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1nc qritiq of complexity theory

The notion that complexity prevents effective predictions lies at the heart of contemporary
neoliberalism -- their refusal to take responsibility for the unintended consequence of their
affirmative shows precisely the intersection of critical theory with despotic financialism
Dean '10 Jodi, Professor of Political Science at Hobart and William Smith Colleges, "Complexity as capture--
neoliberalism and the loop of drive"
http!!"""#academia#edu!$%&'()!Complexity*as*capture*neoliberalism*and*the*loop*of*drive
Complexity We are reularly told that financial instruments like collaterali!ed debt obliations
andcredit default swaps are beyond our comprehension# +ot only are they too hard for
averageciti,ens to understand, but -lan .reenspan couldn/t even understand them# 0n fact, as hundredsof
lobbyists for the finance sector have ceaselessly worked to teach "# members of $onress%
derivatives can't be reulated% precisely because no one understands them& 'eyond
comprehension% they are beyond control& $omplexity disposes of politics because
nothin can be done & 0nitially, finance porn 10 have in mind here mainstream media treatment of the
financesector as "ell as the multiple boo2s on the subprime mortgage crisis3 lauded 45uants6 as the ones"ho
actually 2ne" "hat "as going on# 7hese nearly magical gee2s, siphoned off from academe, used their advanced
mathematics and high po"ered computers to identify statistical anomaliesand price differentials and 5uic2ly
capitali,e them# 7he economic theory at the basis of their calculations, the 8fficient 9ar2et Hypothesis, cast
these profiteering moves as necessary andethical buying up underpriced assets helped move their prices to
their proper place, bac2 to e5uilibrium# :ther "i,ards then came up "ith alchemical strategies for managing
ris2, strategies that involved lots of borro"ing 1leverage3 and shifting 1structural investment vehicles3# 9any
C;:s "ere ne" combinations of slices of other C;:s that a ban2 had created but had been unable tosell# C;:s
interrelation "as circular< they contained each other yet "ere someho" able to transform this mutual
containing into gold 1"ith regard to the C;:s built out of subprime mortgage bonds, the supposition "as that
real estate "ould nearly al"ays rise in value, that any declines in the housing mar2et "ould be local rather than
national, and that mortgage bac2ed securities distributed ris2 so broadly as to dissipate it almost completely<
each one of theseassumptions ended up being "rong3# 7he C;:s/ opa5ue, exotic names, names that refuse any
concrete relation "ith their contents=-bacus, Carina, .emstone=heighten the sense that one is approaching
the inner sanctum of finance/s arcane mysteries# )$ (t the heart of finance are impossible
ob)ects that create money& ( *oldman #achs trader described them in an email to his
lover as "a product of pure intellectual masturbation, the type of thing "hich you invent telling yourself "Well,
what if we created a thin% which has no purpose% which is absolutely conceptual and highly
theoretical and which nobody knows how to price+, )& - financial product that exceeds the mar2et, a
product beyond valuation, the synthetic $D- is a real abstraction .particularly
when one keeps in mind that investors' demand for $D-s created banks'
demand for mortaes to back them which led to the issuin of ever more
slea!y and predatory loans to vulnerable and low income people/& 7he po"ers
that be allegedly at the helms of the big investment firms=>ear Stearns,?ehman >rothers, 9errill ?ynch,
Citigroup, .oldman Sachs=have claimed that they both 2ne" and didn/t 2no" "hat "as going on as the
financial mar2ets heated up and burned out# :n the one hand, their ris2 management strategies necessarily
involved all sorts of bets and plans on "hat could happen# 7heir @ustification for the creation of credit default
s"aps 1C;Ss3 "as protection, security, prevention of the "orst# :n the other hand, the ban2ers and regulators
have all claimed that the crisis "as the once in a century event that no one could have predicted#Ander
5uestioning at the Congressional hearings on the financial crisis, legendary investor Warren >uffett 1chief
shareholder in 9oody/s ratings agency3 said that he didn/t 2no" "hat 9oody/s "as doing# He didn/t 2no" that
the agency "as ma2ing massive mista2es in rating mortgages and bonds before the crisis# +either he nor
anyone else could be expected to 2no"# His o"n business is too complex for him to understand# 'B :verrun by
mutually influencingdynamics, expectations, unintended conse5uences, and un2no"n un2no"ns,
contemporaryfinance is a domain so complex that no one should even be expected to be able to understand
it#The hand of the market isn't simply invisible& 0t cannot be known or understood by mere
mortals 1although sometimes those "ith the right stuff, 7om Wolfe/s masters of the universe, might beable to
ride it successfully for a "hile3# The appeal to complexity displaces accountability &
The bi banks are not accountable because there were all sorts of thins
they couldn't account for& To be sure% they can en)oy complexity % ettin off
on the obscure ob)ects they create% abstractin themselves from the debts
out of which the ob)ects are made% from the risks that are taken with
pension funds and municipal bonds% revelin in a sense that their power
puts them above it all & 7his is the sense, incidentally, at the heart of the culture of extreme bonuses,
the only sense such excess ma2es# -utlandish bonuses inscribe the surplus inequality before which
politicians and press bow down# 9erely grossly une5ual salaries "ould still inscribe the ban2ers in the
same "orld as the politicians, an economic "orld based in labor, production, and commodities rather than a
financial "orld based in fantasies, bets, ris2s, and "ill# The appeal to complexity is a site of
converence between despotic financialism and critical theory 10/m using the
term broadly here to encompass contemporary continental and post-9arxist developments in philosophy and
political theory3# Some critical theorists associate responsibility with soverein sub)ectivity and
morali,ing impulses to punish# The mistake both they and the bankers make is
assumin that responsibility implies total knowlede% total control%or total
determination of outcomes& 'oth arue that since the world is more
complicated than this% since our networked interactions implicate us in
relations and outcomes beyond our knowlede and determination%
accountability cannot rihtly be locali!ed#Jane >ennett is attuned to the complexity of
assemblages constituted out of human and non-human actants, assemblages li2e those mixing 4coal, s"eat,
electromagnetic fields,computer programs, electron streams, profit motives, heat, lifestyles, "ater, economic
theory, "ire, and "ood6 into an electrical grid# 'C .iven this complexity, she finds the invocation of agency and
strong responsibility to be 4tinged "ith in@ustice#6 4 0n a world of distributed aency%1 'ennett arues%
2a hesitant attitude toward assinin sinular blame becomes a presumptive virtue&1 'D -s 0 see
it, this hesitation corresponds with attitudes dominant in the neoliberal cloud# Eor examples, we
miht add to the abundant and proliferatin crises in the finance sector the strins of failure
dispersed in the wake of 3urricane 4atrina% connected with the ill-conceived and aressive
war in 0raq% and ushin from 'ritish 5etroleum's deep water oil ri in the *ulf of 6exico# 8ven
as each instance resists confinement into a singular momentor single individual decision, decisions of boards,
regulators, investors, voters, politicians,consultants, and officials are made, nonetheless# 7he oil rig didn/t
emerge spontaneously out of the ocean# 7he city of +e" :rleans didn/t someho" lose organi,ational capacities
previously putto use in Super >o"l football games and 9ardi .ras celebrations# ') Some decisions are
rightlydescribed as bets or gambles, "agers for one future rather than another# Winners commend
themselves for their prescience% presentin their ood fortune as rounds for promotion% re-
election% praise% a enerous bonus& This commendation seems almost appropriate because of
therisk of error7they could have been wron& 'lame% condemnation% and punishment are
likewiseappropriate for those on the losin side of the bet& They had to make a )udment under
conditionsthat were fluid% chanin% interconnected% and uncertain7the conditions of any
human )udment# >ennett is right to emphasi,e the dispersion and distribution of agency decisions
areintermeshed, mashed-up so as to resist confinement into specific, separable choices# -gency is an effect of a
larger set of relations# 0t often feels as if decisions have al"ays been already made,as if "e have no real choice,
as if the current or process or circuit is in motion and there/s nothing "e can do to stop it# >ut "e are
nonetheless accountable for this sense# 0t/s part of the setting of our choices# We are accountable because
we can be wron% because we lack knowlede% control% and the capacity fully to determine
outcomes& 8esponsibility arises becauseone has to choose not only when one does not know but
when one cannot know# Eranco 4>ifo6 >erardi ta2es a vie" of complexity in line "ith >ennett/s 4the
complexity of the global economy is far beyond any 2no"ledge and possible governance#6 -ccordingly, he
argues that 4the political and economic 2no"ledge "e have inherited from modern rationalist philosophy is
no" useless, because the current collapse is the effect of the infinite complexity of immaterial production # # #6
'' 0 disagree# To say that the lobal economy is beyond knowlede and
overnance cedes in advance a terrain of strule% a terrain that banks and
corporation find important enouh to spend millions upon millions to
defend& Fegulating derivatives isn/t impossible=ma2e them illegal# 7reating food as a commodity to be
speculated upon isn/t necessary and unavoidable=forbid it# 'anks can be nationali!ed and required to
back permitted investment with adequate capital reserves& Whose purpose does it serve to
pretend that this can't be done+ 'ankers benefit from our thinkin that there are operations
and processes that compel our obedience% like so much absolutist mystical arcana& 7hey also
