Israel

Exploration
Journal
VOLUME 57 NUMBER 2
JERUSALEM, ISRAEL 2007
I
E
J
57
2
ISRAELEXPLORATION JOURNAL
Published twice yearly by the Israel Exploration Society
and the Institute of Archaeology of the Hebrew University,
with the assistance of the Nathan Davidson Publication
Fund in Archaeology, Samis Foundation, Seattle, WA,
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EDITED BYM. AVI-YONAH FROM 1950 TO 1973
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Editorial Advisory Board: D. Barag, O. Bar-Yosef, A. Biran,
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All correspondence, papers for publication and books for review should be addressed to:
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VOLUME 57 NUMBER 2 2007
CONTENTS
129 IRIT ZIFFER: The First Adam, Androgyny, and the Ain Ghazal Two-headed
Busts in Context
153 RONNY REICH, ELI SHUKRON and OMRI LERNAU: Recent Discoveries in the
City of David, Jerusalem
170 ITAMAR TAXEL: Application-Decorated Bowls: ACultural Characterisation
of the Pagan and Christian Population of Jerusalem in the Late Roman and
Byzantine Periods
187 GABRIELA BIJOVSKY: Numismatic Evidence for the Gallus Revolt: The
Hoard from Lod
VARIA
204 ANDR LEMAIRE: New Photographs and ryt or hyt in the Mesha Inscription,
Line 12
208 SHULAMIT HADAD: Weights from the Early Roman Period at Ramat Hanadiv
211 NOTES AND NEWS
244 REVIEWS
Page layout by Avraham Pladot
Typesetting by Marzel A.S. Jerusalem
Printed by Old City Press, Jerusalem
I
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57
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KAI W. Donner and W. Rllig: Kanaanische und aramische Inschriften 13,
Wiesbaden, 19621964; 1
5
, 2002
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Edition), Jerusalem, 1993
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Numismatic Evidence for the Gallus Revolt:
The Hoard from Lod
GABRIELA BIJOVSKY
Israel Antiquities Authority
INTRODUCTION
A HOARD of 2,755 bronze coins dating from the mid-fourth century CE was
discovered during salvage excavations in Lod.
1
Although its architectural context
remains unclear, the hoard, which was unearthed under a floor (L.2055), was
intentionally deposited, as is evident from the fact that the coins were carefully
wrapped in a piece of cloth before being buried (Shamir, forthcoming).
The numismatic character of this hoard constitutes a typical example of hoards
from the mid-fourth century in the eastern part of the Roman Empire. Numismatic
evidence of this sort has been used by archaeologistssometimes exclusively
as an indicative chronological instrument for dating archaeological sites in which
signs of abandonment or destruction that could be related to the mid-fourth
century CE have been noted. Two incidents from the second half of the fourth
century, described in historical sources, are usually associated with these layers of
destruction or abandonment: the Gallus Revolt, which took place between 351
and 352 CE, and the earthquake that struck Palestine in 363 CE. The latest coins in
the hoard under discussion date from 351354/355 CE; thus, its deposition could
be related to either event, since the city of Lod (Lydda) is specifically related to
both incidents by historical sources.
It will be claimed in this article that the evidence points towards the Gallus
Revolt as the preferred explanation for the deposition of the hoard from Lod. It
will be further claimed that this hoard provides insights into the dating of other
hoards and numismatic assemblages from ancient synagogues and sites with a
Jewish population to the Gallus Revolt.
The coin types in the hoard from Lod and the dating of its deposition are
described below, followed by a discussion of the historical, archaeological and
numismatic evidence for the Gallus Revolt.
IEJ 57 (2007): 187203 187
1 The excavations, directed by Eli Yannai and Radwan Badhi of the Israel Antiquities
Authority (IAA), took place between December 1995 and April 1996, in the Neve
Yereq neighbourhood of Lod (grid ref. 14065 15180; permit A-2409). The coins were
cleaned at the Israel Antiquities Authorities laboratories under the direction of E.
Altmark, and were photographed by C. Amit of the IAA. Afull numismatic analysis of
the hoard will be published in the final report of the excavation. I am grateful to E.
Yannai for giving me permission to publish the hoard here. My thanks are extended to
F. Vitto, Z. Weiss and H. Stark for their helpful comments on earlier drafts of this paper.
NUMISMATIC DESCRIPTION OF THE HOARD
After determining that the assemblage was typologically homogeneous, it was
decided to clean only about 45% of the total. All of the coins are well-preserved
2 bronzes, dated to between 348 and 355 CE.
