Berichte des Sonderforschungsbereichs 268, Bd. 2, Frankfurt a. M.

1993: 227-254
THE MUNE IN PRE-COLONIAL BORNO
Kyari Tijani
Preface
From a historiographical point of view, I have no wish to regard this
paper as much more than a mere footnote to the much more ambitious
treatment of the same by the late Professor Abdullahi Smith. The revered
Professor who had kindly translated for me from the Arabic, among
many other documents I had retrieved from Borno in the course of my
fieldwork, the Qissat Al Mune, had at the twilight of his active career in
1977 written a paper which in his usual humble characteristic was
entitled: A Note on the Mune of the Sefuwa.
1
True to character, he had
also boldly marked this paper "Draft only - Not for publication". More in
supplication to his authority rather than for lack of deference to his wish,
and only after taking liberty from the trustees of the Abdullahi Smith
Research Centre at Zaria, Nigeria, with which I am closely associated, I
am attaching hereunder, as Appendix I, Smith's A Note on the Mune of
the Sefuwa
2
. I also intend to dedicate this paper to his blessed memory.
Readers would readily agree with me that Smith's historiographical
treatment of the Mune, even though he had regarded it as preliminary and
tentative, is at the same time both very profound and extensive. He had
not only spoken of the origin of the Mune, but of the Kanuri people and
their culture, taking both out beyond the stultifying confines of legends.
3

For this "gadfly" effect alone, I feel it is time Smith's consequential views
on the Mune and the Kanuri of Borno to be brought to a wider audience.
On my part, I have, however, perhaps a more urgent and pressing
purpose for writing this paper. Deference to the well-known commitment
of Professor Abdullahi Smith to the highest standards of historiographical
accuracy, excellent whenever possible, had however tended to crystallise
and harden position in quite a different unwholesome and unintended
direction: the Mune, even now that it is discovered in text, seemed to be
more destined to remain a fetish, a trivia of decadent court system rather
than the living constitution supporting state and society of vigorous
people who have established and maintained a state system for nearly a
millennium in the Central Sudan.
This, as it may be, I intend to be brief and tentative in this paper, wishing
no more than attracting the attention of specialists in various fields to the
highly provocative and tantalizing suggestions of Professor Smith both
about the origin of the Mune and the people who possess it in its present
2 22 28 8
form, the Kanuri of pre-colonial Kanem-Borno, after establishing a
reasonable and permissible balance between historiography and analysis,
even as they relate to the present status of our knowledge about the Mune
and the history and culture of the Kanuri people.
Inroduction
The Kanuri people of Borno cannot separate their state and society from
Islam, because throughout remembered history, the Borno state, society
and the religion of Islam are each an aspect of the other. Islam had been a
state religion in Borno's precursor state of Kanem as far back as the early
thirteenth century A.D., where more than a century earlier, a ruler of
Kanem had already converted to Islam, and the religion was penetrating
peacefully through foreign traders and itinerant scholars even much
earlier.
4
As state religion, Islam had thus come to not only overwhelm the
way of life of the people but, in particular, the structure and functioning
of the state, and the conduct of state affairs at all levels. From sources
there is indeed evidence that these early rulers have taken the faith
seriously. Smith for instance has confirmed that the next ruler since the
conversion, Mai (King) Dunama, performed the holy pilgrimage to
Mecca twice, with great pomp and was indeed drowned in the Red Sea
on his way for the third time. Mai Biri who succeeded this holy pilgrim,
is remembered in our sources as a faqih (a learned man) and the grandson
of this faqih is recorded as a great mosquebuilder.
5
Not only were these
early rulers committed torch-bearers of Islam, but they had honoured the
burgeoning body of Kanuri ulama (Muslim scholars) to whom they gave
privileged positions in Court and/or fiefs in the country-side where they
had settled with their pupils and dependants (malumri). Usually, such
settlements and their inhabitants are free from taxation and other State
dues (mahram). It can no doubt be contended that such a privileged and
high profile position bestowed to ulama would itself provide for large-
scale conversion and proselytization among the people.
6

It is also necessary to understand precisely what we mean when we
say that Borno has become an Islamic State as from the very date its
precursor State of Kanem came to be converted to Islam in large scale,
and on an on-going and increasing basis, indeed, up to the time of its
termination by imperialist forces at the beginning of the twentieth
century. First, the Islamic State differs from the secular State of western
social science notion from both the point of view of its orientation as well
also as the source of its authority and the role of responsibilities of its
leaders and its citizens, vis-a-vis the modern secular nation state.
7
Law in
the Islamic State is not the product of human decision and action. Goals
are not indeterminate and open-ended. The laws are revealed in the Book
of Allah, the Qur'an and the Sunna (the practices and sayings of the
2 22 29 9
Prophet) and the goals are already pre-determined and set. All Muslims
are equal before this law; and the ruler and the ruled are adjudged equally
in all respects of their personal life and conduct, before their Creator, on
the day of judgement. Thus, while the ruler can be adjudged and
punished for lapses in his conduct of his office as well as of his life, pri-
vate as well as public, the ruled is equally adjudged and punished in
respect of his personal conduct, civil or criminal. Indeed, however,
Muslim state craft so much recognized the power of the ruler over the
ruled and in determining criminality and infraction that, whatever the fate
of polity, it is the ruler and not the ruled that is blamed, as he carries
vicarious responsibility. Imam Ahmad ibn Fartua, the chief Imam and
chronicler of Mai Idris Alauma of Borno (1570 A.D.-1616 A.D.) meant
exactly that, when he said:
... Every age has its great men, and extols each of them
according to his faith and works. The crown of leadership is
purity in justice ...
... Thus every people relies on imitation of its leaders. The
leader goes before and the people follow him ... Most excellent
is the fame of just deeds, and justice on the part of a king for
one day is equal to service of God for sixty years ...
... A place where there is an evil Sultan is better than a place
which has none
8
.
It is within these contexts, and the solidly Islamic nature and
characteristics of the Bornoan State and society that we have to see the
Mune in form and text, and assess its significance.
The Mune
The Mune in form is very ably introduced by Smith in Appendix I. The
Mune as a force
9
has not been that ably treated. This may not be
unconnected with Smith's concern to resolve the historiographical issues
first, but I suspect also his desire to establish the basis of the Fulani-led
Jihad against Borno early in the nineteenth century, a contentious issue
which is to date unresolved. The Jihad was a very powerful movement,
and all powerful movements have this characteristic of being
controversial, and we need not to be deterred any further in our assess-
ment of the Mune, especially as we now have the text, for the first time,
since it was mentioned in Palmer's Sudanese Memoirs. The Mune in text
and content is, as Smith says, a covenant.
As such, it is a very powerful document. It will bear repetition here, even
if it is for purposes of emphasis. It enjoins Muslims:
- to worship God only, Him alone, Who has no associate; and to obey
Him and not attempt to defy Him;
2 23 30 0
- to rule with justice as God and His Messenger gave judgement, by the
Book and the Sunna;
- not to oppress any of the servants of God, as God averts oppression
from the two worlds;
- not to betray God or His Messenger or the faithful;
- not to cheat except in war, for war is deceit;
- to support the religion and the Jihad in the way of God, but not from
caprice;
- not to desert the line of march in war;
- to hold fast to the rope of God all together, and not to be afraid or
disunited;
- to call people to God by means of wisdom and God's advice;
- to do our utmost to be righteous both outwardly and inwardly.
Peace.
Immediately we could recognize that the Mune is a living document. It is
not the "dead thing" which historical assessment has condemned it to be;
usually said to be:
"... something wrapped up and concealed ..." and "... none of the
kings descended from Sayf b. Dhio Yazan would open it."
Indeed, Mune seems none other than the constitution of a people, a very
vigorous people feverishly and continuously engaged in the task of
forming states and the business of governing diverse people - people who
needed, and must have and must constantly use a Mune; a constitution. If
it is concealed and covered - it is always carried in front while the
national army is engaging in battles -, it is in fact not because
concealment is the essence and the Mune is merely a totem, or indeed, in
a more disparaging sense, a trivia of office, a sacrum.
11
It is a totem only
to the extent that the flag, carried in front of battles even by the most
modern armies of today, is also a totem.
With slightly more emphasis than Smith has intended to place, we can
go along with him to observe that the text of the Mune contains the most
detailed list we possess of the religio-ethical obligations laid on the
Sefuwa rulers, the symbolical expression of these being preserved in the
Mune.
12

Rather than to see it as a sacrum, it is however perhaps more to the
point to see the Mune as a mnemonic devise constantly carried in view to
remind rulers of their obligations - in war as in peace, so that in the
splendour of power, they do not transgress their sacredly established
bounden limits.
In this connection, and in respect to its living quality, it is necessary to
appreciate the realism of the Mune as we read its text. Among its
multi-faceted prescriptions the Mune, in relation of concrete issue of war,
has said:
2 23 31 1
"The Messenger of God (on whom be the blessing and peace of
God) imposed on us the obligation: ... not to cheat except in
war, for war is deceit; ..."
Such a Bismarckian view of war could not have come from a force that
would see the conduct of state affairs from only mythical or mystical
perspectives.
The force of the Mune
Chroniclers moreover tell us that there are also occasions and
circumstances in Borno history when the force of the provisions of the
Mune seemed to have come into effect with stirring results. The central
theme of the Mune for instance, which are contained in its first three
stanzas:
- to worship God only, Him alone, Who has no associate; and to obey
Him and not to defy Him;
- to rule with justice as God and his Messenger gave judgement, by the
Book and the Sunna;
- not to oppress any of the servants of God, as God averts oppression
from the two worlds
seemed to have obtained complete supplication from the rulers of Borno,
if the accounts of the gargam
13
, the mahram
14
and other relevant sources
are to be accepted regarding the conduct of office of these rulers and the
comportment of their lives generally. Most of the rulers are for instance
identified either as great muallims (learned scholars) or avid learners.
Mai (King) Ali Gaji, the 51
st
ruler, who was reputed to have founded
Birni Gazargamo, the capital of the second Kanuri Empire after they have
moved from Kanem, and whom a latter court historian, Imam Ahmed Ibn
Fartua, had acclaimed as "Amir ul-muminin" (Sultan of the Muslims)
15
,
has himself passionately sought to be taught by a greater muallim of his
day, the famous Umar Ibn Othman Masbarma.
He had intreated this great teacher:
O Umar, son of Othman, son of Ibrahim, teach me all the
learning which God has given you, and do not leave me, since
the art of government and religion are complementary the one to
the other, twin sciences; and he who essays unprofitably either
destroys his soul or hurts it. Do not cease from giving me
instruction, if you are willing to do so, so that I may appoint you
Qadi, and that you may judge all my people, or be my helper
and Wazir. This is my purpose towards you that you may
regulate my affairs and command my army and nobles
16
.
Subsequent Borno rulers were described even in more laudatory terms.
Mai Ali Ibn Hajj Umar (1644-1680/84 A.D.) had not only defended and
extended the dar-al Islam (the abode of Islam; meaning, the home of the
2 23 32 2
Muslim community), but he had himself remained the leading symbol of
Islam in his time. The gargam spoke of him as:
Dala Mai, grandson of Shettima, Ali the smoke of Mada ... The
journey to Mecca was to him as a night ride
17
.
It was he who worsted the notorious King of the Kwararafa (a pagan
group to the southwest of Borno), who was said to have "worked inquity
in the Sudan in his overweening pride, stalking forward with the pride of
a tyrant"
18
. A successful campaign against this menace has invoked the
famous Hausa cleric, popularly known as Dan marina to effuse about Mai
Ali's success in the following terms:
Our hearts never ceased from the dread of the unbeliever,
narrow had become to us the earth pressed by our foe. Till Ali
saved our children and their children yet unborn
19
.
During Mai Ali's reign, and even more particularly afterwards the fusion
between state, religion and politics obtained even fuller concretization.
One written account of Mai Ali's court says:
His Court was in some respects wonderful. The learned men and
Imams held disputations before the Amir Ali concerning
doubtful points of law and dogma.
Islamic scholarship and indeed the status of the ulama (learned scholars)
must have attained the highest fluorescence and recognition in Borno by
that time. Subsequent Sayfawa Mais indeed even came to be recognized
as saints (al-wali in Kanuri). Mai Ali ibn Hajj Handun, one of the last
Sayfawa rulers before the Fulani J ihad of early nineteenth century, had
established his reign on "peace and piety". The Diwan
20
presents him
thus:
He loved the learned and study, and books and then by the
command of God, died at his work, and was buried in his house
with prayer and the last farewells, and scent
21
.
The establishment of security, peace and justice in the Muslim umma
(community), the defence of the weak and the suppression of the haughty
and of the brigand as the deeds of Borno rulers are always brought out to
us in our sources in very vivid and colourful ways. The reign of Mai
Ibrahim ibn Idris (1618-1625) was for instance conveyed to us by the
gargam in this colourful way:
... in his time he-goat gives milk, the old woman bears child, one
rainy season produces seven harvests ...
22