benefit "hen "e slip into thin2ing primarily in terms of immaterial production, a 2ind of derivative thin2ing
that fantasi,es value in the absolutely conceptual and "ithout price, in the en@oyment that accrues through
adding, repeating, and circulating#
The impulse to reulate optimum societal outcomes throuh market-based approaches
terminates in the absolute demolition of social value
3arvey '9 ;avid, ;avid Harvey is the ;istinguished Professor of -nthropology and .eography at the
.raduate Center of the City Aniversity of +e" Gor2# "- >rief History of +eoliberalism"
http!!messhall#org!"p-content!uploads!DBCC!B&!-->rief-History-of-+eoliberalism#pdf, xdi
To presume that markets and market sinals can best determine all allocative decisions is to
presume that everythin can in principle be treated as a commodity& $ommodi fi cation
presumes the existence of property rihts over processes% thins% and social relations% that a
price can be put on them% and that they can be traded sub)ect to leal contract# 7he mar2et is
presumed to "or2 as an appropriate guideHHan ethicHHfor all human action# 0n practice, of course, every
society sets some bounds on "here commodification begins and ends# Where the boundaries lie is a matter of
contention# Certain drugs are deemed illegal# 7he buying and selling of sexual favours is outla"ed in most AS
states, though else"here it may be legali,ed, decriminali,ed, and even state-regulated as an industry#
Pornography is broadly protected as a form of free speech under AS la" although here, too, there are certain
forms 1mainly concerning children3 that are considered beyond the pale# 0n the AS, conscience and honour are
supposedly not for sale, and there exists a curious penchant to pursue IcorruptionJ as if it is easily
distinguishable from the normal practices of influence-peddling and ma2ing money in the mar2etplace# 7he
commodification of sexuality, culture, history, heritage< of nature as spectacle or as rest cure< the extraction of
monopoly rents from originality, authenticity, and uni5ueness 1of "or2s or art, for example3HHthese all
amount to putting a price on things that "ere never actually produced as commodities#C( 7here is often
disagreement as to the appropriateness of commodification 1of religious events and symbols, for example3 or of
"ho should exercise the property rights and derive the rents 1over access to -,tec ruins or mar2eting of
-boriginal art, for example3# +eoliberali,ation has un5uestionably rolled bac2 the bounds of commodification
and greatly extended the reach of legal contracts# 0t typically celebrates 1as does much of postmodern theory3
ephemerality and the short-term contractHHmarriage, for example, is understood as a short-term contractual
arrangement rather than as a sacred and unbrea2able bond# 7he divide bet"een neoliberals and
neoconservatives partially reflects a difference as to "here the lines are dra"n# 7he neoconservatives typically
blame IliberalsJ, IHolly"oodJ, or even IpostmodernistsJ for "hat they see as the dissolution and immorality of
the social order, rather than the corporate capitalists 1li2e Fupert 9urdoch3 "ho actually do most of the
damage by foisting all manner of sexually charged if not salacious material upon the "orld and "ho continually
flaunt their pervasive preference for short-term over long-term commitments in their endless pursuit of profit#
>ut there are far more serious issues here than merely trying to protect some treasured ob@ect, some particular
ritual or a preferred corner of social life from the monetary calculus and the short-term contract# :or at the
heart of liberal and neoliberal theory lies the necessity of constructin coherent markets for
land% labour% and money% and these% as 4arl 5olanyi pointed out% ;are obviously not
commodities & & & the commodity description of labour% land% and money is entirely fi ctitious<&
While capitalism cannot function without such fi ctions% it does untold damae if it fails to
acknowlede the complex realities behind them# Polanyi, in one of his more famous passages, puts it
this "ay To allow the market mechanism to be sole director of the fate of
human beins and their natural environment% indeed% even of the amount
and use of purchasin power% would result in the demolition of society& Eor
the alleged commodity Ilabour po"erJ cannot be shoved about, used indiscriminately, or even left unused,
"ithout affecting also the human individual "ho happens to be the bearer of this peculiar commodity# 0n
disposing of manJs labour po"er the system "ould, incidentally, dispose of the physical, psychological, and
moral entity ImanJ attached to that tag# Fobbed of the protective covering of cultural institutions, human beings
"ould perish from the effects of social exposure< they "ould die as victims of acute social dislocation through
vice, perversion, crime and starvation# =ature would be reduced to its elements% neihborhoods and
landscapes de fi led% rivers polluted% military safety )eopardi!ed% the power to produce food and
raw materials destroyed& :inally% the market administration of purchasin power would
periodically liquidate business enterprise% for shortaes and surfeits of money would prove as
disastrous to business as fl oods and drouhts in primitive society& C$ 7he damage "rought through
the Ifloods and droughtsJ of fictitious capitals "ithin the global credit system, be it in 0ndonesia, -rgentina,
9exico, or even "ithin the AS, testifies all too "ell to PolanyiJs final point# >ut his theses on labour and land
deserve further elaboration#
-nly a decision-makin calculus that privilees workin class >0:? -@?8 neoliberal
valori!ation of $(50T(> can D?->0=4 economic rowth from environmental destruction --
failure to articulate this political calculus results in planetary devastation
3arvey '9 ;avid, ;avid Harvey is the ;istinguished Professor of -nthropology and .eography at the
.raduate Center of the City Aniversity of +e" Gor2# "- >rief History of +eoliberalism"
http!!messhall#org!"p-content!uploads!DBCC!B&!-->rief-History-of-+eoliberalism#pdf, xdi
The imposition of short-term contractual loic on environmental uses has disastrous
consequences# Eortunately, vie"s "ithin the neoliberal camp are some"hat divided on this issue# While
Feagan cared nothing for the environment, at one point characteri,ing trees as a ma@or source of air pollution,
7hatcher too2 the problem seriously# She played a ma@or role in negotiating the 9ontreal Protocol to limit the
use of the CECs that "ere responsible for the gro"ing o,one hole around -ntarctica# She too2 the threat of
global "arming from rising carbon dioxide emissions seriously# Her environmental commitments "ere not
entirely disinterested, of course, since the closure of the coalmines and the destruction of the minersJ union
could be partially legitimi,ed on environmental grounds# +eoliberal state policies "ith respect to the
environment have therefore been geographically uneven and temporally unstable 1depending on "ho holds the
reins of state po"er, "ith the Feagan and .eorge W# >ush administrations being particularly retrograde in the
AS3# 7he environmental movement, furthermore, has gro"n in significance since the C&(Bs# 0t has often
exerted a restraining influence, depending on time and place# -nd in some instances capitalist fi rms
have discovered that increasin e ffi ciency and improved environmental performance can o
hand in hand& =evertheless% the eneral balance sheet on the environmental consequences of
neoliberali!ation is almost certainly neative& #erious thouh controversial e ff orts to create
indices of human well-bein includin the costs of environmental deradations suest an
acceleratin neative trend since 1AB0 or so& (nd there are enouh speci fi c examples of
environmental losses resultin from the unrestrained application of neoliberal principles to
ive sustenance to such a eneral account& The acceleratin destruction of tropical rain forests
since 1AB0 is a well-known example that has serious implications for climate chane and the
loss of biodiversity& The era of neoliberali!ation also happens to be the era of
the fastest mass extinction of species in the ?arth<s recent history &D( 0f we
are enterin the daner !one of so transformin the lobal environment%
particularly its climate% as to make the earth un fi t for human habitation%
then further embrace of the neoliberal ethic and of neoliberali!in
practices will surely prove nothin short of deadly# 7he >ush administrationJs
approach to environmental issues is usually to 5uestion the scientific evidence and do nothing 1except cut bac2
on the resources for relevant scientific research3# >ut his o"n research team reports that the human
contribution to global "arming soared after C&(B# 7he Pentagon also argues that global "arming might "ell in
the long run be a more serious threat to the security of the AS than terrorism#D$ 0nterestingly, the two main
culprits in the rowth of carbon dioxide emissions these last few years have been the
powerhouses of the lobal economy% the "# and $hina 1"hich increased its emissions by '% per cent
over the past decade3# 0n the AS, substantial progress has been made in increasing energy efficiency in industry
and residential construction# 7he profligacy in this case largely derives from the 2ind of consumerism that
continues to encourage high-energy-consuming suburban and ex-urban spra"l and a culture that opts to
purchase gas-gu,,ling SAKs rather than the more energy-efficient cars that are available# 0ncreasing AS
dependency on imported oil has obvious geopolitical ramifications# 0n the case of China, the rapidity of
industriali,ation and of the gro"th of car o"nership doubles the pressure on energy consumption# China has
moved from selfsufficiency in oil production in the late C&$Bs to being the second largest global importer after
the AS# Here, too, the geopolitical implications are rife as China scrambles to gain a foothold in the Sudan,
central -sia, and the 9iddle 8ast to secure its oil supplies# >ut China also has vast rather lo"-grade coal
supplies "ith a high sulphur content# 7he use of these for po"er generation is creating ma@or environmental
problems, particularly those that contribute to global "arming# Eurthermore, given the acute po"er shortages
that no" bedevil the Chinese economy, "ith bro"nouts and blac2outs common, there is no incentive
