume the lack of evidence in other coastal areas means that itmever existed in the first place. Recent oceanographic work shows the LGM coasttine was situated 90 - 40 km away in most of Estremadura (Dias et al, 1997, 2000). Ths is a critical problem in evaluating the nature and timing of marine resource Use because the evidence is 100 - 150 m underwater. The majority of known Solutrean sites with preserved faunal remains would have been 30 -60 km inland while those from the Gravetian and Magdalenian would have been 40-50 km iniand. n spite ofthis, where the bathy- metry is stooper, sites with faunal preservation that ‘would have been closest to the sea during low stands contain evidence of marine resources transported inland. Figueira Brava is a coastal site today but would have boen afew kiometers iniand 30,000 years ago (Antunes, £2000a), Vale Boi, in Algarve, ilustrates the point as it ‘contains numerous limpet shals, yet it was possibly 20 km iniand during its occupation. The site is only 2 km. inland today. The Gravettian site of Lagar Velho, with cetacean remains, would have been 15-20 km inland. Picareiro would have been almost 40 km. inland when ‘marine fish and sheltfsh were brought tothe ste during the Magdalenian. Lapa do Suao, whichis near the coast today and contains marine fish and shellfish, would have been 25 km. inland during its occupationNot surprisingly, the earliest coastal shellmiddens in Portugal date to the Pleistocene-Holocens transition when sea level was closer to its current level, Even a few sites in the interior, such as Casal Papagaio, Bocas and Pena de Mira, contain small shelimidene at this time. Therefore, it is tempting to suggest that marine resource use at the end of the Pleistocene represents a new adaptation. However, the perception that this behavior reflects a new subsistence strategy or a diversification of the diet may be illusory. Evidence Suggests that the coast was settled and exploited prior to the end of the Pleistocene at sites such as Figueira Brava, and regardless of climatic conditions The geographic and paleoeceanographic revord offers ‘@ means of predicting the intensity of Late Pleistocene coastal settlement in Estremadura. In general, coastal Zones are highly productive where upwelling occurs, These areas are often the focus of human subsistence (Periman, 1980; Bailey and Parkington, 1988). Today, a fairly strong summer upweling of cold, deep, nutrient. rich waters occurs off the western Portuguese coast This is driven by the Trade Winds and northward flow of the Canary Current along the northwest African Coast (Abrantes, 2000). Though not as strong as the ‘one occurring off the coast of Peru, (60 - 90.9. C. m2 Yt" off Portugal: 345 g..C. m? yr" off Peru) upwelling along the western Iberian margin provides sufficient Nutrients to make the Portuguese coast a highly Productive marine resource zone (Fiuza, 1983; Abrantes, 1988). Using diatom abundance in deep-sea cores off the coast north of Estremadura, Abrantes (1988, 1991) ‘noted fluctuations in upwelling intensity over the last 100,000 years. During O'S Stage 3 upwelling intensity was roughly equal to the present. However, paleo- productivity increased during Stage 2 culminating in the LGM. Upweling intensity was an order of magnitude Greater than the present making the coastal zone more fertile an today. This was probably due to intensification Of the Trade Winds (Abrantes, 2000). During the eglaciation, around 15-125 Ky. BR upwelingintensity decreased substantially but was sill -7 times stronger than today. Interestingly, the Pleistocene/ Holocene boundary marks a time when the coastal upwelling \was at its weakest inthe last 20,000 years. By the Early Holovene it dropped below current levels only to rebound in the last few thousand years. Independent studies on organie and inorganic carbon plus C37 alkanones ftom phytoplankton in marine sediments by Pailer and Bare (2002) confirm the intensity of the upwelling during cooler periods and its reduction during warm ones, Using a combination of marine proxy indicators, CaCO, barium and diatoms, Thomson et al. (2000) found that the enhanced productivity of the ocean off the Portuguese coast during cold climatic events peaked at the end of glacial periods when sea levels rise. 6. Discussion Given the facts presented above itis likely that the western coast of Portugal during much of the Late Pleistocene was an extremely attractive place for human settlement and subsistence. Marine resources A DURANTE el Paleolitc > SUPERIOF ULS.PP, ‘would have been abundant but the terrestrial resources near the coast may have been relatively poor due to colder and drier conditions. In areas of