The establishment of peace, equity, justice and tranquillity has so much
become the norm in Borno of his time that our source recounts an
incident when Mai Ibrahim had to acquit himself of the charge of
misrule, when an aggrieved old woman was said to have chided the
government of his day, because she had lost her livestock to thieves. She
was said to have moaned, then: "... sub'hana lil'lahi; this is because of the
evil life of the sultan." In response, Mai Idris was said to have
remonstrated thus:
2 23 33 3
I do not confiscate the property of Muslims, neither do I take
widow's property nor that of orphans. Why do you say I am
evil?
And, indeed, Mai Ibrahim was said to have organized and led a full
search of the stolen livestock, which were duly recovered and returned to
their rightful owner. Since then it was said that he had himself mended
his ways, and his kingdom had come to enjoy unprecedented prosperity.

23
These accounts, however allegoric and snap-shot they may be, cannot
fail to convey to us a view of a people, and their society and state. It is
certainly a view of a people to whom the commands of the Mune seem to
be logical and working.
Even times of decline, as the end of the eighteenth century doubtlessly
was for the Sayfawa rulers of Borno, (which also seems to have been the
time when the text of the Mune was written in the form we have now, as
Smith has quite rightly suggested), did not seem to implicate the
invalidation of the Mune. Rather, it is a restatement of the force of the
Mune in the conduct of public affairs in Borno, both in the long term and
on day-to-day basis. Borno's war with Mandara, its own vassal state
which by the end of the eighteenth century was almost in rebellion,
disastrous though it had been for the Borno monarchy, did not so much
impugn on principles, as it had impugned on the personality of Mai Ali
ibn Dunama, the then reigning monarch. A chapter and verse account,
which I had obtained from the manuscript "The Chronicle of Wandala"
24
(also very kindly translated from the Arabic for me by Abdullahi Smith
on a very tentative basis) was used in my unpublished PhD Thesis and is
hereunder reproduced in substantial part. This is both in order to enable
the reader to capture the mood of the moment, motion of events, and at
the same time also for himself to see the extent to which Islamic
principles of statecraft, of war and peace have worked themselves into
the art and practice of government, and of inter-governmental relations,
among Borno and its neighbours in pre-colonial times.
The Mandara War - An Affirmation of the Mune
Let us first recall the relevant commands of the Mune, and then go into
details of the Chronicle. The Mune has commanded:
- to rule with justice as God and his Messenger gave judgement, by the
Book and Sunna,
- not to oppress any of the servants of God, as God averts oppression
from the two worlds,
- not to cheat except in war, for war is deceit,
2 23 34 4
- to support the religion and the Jihad in the way of God, but not from
caprice,
- not to desert the line of march in war,
- to hold fast to the rope of God all together; and not to be afraid or
disunited.
The Chronicler began by giving us an insight into what Mandara
conceived as the causes of Mai Ali's war against Mandara - gargantuan
self-conceit, aggrandizement and disrespect to peers. He says:
... One day the Mai of Birni Gazargumi (sic) was seated on his
throne and chatting with his entourage, examining the
possibility of aggrandizing his empire at the expense of his
neighbours by undertaking some conquests. He was questioning
his dignitaries on the question of which one of his neighbours he
would attack first. He finally decided that he would start his
attack with Wandala. His plan would be to assassinate the king
of that country as well as all his dignitaries, then reduce all the
personalities of the kingdom to slavery. For it has become a
habit for certain kings to hold their peers in contempt and to
think highly of themselves more than they are in reality
(emphasis mine).
25

The practical reason of the war was of course the hope for a rich booty in
the form of "slaves and robust young men", that could be procured. Mai
Ali, having made up his mind, caused a letter to be written to Mai Bladi,
Mai of Mandara (Wandala) that was even more revealing for its very
insolence, flowery language and illusions about the might and grandeur
of the Sayfawa ruler. It began:
This letter comes from Mai Ali, Burning Embers, he whose
empire will stretch from dusk to dawn. Before me he who thinks
is great is small, and he who considers himself as a powerful
king or a great general finds himself under me.
It is me, Mai Ali, son of the Sword, who am addressing this
letter to the king of Wandala, one Bladi. Greetings. After these
greetings I am hereby informing you that on a certain day at a
certain hour, I shall be your guest, chief of the Wandala. To that
end, I would like to ask you that question: the day the lion
decides to set up house with the hare or the cat with the chicken,
what do hare and chicken have to do? You certainly know the
answer to this question, for it is obvious: that day the hare and
the chicken will just have to make room for the lion and the cat
without waiting to be told twice.
Mai Ali concluded his missive:
I am telling you all this so that you are informed and can
therefore cogitate on the wisest course of action to adopt for
yourself and the most appropriate advice you can give your
people. This is all.
26

Mai Ali's letter set in motion in the Mandara court a process that was
invaluable not only for revealing the actual conduct of real-politik within
2 23 35 5
the interstate system of the Central Sudan, but also the relative strength
of the Mandara Court vis-a-vis the Court of the Sayfawa and the bases of
deference that Borno had always enjoyed within this interstate system.
Upon receiving the letter Mai Bladi of Mandara assembled his
dignitaries, composed of "ulama and war chiefs", and acquainted them
with Borno' intentions. Mai Bladi's councillors seemed to have frankly
discussed their predicament, considered and weighed all the possible
alternatives: stand firm and face the might of Borno; withdraw into their
mountain fastnesses and counter-attack; appease, with sweet words and
rich presents in token supplication, for, as one certainly knows, "the aim
of any war ... is to destroy the best at the enemy's disposal, starting with
the best of his sons. It is for this reason that we are opposed to wars,
whatever they are". Mai Bladi took this last counsel as the wisest course
of action, and accordingly ordered an extremely placatory letter to be
written to Mai Ali, first invoking the protection of Almighty Allah, and
then submitting to accept a tributary status, but firmly rejecting to
abandon their country:
... for surely you will understand that we cannot give up this
country and this land where we were born, for we have no other
place, good or bad, where to fall back on and no other refuge,
apart from the one given us by All-Mighty Allah.
Mai Bladi offered:
However, we are prepared to give up all the wealth, money and
other thing you may desire, should you ask for them. We hereby
engage to furnish fully the amount of tribute you will eventually
ask us to pay and to obey all the orders you will wish to give us
I have finished.
26

This offer was accompanied with very rich presents:
One thousand slaves, one hundred horses, three thousand thalers, one
thousand grandourahs, and one hundred and eighty bournouses. In
addition, one hundred slaves carried a hundred different types of dishes
and pastries.
27
To symbolize their submission, "these slaves were naked
except for a piece of goat-skin tied round their waist". Mai Ali spurned
the offer. A Courtier who advised conciliation, arguing:
"When a believer (Muslim) surrenders before another believer,
the latter is bound to accept this submission";
was put to death.
28

Mai Ali, solemnly swearing that "his horse would urinate in Mai Bladi's
palace", sent his adversary the ominous message:
If you have wings, you had better fly away and land on the top
of the mountains which you use as a hide out. Or else dig a hole
immediately and bury yourself underground... And I solemnly
swear that no Wandala army will be in a position to stop the
formidable force I will launch against you! Mai Bladi, the way I
2 23 36 6
will act in your country and the war I will wage will for ever
serve as an example and will re-echo throughout history.
29

Here is a clear case of failure of leadership. As it turned out, all Mai Ali's
talk became mere rhetoric, and it was in fact the resounding defeat which
Mai Ali's forces suffered at the hands of the agile Mandara forces that re-
echoed throughout history, for it seemed to have decisively rung the
death-knell of the ageing Sayfawa Dynasty. From the time of this
disastrous miscalculation and its concomitant mishap, the Sayfawa
Dynasty did not seem to have been able to halt its own precipitous
collapse.
But the final encounter with Mai Bladi's army was not without its
interesting details, revealing for instance that even after an ignominious
defeat, following a most unwarranted provocation and baseless
intransigence, the Mai of Borno was held in the eyes of ordinary folks
with awesome respect amounting to worship. This was no doubt the
function of the well established cultural hegemony which Borno enjoyed
in the Central Sudan, and which the Mai symbolised in a concrete form
and which also ultimately translated itself into a form of deference to
Borno in the political sphere. In a graphic though indirect way the
validity of these observations was demonstrated in the heat of the battle,
when the Mandara army had in fact forced the Mai of Borno into flight.
The Chronicler describes:
The battle had lasted from noon to sunset. And on that day we
saw with our own eyes the king of Bornu taking flight! Mai Ali
galloped at full speed towards his country, caring only for his
life. We saw a group of our horsemen pursuing him. And soon,
it was no longer possible to distinguish our men's horse with
those of the Kanuris. They had caught up with Mai Ali's small
escort and were getting ready to encircle it when it suddenly
dawned on them they had given chase to none other than the
king of Bornu in person. There was a swaying in their ranks, for
they were simple soldiers and for them to make an attempt
against the sacred person of a king, even an enemy king, was
inconceivable.
30