"hatsoever for local government to follo" central government mandates to close do"n inefficient and IdirtyJ
po"er stations# 7he astonishing increase in car o"nership and use, largely replacing the bicycle in large cities
li2e >ei@ing in ten years, has brought China the negative distinction of having sixteen of the t"enty "orst cities
in the "orld "ith respect to air 5uality#D& 7he cognate effects on global "arming are obvious# -s usually
happens in phases of rapid industriali,ation, the failure to pay any mind to the environmental
consequences is havin deleterious e ff ects everywhere& The rivers are hihly polluted% water
supplies are full of danerous cancer-inducin chemicals, public health provision is "ea2 1as
illustrated by the problems of S-FS and the avian flu3, and the rapid conversion of land resources to
urban uses or to create massive hydroelectric pro)ects .as in the Cant!e valley/ all add up to a
sini fi cant bundle of environmental problems that the central overnment is only now
beinnin to address# China is not alone in this, for the rapid burst of gro"th in 0ndia is also being
accompanied by stressful environmental changes deriving from the expansion of consumption as "ell as the
increased pressure on natural resource exploitation# =eoliberali!ation has a rather dismal record when
it comes to the exploitation of natural resources& The reasons are not far to seek& The
preference for short-term contractual relations puts pressure on all producers to extract
everythin they can while the contract lasts& ?ven thouh contracts and options may be
renewed there is always uncertainty because other sources may be found& The lonest possible
time-hori!on for natural resource exploitation is that of the discount rate .i&e& about twenty- fi ve
years/ but most contracts are now far shorter& Depletion is usually assumed to be linear% when
it is now evident that many ecoloical systems crash suddenly after they have hit some tippin
point beyond which their natural reproduction capacity cannot function# Eish stoc2sHHsardines off
California, cod off +e"foundland, and Chilean sea bassHHare classic examples of a resource exploited at an
IoptimalJ rate that suddenly crashes "ithout any seeming "arning# )B ?ess dramatic but e5ually insidious is the
case of forestry#
-ur alternative is to call for a paradim shift in social relations towards a more equitable
distribution of resources& This is a decision-makin framework that reconi!es a material
foundation for autonomy as a prerequisite to democratic communication&
'riscoe '1D Eelicia, Professor of 8ducation at A7S-, "-narchist, +eoliberal, L ;emocratic ;ecision-9a2ing
;eepening the Joy in ?earning and 7eaching" 8ducation Studies, Kol# '$, 0ssue C
http!!"""#tandfonline#com!doi!abs!CB#CB$B!BBC)C&'M#DBCC#M)(D%(Nprevie", xdi
- 9ore 85ual ;istribution of Fesources ?mma *oldman describes anarchism as Ean order that will
uarantee to every human bein free access to the earth and full en)oyment of the necessities of
lifeF 1C&B(, M$3# Foc2er 1C&)$3 describes the effects of acute ine5uality in the distribution of resources -ur
present economic system% leadin to a mihty accumulation of social wealth in the hands of a
privileed minority and to a continuous impoverishment of the reat masses of the people . . .
sacrificed the eneral interests of human society to the private interests of individuals and thus
systematically undermined the relationship bet"een man and man OsicP# People forgot that industry is not an
end in itself, but should be only a means to insure to man his material subsistence and to ma2e accessible to
him the blessings of a higher intellectual culture# Where industry is everything and man is nothing begins the
realm of ruthless economic despotism "hose "or2ings are no less disastrous than political despotism# 1D3C&
-lthough Foc2er "rote in C&)$, the polari,ation of "ealthDB and the elevation of industry 1or
business!corporate interests3 over human interests remain true#DC (n equal distribution of
economic power or resources is fundamental to equali!in power
relationships# :ne anarchist, Eotopoulos 1DBB$3, describes this necessary Qeconomic democracy . . . as
the authority of the people demos in the economic sphere, implying the existence of economic e5uality in the
sense of an e5ual distribution of economic po"erR 1''D3# Without e5ual po"er relations brought about by a
fairly e5ual distribution of "ealth, the individual autonomy advocated by deep democracy and anarchism
cannot be operationali,ed# 8ach Person ;irectly Participates in ;ecisions -ffecting Her or His ?ife 1-utonomy3
-narchismJs and deep democracyJs call for a more e5ual distribution of resources helps to create the conditions
necessary for autonomy# Perhaps the single most important foundation of anarchist thought is autonomy, as
described by -nna .oldman 1DBCB3 O-narchism isP based in the understanding that "e are best 5ualified
toma2e decisions about our o"n lives#-narchists believe that "e must all control our o"n lives,ma2ing
decisions collectively about matters, "hich affect us# -narchists believe and engage in direct action# 1para (3
Several scholars have analy,ed the importance of autonomy to human experience# -lthough Paulo Ereire
1C&(B3 does not describe himself as an anarchist, his analysis of autonomy in regards to determining oneJs o"n
thoughts and actions is often 5uoted by anarchists such as Spring 1DBB$3# Ereire 1C&(B3 discusses the death
that occurs without autonomyG -verwhelmin controlHis necrophilicI it is nourished by love of
death% not life& 'ased on a mechanistic% static% naturalistic% spatiali!ed view of consciousnessI it
transforms students into receivin ob)ects& 0t attempts to control thinkin and action% leads
men to ad)ust to the world% and inhibits their creative power# 1M'3 EreireJs description of
over"helming control resonates "ith 9r# Jac2sonJs description of his experience in an urban school, "ith
students being Qtested to deathR under the current policies# - number of scholarsDD note that without equal
power relationships% there is little autonomyI without autonomy% authentic communication
becomes impossible&
Dnc extension
They lose the debate on our Dean evidence -- the 1ac appeal to complexity theory -- sayin
everythin is too complex and uncertain is a neoliberal smokescreen and it is the same loic
that bi banks use to keep their derivatives markets unreulated% the same loic that was
responsible for the D00J financial collapse
0f we win these link aruments it turns and outweihs the aff -- means that you should treat the
1ac speech act as propaanda and dismiss it on the rounds of proletarian skepticism -- our
'riscoe evidence says that ealitarianism is a prerequisite to evaluate the veracity of any impact
claim
Try or die -- the current lobal economic order that relies on mass unemployment treats
production as an end% placin the accumulation of wealth above the material necessities of
livin that abstracts finance from the vital process of livin -- this uarantees extinction
Dyer-Witheford ;1 +ic2, -ssociate Professor in the Eaculty of 0nformation and 9edia Studies at the
Aniversity of Western :ntario, Q7he +e" Combinations Fevolt of the .lobal Kalue-Sub@ectsR 7he +e"
Centennial Fevie", Kolume C, +umber ), Winter DBBC, pp# C%%-DBB 1-rticle3 OmuseP, xdi
+egri, Paolo Kirno, 9ichael Hardt, and 9auri,io ?a,aratto and others suggest that in the consideration of
Qgeneral intellectR it is not enough to focus on the accumulation of the Qfixed capitalR of advanced machines#'B
7he critical factor is rather the variable possibilities of the human sub@ectivity that continuesSin indirect and
mediated rather than direct, hands-on formSto be critical in this high-technology apparatus# 7his sub@ective
element is variously termed Qmass intellect,R Qimmaterial labour,R or, in Eranco >erardiJs formulation, Qthe
cognitariat#R'C 7hese terms designate the human Eknow-howRStechnical, cultural, linguistic, and ethicalS
that supports the operation of the high-tech economy, especially evident in the informational,
communicational, and aesthetic aspects of contemporary high-tech commodity production# The question
thus becomes how far capital can contain "hat Jean-9arie Kincent calls Qthis plural% multiform
constantly mutatin intellienceF within the structures of the world market#'D :ne crucial arena
in "hich these issues focus is the +etSor, more generally, the digital information systems indispensable to
globali,ed capital# -s Kincent puts it, Qgeneral intellectR is in fact Qa labour of net"or2s and communicative
discourse#R 0n effect, it is not possible to have a Qgeneral intellectR "ithout a great variety of polymorphous
communications, se5uences of communication in the teams and collectivities "or2, communications to use in a
creative fashion the 2no"ledge already accumulated, communications to elaborate and record ne"
2no"ledge#') 0f "e for a moment entertainSas 9arx didSthe conceit that the "orld mar2et constitutes an
enormous capitalist Qmetabolism,R then capital<s communication network already constitutes a sort
of primitive nervous system& 0f we had to identify a main site for this anlion we would name
first the diital networks of the international financial system& This system only
responds to money sinalsG it does not receive and cannot process
information about life destruction% biosphere ha!ard% or social
deradation except as investment risk or opportunity& 0t thus operates on the
basis of an extremely simple set of sinal inputs% which althouh efficient for
operations of accumulation are potentially lethal to the life-fabric of the
planet& The information transmitted from this reptilian system then cascades down throuh a
whole series of workplace and consumer information systems% to constitute the operatin
intellience of the world market as a "hole # - critical role is played by the commercial media, "hich
translate the signals received from this primary level into a series of representations comprehensible at an
everyday level by individual sub@ects# 7hus corporate media, acting through mundane and "ell-2no"n
responses to mar2eting demographic and advertising revenues, construct matrix-li2e simulations that convert
the abstract valuations of capital back into a series of sensuously apprehensible stories%
