Politiques coloniales au Maghreb by Charles-Robert Ageron
Review by: Richard M. Brace
The American Historical Review, Vol. 79, No. 1 (Feb., 1974), pp. 208-209 Published by: Oxford University Press on behalf of the American Historical Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1868428 . Accessed: 23/12/2012 06:28 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. . Oxford University Press and American Historical Association are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The American Historical Review. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded on Sun, 23 Dec 2012 06:28:06 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 208 Reviews of Books ity must be routinized, anQ that whether this will happen depends on the villagers consider- ing the new regime's party workers and govern- ment officials competent and dedicated to the solution of rural problems. Mayfield traces the history of the Egyptian fellahin since the early nineteenth century. He notes the gradual growth of large landlordism and of peasant rebellion. He says that the inde- pendence granted in 1922 resulted in landlord rule and that peasant living standards deterio- rated in the 1930s and 1940S. In 1951 there were fellah risings on several large estates, to get land. The Muslim Brotherhood and reli- gious ideology moved the peasants more than Communists did. In discussing peasant personality and cul- ture, Mayfield stresses the values of obedience, fatalism, hierarclhy, and individualism. The government has theoretically introduced vil- lage councils, but these are functioning in only about one-fourth of the villages, while the rest function under traditional mayors, or umdahs. The fellahs distinguish sharply between Nasser and his bureaucracy-if he knew, the bad things wouldn't happen. The Arab Socialist Union is active in the villages, but, according to Mayfield, "Many villagers see the ASU as a mutual protection society that provides a means for mainitaining one's position in the vil- lage or town." The ASU executive committees are usually dominated by traditional landown- ing families or government employees who have no interest in the problems of villagers. Government efforts include brief youth training camps, the development of combined units of several villages with common health and social facilities (which Mayfield finds inef- fective), and village councils. Mayfield divides the latter into reactionary councils (perhiaps forty per cent of the total), passive councils (perhaps thirty per cent), and revolutionary aincl progressive councils. Mayfield tells of a successful experiment with rural banks, in which trainees were rigor- ously picked and then trained for six months. To gain the confidence of the villagers, the trainees started by talking to them regarding their problems. The author concludes by not- ing the inadequacy of government efforts, and he states that the new structures have failed to generate loyalty. In many new institutions, tra- ditional norms are being strengthened. None- theless, Mayfield feels, a significant start has been made. The book is an excellent presentation of the myriad problems that still exist in Egypt's vil- lages and of the inadequacy of the govern- ment's attempt to break with tradition and meet those problems. Given the even more con- servative approach of Sadat, it is to be doubted that Egypt's many rural problems and the strong remnants of a landlord-dominated rural society will be overcome by the present regime. NIKKI R. KEDDIE University of California, Los A ngeles AFRICA CHARLES-ROBERT AGERON. Politiques coloniales au Maghreb. ("Collection Hier.") Paris: Presses Universitaires de France. 1972. Pp. 291. This volume combines under one cover articles published earlier in French periodicals, to- gether with unpublished essays. The research is original and is written in a smooth, exciting style. Charles-Robert Ageron, whose two-vol- ume Les Alge'riens musulmans et la France (1871-19I9) (1968), and Histoire de I'Algerie contemporaine (I830-I870) (1970), attracted a strongly favorable reaction from the scholarly community, strengthens his reputation with this book. One might place him as a leader in the generation of French historians who follow Le Tourneau, Julien, and Berque. Nine strong chapters examine four themes: "The Origins of French Algeria," "French Colonial Myths and Policy," "French Socialists and Communists and the Algerian Question," and "Algerian Algeria." Each chapter rests upon a careful investigation of the facts, which are then woven into an intelligent and fair- minded account. On touchy questions, such as whiether French General Bugeaud double dealt Abdel Kadir in the Treaty of Tafna (May 30, 1837), Ageron probes the negotiations, the two texts (French and Arabic), and the later pos- ture of the