Thus psychologically not being able to capture the Bornoan royal
personage, the Mandara warriors pursued Mai Ali, sometimes even
outdistancing him, surrounding him on both sides, shouting the salutation
of royalty, "Gwe! Gwe! Gwe!", but not willing to touch him! The
Chronicler credits this to the Mandara soldiers' own simplicity
31
.
Conclusion
The account of Borno's war with Mandara thus recounted above, at least
from the point of view of the Mandara Chronicler, and all the other
accounts I have given above clearly portray to us the essence of the Mune
2 23 37 7
in that oppression and/or a war of caprice is not enjoined. And the war
against Mandara was clearly a war of caprice, as Mandara had clearly
recanted on its recalcitrance, when threatened.
The essence of the Chronicle itself, however, is that we are here
seeing, from accounts of an eye-witness, the portrayal of a polity whose
language principles and practice of diplomacy, in war and in peace, are
not less developed than any we have seen in the states of Euro-Germanic
experience, of comparable times. The basis of this well ordered art is
essentially the Mune, even though in its universalist form we may wish to
assign it to the Book and the Sunna of Islam.
Why not then, should we not regard the Mune as the constitution of
the pre-colonial Borno State?
Munen - ba (not in the Mune), for the Sayfawa ruler is certainly more
binding than most modern constitutions had been binding on leaders of
present-day African States!
Footnotes
1 1. . T Th he e S Sa ay yf fa aw wa a, , v va ar ri io ou us sl ly y w wr ri it tt te en n S Se ef fa aw wa a, , S Sa ai if fa aw wa a e et tc c. . a ar re e t th he e d de es sc ce en nd da an nt ts s o of f t th he e
l le eg ge en nd da ar ry y S Sa ay yf f b b. . D Dh hi i Y Ya az za an n, , r re ep pu ut te ed dl ly y a a p pr re e- -I Is sl la am mi ic c Y Ya am ma an ni i h he er ro o w wh ho o c ca am me e t to o
f fo ou un nd d a a d dy yn na as st ty y a an nd d a an n e em mp pi ir re e, , f fi ir rs st t i in n K Ka an ne em m a an nd d l la at te er r i in n B Bo or rn no o. . T Th hi is s d dy yn na as st ty y
l la as st te ed d f fo or r t th he e b be et tt te er r p pa ar rt t o of f a a m mi il ll le en nn ni iu um m, , b be ef fo or re e t th he e d dy yn na as st ty y w wa as s f fo or rm ma al ll ly y
t te er rm mi in na at te ed d i in n 1 18 84 46 6, , a at t t th he e b be eh he es st t o of f a a s sc ci io on n o of f a a s su uc cc ce es ss so or r d dy yn na as st ty y, , S Sh ha ay yk kh h U Um ma ar r
i ib bn n a al l- -K Ka an ne em mi i, , w wh ho o t th he en n c ca am me e t to o f fo or rm ma al ll ly y i in na au ug gu ur ra at te e t th he e o on nl ly y o ot th he er r d dy yn na as st ty y t to o
h ha av ve e r ru ul le ed d B Bo or rn no o, , t th hr ro ou ug gh ho ou ut t i it ts s 1 10 00 00 0 y ye ea ar r o ol ld d h hi is st to or ry y a as s a an n i in nd de ep pe en nd de en nt t s st ta at te e. .
2 2. . T Th hr ro ou ug gh ho ou ut t t th hi is s p pa ap pe er r I I w wi il ll l u us se e t th he e M M. .N N. . A Al lk ka al li i t tr ra an ns sl li it te er ra at ti io on n S Sa ay yf fa aw wa a, , a as s t th hi is s i is s
t th he e t tr ra an ns sl li it te er ra at ti io on n a ac cc ce ep pt te ed d f fo or r h hi is s P Ph h. .D D. . T Th he es si is s, , t th he e t th he en n m mo os st t c co om mp pr re eh he en ns si iv ve e
s st tu ud dy y o of f t th he e S Sa ay yf fa aw wa a p pe er ri io od d b by y a an n i in nd di ig ge en no ou us s s sc ch ho ol la ar r. .
3 3. . " "T Th he e l le eg ge en nd d o of f t th he e S Se ei if fu uw wa a" ", , i is s t th he e t ti it tl le e o of f a a p pa ap pe er r w wh hi ic ch h P Pr ro of fe es ss so or r A Ab bd du ul ll la ah hi i
S Sm mi it th h h hi im ms se el lf f h ha ad d w wr ri it tt te en n a an nd d p po op pu ul la ar ri is se ed d. . I I k kn no ow w a at t l le ea as st t o on ne e B Bo or rn no o n na at ti io on na al li is st t, ,
t th he e l la at te e I Ib br ra ah hi im m I Im ma am m w wh ho o d di id d n no ot t s se ee e e ey ye e t to o e ey ye e w wi it th h P Pr ro of fe es ss so or r S Sm mi it th h w wh ho om m h he e
a ac cc cu us se ed d o of f s se ee ei in ng g m mo os st t c cr ri it ti ic ca al l a as sp pe ec ct ts s o of f B Bo or rn no o h hi is st to or ry y m me er re el ly y a as s l le eg ge en nd ds s! !
4 4. . F Fo or r a a c ca ar re ef fu ul l c co on ns si id de er ra at ti io on n o of f t th he e I Is sl la am mi iz za at ti io on n o of f t th he e B Bo or rn no oa an n S St ta at te e a an nd d s so oc ci ie et ty y, ,
s se ee e A Ab bd du ul ll la ah hi i S Sm mi it th h, , " "T Th he e E Ea ar rl ly y S St ta at te es s o of f t th he e C Ce en nt tr ra al l S Su ud da an n" " i in n J J . .F F. . A Ad de e A Aj ja ay yi i
a an nd d M Mi ic ch ha ae el l C Cr ro ow wd de er r e ed ds s; ; H Hi is st to or ry y o of f W We es st t A Af fr ri ic ca a, , V Vo ol lu um me e O On ne e, , L Lo on ng gm ma an n, ,
L Lo on nd do on n, , 1 19 97 71 1; ; p pp p. . 1 17 70 0- -1 17 72 2. .
5 5. . i ib bi id d. . p p. . 1 17 72 2
6 6. . i ib bi id d. . p p. . 1 17 72 2
7 7. . S Se ee e f fo or r i in ns st ta an nc ce e M Ma aj ji id d K Kh ha ad dd du ur ri i, , " "T Th he e N Na at tu ur re e o of f t th he e I Is sl la am mi ic c S St ta at te e" " i in n S S. .N N. . E Ei i- -
s se en ns st ta ad dt t, , e ed d. . " "T Th he e D De ec cl li in ne e o of f E Em mp pi ir re es s" "; ; P Pr re en nt ti ic ce e H Ha al ll l I In nc c. . E En ng gl le ew wo oo od d C Cl li if ff fs s, , N Ne ew w
J J e er rs se ey y, , 1 19 95 55 5; ; p pp p. . 3 30 0- -3 35 5. .
2 23 38 8
8 8. . I Im ma am m A Ah hm ma ad d i ib bn n F Fa ar rt tu ua a, , " "H Hi is st to or ry y o of f t th he e F Fi ir rs st t T Tw we el lv ve e Y Ye ea ar rs s R Re ei ig gn n o of f M Ma ai i I Id dr ri is s
A Al lo oo om ma a o of f B Bo or rn nu u" " ( (1 15 57 71 1- -1 15 58 83 3) ) t tr ra an ns s. . f fr ro om m t th he e A Ar ra ab bi ic c b by y H H. .R R. . P Pa al lm me er r; ; L La ag go os s, ,
G Go ov ve er rm me en nt t P Pr ri in nt te er r, , 1 19 92 26 6; ; p pp p. .9 9- -1 10 0. .
9 9. . A Ab bd du ul ll la ah hi i S Sm mi it th h, , " "A A N No ot te e o of f t th he e M Mu un ne e" ", , a at tt ta ac ch he ed d h he er re eu un nd de er r a as s A Ap pp pe en nd di ix x I I. .
1 10 0. . T Th hi is s n no ot ti io on n d de er ri iv ve es s f fr ro om m I Im ma am m A Ah hm me ed d i ib bn n F Fa ar rt tu ua a' 's s r re en nd di it ti io on n o of f t th he e a ac cc co ou un nt t o of f t th he e
M Mu un ne e, , w wh hi ic ch h S Sm mi it th h h ha ad d q qu uo ot te ed d e ex xt te en ns si iv ve el ly y, , v vi id de e A Ap pp pe en nd di ix x I I p pp p 6 6- -7 7. . B Bu ut t I Im ma am m
F Fa ar rt tu ua a h ha ad d c ca au ut ti io ou us sl ly y p pr re ef fa ac ce ed d h hi is s w wr ri it ti in ng g, , c co on ns si id de er ri in ng g t th he e a ac cc co ou un nt t " "s st tr ra an ng ge e a an nd d
w wo on nd de er rf fu ul l" ", , a an nd d a ap pp pa ar re en nt tl ly y n no ot t t to o b be e t ta ak ke en n t to oo o s se er ri io ou us sl ly y. .
1 11 1. . S Sm mi it th h, , A Ap pp pe en nd di ix x I I p p. . 8 8. .
1 12 2. . i ib bi id d. .
1 13 3. . T Th he e g ga ar rg ga am m, , u us su ua al ll ly y e er rr ro on ne eo ou us sl ly y w wr ri it tt te en n a as s g gi ir rg ga am m i is s t th he e t tr ra ad di it ti io on na al l K Ka an nu ur ri i
h hi is st to or ry y f fr ro om m w wh hi ic ch h m mo os st t o of f t th he e a ac cc co ou un nt t o of f B Bo or rn no o h hi is st to or ry y, , e es sp pe ec ci ia al ll ly y t th ha at t o of f t th he e
S Sa ay yf fa aw wa a M Ma ai is s w we er re e d de er ri iv ve ed d. . S Se ee e S Sm mi it th h i in n A Aj ja ay yi i a an nd d C Cr ro ow wd de er r ( (1 19 97 71 1) ) p p. . 1 16 67 7
f fo oo ot tn no ot te e 2 22 2. .
1 14 4. . M Ma ah hr ra am m, , c ca an n b be e t tr ra an ns sl la at te ed d a as s " "s sa af fe e l la an nd d" " m me ea an ni in ng g l la an nd d g gi iv ve en n t to o p pr ro ot te ec ct te ed d c ci it ti iz ze en ns s
f fr ro om m w wh hi ic ch h o or r f fr ro om m w wh ho om m t th he e s st ta at te e i is s c co ol ll le ec ct ti in ng g n no o d du ue es s. . P Pe er rs so on ns s w wh ho o a ar re e t th hu us s
e ex xe em mp pt te ed d a ar re e a al ls so o r re ef fe er rr re ed d t to o a as s m ma ah hr ra am m. . U Us su ua al ll ly y a a l le et tt te er r o of f e ex xe em mp pt ti io on n i is s g gi iv ve en n, ,
d de et ta ai il li in ng g t th he e b ba as si is s o of f t th he e e ex xe em mp pt ti io on n. . T Th he es se e a ar re e t th he e m ma ah hr ra am m h hi is st to or ri ic ca al l w wr ri it ti in ng gs s a ar re e
r re ef fe er rr ri in ng g b be ec ca au us se e t th he ey y h ha av ve e c co om me e t to o c co on ns st ti it tu ut te e s so ou ur rc ce e o of f B Bo or rn no oa an n h hi is st to or ry y. .
1 15 5. . I Im ma am m A Ah hm me ed d i ib bn n F Fa ar rt tu ua a, , " "F Fi ir rs st t T Tw we el lv ve e Y Ye ea ar rs s. .. .. .p pa as ss si im m. ." ". .
1 16 6. . H H. .R R. . P Pa al lm me er r, , " "B Bo or rn nu u S Sa ah ha ar ra a a an nd d S Su ud da an n" ", , L Lo on nd do on n, , 1 19 93 36 6; ; p p. .2 24 4 ( (T Th he e M Ma ah hr ra am m o of f
S Sh he ei ik kh h M Ma as sb ba ar rm ma a) ). .
1 17 7. . T Th he e G Ga ar rg ga am m; ; o op p. . c ci it t. .
1 18 8. . D Da an n M Ma ar ri in na a, , i in n P Pa al lm me er r, , o op p. . c ci it t. . p p. . 2 24 46 6. .
1 19 9. . i ib bi id d p p. . 2 24 46 6
2 20 0. . T Th he e D Di iw wa an n, , m mo or re e l li ik ke e t th he e g ga ar rg ga am m a ar re e a al ls so o s so ou ur rc ce es s o of f B Bo or rn no o t tr ra ad di it ti io on na al l h hi is st to or ry y. .
B Bu ut t t th he ey y a ar re e u us su ua al ll ly y w wr ri it tt te en n a an nd d a ar re e t th he er re ef fo or re e r re eg ga ar rd de ed d a as s t th he e v ve er rs si io on n o of f t th he e u ul la am ma a
( (t th he e l le ea ar rn ne ed d s sc ch ho ol la ar rs s) ). .
2 21 1. . T Th he e D Di iw wa an n i in n B Ba ar rt th h, , H H. . T Tr ra av ve el ls s a an nd d D Di is sc co ov ve er ri ie es s i in n N No or rt th h a an nd d C Ce en nt tr ra al l A Af fr ri ic ca a, , r re ep p. .
L Lo on nd do on n, , 1 19 96 65 5 v vo ol ls s. . 1 1- -I II II I; ; A Ap pp pe en nd di ix x I I. .
2 22 2. . G Ga ar rg ga am m, , P Pa al lm me er r; ; o op p. . c ci it t. . p p. . 2 24 44 4. .
2 23 3. . i ib bi id d. .
2 24 4. . " "T Th he e C Ch hr ro on ni ic cl le e o of f t th he e W Wa an nd da al la a" ". .
I I f fi ir rs st t o ob bt ta ai in ne ed d t th he e A Ar ra ab bi ic c v ve er rs si io on n f fr ro om m t th he e C Ch hi ie ef f I Im ma am m o of f B Bo or rn no o, , I Im ma am m I Ib br ra ah hi im m
A Ah hm ma ad d. . B Bu ut t t th he e t te ex xt t i is s g ge en ne er ra al ll ly y s si im mi il la ar r. . E Ev ve en n t th ho ou ug gh h i it t i is s b bi ia as se ed d a ag ga ai in ns st t B Bo or rn no o, ,
s si in nc ce e i it t i is s a ac cc ce ep pt ta ab bl le e t to o s su uc ch h B Bo or rn no o u ul la am ma a a as s t th he e C Ch hi ie ef f I Im ma am m, , w we e c ca an n r re ep pl ly y o on n i it ts s
d de ep pe en nd da ab bi il li it ty y s so om me ew wh ha at t. .
2 25 5. .- -3 31 1. . " "F Fr ro om m t th he e C Ch hr ro on ni ic cl le e o of f t th he e W Wa an nd da al la a" " a as s r re en nd de er re ed d i in n m my y T Th he es si is s, , A Ad dm mi in ni i- -
s st tr ra at ti iv ve e a an nd d P Po ol li it ti ic ca al l D De ev ve el lo op pm me en nt t i in n p pr re e- -c co ol lo on ni ia al l B Bo or rn no o; ; V Vo ol l. .I II I; ; u un np pu ub bl li is sh he ed d, ,
1 19 98 80 0; ; p pp p. . 5 57 73 3- -5 57 78 8 f fr ro om m w wh hi ic ch h t th hi is s t te ex xt t i is s g ge en ne er ra al ll ly y l li if ft te ed d. .
2 23 39 9
APPENDIX I
A NOTE ON THE MUNE OF THE SEFUWA
Abdullahi Smith, Kaduna, Nigeria (June 1977)
The translation of the text:
In the name of God the Compassionate the Merciful;
Praise be to God, Lord of the two worlds;
And blessing and peace on our Master Muhammad and
on his people.
The story of the Mune: Mune was an ancient obligation which the
Messenger our Master Muhammad (the blessing and peace of God be on
him) imposed on the people of Sayf b. Dhi Yazan.
They were ordered to preserve it, to keep the original copy of it
inaccessible, to wrap it up and encase it in leather; and never to open it
until they should deliver it to the expected Mahdi. And thus it was down
to the time of Dunama Dibbalemi, who resolved to open it; though his
viziers forbade it. Some Egyptians who came to him advised him that it
would be preferable to open it to find out what it contained.
He asked the opinion of his ulema, and they advised him to leave it as
it was, because it was no proper for the king to go against the practice of
his most noble ancestors. But he rejected their advice, and opened it;
whereupon there burst out some flying thing, beating the air violently,
like a hurricane, and crying out in a loud voice: "Alas for the sealed
covenants! Alas for the well-hidden!" And on the paper containing these
covenants were disjointed letters; unpointed.
The Messenger of God (on whom be the blessing and peace of
God) imposed on us the obligation:
-to worship God only, Him alone, Who has no associate;
and to obey Him and not attempt to defy Him;
-to rule with justice as God and His Messenger gave judgement,
by the Book and the Sunna;
-not to oppress any of the servants of God, as God averts
oppression from the two worlds;
-not to betray God or His Messenger or the faithful;
-not to cheat except in war, for war is deceit;
-to support the religion and the jihad in the way of God, but not
from caprice;
-not to desert the line of march in war;
2 24 40 0
-to hold fast to the rope of God all together, and not to be afraid
or disunited;
-to call people to God by means of wisdom and good advice;
-to do our at most to be righteous both outwardly and inwardly.
Peace.
Written by Muhammad b. al-Hajj b.
c
Ali, Emir of Alarge, five days
remaining in Rajab of the year of the Hijra 1185 (Nov. 1771).
Provenance of the Text
This MS is from the papers of the well-known historian of the Sefuwa
Al-Hajj Abubakr al-Miskin of Maiduguri, kindly lend for photo-copying
to M. Kyari Tijani, of the Ahmadu Bello University, Institute of
Administration, during 1976. I have not seen the MS itself and cannot
therefore give an opinion as to its age, but the poor photo-copies
available show it to be written in an angular Kufic-like hand bearing
some, though distant resemblance to the official script of 19
th
Century
Borno.
The Author and the Historical Background
The Alargema Muhammad b. al-Hajj b.
c
Ali is not yet known (to me at
least) from other sources. But he appears to be the official in charge of a
large province immediately south and south-west of the later site of
Kukawa,
1
during the reign of the Mai
c
Ali b. al-Hajj Dunama Gana,
which we should for the present date at c. 1748-93.
2
It is perhaps incorrect to refer to this person as the "author" of the
gissat Mune. Rather he is merely recording a tradition very ancient in the
history of the Sefuwa; and it is of interest to speculate on why a senior
official of the Bornuan government should have chosen to record it at
that time. We do not know the precise reason of course, but it is possible
in the light of what we otherwise know of the conditions of the time to
make a number of suggestions which may be tested by further
investigation.
Presumably the Alargema wrote down this tradition (which must have
been well known to him) in 1771 because he wished either to remind of
the obligations which lay on him as an office-holder, or (more likely)
because he wished to remind others of the duties of the Sefuwa as rulers
of Borno. It is further possible to suggest that he was moved to do this
because at that time the government of Bornu was not coming up to
expectations in this respect.
2 24 41 1
This last suggestion is prompted by the form which this record of the
tradition takes. The MS contains the most detailed list we possess of the
religio-ethical obligations laid on the Sefuwa as rulers, the symbolical
expression of these being preserved in the Mune. But it is prefaced by a
statement of the way in which the great Mai Dunami Dibbalemi
disregarded the commandment of the Prophet concerning the sanctity of
the Mune. And it says nothing of any attempt by subsequent rulers to
repair this sacrilege. One might well be tempted to see in this statement a
silent commentary on the moral decay of government in the time of
c
Ali
Lafiyami, who by 1771 had been in office for over 20 years.
In recent times it is now accepted that the Fallata and Shuwa risings
which toppled the government of the Sefuwa in the early years of the 19
th