narratives% characters% and news stories% so that it indeed seems as if the world as ordered%
identified% and prioriti!ed by lobal money is the ErealF worldSso that, for example, television and
@ournalism show a planet almost solely inhabited by affluent value sub)ects with a lively interest
in stock market fluctuations and constant traumatic lifestyle and household desin choices &
$orporate risk analysis empirically devalues human life in order to )ustify its social benefits&
8e)ect their calculus as unethical
5erelman ;9 9ichael, Professor of 8conomics at CSA-Chico, Q9anufacturing ;iscontent 7he 7rap of
0ndividualism in Corporate SocietyR Pluto Press, p#CD%-CDM
-ne of the most cynical applications of Escientific risk manaementF concerns the ?nvironmental
5rotection (gencyJs E(in 0nitiativeF announced by 8P- -dministrator Christie Whitman in late :ctober
DBBD# 7he ostensible purpose of this initiative "as to protect older persons from environmental health threats#
7he stated goal of the initiative seemed reasonable enough# -fter all, the population of the Anited States is
aging rapidly# Part of this initiative, ho"ever, "as to find a more ErealisticF technique for puttin a
value on the benefits of savin a human life& 8ather than displayin much serious interest in
helpin senior citi!ens% the ?nvironmental 5rotection (gency proposed to measure the benefits of
environment protection in terms of years of life saved & 0n other words% the value of preservin
the life of a senior citi!en should be less than that of a youner person& 7his approach plays upon
the common human tendency to mourn the death of a child more than that of a man "ho has en@oyed a great
portion of his life# :f course, .rahamJs logic could @ust as easily be used to call for an increase in the value of a
policy to save a young personJs life rather than decreasing the value of actions to save the life of an older
person# :r, alternatively, one could lo"er the value of older lives "hile increasing the value of younger lives#
-pplying that approach to environmental regulations could logically redistribute the emphasis "ithout
reducing the overall effort to protect human health# 0f, ho"ever, the priority is to protect corporate
balance sheets% then the tactic of merely reducin environmental protection becomes the
primary ob)ective& 0n that context% merely devaluin the lives of senior citi!ens makes perfectly
ood sense& "nlike most efforts to cut reulation at the time% no amount of public relations was
able to make this effort seem to be anythin other than what it wasG a crude attempt to
minimi!e environmental protection& 7he proposal ran into a torrent of criticism# Senior citi,ens groups
vehemently denounced it as the Qsenior death discount#R 8ventually, the 8nvironmental Protection -gency had
to bac2 do"n, distancing itself from this approach shortly before the administrator of the agency tendered her
resignation 1Seelye and 7ierney DBB)3
The appeal to ,complexity, as a basis for political action is a neoliberal trap for ideoloical
disempowerment -- this independently turns and outweihs the aff
Dean '10 Jodi, Professor of Political Science at Hobart and William Smith Colleges, "Complexity as capture--
neoliberalism and the loop of drive"
http!!"""#academia#edu!$%&'()!Complexity*as*capture*neoliberalism*and*the*loop*of*drive
Conclusion
0/ve argued that reflexivity and complexity are key components of neoliberalism as an ideoloical
formation# Father than configuring desire, ho"ever, they run a circuit of drive% capturin sub)ects in
patterns and loops and practices from which it seems there is no escape& While my focus has been
on the more obscene components of speculative finance, 0 don/t "ant to leave the impression that the "or2 of
reflexivity and complexity in contemporary ideology issomeho" pre-political or post-political# :n the contrary,
in our current formation appeals to both support the very, very rich and undermine the rest of us# Eirst,
reflexivity/s displacement of politics into narcissistic circuits of self-absorption dominate "hat passes for
political commentary throughout the tumultuous and varied terrain of contemporary media# >loggers blog and
commentators comment on blogs and bloggers commenton commentators# - similar transfer of intensity
animates Wall Street as the never-ending pursuitof profit animates efforts to produce, commodify, and bet on
ris2# 7he academic version recedes in levels of increasing meta-ness, commenting on discourses and practices
and alternatives and limits until the need to act loses its force and urgency# Ereud/s observation that the ob@ects
of the drive can appear in each others/ places, accumulating the others/ intensity, alerts us to the "ays that
multiple, minor achievements 1more hits on my blog, a higher daily boo2 value3 can "ell be moments in larger
circuits of failure and defeat, ac5uiescence and accommodation# (pproaches to risk that hihliht
possible perverse effects of reulation demonstrate the same loic& The bi banks successfully
fouht aainst serious reulation of derivatives with the arument that banks would )ust come
up with even more complex and danerous ways to transfer risk from their books and produce
new sources of profit & The ostensible reality of reflexivity in markets is that aents will
incorporate chanes in their settin into the behavior% and so )ust work around any chanes
1li2e "ater going do"nhill3# We should immediately be suspicious of such an appeal to reality as indicative of
"hat 9ar2 Eisher theori,es as 4capitalism realism,6 the excuse for capitalist excesses offered as if there "ere
no alternative#
What does it mean "hen criminals say there is no need to define and punish crimes because they "ill @ust thin2
of ne" ones= that/s "hat the ban2s say# >ut there are alternatives# ;on/t regulate derivates -- eliminate them#
;on/t supervise speculative finance -- abolish it# ;on/t expend bi,arre amounts of time and resources on an
elaborate ban2ing system -- have one state ban2# 7here are alternatives# Second, )ust as reflexivity
displaces politics% so does complexity& 0nvocations of complexity induce us%
the people% to think that self-overnance is impossible % too hard% over
our heads& 0t's like an excuse for avoidin responsibility% an infantile
fantasy that somehow we can escape politics& *lobal networks% neural
networks% financial networks7if it's all )ust too complex for us to
understand we are left off the hook for our abdication of political
responsibility1no "onder the education system has been left to rot< no "onder higher education is a
ma@or front of political struggle=the more people believe the lie of 4too complex to understand,6 the more they
concede3# Anfortunately, academics contribute to the ideological effects of complexity# We emphasi,e that
there is al"ays more that needs to be 2no"n, that there are un2no"n un2no"ns and unintended conse5uences
of "hatever it is that "e end up doing# $omplexity's tain of the multiplicity of
interrelated and unpredictable effects presents us as so deeply enmeshed
in our situations that we can't assess themI we can only react% and )ust
intime% in a DKLB ever faster market & 'ut noticeG at this point% the excuses ,we cant
predict what will happen% we can't know, turn back in on their reflexive partner we are
compelled to react, not reflect, even as "eare en@oined to thin2 more, thin2 more thoroughly, consider
all the options# We are pushed in conflicting directions, "ith full force, told that each is necessary, unavoidable,
realistic& These in)unctions% impossible to reali!e% impossible to avoid% sinal
that the neoliberalism entrappinus is ideoloy% not necessity&
The ideoloy of complexity theory implicitly supports laisse!-faire approaches to economics
'erreby 'AJ ;avid, business strategist "Complexity 7heory Eact-free Science or >usiness 7oolT"
StrategyU>usiness, http!!"""#strategy-business#com!article!&()%Tg2oVC(ebd
7he atmosphere of complexity "or2 is of a construction site, not a completed building, "hich has led in the last
fe" years to complaints that the grand edifice cannot be erected# 0n this atmosphere of greater s2epticism, the
tal2s by engineers here have a reassuring concreteness# =o one can yet define complexity or say exactly
how to manae a company in accordance with its principles& 'ut computer tools exist to predict
explosions and metal fatiue where once the timin of such a failure was anybody's uess# -t the
coffee brea2 after ;r# ;a"/s tal2, there are lots of admiring comments# -mong the executives, engineers and
consultants "ho have paid W(&% each to sample chaos in manufacturing over three days, light bulbs are going
off# "What really clic2ed in my mind is that there/s this residue from the last interaction that sets conditions for
the next one," says one participant# "0/m glad 0 came," says a consultant# "7his is really remar2able that this is
actually going to be in cars," says a third# 0 "as invited here to spea2 from an observer/s point of vie" about the
state of complexity research# 9y fello" attendees range from an oil executive "ho "ants to 2no" if complexity
theory might enable him to ma2e explicit his experienced hunches, so they could be passed on to younger staff
members, to an engineer "ho "or2s "ith experimental robots in "hich independent programs compete for
control of the machine, to management consultants and managers# The atmosphere is of
intellectual curiosity mixin easily with an all-embracin enthusiasm for
laisse!-faire& (fter all% one central idea of complexity theory is that
riorously controllin a complex system is impossible# Gou must simply set it in
motion and see "hat happens# 7his is a lesson computer researchers ta2e to very "ell, because their interacting
programs have become so elaborate that it is impossible to 2no" all possible outcomes of all possible
combinations of computer programs# =ow economists and businessmen have come to this fold%
because the self-reulatin systems that interest complexoloists are close cousins of (dam
#mith's ,invisible hand&, 0f there is one thin complexity mavens% computer wonks and
business executives will aree on% it is that complex systems composed of many actors should
be allowed to reulate themselves & -fter all, as several spea2ers point out, +e" Gor2 City never runs out