Four different emperors were documented in the hoard. The most popular issue
is that of Constantius II (337361 CE; fig. 1:14, 89); also represented are his
188 GABRIELABIJOVSKY
Fig. 1. Hoard from Lod: selection of coins
NUMISMATIC EVIDENCE FOR THE GALLUS REVOLT 189
No. Coin Obverse Reverse References
1. Constantius II,
Rome, 350 CE
DN CONSTANTIVS PF
AVG Bust of emperor r., pearl-
diademed, cuirassed and
draped, holding globe, the
letter Abehind head
GLORIAROMANORVM
Emperor galloping r., spearing
barbarian in front of horse. In r.
field: star; in exergue: RT
RIC 8: 265,
no. 195
2. Constantius II,
Siscia, 350 CE
DN CONSTANTIVS PF
AVG Bust of emperor r., pearl-
diademed, cuirassed and
draped, the letter Abehind
head
CONCORDIAMILITVM
Emperor standing facing, hold-
ing a standard in each hand. In
left field: A; in exergue:
ASIS
*
RIC 8: 369,
no. 273
3. Constantius II,
Thessalonica,
350355 CE
DN CONSTANTIVS PF
AVG Bust of emperor r., pearl-
diademed, cuirassed and
draped
FEL TEMP REPARATIO
Emperor facing left, holding
Victory on globe and standard,
spurning a seated captive. In l.
field: ; in r. field: star; in
exergue:
*
TS
*
RIC 8: 418,
no. 168
4. Constantius II,
Nicomedia,
348351 CE
DN CONSTANTIVS PF
AVG Bust of emperor l., pearl-
diademed, cuirassed and
draped
FEL TEMP REPARATIO
Emperor holding standard,
facing two captives kneeling.
In exergue: SMNA
RIC 8: 476,
no. 67
5. Constans I,
Cyzicus,
348350 CE
DN CONSTANS PF AVG
Bust of emperor l., pearl-
diademed, cuirassed and
draped, holding globe
FEL TEMP REPARATIO
Emperor dragging captive
from hut. In exergue: SMKS
RIC 8: 495,
no. 72
6. Constans I,
Antioch,
348350 CE
DN CONSTANS PF AVG
Bust of emperor r., pearl-
diademed, cuirassed and
draped
FEL TEMP REPARATIO
Emperor holding phoenix on
globe and standard, standing
on galley, behind him Victory
seated. In r. field: star; in
exergue: ANS
RIC 8: 522,
no. 131
7. Constantius
Gallus,
Thessalonica,
351354 CE
FL IVL CONSTANTIVS
NOB CAES Bust of emperor r.,
bareheaded, cuirassed and
draped
FEL TEMP REPARATIO
Emperor holding phoenix on
globe and standard, standing
on galley, behind him Victory
seated. In r. field: star; in
exergue:
*
TSA
RIC 8: 418,
no. 175
8. Constantius II,
Thessalonica,
350 CE
DN CONSTANTIVS PF
AVG Bust of emperor r., pearl-
diademed, cuirassed and
draped, the letter Abehind
head
FEL TEMP REPARATIO
Emperor spearing fallen horse-
man, seated and facing the
emperor. In l. field: A; in
exergue: TS
RIC 8: 414,
no. 128
9. Constantius II,
Heraclea
Thracia,
348351 CE
DN CONSTANTIVS PF
AVG Bust of emperor r., pearl-
diademed, cuirassed and
draped
FEL TEMP REPARATIO
(FH4) Emperor spearing fallen
horseman, embracing the
horses neck. In l. field: star; in
exergue: SMHA
RIC 8: 434,
no. 67
10. Constantius
Gallus, Alex-
andria,
351354 CE
FL IVL CONSTANTIVS
NOB CAES Bust of emperor r.,
bareheaded, cuirassed and
draped
FEL TEMP REPARATIO
(FH3) Emperor spearing fallen
horseman, raising arm. In l.
field: ; in exergue: ALEA
RIC 8: 543,
no. 74
brother Constans I (337350 CE; fig. 1:56), his cousin Constantius Gallus
(351354 CE; fig. 1:7, 10) and Magnentius (350353 CE).
2
Twelve mints and
seven typological groups were identified in the hoard. The predominant coin type
is the fallen horseman, known in the numismatic literature as FH3 (horseman
raising his arm) and FH4 (horseman embracing the horses neck). From 352 to
354 CE, the fallen horseman types were the only ones to be struck. This military
type depicts the emperor Constantius striking down the king of the Persians, who
falls from his horse (RIC 8: 35; Kent 1967). The horseman is represented in three
basic postures with some variations in facial features. The issues minted by
Constantius II are the most popular type in the hoard, with coins of Constantius
Gallus appearing in fewer numbers.
Coins from the eastern mints of Cyzicus, Antioch and Constantinople are
predominant in the hoard, with fewer issues from western mints. Noteworthy are
the 25 coins minted in Rome, most of them of the emperor on galley type (RIC 8:
35). This is the second type in numbers represented in the hoard, with issues
minted by Constantius II, Constans I and Constantius Gallus. In addition, the
hoard includes a few coins of rather singular types, characteristic of the western
mints of the Roman Empire. All these coin types were minted until 354 CE.