century were merely the final episode in a long history of decline which
goes back for a further hundred years,
3
the official corruption described
in the writing of Muhammad b.
c
Abd al-Rahman al-Barnawi at the
beginning of the 18
th
century;
4
the record of recurrent famine in the
reigns of the immediate predecessors of Mai
c
Ali;
5
the treachery of Mai
c
Ali and his estrangement from his non-Kanuri subjects recounted in the
poems of Muhammad al-Tahir b. Ibrahim;
6
the decline of Bornuan in-
fluence in the Hausa States;
7
the wanton and unsuccessful aggression of
the Sefuwa against Mandara;
8
and the remarkable description of the
regime at the beginning of the 19
th
century attributed to the Yarima
Muhammad Yanbu
c
, son of the Mai
c
Ali.
9
All this seems to point in the
same direction: to an ancient regime in decay.
... the ideological aspect of which shows itself in the continuing
abandonment of the principles of government for which the Sefuwa
originally stood. It is into this story that the declaration of the Emir of
Alarge may possibly be fitted. If this is the case then it would indicate
that dissatisfaction with the government of the Sefuwa was then being
felt not only among the non-Kanuri citizenry, and in the dependant states,
but in the provincial administration also.
The Ancient Institution of the Mune
Besides reminding us of the decayed condition of the Sefuwa in the 18
th

century, this MS also draws attention to some very ancient traditions in
the very cultural heritage of the dynasty. The antiquity of the Mune is
strikingly indicated in this MS not so much by the claim that it was
something imposed on the people of Sayf by the prophet Muhammad
(which requires substantiation),
9a
but by the statement that "on the paper
containing these covenants were disjointed letters, unpointed". It is well
known that this is just what the earliest masahif looked like.
10
We have
here therefore an indication that the Mune contained a pre-5
th
century AH
(11
th
century AD) MS of the Qur'an.
2 24 42 2
The idea that the contents of the Mune are connected with the revelation
to the prophet Muhammad is also confirmed by the meaning of the term
itself. I am indebted to my colleague Professor O.S.A. Ismail for the
valuable suggestion that the word mune is the Arabic munan pronounced
with imala (as is common in Qur'anic recitation), which is written mim-
nun-ya exactly as mune is written in our texts. Now, the root mim-nun-ya
(mana) and its derivations give a number of interesting meanings in this
connection.
11
Basically mana means qadar: what God had ordained,
destiny. Munan (plural of munya) means desires, aspirations, objectives.
In our context it could easily have the connotation of ideals. Amtana
means to recite the Qur'an.
12