of food even though no central authority runs the systems that feed it# (nt colonies stay orani!ed& #tock
markets seldom crash& #mith's invisible hand is hoverin over this conference, so often invo2ed
and so much praised that 0 start to imagine its fingers contentedly patting 9r# 9orely/s bald cro"n#
try or die
-nly chanin human capital relations to qualitatively value to costs of production can reverse
trends that will inevitably cross the planet's biophysical thresholds -- try-or-die -- scientific
consensus is on our side
(#" =ews et al 'A 1Q0nternational scientists set boundaries for survivalR# September D), DBB&#
https!!asune"s#asu#edu!DBB&B&D)*planetaryboundaries# Citing Nature article Q- safe operating space for
humanityR, +ature 'MC, '(D-'(% 1D' September DBB&3# -uthors Johan Foc2strXm, executive director of the
Stoc2holm 8nvironment 0nstitute and the Stoc2holm Fesilience Centre and professor of natural resource
management at Stoc2holm Aniversity# Will Steffen professor at and executive director of the -ustralian
+ational Aniversity Climate Change 0nstitute, member of the -ustralian Climate Commission# Yevin +oone,
Professor of -tmospheric Physics at the Stoc2holm Fesilience Center at Stoc2holm Aniversity, Zsa Persson,
Post-;octoral fello" at the Stoc2holm Fesilience Centre at Stoc2holm Aniversity# E# Stuart Chapin, 000,
professor of 8cology at the ;epartment of >iology and Wildlife of the 0nstitute of -rctic >iology, Aniversity of
-las2a, former President of the 8cological Society of -merica# 8ric E# ?ambin, Professor at the ;epartment of
.eography and .eology at the Aniversity of ?ouvain, ?ouvain-la-+euve, >elgium# 7imothy 9# ?enton, Chair in
Climate Change!8arth Systems Science at the Aniversity of 8xeter, 9arten Scheffer, Professor of -5uatic
8cology and Water [uality 9anagement group at Wageningen Aniversity, Carl Eol2e, Professor of Systems
8cology at Stoc2holm Aniversity, fello" at 7he >ei@er 0nstitute of 8cological 8conomics, Foyal S"edish
-cademy of Sciences, Hans Joachim Schellnhuber, founding ;irector of the Potsdam 0nstitute for Climate
0mpact Fesearch and Chair of the .erman -dvisory Council on .lobal Change# ;r# >@Xrn +y2vist is a Fesearch
Eello" at Stoc2holm 8nvironment 0nstitute at Stoc2holm Aniversity, Cynthia -# de Wit, Professor of -pplied
8nvironmental Science, Stoc2holm Aniversity, 7erry Hughes, Professor, Eederation Eello", and Centre
;irector at the -FC Centre of 8xcellence for Coral Feef Studies, Sander van der ?eeu", ;irector of the School
of Human 8volution and Social Change at -ri,ona State Aniversity, Henning Fodhe, Professor emeritus of
Chemical 9eteorology, Sver2er SXrlin is a Professor in the ;ivision of History of Science and 7echnology at the
Foyal 0nstitute of 7echnology, Stoc2holm# Peter Y# Snyder, assistant professor in the ;epartment of Soil,
Water, and Climate and the ;epartment of Eorest Fesources at the Aniversity of 9innesota, Fobert Costan,a,
Professor of Sustainability at Portland State Aniversity in :regon, Professor and Senior Fesearch Eello" at the
Stoc2holm Fesilience Centre and former ;irector of 0nternational -ffairs at the S"edish Fesearch Council for
8nvironment, -gricultural Sciences and Spatial Planning 1Eormas3# Professor 9alin Eal2enmar2 is a globally
reno"ned "ater expert and currently serves as Senior Scientific -dvisor to the Stoc2holm 0nternational Water
0nstitute, ?ouise Yarlberg, Ph;, is a research fello" at the Stoc2holm Fesilience Centre# Fobert W# Corell is an
-merican global climate scientist, Principal for the .lobal 8nvironment 7echnology Eoundation, an
-mbassador for ClimateWor2s, Professor 00 at the Aniversity of the -rcticJs ne" 0nstitute of Circumpolar
Feindeer Husbandry and a Professor 00 at the Aniversity of 7romso# He is a Partner of the Sustainability
0nstitute and itJs C-F:-;S Climate 0nteractive 0nitiative, and Head of AS :ffice for the .lobal 8nergy
-ssessment, ;r# Kictoria Eabry is a Professor of >iological Sciences at California State Aniversity San 9arcos
and a Kisiting Scientist at ASC; Scripps 0nstitution of :ceanography, James Hansen, +-S- .oddard 0nstitute
for Space Studies, ad@unct professor in the ;epartment of 8arth and 8nvironmental Sciences at Columbia
Aniversity, >rian Wal2er, Chief of the ;ivision of Wildlife and 8cology at -ustralia/s Common"ealth Scientific
and 0ndustrial Fesearch :rgani,ation, Chairman of the >oard, >ei@er 0nternational 0nstitute of 8cological
8conomics, S"edish -cademy of Sciences, and chair of Fesilience -lliance# ;iana ?iverman, Professor and co-
director of the Aniversity of -ri,ona 0nstitute of the 8nvironment, Yatherine Fichardson is Professor in
>iological :ceanography at the Aniversity of Copenhagen, Paul Jo,ef Crut,en is a ;utch +obel pri,e "inning
atmospheric chemist, professor at ;epartment of -tmospheric Chemistry at the 9ax Planc2 0nstitute for
Chemistry, Jonathan Eoley is the director of the 0nstitute on the 8nvironment at the Aniversity of 9innesota,
"here he is a professor and 9cYnight Presidential Chair in the ;epartment of 8cology, 8volution and
>ehavior# -lso, Nature is the "orld/s most influential and highly cited @ournal in the "orld, according to the
DBCB Journal Citation Feports Science 8dition 17homson Feuters, DBCC33, xdi
Human activities have already pushed the earth system beyond three of the planet/s biophysical thresholds,
"ith conse5uences that are detrimental or even catastrophic for large parts of the world< six others may "ell be crossed
in the next decades, conclude D& 8uropean, -ustralian and A#S# scientists in an article in the Sept# D' issue of
the scientific @ournal Nature# >oth -ri,ona State Aniversity and the Aniversity of -ri,ona are represented on the international list of co-authors of this groundbrea2ing report# Scientists have
been "arning for decades that the explosion of human activity since the industrial revolution is pushing the
earth/s resources and natural systems to their limits# 7he data confirm that M billion people are capable of generating a
global geophysical force the e5uivalent to some of the great forces of nature S @ust by going about their daily lives# 7his force has
given rise to a ne" era S -nthropocene S in "hich human actions have become the main driver of global
environmental change# ":n a finite planet, at some point, "e "ill tip the vital resources "e rely upon into irreversible decline if
our consumption is not balanced "ith r egenerative and sustainable activity," says co-author Sander van der ?eeu", "ho
directs the School of Human 8volution and Social Change at -ri,ona State Aniversity# Kan der ?eeu" is an
archaeologist and anthropologist speciali,ing in the long term impacts of human activity on the landscape# He also co-
directs -SA/s Complex -daptive Systems 0nitiative that focuses -SA/s interdisciplinary strength on large-scale problems "here an integrated effort is essential to finding solutions# ;efining planetary boundaries 0t started "ith a fairly simple
5uestion How much pressure can the earth system take before it begins to crash? " Antil no", the scientific
community has not attempted to determine the limits of the earth system/s stability in so many dimensions and ma2e a proposal such as this# We
are sending these ideas out through the +ature article to be vetted by the scientific community at large," explains van der ?eeu", "hose experience includes leading interdisciplinary initiatives in -SA/s College of ?iberal -rts and Sciences# "We
expect the debate on global "arming to shift as a result, because it is not only greenhouse gas emissions that threaten our planet's equilibrium#
7here are many other systems and they all interact , so that crossing one boundary may ma2e others even more
destabili,ed," he "arns# +ine boundaries "ere identified, including climate change, stratospheric o,one, land use
change, fresh"ater use, bio logical diversity, ocean acidification, nitrogen and phosphorus inputs to the
biosphere and oceans, aerosol loading and chemical pollution # 7he study suggests that three of these boundaries -climate
change, biological diversity and nitrogen input to the biosphere S may already have been transgressed# "We must ma2e
these complicated ideas clear in such a "ay that they can be "idely applied# The threats are so enormous that it is too late to be a pessimist," says van der ?eeu"# "- safe
operating space for humanity" Asing an interdisciplinary approach, the researchers loo2ed at the data for each of the nine vital processes in the earth system and identified a critical control variable# 7a2e biodiversity loss, for example, the control
variable is the species extinction rate, "hich is expressed in extinctions per million species per year# 7hey then explored ho" the boundaries interact# Here, loss of biodiversity impacts carbon storage
1climate change3, fresh"ater, nitrogen and phosphorous cycles, and land systems# 0n the +ature report titled "- safe
operating space for humanity," the scientists propose bold move - limit for each boundary that "ould maintain the conditions
for a livable "orld# Eor biodiversity, that "ould be less than CB extinctions per million species per year# 7he
current status is greater than CBB species per million lost per year, "hereas the pre-industrial value "as B#C-C# 7he researchers stress that their approach does not offer
a complete roadmap for sustainable development, but does provide an important element by identifying critical planetary boundaries# "Human pressure on the earth system has reached
a scale "here abrupt global environmental change can no longer be excluded. To continue to live and operate safely,
humanity has to stay away from critical hard!wired' thresholds in earth's environment, and respect the
nature of planet/s climatic, geophysical, atmospheric and ecological processes," says lead author professor Johan Foc2strXm, director of the Stoc2holm
Fesilience Centre at Stoc2holm Aniversity# "7ransgressing planetary boundaries may be devastating for humanity, but if "e respect them "e have a bright
future for centuries ahead," he continues# -larm bells for -ri,ona ":ur attempt to identify planetary boundaries that, if crossed, could have serious environmental and social conse5uences has a special resonance in the south"est "here pressures
on biodiversity, land use, and "ater are li2ely to intersect "ith climate change to create tremendous challenges for landscapes and livelihoods," explains co-author ;iana ?iverman, a professor of geography and development at the Aniversity of