This predominance of Constantius II eastern coins of the fallen horseman
types, mostly from Antioch and Cyzicus, is not surprising, given the provenance
of our hoard. Kent summarised the hoards dating from 350353 and 353354 CE
(RIC 8: 81 and tables 6 and 7) as being mostly of western provenance, from the
dominions of Magnentius, and containing large percentages of coinage of this
emperor. It should be pointed out that only one coin of Magnentius was identified
in our hoard. Kent referred to a rapid change in the character of hoards after the
weight reduction of the fallen horseman coinage (to c. 2.5 gram) that took place in
353354 CE. Hoards then became dominated by the new and smaller 3
denomination of the fallen horseman type and its popular imitations (RIC 8: 64,
81). These are completely absent from our hoard.
THE DATING OF THE DEPOSITION
Since the archaeological context of the hoard is not clear, we can only speculate
about the circumstances of its deposition. As mentioned above, the latest coins in
the hoard date from 351354/355 CE, suggesting that the hoards concealment
might be associated with either the Gallus Revolt of 351352 CE or the 363 CE
earthquake.
Lod is attested as one of the cities destroyed by the earthquake on May 19,
363 CE, by the Harvard Syriac 99, an ancient source attributed to Cyril of Jeru-
salem (350388 CE): Now we should like to write down for you the names of the
190 GABRIELABIJOVSKY
2 For an historical background to their reigns, see RIC 8: 318.
towns which were overthrown: more than half Lydda and its territory
(Russell 1980: 4762). Both the archaeological and numismatic evidence,
however, suggest that it is improbable that the earthquake was the cause of the loss
of the hoard. According to the excavators, no indications of seismic activitiy were
discerned at the site, and in fact, there is no archaeological evidence that Diospolis
was destroyed by the earthquake (Mor 1989: 352 and n. 35). In terms of numis-
matics, if the hoard was concealed close to 363 CE, the later 3 denomination
smaller module coin types, issued by Constantius II and Julian Caesar between
355 and 363 CE (such as the later FELTEMP REPARATIO fallen horseman [RIC
8: 460, nos. 135, 136], SPES REIPVBLICE [RIC 8: 461, nos. 149, 150] and
SECVRITAS REIPVB [RIC 8: 462, no. 161] coin types), should have also been
present. Since, as aforementioned, no issues dating after 351354/355 were found
in the hoard, the 363 CE earthquake is not a likely explanation for the conceal-
ment of this hoard.
THE GALLUS REVOLT
A more plausible explanation for the deposition of the hoard would be related
to the Gallus Revolt in Palestine. According to the mostly non-Jewish literary
sources, the event took place during Gallus reign as Caesar in the East in
351352 CE (under Constantius II). The revolt is reported to have broken out in
Sepphoris, spreading throughout the Galilee, and ultimately encompassing other
cities, including Lydda. According to the historical sources, three cities
Sepphoris, Tiberias and Lyddawere the focal points of the revolt. The Roman
army, commanded by Ursinicus, quickly suppressed the insurgents after presum-
ably destroying several Jewish settlements.
3
Historians and archaeologists have
associated signs of abandonment or destruction in several archaeological excava-
tions in Galilee to the time of this revolt. Since the 1940s, scholars have repeated
the same historical sources and archaeological references time and again, without
shedding any new light of the veracity of the episode. The main points raised so
far are presented here in brief, before focusing on the new information provided
by coin hoards.
1. Historical Sources
An updated account of the historical sources related to the Gallus Revolt is given
by Mor (1989: 336341), who shows that the main problem regarding the histori-
cal references is the inconsistency between Jewish and non-Jewish sources. The
most significant information comes from pagan and Christian sources, the reli-
ability of which is questioned by Mor. These sources are presented in table 1.
NUMISMATIC EVIDENCE FOR THE GALLUS REVOLT 191
3 For further discussion on the subject, see Lieberman 1946; Avi-Yonah 1976: 176184;
Geiger 197980; Geller Nathanson 1981; 1986; Mor 1989: 335353.
Table 1. The Gallus Revolt in pagan and Christian sources
Source Date Commentary
Aurelius Victor (Liber
De Caesaribus 42:
912)
360 CE Victor mentions a Jewish insurrection led by
Patricius, which was suppressed by Gallus, but
does not specify the length or place of events.
The name Patricius could not be identified with
any known person (Geiger 197980: 253).
Ammianus Marcellinus
(14.2.20)
Fourth
century CE
Marcellinus lived in Antioch and wrote exten-
sively on Gallus reign. He knew Ursinicus
personally, since he was the magister equitum
attached to his staff. Yet Marcellinus seems to
ignore the events in Palestine and recalls no
Jewish upheaval (Geiger 1979: 77).