But there are other indications which suggest an even earlier origin of
this institution. The earliest dated reference which we yet have to the
Mune and its destruction by Dunama Dibbalemi is in Ahmad b. Fartuwa's
account of the Kanem wars of Mai Idris Aloma, written at the 10
th

century AH (16
th
century AD).
13
His description of it and its importance
is worth quoting:
14

"One of the strange and wonderful things we have heard, among
the delightful stories of our elders, is that the tribe of the Bani
Sayf possessed something, wrapped up and concealed, with
which was connected their victory in wars, and which was
known as mune. None of the kings descended from Sayf b. Dhi
Yazan would open it; and it remained in their possession
unopened until the time of the Sultan Dunama b. Dabale. Then
this Sultan Dunama determined to break it open. But those of
his people who were with him told him not to do this; for his
ancestors had depended on it for victory; and no unbeliever or
any other had been able to oppose them while they had this
thing wrapped up and concealed in their possession, right down
to the time when God appointed him (through His munificence
and favour) to rule over the Muslims. Yet he rejected their
advice, and broke with this ancient tradition. It is said that, when
he opened it the thing that was inside it flew out, calling to
summon all those powerful people who coveted or aspired to
kingly rank.
There is a story of war in the time of Sultan Dunana b. Dabale
between him and the tribe of Tubu which lasted seven years,
seven months and seven days. So we have heard from ahl al-
akhbar, but God is most knowing.
After that much conflict and strife with the people of Fitri arose
in the time of Sultan Dawud b. Nikale. We have mentioned this
previously in our work on Kanem. Yet but for the opening of
this thing called mune in the time of the Sultan Dunana b.
Dabale, no unbeliever would have opposed the Bani Sayf until
the end of time. But it befell thus by the decree of God, may He
be exalted, who wrote it on the guarded tablet.
Similar to this that was in the possession of the Bani Sayf down
to Dunama b. Dibale (from which, when it was opened, a
2 24 43 3
winged griffin flew out and vanished from the sight of the
onlookers) was the ark which God, may He be exalted, sent
down to the Bani Isra
c
il, containing the sign of their victory in
the time of king Saul, as He, may He be exalted, said in the holy
Qur'an.
14a

From all this it may be suggested that the traditions of the Mune were
something that long pre-dated the revelation of the Qur'an, going back
indeed into the ancient J udaic past. The traditions of the Mune in fact are
quite remarkably similar to those associated with the Ark of the Covenant
in the Torah.
15
Qur'an II.248
16
is of course a direct reference to the events
recounted there in the first Book of Samuel. But when these traditions are
more carefully studied it will in addition be seen that important elements
in them appear to have no connection with the revealed Qur'an at all, but
do have a clear similarity to the ancient J udaic traditions.
Thus the Idara of Muhammad Yanbu
c
stated that "the Mune is always
carried in front of the army accompanying the king"
17
. Similarly, in the
Torah: "And they departed from the mount of the Lord three days'
journey, and the ark of the covenant of the Lord went before them ... And
it came to pass when the ark set forward, that Moses said, Rise up Lord,
and let thine enemies be scattered".
18
Traditions of this sort do not
originate in the revealed Qur'an, to which the whole idea of sacrum to be
carried into battle is quite foreign.
19

Again there is the element of mystery and concealment in the
traditions of the Mune which certainly does not derive from the revealed
Qur'an. The only Sacrum in Islam is the Ka
c
ba, and there is nothing
concealed in that. But an essential feature of the Mune was that there was
something concealed in it, something which must not be taken out and
looked at. This is also a feature of the ark of the covenant which was
especially constructed to conceal what was in it (or rather, on it).
20
Again,
dire consequences followed in both cases from any attempt to look into
the Sacrum and see what is contained. The Torah says how God "smote
the men of Beth-shemesh because they had looked into the ark of the
Lord".
21

Thirdly, there are what we may perhaps call the "totemistic" features
of these traditions which are again un-Islamic, but they may be associated
with very ancient pre- or proto-J udaic thought. Ibn Fartuwa quotes Ibn
Faris, "Kitab al-Afrad",
22
to say (with reference to the sakina in the ark of
Qur'an II, 248) that wherever sakina occurs in the Qur'an, it means
"tranquillity", but that in the story of Saul it is something like the head of
a cat with wings. And he continues this by saying "we have also seen in
the Quamus of ... al-Firozabadi ... where he says, after mentioning the
other explanation, that it is a thing with a head like the head of a cat made
of chrysolite and sapphires, and having two wings."
23
Here is something
which would also appear to derive from the Isra
c
ilyyat.
2 24 44 4
Specialists have long believed that the story of the making of the ark
of the covenant in the book of Exodus has an association with the story
of the making of the "serpent of brass", referred to in number XXI, 8-9.
24

The idea that the symbol of God for which the ark was originally made
was a serpent is to some extent confirmed by the apparent development
in meaning of the Hebrew word seraf (plural: serafim) which originally
meant a bronze serpent, then a mythical winged creature, then a guardian
angel (such as screened the ark with their wings).
25
A "mythical winged
creature" is exactly what the Mune contained.
But above all, the ancient J udaic origin of the Mune is attested by the
fact that, like the ark of the Torah, it contained
c
ahd or covenant. The
word
c
ahd occurs frequently in the Qur'an, but significantly, not in
connection with the tabut of II, 248.
On the other hand the ark of the covenant ('aron berit Yhwh or 'aron
habberit) is several times mentioned in the Torah,
26
and, according to
Deuteronomy X, 1-8 this same ark of the covenant contained the tables of
the ten commandments. I have translated
c
ahd as "obligation in our MS
as giving a smoother rendering, but the basic meaning is "covenant".
What we have in the Mune would appear to be an Islamised form of this
ancient J udaic tradition.And it is perhaps useful to note in this context
that the obligations imposed on the people of the Yeman (the people of
Sayf b. Dhi Yazan) by the prophet through his emissary
c
Amr b. Hazm
are in fact set out in great detail in the Sira of Ibn Ishaq,
27
a work well
known to the Bornuan
c
ulama.
Ancient J udaic Influence in the Central Sudan?
If there is anything in the suggestions put forward here concerning the
origin of the traditions of the Mune, then it is difficult to disregard the
possibility that the pre-Islamic (i.e. pre-11
th
century A.D.) Sefuwa were
heirs of ancient J udaic culture in some sense. To judge from the historical
persistence of such traditions in the folklore of Borno long after the
Islamisation of the Sefuwa, it could also be suggested that, in its day, this
ancient J udaic influence was substantial.
The possibility of substantial J udaic influence in the Central Sudan in
pre-Islamic times has been raised recently by H.Z. Hirschberg
28
on the
authority of a neglected passage in Al-Idrisi, referring to a country, in the
first section of the second climate, called Qamnuriya. This Qamnuriya is
said to have contained flourishing cities of the Sudan in ancient times.
But as a result of invasion by the Lamtuna and the Zaghawa (who lived
on either side of this country) and of internal dissension, its inhabitants
were dispersed, taking refuge in the mountains and the desert; until
eventually only a few of the Bani Qamnuriya were left, scattered in the
2 24 45 5
desert or near the sahil. According to traders these Banu Qamnuriya clai-
med to be J ews
29
.
Dare we suggest that the name Qamnuri (one of their cities) is an
ancient form (or corruption) of the present-day Kanuri? Do we have here
further confirmation of the Himyarite origin of the Sefuwa who claim
descent from the J udaized dynasty of the Tubba
c
monarchs of the yeman?
The pre-Islamic history of the Central Sudan continues to be very largely
a closed book to us, but in the fragments briefly gathered here there may
be a starting point for useful enquiry into the intellectual history of the
peoples of that region in the second half of the first millennium A.D.
The Curse of Noah
The value of attempting to enquire into the ancient intellectual history of
Kanem will be questioned by modernisers, and it is not proposed to argue
the case for it here. But in concluding this essay attention could perhaps
briefly be drawn to one aspect of the importance of studying early J udaic
influence in the Central Sudan. Important in the folklore still associated
with the Sefuwa in Muslim Bornu at the present time, is the well known
story of the curse of Noah,
31
particularly in that version which identifies
the cursed sons of Ham with the black peoples of the world.
32
Recent
Nigerian Christian belief moreover often takes the view that Islam,
because it is the religion of the sons of Shem or the Arabs (as they see it)
is essentially anti-negro on racial grounds even when practiced by black
people. Yet of course there is nothing in the Qur'an or the authenticated
Traditions which enjoins discrimination against people on account of
their colour. Nor yet, indeed, do we find this in the Torah.
On the other hand I am told that the identification of the black peoples
with the cursed sons of Ham is to be found in the Babylonian Talmud of
the J ews, the commentaries on the Torah written in the 3
rd
-5
th
centuries
A.D.
33