-ri,ona# ?iverman, "ho also is professor of environmental science and a senior fello" of :xford Aniversity/s
8nvironmental Change 0nstitute, is currently attending an international climate conference at :xford, Anited Yingdom# Participants are discussing the implications for humans and earth ecosystems of a '
degree Centigrade global temperature rise# She adds "7hree of the boundaries "e identify S )%B parts per million of atmospheric carbon
dioxide, biodiversity extinction rates more than CB times the bac2ground rate, and no more than )% million
tons of nitrogen pollution per year S have already been exceeded "ith fossil fuel use, land use change and
agricultural pollution, driving us to unsustainable levels that are producing real risks to our survival." 0n addition to
?iverman, Foc2strXm and van der ?eeu", the group of authors includes Hans Joachim Schellnhuber, Will Steffen, Yatherine Fichardson, Jonathan Eoley and +obel laureate Paul Crut,en# :ther authors are listed on the paper at
http!!"""#nature#com#
aDG permutation
-ur alternative is a prerequisite -- startin points are mutually exclusive
3arvey '9 ;avid, ;avid Harvey is the ;istinguished Professor of -nthropology and .eography at the
.raduate Center of the City Aniversity of +e" Gor2# "- >rief History of +eoliberalism"
http!!messhall#org!"p-content!uploads!DBCC!B&!-->rief-History-of-+eoliberalism#pdf, xdi
There is a tendency to take up the issue of alternatives as if it is about describin some
blueprint for a future society and an outline of the way to et there& 6uch can be ained from
such exercises& 'ut we fi rst need to initiate a political process that can lead us
to a point where feasible alternatives% real possibilities% become
identi fi able # 7here are t"o main paths to ta2e# We can engage "ith the plethora of oppositional
movements actually existing and see2 to distil from and through their activism the essence of a broad-based
oppositional programme# :r we can resort to theoretical and practical enquiries into our existin
condition .of the sort 0 have enaed in here/ and seek to derive alternatives throuh critical
analysis& 7o ta2e the latter path in no "ay presumes that existing oppositional movements are "rong or
someho" defective in their understandings# >y the same to2en, oppositional movements cannot
presume that analytical fi ndins are irrelevant to their cause& The task is to initiate dialoue
between those takin each path and thereby to deepen collective understandins and de fi ne
more adequate lines of action#
The federal policy 58-$?## of implementin business-as-usual modifications to economic
policy is ideoloically mired in neoliberal decision-makin to advantae corporate interests --
the permuation hi)acks the alternative
3arvey '9 ;avid, ;avid Harvey is the ;istinguished Professor of -nthropology and .eography at the
.raduate Center of the City Aniversity of +e" Gor2# "- >rief History of +eoliberalism"
http!!messhall#org!"p-content!uploads!DBCC!B&!-->rief-History-of-+eoliberalism#pdf, xdi
'ehind these ma)or shifts in social policy lie important structural chanes in the nature of
overnance# .iven the neoliberal suspicion of democracy, a "ay has to be found to integrate state decision-
ma2ing into the dynamics of capital accumulation and the net"or2s of class po"er that are in the process of
restoration, or, as in China and Fussia, in formation# +eoliberali,ation has entailed, for example, increasing
reliance on publicHprivate partnerships 1this "as one of the strong ideas pushed by 9argaret 7hatcher as she
set up I5uasi-governmental institutionsJ such as urban development corporations to pursue economic
development3# 'usinesses and corporations not only collaborate intimately
with state actors but even acquire a stron role in writin leislation%
determinin public policies% and settin reulatory frameworks .which are
mainly advantaeous to themselves/& 5atterns of neotiation arise that
incorporate business and sometimes professional interests into
overnance throuh close and sometimes secretive consultation& 7he most
blatant example of this "as the persistent refusal of Kice-President Cheney to release the names of the
consultative group that formulated the >ush administrationJs energy policy document of DBBD< it almost
certainly included Yenneth ?ay, the head of 8nronHHa company accused of profiteering by deliberately
fostering an energy crisis in California and "hich then collapsed in the midst of a huge accounting scandal# 7he
shift from government 1state po"er on its o"n3 to governance 1a broader configuration of state and 2ey
elements in civil society3 has therefore been mar2ed under neoliberalism#CC 0n this respect the practices of the
neoliberal and developmental state broadly converge# The state typically produces
leislation and reulatory frameworks that advantae corporations% and in
some instances speci fi c interests such as energy, pharmaceuticals, agribusiness, etc# 0n many of
the instances of publicHprivate partnerships, particularly at the municipal level, the state assumes much of the
ris2 "hile the private sector ta2es most of the profits# 0f necessary, furthermore, the neoliberal state "ill resort
to coercive legislation and policing tactics 1anti-pic2eting rules, for example3 to disperse or repress collective
forms of opposition to corporate po"er# Eorms of surveillance and policing multiply in the AS, incarceration
became a 2ey state strategy to deal "ith problems arising among discarded "or2ers and marginali,ed
populations# 7he coercive arm of the state is augmented to protect corporate interests and, if necessary, to
repress dissent# +one of this seems consistent "ith neoliberal theory# 7he neoliberal fear that special-interest
groups "ould pervert and subvert the state is no"here better reali,ed than in Washington, "here armies of
corporate lobbyists 1many of "hom have ta2en advantage of the Irevolving doorJ bet"een state employment
and far more lucrative employment by the corporations3 effectively dictate legislation to match their special
interests# While some states continue to respect the traditional independence of the Civil Service, this condition
has every"here been under threat in the course of neoliberali,ation# The boundary between the state and
corporate power has become more and more porous& What remains of representative
democracy is overwhelmed% if not totally thouh leally corrupted by money power&
5olicy proposals have been stripped of political efficacy% reformism merely entrenches the
power of anti-environmental% casino capitalism
*iroux 1D 1Henry -# .iroux, .lobal 7K +et"or2 Chair in 8nglish and Cultural Studies at 9c9aster
Aniversity, C& June DBCD, Q>eyond the Politics of the >ig ?ie 7he 8ducation ;eficit and the +e"
-uthoritarianismR, http!!truth-out#org!opinion!item!&$M%-beyond-the-politics-of-the-big-lie-the-education-
deficit-and-the-ne"-authoritarianism, xdi3
7he democratic deficit is not, as many commentators have argued, reducible to the gro"ing 1and unparalleled3 ine5uality gap in the Anited
States, the pervasiveness of lending fraud, favorable tax treatment for the "ealthy, or the lac2 of ade5uate regulation of the financial sector# 7hese are important
issues, but they are more symptomatic than causal in relation to the democratic decline and rise of an uncivil culture in -merica# The democratic deficit
is closely related# however# to an unprecedented deficit in critical education# 7he po"er of finance capital in recent
years has not only targeted the realm of official politics, but also directed its attention to"ard a range of educational apparatuses - really, a vast
and complex ideological ecosystem that reproduces itself through nuance, distraction , innuendo, myths, lies
and misrepresentations # 7his media ecosystem not only changes our sense of time, space and information< it also redefines the very meaning of the
social and this is far from a democratic process, especially as the architecture of the 0nternet and other media platforms are largely in the hands of private interests#1C)3 7he
educational pipelines for corporate messages and ideology are every"here and have for the last t"enty-five
years successfully dro"ned out any serious criticism and challenge to mar2et fundamentalism# 7he current
corrupt and dysfunctional state of -merican politics is about a gro"ing authoritarianism tied to economic ,
political and cultural formations that have hi@ac2ed democracy and put structural and ideological forces in
place that constitute a new regime of politics, not simply a series of bad policies. The solution in this case
does not lie in promoting piecemeal reforms, such as a greater redistribution of "ealth and income, but in dismantling
all the institutional# ideological and social formations that make gratuitous inequality and other
antidemocratic forces possible at all# 8ven the concept of reform has been stripped of its democratic
possibilities and has become a euphemism to Qcover up the harsh realities of draconian cutbac2s in "ages,
salaries, pensions and public "elfare and the sharp increases in regressive taxes#"1C'3 0nstead of reversing
progressive changes made by "or2ers, "omen, young people, and others, the -merican public needs a ne" understanding of "hat it "ould
mean to advance the ideological and material relations of a real democracy , "hile removing -merican society
from the grip of "an authoritarian political culture#"1C%3 7his "ill re5uire ne" conceptions of politics, social
responsibility, po"er, civic courage, civil society and democracy itself# $f we do not safeguard the remaining
public spaces that provide individuals and social movements "ith ne" "ays to thin2 about and participate in
politics, then authoritarianism will solidify its hold on the %merican public# 0n doing so, it "ill create a culture that
criminali,es dissent, and those "ho suffer under antidemocratic ideologies and policies "ill be both blamed for
the current economic crisis and punished by ruling elites# What is crucial to grasp at the current historical
moment is that the fate of democracy is inextricably linked to a profound crisis of contemporary knowledge,
characteri,ed by its increasing commodification, fragmentation, privati,ation and a turn to"ard racist and