Jerome (Chronicon.
282, Patrologia Latina
27: 686)
Fourth
century CE
Jerome located the revolt in Galilee, and wrote
about Jews rebelling and slaughtering Roman
soldiers and other non-Jewish civilians. The
revolt was repressed, and the cities of Sepphoris
and Tiberias were burnt. Many other villages
were destroyed, including Lod.
Socrates
(Ecclesiastical History
II.33, Patrologia
Graeca 67.296)
Mid-fifth
century CE
According to Socrates, a church historian who
continued the writing of Eusebius Ecclesiasti-
cal History, the revolt originated in Diocaesarea,
but Gallus prevailed against them, and razed the
city.
The interpretation of the Jewish sources is quite problematic. The Palestinian
Talmud and the early midrashim contain no direct allusion to the destruction of
settlements during the third and fourth centuries CE. In fact, these sources are
difficult to interpret, and some of them are much earlier (Lieberman 1946: 330),
and therefore cannot shed light on the revolt. The rabbinical leadership was appar-
ently not involved in the revolt (Geller Nathanson 1986: 3233). Several Jewish
literary sources attributed to the Gallus Revolt and its consequences are given in
table 2.
Although these talmudic references provide no direct information on the
Gallus Revolt, they give evidence for what seems to be the military occupation of
Galilee (and particularly Sepphoris) as a consequence of the Gallus Revolt (Avi-
Yonah 1976: 178179; Mor 1989: 339341). The name Gallus is never
mentioned, but only Ursicinus, his commander. Most scholars concur that the
historical sources do not conclusively prove the existence of a revolt against
Gallus in the Galilee, with only Geller Nathanson believing that the Jewish texts
citing Ursinicus, together with the pagan and Christian references to Gallus,
establish the historicity of the revolt (1981: 2627).
192 GABRIELABIJOVSKY
Table 2. The Gallus Revolt in Jewish literary sources
Source Commentary
P. Rabbati 8.29.2 An old lamentation interpreted as referring to the destruction of
cities (perhaps the Gallus Revolt), mentioning Akko, Lod,
Sepphoris and Tiberias.
P. Besah 1.6.60 Rabbi Eliezer, Rabbi Abba Mari and Rabbi Mattanyah are
permitted to bring bread for the troops of Ursicinus on the
Sabbath.
P. Megillah 3, 1.74a AJewish source regarding the burning of a Torah scroll by a
Roman soldier (Ursinicus himself?) in Sennabris, Beth Yera
(Lieberman 1946: 336337; Avi-Yonah 1976: 181).
P. Sheviit 4, 2.35a The baking of bread was permitted on Passover at the village of
Naveh for the Roman soldiers (Avi-Yonah 1976: 181).
An explanation for the economic background of the revolt was proposed by
Avi-Yonah (1976: 179), who argued that Sepphoris, Tiberias and Lod were lead-
ing textile centres which suffered from oppressive economic measures taken by
the empire, such as high taxation and the employment of slaves by Jews. Mor,
however, rejected the possibility that these reasons served as the economic moti-
vation for the revolt, describing the mid-fourth century CE as a period of
prosperity and recovery from the disasters of the economic crisis of the third
(1989: 344). Indeed, there is no evidence that over-taxation was more severe in
Palestine than in the other provinces of the empire (Lieberman 1946: 341343;
Mor 1989: 344). On the contrary, it was in the Roman Empires prime interest not
to provoke the local population, with its high percentage of Jewish inhabitants.
2. The Archaeological Evidence
The archaeological evidence for the Gallus Revolt is still in dispute (Mazar 1973:
67; Geiger 197980: 250257; Vitto 1996: 117146). Archaeological evidence
of destructions can be quite ambiguous, since it is difficult to evaluate whether
damage at a certain site was the result of seismic activity, military operations, or
other causes.
Geller Nathanson summarised the conclusions of previous scholars, such as
Avi-Yonah, Mazar and Meyers, based on excavations and surveys in the Upper
and Lower Galilee and the Golan that show signs of abandonment or partial or
complete destruction: The archaeological evidence is largely indirect or circum-
stantial, but seems to indicate a significant upheaval that took place in Galilee
during the mid-fourth century (Geller Nathanson 1981; 1986: 3334). She gave
several possible reasons for this upheaval: 1) the Gallus Revolt; 2) pressure from
taxation; 3) disturbances following the reign of Julian the Apostate in 363 CE; 4)
NUMISMATIC EVIDENCE FOR THE GALLUS REVOLT 193
the earthquake of 363 CE; 5) a Jewish response to the Christian claim that Pales-
tine was their Terra Sancta; and 6) a combination of all the above reasons. Mor
suggested that the phenomenon may have been the result of migration: that the
abandonment of villages was the result of a change of population because of the
gradual process of Christianisation of the Galilee, and not the result of a violent
destruction (Mor 1989: 343). Table 3 provides a summary of sites that have been
either directly or indirectly associated by scholars to the Gallus Revolt.