If there was Talmudic influence in Kanem in the second half of the
first millennium A.D., it might well have introduced this version of the
story of the curse of Noah into the cultural heritage of the Sefuwa. An
appreciation of this sort of possibility might well lead to better
understanding of Islam by non-Muslims in present-day Nigeria; and at
the same time better understanding of both the close relations between
Zionism and apartheid, and in the necessary orientation of Nigerian
foreign policy in the question of Palestine at the present day.
2 24 46 6
Footnotes to the text
1 1. . S Se ee e t th he e m ma ap p i in n e en nd d p pa ap pe er rs s o of f N NA AC CH HT TI IG GA AL L, , " "S Sa ah ha ar ra a u un nd d S Su ud da an n" ", , V Vo ol l. . I II I ( (B Be er rl li in n, ,
1 18 87 79 9) ). .
2 2. . A Ac cc ce ep pt ti in ng gs s t th he e d da at te es s g gi iv ve en n i in n T Ta ar ri ik kh h a al l- -K Kh hu ul la af fa a' ' ( (P PA AL LM ME ER R, , e ed d. ., , " "T Ta ar ri ik kh h M Ma ai i I Id dr ri is s" ", ,
K Ka an no o, , 1 19 93 32 2, , i in nt tr ro o. ., , t tw wo o u un nn nu um mb be er re ed d p pl la at te es s) ). .
3 3. . T Th hi is s f fo or r e ex xa am mp pl le e i is s t th he e s su ug gg ge es st ti io on n i in n U UR RV VO OY Y, , Y Y. ., , " "H Hi is st to oi ir re e d de e l l' 'e em mp pi ir re e d du u B Bo or rn no ou u" "
( (P Pa ar ri is s 1 19 94 49 9) ). .
4 4. . " "S Sh hu ur rb b a al l- -Z Zu ul la al l ( (e ed d. . & & t tr ra an ns s. ., , A A. .D D. .H H. . B BI IV VA AR R a an nd d M M. . H HI IS SK KE ET TT T. . B BS SO OA AS S. . X XX XV V, , 1 1, ,
1 19 96 62 2, , p pp p. .1 11 18 8- -1 13 35 5) ). . T Th hi is s w wr ri it te er r i is s b be el li ie ev ve ed d t to o h ha av ve e d di ie ed d i in n S Sa af fa ar r 1 11 16 69 9/ /1 17 75 55 5, , 1 16 6
y ye ea ar rs s b be ef fo or re e t th he e d de ec cl la ar ra at ti io on n o of f t th he e A Al la ar rg ge em ma a. .
5 5. . " "D Di iw wa an ns s S Sa al la at ti in n B Bo or rn nu u" " ( (e ed d. . P PA AL LM ME ER R, ,o op p. . c ci it t. ., , p p. . 1 13 32 2) ): : " "I In n t th he e t ti im me e o of f S Su ul lt ta an n
D Du un na am ma a b b. .
c c
A Al li i t th he er re e o oc cc cu ur rr re ed d a a g gr re ea at t f fa am mi in ne e l la as st ti in ng g s se ev ve en n y ye ea ar rs s . .. .. . I In n t th he e t ti im me e o of f
s su ul lt ta an n M Mu uh ha am mm ma ad d b b. . H Ha aj jj j t th he er re e o oc cc cu ur rr re ed d t th he e f fa am mi in ne e o of f " "A Al li i S Sh hu uw wa a" " l la as st ti in ng g t tw wo o
y ye ea ar rs s . .. .. . A An nd d i in n t th he e t ti im me e o of f S Su ul lt ta an n D Du un na am ma a G Ga an na a t th he er re e o oc cc cu ur rr re ed d a a s se ev ve er re e f fa am mi in ne e" ". .
T Th he er re e i is s s si im mi il la ar r i in nf fo or rm ma at ti io on n i in n t th he e " "T Ta aw wa ar ri ik kh h S Sa al la at ti in n B Bo or rn nu u" " ( (H Ha al ll le e M MS S) ). .
6 6. . S Se ee e M Mu uh ha am mm ma ad d B Be el ll lo o " "I In nf fa aq q a al l- -M Ma ai is su ur r" " ( (W WH HI IT TT TI IN NG G e ed d. ., , p pp p. . 1 11 1- -1 13 3) ) d di is sc cu us ss se ed d i in n
B BI IV VA AR R a an nd d H HI IS SK KE ET TT T, , o op p. . c ci it t. ., , p pp p. . 1 13 37 7- -1 13 39 9. .
7 7. .
c c
A Ab bd d a al l- -Q Qa ad di ir r b b. . a al l- -M Mu us st ta af fa a, , R Ra aw wd da at t a al l- -a af fk ka ar r, , s st ta at te es s: : " "I It t w wa as s S Su ul lt ta an n G Go ob bi ir r B Ba aw wa a
w wh ho o f fi ir rs st t r re ef fu us se ed d t to o p pa ay y t th he e K Kh ha ar ra aj j w wh hi ic ch h t th he ey y u us se ed d t to o p pa ay y t to o t th he e E Em mi ir r o of f B Bo or rn nu u" ". .
W We e m ma ay y p pr ro ov vi is si io on na al ll ly y d da at te e t th he e r re ei ig gn n o of f B Ba aw wa a J J a an n G Gw wa ar rz zo o t to o c c. . 1 11 18 85 5 - - c c. .
1 12 20 02 2/ /1 17 77 72 2- -1 17 78 87 7 ( (f fr ro om m t th he e e ev vi id de en nc ce e i in n s so om me e v ve er rs si io on ns s o of f i ib bi id d. .) ). .
8 8. . A A l lo on ng g a ac cc co ou un nt t o of f t th hi is s w wa ar r e en nt ti it tl le ed d, , " "D Dh hi ik kr r w wa aq q' 'a a a al ll la ad dh hi i w wa aq qa a' 'a a ( (s si ic c) ) b ba ay yn na a a am mi ir r
c c
A Al li i b b. . A Am mi ir r D Du un na am ma a S Sa ab bi ib b B Bi ir rn ni i G Ga as sa ar rg ga am mu u w wa a a am mi ir r B Bi il la ad di i s sa ab bi ib b M Ma an nd da ar ra a, , a an nd d
w wr ri it tt te en n c c. . 1 18 85 50 0, , h ha as s r re ec ce en nt tl ly y b be ee en n p pu ub bl li is sh he ed d b by y E E. . M Mo oh ha am mm ma ad do ou u, , t to og ge et th he er r w wi it th h a a
F Fr re en nc ch h t tr ra an ns sl la at ti io on n b by y L L. .M M. . H Ha ac ch hi im mi i, , i in n " "L Le e R Ro oy ya au um me e d du u W Wa an nd da al la a o ou u M Ma an nd da ar ra a
( (I In ns st ti it tu ut t d de es s S Sc ci ie en nc ce es s H Hu um ma ai in ne es s, , B Ba am me en nd da a, , 1 19 97 75 5, , p pp p. . 4 43 3- -6 66 6, , 2 26 64 4- -2 28 82 2) ). . I In n t th hi is s
a ac cc co ou un nt t t th he e w wa ar r i is s s sa ai id d t to o h ha av ve e t ta ak ke en n p pl la ac ce e i in n 1 11 19 96 6/ /1 17 78 81 1. .
9 9. . " "A Al l- -I Id da ar ra a f fi i n ni iz za am m a al l- -m ma am ml la ak ka a w wa a- -l l- -i im ma ar ra a ( (i in nc co om mp pl le et te e c co op py y i in n t th he e A Ar re ew wa a H Ho ou us se e
L Li ib br ra ar ry y, , K K. . T TI IJ J A AN NI I c co ol ll le ec ct ti io on n) ). . T Th hi is s w wo or rk k i is s d di is sc cu us ss se ed d b by y K K. . T TI IJ J A AN NI I i in n " "2 2
n nd d
I In nt te er ri im m
R Re ep po or rt t o of f t th he e N Ni ig ge er ri ia a A Ad dm mi in ni is st tr ra at ti io on n R Re es se ea ar rc ch h P Pr ro oj je ec ct t ( (Z Za ar ri ia a 1 19 97 76 6, , p pp p. . 7 76 6- -9 96 6) ). .
9 9a a. . B Bu ut t s se ee e f fo oo ot tn no ot te e 2 27 7 b be el lo ow w. .
1 10 0. . S Se ee e e e. .g g. . M M. . L LI IN NG GS S, , " "T Th he e Q Qu ur r' 'a an ni ic c A Ar rt t o of f C Ca al ll li ig gr ra ap ph hy y & & I Il ll lu um mi in na at ti io on n ( (L Lo on nd do on n, ,
1 19 97 76 6) ), , e es sp p. . p pl la at te es s 1 1- -8 8. .
1 11 1. . I I a am m g gr ra at te ef fu ul l t to o m my y c co ol ll le ea ag gu ue e D Dr r. . I I. . M Mu us sa a o of f A Ah hm ma ad du u B Be el ll lo o U Un ni iv ve er rs si it ty y f fo or r
d dr ra aw wi in ng g m my y a at tt te en nt ti io on n t to o t th he e r re el le ev va an nt t e en nt tr ri ie es s i in n " "T Ta aj j a al l- -
c c
A Ar ru us s" ". . S Si im mi il la ar r i in nf fo or rm ma at ti io on n
i is s i in n " "L Li is sa an n a al l- -
c c
A Ar ra ab b" ", ,v vo ol l. . X XX X, , p pp p. . 1 16 61 1- -1 16 67 7 o of f t th he e r re ec ce en nt t p ph ho ot to og gr ra ap ph hi ic c r re ep pr ri in nt t o of f
t th he e B Bu ul la aq q e ed di it ti io on n. .
1 12 2. . T Th he e n na am me e o of f t th he e
c c
- -a al li im m w wh ho o i is s s sa ai id d t to o h ha av ve e c co on nv ve er rt te ed d t th he e S Se ef fu uw wa a t to o I Is sl la am m, ,
M Mu uh ha am mm ma ad d a al l- -M Ma an ni i, , c cl le ea ar rl ly y d de er ri iv ve es s f fr ro om m t th he e s sa am me e r ro oo ot t. . I In n s so om me e t te ex xt ts s i it t i is s
a ac ct tu ua al ll ly y w wr ri it tt te en n m mi im m- -n nu un n- -y ya a. .
1 13 3. . E Ed d. . P PA AL LM ME ER R, , " "o op p. . c ci it t. ." " T Tr ra an ns s. . P PA AL LM ME ER R i in n " "S Su ud da an ne es se e M Me em mo oi ir rs s" ", , I II I ( (L La ag go os s, , 1 19 92 28 8) ). .
2 24 47 7
1 14 4. . I I o of ff fe er r m my y o ow wn n t tr ra an ns sl la at ti io on n o of f t th he e t te ex xt t p pu ub bl li is sh he ed d b by y P PA AL LM ME ER R a as s t th he e l la at tt te er r' 's s
t tr ra an ns sl la at ti io on n d do oe es s n no ot t a ap pp pe ea ar r t to o t th he e e en nt ti ir re el ly y s sa at ti is sf fa ac ct to or ry y. .
1 14 4a a. . i ib bi id d. ., , p pp p. . 6 69 9- -7 70 0. .
1 15 5. . J J . .S S. . T TR RI IM MI IN NG GH HA AM M h ha as s d dr ra aw wn n a at tt te en nt ti io on n t to o t th hi is s ( (" "H Hi is st to or ry y o of f I Is sl la am m i in n W We es st t A Af fr ri ic ca a" ", ,
L Lo on nd do on n 1 19 96 62 2, , p p. . 1 11 18 8) ), , b bu ut t w wi it th ho ou ut t f fo ol ll lo ow wi in ng g u up p t th he e l li in ne es s o of f e en nq qu ui ir ry y p pu ur rs su ue ed d h he er re e. .
1 16 6. . I In nt te er rp pr re et te ed d h he er re e t to o m me ea an n: : " "A An nd d t th he ei ir r p pr ro op ph he et t ( (S Sa am mu ue el l) ) s sa ai id d t to o t th he e ( (t th he e I Is sr ra ae el li it te es s) ): : ' '
T Th he e s si ig gn n o of f H Hi is s a au ut th ho or ri it ty y i is s t th ha at t t th he er re e s sh ha al ll l c co om me e t to o y yo ou u t th he e a ar rk k i in n w wh hi ic ch h t th he er re e i is s
t tr ra an nq qu ui il ll li it ty y f fr ro om m y yo ou ur r L Lo or rd d, , a an nd d t th he e r re el li ic cs s l le ef ft t b by y M Mu us sa a' 's s p pe eo op pl le e a an nd d H Ha ar ru un n' 's s
p pe eo op pl le e, , c ca ar rr ri ie ed d b by y a an ng ge el ls s' '. . V Va ar ri il ly y i in n t th hi is s t th he er re e i is s a a s si ig gn n f fo or r y yo ou u, , i if f y yo ou u h ha av ve e f fa ai it th h" ". .
1 17 7. . K K. . T TI IJ J A AN NI I ' 'S S t te ex xt t, , p p. . 1 10 0. .
1 18 8. . N Nu um mb be er rs s X X, , 3 33 3- -3 35 5 ( (a al ll l r re ef fe er re en nc ce es s t to o t th he e T To or ra ah h h he er re e a ar re e t to o t th he e k ki in ng g J J a am me es s' '
V Ve er rs si io on n) ) - - c cf f. . 1 1
s st t
S Sa am mu ue el l I IV V, , 1 1- -3 3: : " "N No ow w I Is sr ra ae el l w we en nt t o ou ut t a ag ga ai in ns st t t th he e P Ph hi il li is st ti in ne es s t to o
b ba at tt tl le e . .. .. . a an nd d w wh he en n t th he ey y j jo oi in ne ed d b ba at tt tl le e I Is sr ra ae el l w wa as s s sm mi it tt te en n b be ef fo or re e t th he e P Ph hi il li is st ti in ne es s . .. .. .
a an nd d t th he e e el ld de er rs s o of f I Is sr ra ae el l s sa ai id d . .. .. . t th ha at t w wh he en n i it t c co om me et th h a am mo on ng g u us s, , i it t m ma ay y s sa av ve e u us s f fr ro om m
t th he e h ha an nd ds s o of f o ou ur r e en ne em mi ie es s. ." " B Bu ut t o on n t th hi is s o oc cc ca as si io on n, , o of f c co ou ur rs se e, , t th he e a ar rk k w wa as s c ca ap pt tu ur re ed d b by y
t th he e P Ph hi il li is st ti in ne es s. .
1 19 9. . T Th he e t tr ra ad di it ti io on n o of f " "m ma as sh ha af f
c c
U Ut th hm ma an n" ", , t th he e c ca ar rr ry yi in ng g o of f t th he e Q Qu ur r' 'a an n i in nt to o b ba at tt tl le e, , h ha as s
q qu ui it te e a a d di if ff fe er re en nt t o or ri ig gi in n i in n I Is sl la am mi ic c t th ho ou ug gh ht t, , b be ei in ng g a a s sy ym mb bo ol li ic c r re ef fe er re en nc ce e t to o t th he e
a ar rb bi it tr ra am me en nt t o of f t th he e w wo or rd d o of f g go od d i in n a ac cc co or rd da an nc ce e w wi it th h Q Qu ur r' 'a an n I II II I, , 1 15 53 3. . B Bu ut t t th hi is s i is s n no ot t
m me en nt ti io on ne ed d i in n c co on nn ne ec ct ti io on n w wi it th h M MU UN NE E i in n t th he e B Bo or rn nu u s so ou ur rc ce es s. .
2 20 0. . E Ex xo od du us s X XX XV V, , 1 10 0- -2 21 1: : " "a an nd d t th he ey y s sh ha al ll l m ma ak ke e a an n a ar rk k o of f S Sh hi it tt ti im m w wo oo od d a an nd d t th ho ou u s sh ha al lt t
m ma ak ke e a a m me er rc cy y s se ea at t o of f p pu ur re e g go ol ld d . .. .. . a an nd d t th ho ou u s sh ha al lt t m ma ak ke e t tw wo o c ch he er ru ub bi in n o of f G Go ol ld d . .. .. . i in n
t th he e t tw wo o e en nd ds s o of f t th he e m me er rc cy y s se ea at t . .. .. . a an nd d t th he e c ch he er ru ub bi in n s sh ha al ll l s st tr re ec ch h f fo or rt th ht th he ei ir r w wi in ng gs s o on n
h hi ig gh h, , ' 'c co ov ve er ri in ng g t th he e m me er rc cy y s se ea at t' ' . .. .. . a an nd d t th ho ou u s sh ha al lt t p pu ut t t th he e m me er rc cy y s se ea at t a ab bo ov ve e u up po on n t th he e
a ar rk k" ". .
2 21 1. . 1 1
s st t
S Sa am mu ue el l V VI I, , 1 19 9. .
2 22 2. . I Ib bn n F Fa ar ri is s a al l- -Q Qa az zw wi in ni i, , P Pe er rs si io on n l le ex xi ic co og gr ra ap ph he er r o of f t th he e 3 3