two parties. He leaves the original question to the reader's judgment. This reader judges that the phrase "et au-dela," which ap- peared in the French text but was absent from This content downloaded on Sun, 23 Dec 2012 06:28:06 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Africa 209 the Arabic, was an intentional ploy to justify future French expansion. The long discussion of the political evolu- tion of Algeria under the Second Empire is broken into nine parts, amounting to some for- ty-five pages, and is extremely informative. It exposes Napoleon III's lack of will to impose his more flexible personal policy in Algeria. Only one section of the book moves outside Al- geria to examine Frenchi ideology and action among the Berbers of Morocco. It lays to rest the old "myth" that the Berbers are the world's most resistant and wonderful people. Part 3 adds considerably to our knowledge of the French Left's posture toward Algeria, even though it is restricted to the detailed study of two short periods, 1895-1914 and 1921-24. In- quiring readers, while satisfied with this frag- ment, will certainly be interested in seeing the subject updated. Possibly Professor Ageron would consider devoting another book to this theme. A particularly appealing section of part 4, "Algerian Algeria," studies the economic po- sition of the Muslim peasantry living in the Constantine area (1920-35). It proves that they took a much worse beating in every way than their French counterparts. A final forty-page section examines the career of Abdel Kadir's grandson, the Emir Khaled. Two questions provide the structure: Was Emir Khlaled the inventor of Algerian nationalism, and did he campaign in favor of independence? In these pages Ageron shows himself to be a master sto- ryteller; his conclusion is negative to both questions. This is a strong book of articles based some- times upon the French archives, containing elaborate footnotes uneven in their precision, but with no bibliography or index. RICHARD M. BRACE Oakland University ASIA AND THE EAST MARK ELVIN. The Pattern of the Chinese Past. Stanford: Stanford University Press. 1973. Pp. 346. $12.50. JOHN MESKILL, editor, with the assistance of J. MASON GENTZLER. An Introduction to Chinese Civilization. (Prepared as one of the Compan- ions to Asian Studies.) New York: Columbia University Press. 1973. Pp. 699. $17.50. Paper- bound edition published by D. C. Heath and Company, Lexington, Mass., $6.95. The Pattern of the Chinese Past is perhaps a premature book. The author, a talented scholar, skims too lightly over his topic, often ignoring insistent questions. But this study is important. It attempts to build a new explana- tory framework upon which a comprehensive history of China can be written. Why did China become a huge empire that could revive, while its Western analogue, Rome, was only a memory? Professor Elvin devotes the first third of the book to this ques- tion. He theorizes that empires grow and en- dure to the extent that their organizational, eco- nomic, and military technology exceeds that of their enemies and overcomes the intractabil- ity of their own size. In eighty-seven pages the author sweeps from 200 B.C. tO A.D. i8oo anid points to key technological assets that under- girded the Empire in different periods, in- cluding new weapons, innovations in military organization, effective logistics, and social pro- ductivity generally. Few of the facts adduced here are unfamiliar. Professor Elvin's goal is to integrate them into a comprehensive theory. But he acknowledges that the theory is "sim- ple" and "Ino more than a useful guide" to un- derstanding. The second section focuses on another ques- tion. Why did China undergo, between the eighthi and twelfth centuries, unprecedented changes in agriculture, transportation, com- merce, demographic patterns, and science and technology? It may be that the author spends too much time describing change, such as in farming or in money and credit, with which most of his readers are familiar, and not enough time defending more controversial and original points. For instance, in the Sung large manors with serfs and serf-like tenants domi- nated the countryside while great cities pro- vided the environment for creativity and inno- vation. Rapid economic growth occurred be- cause south China was still filling up; therefore the diffusion of people and technology into this region raised productivity both north and south. Overseas contacts stimulated change. At- titudes thrived that were favorable to science. The spread of printing democratized learning and laid the basis for rapid growth. The final third of the book addresses the This content downloaded on Sun, 23 Dec 2012 06:28:06 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
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