The picture that emerges from this summary is that none of the destruc-
tion/abandonment layers of these sites can be attributed with any certainty to the
Gallus Revolt. On the contrary, archaeologists often prefer to be more cautious
and in many cases (such as Meiron or Jalame) suggest more than one possibility to
explain the decline or end of occupation at the site. Moreover, the numismatic
evidence at most of the sites extends beyond 351/352 CE.
Adan-Bayewitz raised the subject of the Gallus Revolt in his study of Galilean
pottery (1993: 240243 and n. 28). He noted a decline in Jewish settlement in the
Galilee from the mid-fourth through the early fifth century CE (also at Kefar
ananya) and suggested that the Gallus Revolt could have been one of the reasons
for this. More recently, Baluka establishedbased on the pottery analysis from
Meyers excavations at Sepphoristhat the 363 CE earthquake was the cause of
the partial or total destruction of many Galilean sites (1999). In sum, the analysis
of the Galilean pottery provides no additional information regarding the Gallus
Revolt.
3. The Evidence from Coin Hoards
Scholars have relied in the past on the importance of numismatic finds as primary
evidence in determining the ethno-geographic scope of the Gallus Revolt. Waner
and Safrai (2001: 7677) claimed that eight coin hoards discovered in the region
are related to this event, presenting these hoardspredominantly discovered in
synagoguesas testimony for a violent uprising that took place primarily in
Jewish settlements, particularly in the Galilee and the Golan.
4
A more careful
analysis of the eight hoards, however, shows that only two of themfrom
Korazim and Beth Shearimmight possibly be related to the revolt against
Gallus.
Hoard of northern Palestine.The hoard includes 525 Late Roman coins, the
great majority being GLORIA EXERCITVS types. The latest issues date from
341346 CE. Only two coins are later: a coin SPES REIPVBLICE dated to
355361 CE and a coin of Honorius (SALVS REIPVBLICAE) dated to 383395
194 GABRIELABIJOVSKY
4 Safrai, however, claimed it cannot be determined whether coins of Constantius II
precede or follow the Gallus Revolt (Safrai 1998: 8485; Moorhead 2000: 187).
Constantius IIs coinage is in fact finely classified chronologically (RIC 8).
CE.
5
These appear to be later intrusions. The hoards provenance is problematic,
which casts further doubt on the reliability of the inclusion of the two latest coins.
Hoard of Caesarea synagogue.Excavations were carried out in 1962 by M. Avi-
Yonah, on behalf of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and the Southern Baptist
Theological Seminar in Louisville KY. Ahoard of 3,700 bronze coins was discov-
ered near a wall on the western side of the structure (Avi-Yonah and Negev 1963;
NEAEHL: 278; M. Govaars: personal communication). No full report has been
published on the excavation or the hoard. An unpublished numismatic study was
undertaken by Jean-Michel Gozlan, including a descriptive catalogue of coin
types.
6
The coins range between 316 361 CE. The Caesarea synagogue hoard
presents a wider selection of coin types than Lod, although most coins belong to
the FH3/FH4 fallen horseman types, like at Lod. Antioch, Alexandria and
Cyzicus mints are best represented, with very few exemplars from western mints,
such as Siscia, Aquilea and Arles. As noted above, this is characteristic of hoards
found in the East. Over 5% of the identified coins belong to Julian II, who ruled as
Caesar between 355 and 360 CE.
7
Gozlan established that the hoard could not
have been concealed before 355 CE and probably not after 361 CE. According to
the excavators, the synagogue was destroyed at this point. The date of the destruc-
tion relied heavilyif not exclusivelyon the hoard evidence. Gozlans study
confirms, however, that the hoard fromCaesarea, unlike the Lod hoard, post-dates
the Gallus Revolt (Mor 1989: 342).
Korazim hoard.The hoard was found in Building E, north of the synagogue and
presumably built at the same time. According to Yeivin and Meshorer, the hoard
included 400 coins, the latest dating to c. 340 CE. Meshorer noted a gap in coinage
at the site between c. 340 and 390 CE, which he attributed to an abandonment of
Korazim after the Gallus Revolt (Meshorer 1973). Ariel re-examined the material
and published the results of 159 coins from the hoard found in the IAA(2000: 33,
36). Most date from the first half of the fourth century CE, but approximately 5%
post-date 341 CE. The later coins might have been intrusive. Only two coins
NUMISMATIC EVIDENCE FOR THE GALLUS REVOLT 195
5 The hoard, which has not been published, is in the Israel National Collection (IAA
nos. 5401954541). The number of coins, dating and bibliographical reference given
to this hoard in Waner 1998 is inaccurate (Hoard 33: 440 coins from northern Israel,
dated to 300350 CE; in Lambert 1932: 5556 (this is, in fact, a hoard of Byzantine
folles).