r rd d
c ce en nt tu ur ry y A AH H? ? G GA AL L g gi iv ve es s n no o
w wo or rk k e en nt ti it tl le ed d K Ki it ta ab b - -a al l- -A Af fr ra ad d f fo or r t th hi is s a au ut th ho or r ( (I I, , 1 13 30 0; ; S Su up pp pl l. . I I, , 1 19 97 7) ). . B Bu ut t " "a af fr ra ad d" "
m me ea an ns s r ra ar re e w wo or rd ds s. .
2 23 3. . " "A A- -Q Qa am mu us s a al l- -M Mu uh ha ay yt t" " ( (C Ca ai ir ro o e ed d. ., , 1 19 95 52 2) ), , v vo ol l. . I IV V, , p p. . 2 23 37 7. .
2 24 4. . " "A An nd d t th he e L Lo or rd d s sa ai id d u un nt to o M Mo os se es s, , m ma ak ke e t th he ee e a a f fi ie er ry y s se er rp pe en nt t, , a an nd d s se et t i it t u up po on n a a p po ol le e: :
a an nd d i it t s sh ha al ll l c co om me e t to o p pa as ss s, , t th ha at t e ev ve er ry y- -o on ne e t th ha at t i is s b bi it tt te en n, , w wh he en n h he e l lo oo ok ke et th h u up po on n i it t, ,
s sh ha al ll l l li iv ve e. . A An nd d M Mo os se es s m ma ad de e a a s se er rp pe en nt t o of f b br ra as ss s, , a an nd d p pu ut t i it t u up po on n a a p po ol le e; ; a an nd d i it t c ca am me e
t to o p pa as ss s, , t th ha at t i if f a a s se er rp pe en nt t h ha ad d b bi it tt te en n a an ny y m ma an n, , w wh he en n h he e b be eh he el ld d t th he e s se er rp pe en nt t o of f b br ra as ss s, ,
h he e l li iv ve ed d" ". . S Se ee e R R. .H H. . K KE EN NN NE ET TH H. . A Ar rk k" " i in n " "E En nc cy yc cl lo op pa ae ed di ia a o of f R Re el li ig gi io on n a an nd d E Et th hn ni ic cs s" ". .
2 25 5. . I In n I Is sa ai ia ah h V VI I, , 1 1- -2 2, , t th he e s se er ra ap ph hi im m h ha av ve e s si ix x w wi in ng gs s a an nd d s st ta an nd d a ab bo ov ve e t th he e L Lo or rd d' 's s t th hr ro on ne e. .
S Se ee e W W. .L L. . H HO OL LL LA AD DA AY Y, , " "A A C Co on nc ci is se e H He eb br re ew w a an nd d A Ar ra am ma ai ic c L Le ex xi ic co on n o of f t th he e O Ol ld d
T Te es st ta am me en nt t" " ( (L Le ei id de en n, , 1 19 97 71 1) ), , p p. . 3 35 55 5. . S Se ee e a al ls so o G G. .A A. . B BA AR RT TO ON N, , " "D De em mo on ns s a an nd d S Sp pi ir ri it ts s
( (H He eb br re ew w) )" "; ; a an nd d S S. .A A. . M MC CC CU UL LL LO OC CH H, , " "S Se er rp pe en nt t W Wo or rs sh hi ip p" " ( (I In nt tr ro od du uc ct to or ry y) )" ", , i in n
" "E En nc cy yc cl lo op pa ae ed di ia a o of f R Re el li ig gi io on n a an nd d E Et th hn ni ic cs s. .
2 26 6. . e e. .g g. . N Nu um mb be er rs s X X, , 3 33 3; ; J J o os sh hu ua a I II II I, , 3 3; ; 1 1
s st t
S Sa am mu ue el l I IV V, , 3 3; ; J J e er re em mi ia ah h I II II I, , 1 16 6. .
2 27 7. . G Gu ui il ll la au um me e' 's s t tr ra an ns s. . p pp p. . 6 64 46 6- -6 64 48 8. .
2 28 8. . J J A AH H I IV V, , 3 3 1 19 96 63 3, , p pp p. . 3 31 14 4- -3 31 15 5. .
2 24 48 8
2 29 9. . " "D De es sc cr ri ip pt ti io on n d de e l l' 'A Af fr ri iq qu ue e e et t d de e l l' 'E Es sp pa ag gn ne e p pa ar r E Ed dr ri is si i" " & & t tr ra an ns s. . R R. . D DO OZ ZY Y a an nd d M M. .J J . .
D DE E G GO OE EJ J E E ( (L Le ei id de en n r re ep pr ri in nt t. . 1 19 96 68 8; ; t te ex xt t, , p pp p. . 2 29 9- -3 30 0, , t tr ra an ns s. . p pp p. . 3 35 5- -3 37 7) ). . A Al l- -I Id dr ri is si i w wa as s
w wr ri it ti in ng g i in n 1 11 15 54 4 A A. .D D. .
3 30 0. . I I h ha av ve e m ma ad de e a a p pr re el li im mi in na ar ry y c co on ns si id de er ra at ti io on n o of f t th he e q qu ue es st ti io on n o of f t th he e H Hi im my ya ar ri it te e o or ri ig gi in n o of f
t th he e S Se ef fu uw wa a i in n a an n u un np pu ub bl li is sh he ed d p pa ap pe er r e en nt ti it tl le ed d " "T Th he e L Le eg ge en nd d o of f t th he e S Se ef fu uw wa a" ", ,
p pr re es se en nt te ed d t to o t th he e B Bo or rn nu u S Se em mi in na ar r o of f t th he e D De ep pa ar rt tm me en nt ts s o of f H Hi is st to or ry y o of f A Ah hm ma ad du u B Be el ll lo o
U Un ni iv ve er rs si it ty y i in n 1 19 97 72 2. .
3 31 1. . G Gi iv ve en n i in n G Ge en ne es si is s I IX X. .
3 32 2. . T Th he e v ve er rs si io on n s se ev ve er re el ly y c cr ri it ti ic ci is se ed d b by y I Ib bn n K Kh ha al ld du un n i in n h hi is s c ca as st ti ig ga at ti io on n o of f t th he e e ex xc ce es ss se es s
o of f t th he e
c c
u ul la am ma a a al l- -a an ns sa ab b ( (M Mu uq qa ad dd di im ma a, , R Ro os se en nt th ha al l t tr ra an ns s. ., , v vo ol l. .I I, , p pp p. . 1 17 72 2- -7 73 3) ). . c cf f. . t th he e
' 'C Ch hr ri is st ti ia an n d do oc ct tr ri in ne e o of f t th he e D Du ut tc ch h R Re ef fo or rm me ed d C Ch hu ur rc ch h i in n S So ou ut th h A Af fr ri ic ca a. .
3 33 3. . S Se ee e E E. .R R. . S SA AN ND DE ER RS S, , " "T Th he e H Ha am mi it ti ic c H Hy yp po ot th he es si is s; ; i it ts s O Or ri ig gi in n a an nd d F Fu un nc ct ti io on ns s i in n T Ti im me e
P Pe er rs sp pe ec ct ti iv ve e" " ( (J J A AH H, , X X, , 4 4, , 1 19 96 69 9, , p pp p. . 5 52 21 1- -5 53 32 2) ). .
2 24 49 9
APPENDIX II
K. Tijani
Account of a conflict which arose between Ali b. Amir
Dunama, Lord of Birni Gasargomu and the Emir of the country
of Mandara
The narration tells us that one day one of the Emirs of Birni Gasargomu
was sitting on his throne thinking about the affairs of his realm and his
subjects and about the improvement of his affairs, and was considering
where he should send his men to raid. Then he had the idea that he would
raid the land of Mandara and kill its emirs and humble its might, as was
the custom of kings and men. The reason for this was that one of the
nomad Arabs living in that country for several years came and
approached the Emir and informed him about that country, and its
topography, its prosperity, slaves, the degree of subjection of its people
to their Emir. In addition he told of the poverty of its armies. Then the
Emir Ali sent the messenger to the gadi and, when he came, told him to
write such and such to the Mandarama. So he brought his ink and paper
and wrote (after the bismillah etc.):
"From the Emir(?) of Bornu(?) before whose might the people
of the west and the people of the east tremble with fear and the
powerful are humbled, the Sultan Ali, son of the emir, of the
Beni Sayf:
To the Mandarama, Bladi
Peace be upon you.
On a certain day at a certain hour I shall be your guest. O
Mandarama. Now, if the lion is a guest in the house of the rabbit
or a cub in the chicken-house, what will happen that day? They
will just have to make room for and accommodate each other.
But I have told you that so that you may decide how to protect
yourself and your people. This is all. Peace."
Then he folded the letter and sealed it and gave it to the Grema(?) Katuri
b. Bukar who went off and continued journeying until he reached the
country of Mandara. He approached the Emir when the sun was high, he
being at Burseme as though he was a lion in their presence. He gave him
the letter and they joked together at this time. He read what was in it, but
did not explain it to anyone, then he stood up and went into his house
disturbed and frightened by what the Emir had said in the letter.
He sat down quite alone in his house and pondered on his reply to the
letter. On the second day he assembled his Kokuna, Chiefs and ulema
2 25 50 0
and took out and read to them the letter from the Emir of Bornu, Ali.
They heard the contents including the threats, and he asked their advice
in the matter. Some said, "we will fight them and repel their wickedness,
and drive them off from our free people and children. Some said, "we
will flee from them, for we have refuge in our hills. On the hills there are
springs with clean(?) water which do not dry up. If we take to the hills,
no one will reach us. If anyone climbs up, we will push him down and
throw stones on him". Some said, "we are stronger, even if less in
number. We shall not bow down to them, though we die to the last man".
These were the words of his people. The more enlightened of them said,
"How excellent are these words. If kings enter a town they do mischief
there and make the stronger weak. Thus it is that they do. But even as we
will give them presents and load them with wealth and slaves and say
sweet words". Then he paid attention to this opinion and told his faqih to
write a reply to the letter with five words. He brought paper and ink and
wrote after bismillah:
"From the servant of God, may He be exalted, Sultan Bladi
(may God help him and protect him from evil of all who attack
him wherever he may be) b. Sultan Muhammad deceased, may
God illumine his grave. Amen.
To the Emir Ali b. Dunama, sincerest greetings, more pleasing
than the most fragrant perfume.
Indeed your lucid missive has reached us and we have
understood what you wrote in it including your request. But we
are not leaving this abode and land. We have no place of retreat
or refuge and no help except from God, may He be exalted. If
you want wealth from us we will furnish you with all that you
wish. Then we will obey you and follow your commands in all
that you order us to do. This is all. Peace".
Then he folded the letter and sealed it and gave it to his ghulam Kula
Yabatalla. He collected 1000 slaves, 100 horses, 3000 riyals of silver,
1000 shirts and 180 burnouses.This was the present for him. And it is
said that the Sultan Bladi had different kinds of food-stuffs of roasted
meat and(..?..) like made and carried on donkeys and brought to the Emir
Ali, on the heads of 100 pagans dressed only in skins (lead by their chief
Kachalla Aga Makulaje(?) before delivering the letter and the present.
They journeyed until they reached Birni Gasargamu and approached the
Emir Ali. After three days they delivered the letter and present from
Sultan Bladi.
With them was the messenger he had sent with his letter who entered
the presence of the Emir and informed him about the Sultan's portion and
what had transpired in the meeting he had called to advice him. Among
the things he did was to call for the camel and then struck it with the
whip. When the camel felt the pain of the whip it snatched away with all
its strength and rose up on its front legs but the rest sank to the ground by
the weight of the stone. And it pulled the front legs out of them. Then
2 25 51 1
while continuing to stand on them, it died in the position we have
described to you. All the people saw it. I saw it with my own eyes. They
were astonished and we were astonished with them. Then they brought
the Sultan's messenger to him and he gave him the letter. They also
brought in the presents. He opened the letter and saw the contents.
But he did not accept the proposal and paid no attention to the present,
and did not reply to the letter. But after a day or two he spoke of what al-
Bladi had written to him in full. And a man of his people replied,
"O lion, son of a lion. If a Muslim obeys you and follows you,
accept him and forgive him, if he obeys others in anticipation of
what you may forbid, then open the way for him and do not
oppose him with evil".
When this man spoke thus in the midst of the meeting, the Emir Ali did
not hesitate but ordered them to seize him and put him in a certain place.
So they took him and put him in the prison, and when night came they
broke his neck without his people knowing who later came and buried
him. He imprisoned the messenger of the Emir Bladi, and swore by God
that his horse would urinate in the courtyard of the Madarama. He also
sent a letter by some unimportant people saying:
"From the servant of God, may He be exalted, the raging lion,
Sayf son of Sayf, the (..?..) son of the Emir Dunama Al-Hajj.
To him who says that he will not leave his home for anyone and
will not flee from any man, Mandarama Bladi. Peace.
If you have wings then fly upon to your hills that you talk about.
Or cling to the earth like a worm hiding from the birds. (then he
said) I swear by God that I will bring soldiers to take them. My
men will bring him as a prisoner and slave that we may make an
example of him to those in need of mourning. So that this may
be something for us to resemble and that he may be food for
thought(?) for those who reflect. And if their hills that they talk
of are too high for my horses to climb I will give them wings
like those of a bird for us to fly with them".
Then he quoted the poem:
"Man lahu al hadid wa'l
c
abid
yar
c
al fi al-ard ma yurid