@ingoistic conceits# -s 2no"ledge becomes abstracted from the rigors of civic culture and is reduced to
5uestions of style, ritual and image, it undermines the political, ethical and governing conditions for
individuals to construct those viable public spheres necessary for debate, collective action and solving urgent
social problems# -s public spheres are privati,ed, commodified and turned over to the crushing forces of turbo
capitalism, the opportunities for openness# inclusiveness and dialogue that nurture the very idea and
possibility of a discourse about democracy cease to exist. 7he lesson to be learned in this instance is that political agency involves
learning ho" to deliberate, ma2e @udgments and exercise choices, particularly as the latter are brought to bear
on critical activities that offer the possibility of change# Civic education as it is experienced and produced throughout an ever-diminishing number of institutions
provides individuals "ith opportunities to see themselves as capable of doing more than the existing configurations of po"er of any given society
"ould "ish to admit# -nd it is precisely this notion of civic agency and critical education that has been under aggressive
assault "ithin the ne" and harsh corporate order of casino capitalism# -nti-Public 0ntellectuals and the Conservative Fe-8ducation 9achine 7he
conservative ta2eover of public pedagogy "ith its elite codifiers of neoliberal ideology has a long history extending from
the "or2 of the "Chicago >oys" at the Aniversity of Chicago to the various conservative thin2 tan2s that emerged after the publication of the Po"ell memo in the early seventies#1CM3 7he Fepublican Party "ill more than li2ely "in the next election
and ta2e full control over all aspects of policyma2ing in the Anited States# 7his is especially dangerous given that the Fepublican Party is no" controlled by extremists# 0f they "in the DBCD election, they "ill not only extend the >ush!:bama
legacy of militarism abroad, but li2ely intensify the "ar at home as "ell# Political scientist Erances Eox Piven rightly argues that, "We/ve been at "ar for decades no" - not @ust in
-fghanistan or 0ra5, but right here at home# ;omestically, it/s been a "ar OaPgainst the poor Oand asP devastating as it has been, the "ar
against the poor has gone largely unnoticed until no"#"1C(3 -nd the "ar at home no" includes more than attac2s on the poor, as campaigns are increasingly "aged against the rights of "omen, students, "or2ers, people of color and immigrants,
especially ?atino -mericans# -s the social state collapses, the punishing state expands its po"er and targets larger portions of the population# 7he
"ar in -fghanistan is no" mimic2ed in the "ar "aged on peaceful student protesters at home# 0t is evident in the environmental racism that produces massive health problems for -frican--mericans# 7he domestic "ar is
even "aged on elementary school children, "ho no" live in fear of the police handcuffing them in their
classrooms and incarcerating them as if they "ere adult criminals#1C$3 0t is "aged on "or2ers by ta2ing a"ay
their pensions, bargaining rights and dignity# 7he spirit of militarism is also evident in the "ar "aged on the
"elfare state and any form of social protection that benefits the poor, disabled, sic2, elderly, and other groups
no" considered disposable, including children# 7he soft side of authoritarianism in the Anited States does not need to put
soldiers in the streets, though it certainly follo"s that script# -s it expands its control over the commanding institutions of
government, the armed forces and civil society in general, it hires anti!public intellectuals and academics to provide ideological
support for its gated communities, institutions and modes of education# -s Gasha ?evine points out, it puts thousands of dollars in the hands of corporate
shills such as 9alcolm .lad"ell, "ho has become a "one man branding and distribution pipeline for valuable corporate messages, constructed on the public/s gullibility in trusting his probity and intellectual honesty#"1C&3 .lad"ell 1"ho is
certainly not alone3 functions as a bought-and-paid mouthpiece for ">ig 7obacco Pharma and defendOsP 8nron-style financial fraud ### earning hundreds of thousands of dollars as a corporate spea2er, sometimes from the same companies and
industries that he covers as a @ournalist#"1DB3 Corporate po"er uses these "pay to play" academics, anti-public intellectuals, the
mainstream media, and other educational apparatuses to discredit the very people that it simultaneously
oppresses, "hile "aging an overarching "ar on all things public# -s Charles Eerguson has noted, an entire industry has been
created that enables the "sale of academic expertise for the purpose of influencing government policy, the courts and public
opinion OandP is no" a multibillion-dollar business#"1DC3 0t gets "orse, in that "-cademic, legal, regulatory and policy consulting in economics, finance and
regulation is dominated by a half do,en consulting firms, several spea2ers/ bureaus and various industry lobbying groups that maintain large
net"or2s of academics for hire specifically for the purpose of advocating industry interests in policy and
regulatory debates#"1DD3 Such anti-public intellectuals create "hat William >lac2 has called a "criminogenic environment" that
spreads disease and fraud in the interest of bolstering the interests, profits and values of the super "ealthy#1D)3
7here is more at "or2 here than carpet bombing the culture "ith lies, deceptions and euphemisms. &anguage
in this case does more than obfuscate or promote propaganda. $t creates framing mechanisms# cultural
ecosystems and cultures of cruelty# while closing down the spaces for dialogue# critique and thoughtfulness# -t its
"orst, it engages in the dual processes of demoni,ation and distraction# 7he rhetoric of demoni,ation ta2es many forms for example, calling
firefighters, teachers, and other public servants greedy because they "ant to hold onto their paltry benefits# 0t labels
students as irresponsible because of the large debts they are forced to incur as states cut bac2 funding to higher education 1this, too, is part of a broader effort by conservatives to hollo" out the social state3# Poor people are insulted and
humiliated because they are forced to live on food stamps, lac2 decent health care and collect unemployment benefits because there are no decent @obs available# Poor minorities are no" sub@ect to overt racism in the right-"ing media and
outright violence in the larger society# -nti-public intellectuals rail against public goods and public values< they undermine collective bonds and vie" social responsibility as a pathology, "hile touting the virtues of a survival-of-the-fittest notion
of individual responsibility# Eox +e"s and its embarrassingly blo"hard pundits tell the -merican people that .ov# Scott Wal2er/s victory over 7om >arrett in the Wisconsin recall election "as a fatal blo" against unions, "hile in reality "his "in
signals less a loss for the unions than a loss for our democracy in this post-Citi,ens Anited era, "hen elections can be bought "ith the help of a fe" billionaires#"1D'3 Ho" else to explain that 7ea Party favorite Wal2er raised over W)B#% million
during the election - more than seven times >arrett/s reported W)#& million - largely from C) out-of-state billionairesT1D%3 7his "as corporate money enlisted for use in a pedagogical blit, designed to carpet bomb voters "ith the rhetoric of
distraction and incivility# 7he same pundits "ho rail against the country/s economic deficit fail to connect it to the generous tax cuts they espouse for corporations and the financial institutions and services that ta2e financial ris2s, "hich
sometimes generate capital, but more often produce debts and instability that only serve to deepen the national economic crisis# +or do they connect the AS recession and global economic crisis to the criminal activities enabled by an unregulated
financial system mar2ed by massive lending fraud, high ris2 speculation, a corrupt credit system and pervasive moral and economic dishonesty# 7he spo2espersons for the ultrarich publish boo2s arguing that "e need even more ine5uality
because it benefits not only the "ealthy, but everyone else#1DM3 7his is a form of authoritarian delusion that appears to meet the clinical threshold for being labeled psychopathic given its proponents/ extreme investment in being "indifferent to
others, incapable of guilt, exclusively devoted to their o"n interests#"1D(3 +othing is said in this pro-mar2et narrative about the massive human suffering caused by a gro"ing ine5uality in "hich society/s resources are s5uandered at the top, "hile
salaries for the middle and "or2ing classes stagnate, consumption dries up, social costs are ignored, young people are loc2ed out of @obs and any possibility of social mobility and the state reconfigures its po"er to punish rather than protect the
vast ma@ority of its citi,ens# 7he moral coma that appears characteristic of the elite "ho inhabit the ne" corporate ethic of casino capitalism has attracted the attention of scientists, "hose studies recently reported that "members of the upper class
are more li2ely to behave unethically, to lie during negotiations, to drive illegally and to cheat "hen competing for a pri,e#"1D$3 >ut there is more at sta2e here than the psychological state of those "ho inhabit the boardrooms of Wall Street# We
must also consider the catastrophic effects produced by their values and policies# 0n fact, Stiglit, has argued that, "9ost -mericans today are "orse off than they "ere fifteen years ago# - full-time "or2er in the AS is "orse off today then he or she
"as '' years ago# 7hat is astounding - half a century of stagnation# 7he economic system is not delivering# 0t does not matter "hether a fe" people at the top benefitted tremendously - "hen the ma@ority of citi,ens are not better off, the economic
system is not "or2ing#"1D&3 7he economic system may not be "or2ing, but the ideological rationales used to @ustify its current course appear immensely successful, managing as they do to portray a casino capitalism that transforms democracy