6 We thank J.-M. Gozlan for his permission to cite the results of his study (Gozlan
1986). Only 1,172 of the 3,700 coins in the hoard were available for study; 429 coins
were in a state of preservation that enabled complete identification. A total of 1,214
coins are registered in the IAA (nos. 2306623418 and nos. 3027831050).
7 Of the total of 429 identified coins: 60.8% belong to Constantius II, some of them also
dated between 355 and 361; 9.0% belong to Constantius Gallus and 5.4% to Constans
I (only the relevant percentages for this discussion are cited).
196 GABRIELABIJOVSKY
Table 3. Archaeological sites directly or indirectly
associated with the Gallus Revolt
Site Date/Layer Commentary
Beth Shearim Stratum IIIB,
third to mid-
fourth centuries
CE
End of settlement and necropolis by mid-fourth
century, due to Gallus Revolt (Mazar 1973: 7677;
Avi-Yonah 1976). However, settlement continued
through Byzantine period and perhaps into early
Islamic period (Vitto 1996). See discussion of coin
hoard (p. 198).
Beth Yera Not defined Identified with ancient Sennabris. Remains of
synagogue with two phasesRoman and
Byzantine (NEAEHL 1: 258). Ilan (1991: 120)
suggested that building was damaged during Gallus
Revolt.
Caesarea
synagogue
Stratum IV Constructed in fourth century; destruction dated to
Gallus Revolt (NEAEHL 1: 278279; Levine 1995:
239). See discussion of coin hoard. (p. 195)
Capernaum
synagogue
Not defined Excavators dated construction to end of
fourthbeginning of fifth century. Some scholars
predated construction to third century, with later
repairs after Gallus Revolt (Geller Nathanson
1981: 127128; Mor 1989: 342) or 363 CE earth-
quake (NEAEHL 1: 293294). No evidence for 363
CE earthquake at site (Groh 1995: 6768).
Magness dated construction of synagogue not
before third quarter of the fifth century (2001:
2223).
Korazim Not defined Excavator claimed Korazim was abandoned
between 340 and 390 CE (Yeivin 1973: 157;
Meshorer 1973; cf. Ariel 2000). See discussion of
coin hoard (pp. 195, 197).
Gush Halav Period II, syna-
gogue phase
VIb, 306363
CE
End of phase related to 363 CE earthquake. Latest
coin evidence until 365 CE. Magness dated
construction of synagogue not before second half
of fifth century (2001: 16).
orvat
Ammudim
synagogue
Not defined Constructed at end of thirdbeginning of fourth
centuries. No indications of sudden destruction.
Site abandoned at end of fourthbeginning of fifth
century (NEAEHL 1: 5556; Levine 1982).
ammat Gader
(Tell el-
Hammeh)
synagogue
Second phase Probably collapsed as result of 363 CE earthquake
(NEAEHL 2: 566569; Sukenik 1935).
NUMISMATIC EVIDENCE FOR THE GALLUS REVOLT 197
ammath
Tiberias (Syna-
gogue of
Severos)
Stratum IIa Dated by excavator to between the earthquakes of
306 and 422 CE, with no evidence of intentional
destruction. Coins suggest terminus in early fifth
century (Dothan 1981: 64, 66; Groh 1995: 6667;
Weiss 1998: 38, 43).
Jalame Period 2,
275350 CE;
Period 3,
351383 CE
Greatly increased activity at site after 350 CE,
mostly related to glass manufacture. Drastic change
associated with Gallus Revolt. However no struc-
tural evidence that site was affected. More than half
of identifiable coins were dated to 351378 CE
(Davidson Weinberg 1988: 34, 16).
Meiron
synagogue
Stratum IV,
250365 CE
Peak period of village life. Gradual but systematic
abandonment of site attributed to socio-economic
factors (perhaps Gallus Revolt or severe taxation)
or natural factors (perhaps drought of 362/363 or
363 or 365 earthquakes) (Meyers, Strange and
Meyers 1981). No stratified coins after 360 CE, but
coin report by Raynor and Meshorer (1988)
included many later, fifth-century, coins.
Nabratein
synagogue
Phase 2a,
250306 CE;
phase 2b,
306350/363 CE
Village life ended with 363 CE earthquake, perhaps
preceded by unrest provoked by Gallus Revolt
(NEAEHL 3: 1077; Meyers, Strange and Meyers
1982).