This is all. Peace".
Then he folded the letter and sealed and gave his messenger, Bukar
Yaganami who took it to Sultan Mandara. After that he ordered the
drums to be beaten and the trumpets to be blown, all of them. He
mastered his men and the chiefs (Kawakin) and the ajawid and the
Salatin and al a
c
wan who were subject to him; and the junud and khujul
and turus, without number. Then when his determination grew strong he
went outside the city to see the enormous use of his army and he urged
them to strengthen their zeal. He did not return to his house and did not
2 25 52 2
let any of his people return to their country ... but ... passed the night with
his men near the city preparing their weapons and inspecting the troops.
This was the state of affairs with the Emir Ali. As for the state of affairs
with the Sultan Bladi, he had a scout with the people who came to him
with intelligence about them. And when he saw what the Emir Ali was
doing and how he was going out with his rijal and fursan and junud
without number, he hastened and went before the Emir and told him all
that he had seen. There was no escape from this junud and fursan and
rijal were coming whom they had no power of overcoming(?) on their
own but with the might and help of God, may He be exalted. From then
on he did not care to send him letters and presents with thousands of rijal
and slaves and servants. And he did not halt in any place in the course of
his advance on them, receiving hospitality and offerings of many kinds of
food as was customary with them carried by pagan and slaves and
servants. And he did not hesitate to send letters to him in which he
declares his innocence by God Almighty, by the Sunna and by his noble
prophet: to the number of 32. In each letter he repeated the name of God
and said:
"We obey God and His messenger. Go back to your homes. We
are doing what you wish, not what you dislike".
But the Emir did not pay attention to him or to what he said. He did not
accept the warning. And the great number of letters and messengers
pouring between them was of no consequence, nor the thousands of gifts,
nor the slaves, nor the wealth. And when the Sultan saw that he had no
way out and that they did not abandon their advance on him he
assembled the chiefs of his people and informed them of the delaying
tactics he had employed and how this had not deterred them etc. Each
one of them gave his advice. There was one Alim of the time called
Yusuf who came to the Sultan and related to him how he had seen in a
dream that they were sitting in their homes when there came a group of
wild animals including lions and tigers etc. They feared greatly but saw
no escape and the lions and tigers wished to snatch them. Then he saw
that they appeared to run away. Among them was a big lion and they
followed him close to his trail and they moved away in flight.
Our leader signalled with his sword to them and I heard some-
one say: Trust in God ... who gives ... Then we followed them
and they went off in all directions. Then I woke up from sleep
happy that God had delivered me from the wild animals".
Then the Sultan Bladi called together the ulema and chiefs under his
authority and told them of the desire of the enemy against them and of
the story of that faqih. Then he said to the clerk, "Write me a letter again
to the lord of the armies". Then he wrote after bismillah:
"From the servant of God, may He be exalted, the Sultan Bladi
may God help him and protect him from evil wherever he may
be, son of the Sultan Muhammad to the Emir
c
Ali, master of
Borno, greeting. Verily all human beings are sons of Adam or
2 25 53 3
daughters of Hawa and are believers and unbelievers. The earth
is a carpet which God has spread for them and then rendered
spacious for His servants. He who acts uprightly is free but the
unbeliever, his unbelief weights on him. Since we are servants
..."
Note:
- Words in brackets are words that are not clear in Professor Smith's own
handwriting and I have provided substitutes that make sense.
- The Chronicle continued to describe the ensuring war which Borno lost
with ignominy, as had been indicated in the Alim's dream. (Kyari
Tijani)