the world where coastal upwelling occurs, the adjacent lands are semi-arid to arid (DiCastri, 1981). This is true for the coast of Portugal, northwest Arica, the skeleton Coast of Namibia, the coastal deserts of Peru and the coast of California, The region with the most intensive upwelling, Peru, also has the greatest coastal aridity. The patterns of trade winds, cold ocean currents and coastal geography create this situation, Recent Studies of the Benguela upwelling system off Namibia show a correlation between changing upwelling intensity and terrestrial vegetation (Shi et al, 2000) For central Portugal, pollen cores and charcoal studies show that vegetation at higher elevations during the LGM was dominated by cold, arid Artemisia steppe. The land area now submerged is thought to have been mainly sandy dunes with little vegetation (Daveau, 1980; Zilhdo, 1997). With terrestrial resources impoverished, the rich coastal zone, as well as warmer inland zones that acted as plant/animal refugia, would have been attractive to human foragers. The Termination IA/Dryas UHeinrich | cold period would have presented serious problems for hunter-gatherers. Sea surface temperatures were much cooler than Guring the LGM. Upwelling intensity was stil strong but not as high as the LGM (Abrantes, 2000). The dry summet/ wet winter pattern was replaced by a dry ‘Summer! dry winter one. Pollen cores indicate a further decrease in arboreal pollen. Perhaps not surprisingly, the archaeological record for this period is extremely Poor. In fact, there appears to be a real hiatus in radiocarbon dates between 14 -12.5 K y. BP Whether OF not this represents a serious decline in regional Population remains to be tested. People would have faced year-round drought stress. Terrestrial game was probably less available and in poorer condition. Coastal fesources, especially shellfish with its minimal Carbohydrate, would have been even more necessary. Fish and marine mammals may have been important Sources of protein and fat. People may have shifted settlement locations to the coast year round. Most of these sites would be underwater now if they existed. When temperatures increased again alter 13 K y. BP, Corresponding to the Boling/Allerod phase, arboreal pollen increased dramatically. This petiod appears to be as warm as today with perhaps more humidity.Mixed evergreen and deciduous Mediterranean vegetation spread along with rabbit red deer and wild boar, perhaps to the detriment of ‘ex and chamois. With plant productivity high, the Magdalenian foragers would have had a much higher diversity of available resources by 12.5 Ky. BP, Plant carbohydrates would have eased the risks inherent in high protein diets and allowed for more balanced utritional diets. Combined with the still productive ‘ocean, these groups may have been much healthier and able to grow population (e.g., Hockett and Haws, 2003, in press). The increased number of interior sites dated to this period offers a striking contrast to the Early and Middle Magdalenian.Upper Paleolithic subsistence organization on the Atlantic fagade ofthe Mediterranean Basin Ironically, the widespread appearance of marine resources at the end of the Pleistocene coincides _ with a decrease in upwelling intensity and marine productivity. This does not mean that the coast was ‘no longer an attractive zone, It was at least as productive as today. The coastal adaptation continued in the Epipaleolithic after 10k bp when there is evidence of shellfish exploitation in small coastal estuaries at sites such as Sao Julido, Magoito, Curral Velho and Toledo. The apparent latest Pleistocene settlement shift to include the coast is probably an artifact of sea level changes. Tre transportation of 7. Conclusion Despite the improvements in excavation methodology and concern for taphonomy and site formation processes, many more Paleoithic faunal assemblages are needled to address important issues such as site function, subsistence organization, resource intensification, human impacts on animal resources and dietary diversification. From a theoretical standpoint, the preceding discussion and interpretation has been limited to descritions and hypothetical inferences based on a very limited archaeological record. Arguably, empirical and ‘aphonomic analyses must precede general explanation. Presently, the lack of adequate data precludes the elimination of numerous competing hypotheses concerning subsistence organization and long-term change. Future research should resolve these issues. . shells inland to Bocas, Casal Papagaio and Pena de Mira is due to the shortening of the distance to the shore. 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