Sepphoris Not defined 1930s excavations associated partial destruction of
city with Gallus Revolt (Yeivin 1937: 3031).
Excavations at the House of Dionysos suggest that
363 CE earthquake caused damage to city. (Meyers,
Netzer and Meyers 1986; Meyers, Meyers and
Netzer 1987; Meyers, Netzer and Meyers 1988;
Weiss and Netzer 1997; Z. Weiss: personal commu-
nication). See discussion of coin hoards (p. 199).
Khirbet Shema
(Teqoa) second
synagogue
Stratum IV:
306419 CE
First phase of synagogue was destroyed by 306 CE
earthquake, and the second phase by 419 CE earth-
quake (NEAEHL 4: 13591361; Meyers, Kraabel
and Strange 1976: 3339, 64, 81). Significant
number of coins dated to 351361 CE. No coin
gaps until early fifth century (Hanson 1976:
158162). Magness (1997: 211220) dated
construction of synagogue during late
fourthbeginning of fifth century.
Khirbet
Sumaqa
synagogue
Phase 1 Synagogue erected in third century, destroyed
deliberately during fourth or early fifth century,
perhaps due to local disturbances or political perse-
cution by Christians or due to Samaritan Revolt
(Dar and Mintzker 1995: 157165).
belong to the FH3/FH4 fallen horseman types, relating to the time of the Gallus
Revolt. In fact, considering the huge output of these issues throughout the empire,
more coins of these types should be expected if the hoard was indeed deposited as
a result of the revolt. Ariels re-examination, which also considered Kloetzlis
finds (1970), does not support Meshorers attribution of the gap and concealment
of the hoard to the Gallus Revolt, although it does not exclude it. In our opinion,
the date of the deposit of the Korazim hoard cannot be determined conclusively.
Beth Shearim hoard.A hoard of some 1,200 coins was discovered in an ash
layer in room 8 of Building B, north-west of the synagogue, buildings that were
destroyed by fire (stratum IIIB). According to Mazar: The coins belong to the
first half of the fourth century A.D. and the series ends with Constantius II. The
hoard includes not a single coin struck by Gallus or any other ruler from the
middle of the fourth century. We may infer that the building, together with the
whole city, was destroyed by Gallus in consequence of the Jewish revolt in the
year 352 (Mazar 1942: 196197; 1973: 67, 16, 1819 and n. 13). According to
Vitto, however, Beth Shearim is not mentioned among the places involved in the
Gallus Revolt, nor among the sites destroyed by the 363 CE earthquake. In her
opinion, Beth Shearim probably experienced a period of decline by the mid-
fourth century CE, but this was certainly not connected to the Gallus Revolt, and
the settlement continued to flourish long afterwards (Vitto 1996: 138).
The hoard from Beth Shearim was recently re-examined by the author.
8
The
picture that arises from the extant 616 poorly preserved bronze coins is similar to
the hoard from Korazim. The bulk is dated from the last quarter of the third
century to the 30s of the fourth century CE. There are, however, a number of later
coins: a FEL TEMP REPARATIO of the hut type, dated to Constans I (348350
CE), a worn fallen horseman of Constantius II (of the 2 denomination, roughly
dated between 346 and 355 CE); a SALVS REIPVBLICAE Victory dragging
captive coin (dated 383395 CE); a CONCORDIA AVGGG cross, dated to
395408 CE) and finally, a worn coin dated to the second half of the fourthfifth
centuries. Even if we consider that many coins were lost, if the hoard was indeed
concealed because of the Gallus Revolt, more contemporary FEL TEMP
REPARATIO coin types would be expected, and the later coins would have to be
excluded as intrusive. Like the Korazim hoard above, because of the small
number of FEL TEMP REPARATIO coin types and late material, the date of
deposit of the hoard cannot be determined with any certainty, and the evidence
from the Beth Shearim hoard cannot contribute to a discussion on the Gallus
Revolt.
198 GABRIELABIJOVSKY
8 The unpublished hoard is located in the Institute of Archaeology of the Hebrew
University of Jerusalem. I am grateful to Prof. D. Barag, who permitted me to check
the coins.
Sepphoris hoard.A hoard discovered in the occupation phase of the House of
Dionysos at Sepphoris contained 48 coins (Meyers, Netzer and Meyers 1988:
92).
9
None were later than 346 CE, with the exception of a single coin of
Constantius Gallus (FEL TEMP REPARATIO FH3, IAA 82043), dated to
351354 CE, perhaps indicating the deposition date of the hoard. The excavators
concluded that the mansion was destroyed by the earthquake in 363 CE (Meyers,
Meyers and Netzer 1987: 277), as they discovered no evidence of fire or destruc-
tion related to the Gallus Revolt (Weiss and Netzer 1997: 10). This is in contrast to
the historical sources, which refer explicitly to the destruction of Sepphoris by the
suppressors of the revolt. On the contrary, they claim that the archaeological
remains indicate that the earthquake of 363 CE devastated the city.
