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Political scientists are obsessed with the ideas of the past and do not develop their own theory. There is no attempt to critically look at old ideas and be creative to give rise to new ones. Political scientists must "systematise their empirical base," says dante germino.
Political scientists are obsessed with the ideas of the past and do not develop their own theory. There is no attempt to critically look at old ideas and be creative to give rise to new ones. Political scientists must "systematise their empirical base," says dante germino.
Political scientists are obsessed with the ideas of the past and do not develop their own theory. There is no attempt to critically look at old ideas and be creative to give rise to new ones. Political scientists must "systematise their empirical base," says dante germino.
State of Political Theory Today: Decline or Resurgence?
Meaning and Role of Theory
This article primarily relies on David Easton, Alfred Cobban and Dante Germino for the first half of the text to explain how, in different ways, Political Scientists of today have given up on coming up with new theories and how they have sunk deep roots into status quo and the past, indulging in positivist work to analyse political behaviour. The major causes that Easton attributes to the Decline are: (1) Pol. Scientists are obsessed with the ideas of the past and because of that they (2) do not develop their own theory, merely looking at current phenomena through the perspectives of yesteryears political theorists. Easton talks of the dearth of new concepts that need to emerge which can match up to the values of today and the political scientists must systematise their empirical base and since theorising in this discipline has been only speculative, this analysis on the basis of acute observation is necessary. The reading goes on to explain who these historicists are who rely entirely on the past: (1) Those Pol. Scientists who merely showed how political ideas influenced institutions instead of showing their influence on current events. (2) The interactionists have looked back and tried to study the interaction between ideas and instiutions, whereas (3) materialists have looked for the cultural influences on political ideology and there are (4) those who believe that merely because certain trends have stood the test of time, they are important enough to deserve acceptance. Unlike those theorists in the past who raised fundamental questions about their status quo, todays political scientists have not faced contemporary challenges to churn out new values. He goes on to elaborate how values cannot be transplanted from one era to another, and even though there were fascinating events like Nazism, Fascism, and Japanese militarism etc. emerging in the beginning of the twentieth century, there was no attempt to critically look at old ideas and be creative to give rise to new ones. He then goes on to criticise modern political scientists for their lack of engagement with values of the modern day and asks what knowledge is for, if not to give rise to ideas which keep pace with their time. There must be a link, according to Easton, between political theory or facts and political goals. Taking this point forward, he criticises the mere chasing of scientific method today, discrediting the purpose of that empirical study, and also saying that that empirical study is flawed in the first place, without having any conceptual framework to work with. This is taken a step further when he describes a phenomenon in todays time called hyperfactualism. He tells us how even minute study of political events wont help the discipline unless there is an engagement with values and an endeavour to evolve a philosophy. Easton then tells us why conditions in the contemporary world are such that it isnt essential for there to be a great churning of political ideas at periodical intervals and these thinkers cannot be produced by order. The three major events which he feels prevent such discourse are: (1) the burgeoning of state activity, (2) the all-pervasive bureaucracy and (3) growing military powers. However, then he goes on to dismiss these phenomena to be major factors. Going further, there is a vivid description of how political science has gone on from being solely the domain of historians and philosophers to now being that of political scientists themselves, who can study politics by focussing on empirical study and that political philosophy was killed by the logical positivists. The writer refers to Tracy, who tells us how ideas have to be reduced to sensory perceptions and experiences must be radically dissected in order to understand modern phenomena. Through a Marxist rant about how Marxs materialism created a new perspective of understanding which was greatly reductionist, the writer then gives us a brief insight as to how social sciences have been positivised since the beginning of the 20 th century and the separation of facts from values was emphasised upon. Weber put his views very succinctly when he said that it isnt the job of Pol. Science to give a normative idea of norms and ideals, but simply give recipes for practice. The second half of this reading talks more about how in the modern age, political science has become more nuanced, more subtle and how status quo isnt in fact something which is static, but that there is slow change which isnt too glamorous. He does, however, tell us why the acceptance of democracy by the West has led to a narrowing of discourse regarding the ideals a state must stand for. In his words, the Conservatives have reconciled themselves to the standard institutions and procedures of democracy, and the Left has also understood why totalitarian power cannot guarantee greater social welfare. He says that social conservatism (keen advocacy of existing social and political order) is an ideology by itself and the non-existence of attraction towards change does not mean there is no ideological drive in society. Partridge said that the energy and vigour in political theorising has been replaced by analytical thoroughness and sharpness, closeness in argument, which must be welcomed for what it brings to the discourse. According to the writer, political theory has changed from philosophising in a speculative way to being nihilistic. Isaiah Berlin was quoted as saying There is no human activity without general outlook- scepticism, cynicism, refusal to dabble in abstracts etc. are all varieties of nihilism and are themselves metaphysical and ethical positions (Read entire Page 141). The section about the Behaviourist approach is only about how research isnt the be-all and end- all of studying political science and how as long as there are reasonable means used of conducting research. It then talks about how that research must be made more reliable and comparable if there is a standardisation in the discipline about how to conduct its study and analysis. The Classical Approach is one which deals with facts in tandem with the experiences and values attached to them. It talks about the interdependence of these two domains and how one is useless and futile without the other. In the final part of the reading, the writer talks about the intellectual purpose of Political theory, and how even though scientific acumen and specific skills are required, the value of ideologies in reflecting the deep and profound changes in human history is immense and how their timely relevance throws further light on the political phenomena and also gives rise to radical change. According to the writer, human society needs political theory now more than ever before, since modernity has compelled us to feel at home in a society only when we understand it, due to immense socio-cultural and technological changes. Political scientists become all the more important because they discover how human society evolves, chooses to live through time and Pol. Theory is needed to make sense of the complex social and individual human behaviour taking place in the current age.