Qarin hoard.Ahuge deposit of c. 9,000 bronze coins, was discovered under a
beaten-earth floor in a large courtyard in complex C of the village at Qarin (stra-
tum V).
10
The occupation of this structure continuedwith many architectural
changesuntil the eighth century CE. While only a selection of 150 coins from
the hoard has so far been cleaned and identified, the excavator correctly noted that
the hoard includes numerous coins of Julian II dated to 355361 CE (NEAEHL:
1223).
11
Consequently, the Qarin hoard cannot be related to the Gallus Revolt.
Hoard of unknown provenance.The latest coins of a hoard of c. 1,200 bronze
coins was donated to the Kadman Pavilion of the Eretz-Israel Museum, Tel Aviv
(Waner 1998: hoard no. 52), According to a reference in Alon,
12
the latest coins
are attributed to Constantius Gallus, dated to 359361 CE; the deposition of the
hoard is therefore related to the Gallus Revolt, given as 361 CE. This dating is,
of course, erroneous. The hoard contains approximately 1,000 coins of FEL
TEMP REPARATIO fallen horseman types of Constantius II, a few belonging to
Constantius Gallus and 92 coins dated to Julian II (60 coins are FEL TEMP
REPARATIO fallen horseman types and 32 are SPES REIPVBLICE dated to
355361 CE).
13
Consequently, as with most of the other hoards, this find post-
dates the events relating to the Gallus Revolt.
NUMISMATIC EVIDENCE FOR THE GALLUS REVOLT 199
9 Both unpublished hoards are registered at the IAA coin department (IAA
8200082043 and IAA 8204482152).
10 The excavations were directed by A. Killebrew, on behalf of the IAA.
11 Recent cleaning of coins, however, has revealed one example of a coin of Valens
(GLORIA ROMANORVM 8), dated to 364367 (J. Betlyon: personal communica-
tion). This discovery might ultimately change the entire dating for the deposition of
the hoard.
12 AHoard of Roman Coins of the Fourth Century CE (no author), Alon 3/2 (1968), p. 55
(Hebrew). The hoard was donated to the museum by a dealer from Bethlehem, who
claimed it was discovered in Idna, south-west of Hebron.
13 My thanks are extended to C. Meir, curator of the Kadman Pavilion, for this informa-
tion.
CONCLUSIONS
As once stated by Magness with regard to the use of datings of earthquakes (1997:
219), what we have here is another example of poorly founded interpretations,
which are repeatedly quoted until they become facts. The Gallus Revolt, which,
since the 1940s, has been attributed to various hoards, has become a resilient fact
that appears difficult to controvert.
As shown above, contrary to what is generally accepted today in the scholarly
literature, none of the eight hoards cited by Safrai and Waner as related to the
Gallus Revolt are indeed associated with it with certainty. Only two of these
hoardsKorazim and Beth Shearimmight possibly be related to the Gallus
Revolt, and even their attribution to this event is with serious reservations. But the
fact that hoards such as Korazim, Beth Shearim or the one from northern Pales-
tine have coins no later than c. 340 CE does not automatically indicate that the
sites where these hoards were found had been destroyed during a campaign by
Gallus against rebels. Moreover, Waner and Safrais statement (2001: 76) that
most of the hoards were discovered in ancient synagoguesa context that would
support the Gallus Revolt interpretationis inaccurate. Only twothe hoards of
Caesarea and Korazimare definite synagogue deposits. The detailed evidence
shows that Waner and Safrais conclusions, which were drawn from the numis-
matic material, were overstated. Consequently, no historical conclusions
regarding the veracity of the Gallus Revolt may be drawn.
As shown in this article, the hoard fromLod is, in fact, the only hoard fromthis
region that may corroborate the Gallus Revolt, since its latest coins fall within a
range corresponding to this event. Even in this case, however, one must be
cautious about drawing far-reaching conclusions, since the limited excavated
context of the hoard provided no evidence that could relate to an uprising or mili-
tary campaignsuch as evidence of fire or violent destruction. Even if we assume
that the historical sources regarding Lodwhich suggest that the city participated
in the Gallus Revolt and suffered from its suppresionare well founded (see
above), this hoard would be the only testimony to provide archaeological and
numismatic support for the effects of the revolt. While this does not necessarily
invalidate Liebermans conclusions regarding the authenticy of the evidence
concerning the Gallus Revolt, it may have been a local and marginal event in
fourth-century Jewish history, encouraged by a group of Sepphorean Jews
(described by Avi-Yonah as a band of zealots; 1976: 178179), which had no
further consequences, since most of the population was not involved.
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