into its opposite - a form of authoritarianism "ith a soft edge - as utterly benign, if not also beneficial, to society at large# ;emocratic ;ecline and the Politics of ;istraction ;emocracy "ithers, public spheres disappear and the forces of
authoritarianism gro" "hen a family, such as the Waltons of Walmart fame, is allo"ed "to amass a combined "ealth of some W&B billion, "hich is e5uivalent to the "ealth of the entire bottom )B percent of AS society#"1)B3 Such enormous
amounts of "ealth translate into e5ually vast amounts of po"er, as is evident in the current attempts of a fe" billionaires to literally buy local, state and federal elections# 9oreover, a concentration of "ealth deepens the economic divide among
classes, rendering more and more individuals incapable of the most basic opportunities to move out of poverty and despair# 7his is especially true in light of a recent survey indicating that, "+early half of all -mericans lac2 economic security,
meaning they live above the federal poverty threshold but still do not have enough money to cover housing, food, healthcare and other basic expenses#### '% percent of AS residents live in households that struggle to ma2e ends meet# 7hat brea2s
do"n to )& percent of all adults and %% percent of all children#"1)C3 7he conse5uential impacts on civic engagement are more difficult to enumerate, but it does not re5uire much imagination to thin2 about ho" democracy might flourish if access
to health care, education, employment, and other public benefits "as ensured e5ually throughout a society and not restricted to the rich and "ealthy alone# -nd yet, as po"er and "ealth accrue to the upper C percent, the -merican public is
constantly told that the poor, the unions, feminists, critical intellectuals and public servants are "aging class "arfare to the detriment of civility and democracy# 7he late 7ony Judt stated that he "as less concerned about the slide of -merican
democracy into something li2e authoritarianism than -merican society moving to"ard something he vie"ed as even more corrosive "a loss of conviction, a loss of faith in the culture of democracy, a sense of s2epticism and "ithdra"al" that
diminishes the capacity of a democratic formative culture to resist and transform those antidemocratic ideologies that benefit only the mega corporations, the ultra"ealthy and ideological fundamentalists#1)D3 .overnance has turned into a
legitimation for enriching the already "ealthy elite, ban2ers, hedge fund managers, mega corporations and executive members of the financial service industries# -mericans no" live in a society in "hich only the thinnest conception of democracy
frames "hat it means to be a citi,en - one "hich e5uates the obligations of citi,enship "ith consumerism and democratic rights "ith alleged consumer freedoms# -ntidemocratic forms of po"er do not stand alone as a mode of force or the force of
acting on others< they are also deeply aligned "ith cultural apparatuses of persuasion, extending their reach through social and digital media, sophisticated technologies, the rise of corporate intellectuals and a university system that no" produces
and sanctions intellectuals aligned "ith private interests - all of "hich, as Fandy 9artin points out, can be identified "ith a form of casino capitalism that is about "permanent vigilance, activity and intervention#"1))3 0ndeed, many
institutions that provide formal education in the Anited States have become co-conspirators "ith a savage
casino capitalism , "hose strength lies in producing, circulating and legitimating mar2et values that promote
the narro" "orld of commodity "orship, celebrity culture, bare-2nuc2le competition, a retreat from social
responsibility and a "ar-of-all-against-all mentality that destroys any viable notion of community, the common good and the
interrelated notions of political, social and economic rights# Aniversity presidents no" ma2e huge salaries sitting on corporate boards, "hile faculty sell their 2no"ledge to the highest
corporate bidder and, in doing so, turn universities into legitimation centers for casino capitalism#1)'3 :f course, such
academics also move from the boardrooms of ma@or corporations to tal2 sho"s and op-ed pages of ma@or ne"spapers, offering commentary in @ournals and other modes of print and screen culture# 7hey are the ne"
traveling intellectuals of casino capitalism, doing everything they can to ma2e the ruthless "or2ings of po"er
invisible , to shift the blame for society/s failures onto the very people "ho are its victims and to expand the institutions and culture of anti-
intellectualism and distraction into every aspect of -merican life# -cross all levels, politics in the Anited States no" suffers from an education deficit that
enables a pedagogy of distraction to dictate "ith little accountability ho" crucial social problems and issues are
named, discussed and acted upon# 7he conservative re-education machine appears shameless in its production
of lies that include insane assertions such as :bama/s health care legislation "ould create death panels< liberals are "aging a "ar on Christmas< :bama is a socialist trying to nationali,e
industries< the founding fathers tried to end slavery< and :bama is a 9uslim sympathi,er and not a AS citi,en# :ther misrepresentations and distortions include the denial of global "arming< the government
cannot create @obs< cuts in "ages and benefits create @obs< :bama has created massive deficits< :bama "ants to raise the taxes of "or2ing- and middle-class people< :bama is constantly "apologi,ing" for -merica< and the assertion that ;ar"inian
evolution is a myth#1)%3 Fepublican presidential candidate 9itt Fomney continues spinning this spider "eb of lies unapologetically, even "hen members of his o"n party point out the inconsistencies in his claims# Eor instance, he has claimed
that, ":bamacare increases the deficit,"1)M3 argued that :bama has "increased the national debt more than all other presidents combined" and insisted that :bama has lied about "his record on gay rights#" He has falsely claimed that, ":bama
promised unemployment belo" eight percent,"1)(3 dodged the truth regarding "his position on climate change" and blatantly misrepresented the truth in stating that, "he pays a %B\ tax rate#"1)$3 ;iane Favitch has recently pointed out that in
ma2ing a case for vouchers, Fomney has made false claims about the success of the ;C voucher program#1)&3 7he politics of distraction should not be reduced merely to a
rhetorical ploy used by the "ealthy and influential to promote their o"n interests and po"er# 0t is a form of
mar2et-driven politics in "hich educational force of the broader culture is used to create ideologies# policies#
individuals and social agents who lack the knowledge# critical skills and discriminatory @udgments to 5uestion
the rule of casino capitalis m and the values, social practices and po"er formations it legitimates# Politics and
education have al"ays mutually informed each other as pedagogical sites proliferate and circulate throughout the cultural
landscape#1'B3 >ut today, distraction is the primary element being used to suppress democratically purposeful education by
pushing critical thought to the margins of society# -s a register of po"er, distraction becomes central to a pedagogical
landscape inhabited by rich conservative foundations, an army of "ell-funded anti-public intellectuals from both ma@or
parties, a gro"ing number of amply funded conservative campus organi,ations, increasing numbers of academics "ho hoc2 their services to corporations
and the military-industrial complex, and others "ho promote the ideology of casino capitalism and the
corporate right/s agenda# -cademics "ho ma2e a claim to producing 2no"ledge and truth in the public interest
are increasingly being replaced by academics for hire "ho move effortlessly among industry, government and
academia# 8xtreme po"er is no" sho"cased through the mechanisms of ever-proliferating
cultural!educational apparatuses and the anti-public intellectuals "ho support them and are in turn re"arded
by the elites "ho finance such apparatuses# 7he "ar at home is made visible in the sho" of force aimed at civilian populations, including students, "or2ers, and others considered disposable or a
threat to the ne" authoritarianism# 0ts most po"erful allies appear to be the intellectuals, institutions, cultural apparatuses and ne" media technologies that constitute the sites of public pedagogy, "hich produce the formative culture necessary
for authoritarianism to thrive# While a change in consciousness does not guarantee a change in either one/s politics or society, it
is a crucial precondition for connecting what it means to think otherwise to conditions that make it possible
to act otherwise# 7he education deficit must be seen as intert"ined "ith a political deficit, serving to ma2e
many oppressed individuals complicit "ith oppressive ideologies# -s the late Cornelius Castoriadis made clear, democracy re5uires
"critical thin2ers capable of putting existing institutions into 5uestion#### "hile simultaneously creating the conditions for individual and social autonomy#"1'C3
Nothing will change politically or economically until new and emerging social movements take seriously the
need to develop a language of radical reform and create new public spheres that support the 2no"ledge, s2ills
and critical thought that are necessary features of a democratic formative culture# .etting beyond the big lie as
a precondition for critical thought, civic engagement and a more reali,ed democracy will mean more than correcting distortions#
misrepresentations and falsehoods produced by politicians, media tal2ing heads and anti-public intellectuals# $t will also require
addressing how new sites of pedagogy have become central to any viable notion of agency, politics and
democracy itself# 7his is not a matter of elevating cultural politics over material relations of po"er as much as it
is a rethin2ing of ho" po"er deploys culture and ho" culture as a mode of education positions po"er# James >ald"in, the
legendary -frican--merican "riter and civil rights activist, argued that the big lie points to a crisis of -merican identity and politics and is symptomatic of "a bac2"ard society" that has descended into madness, "especially "hen one is forced to
lie about one/s aspect of anybody/s history, Obecause you thenP must lie about it all#"1'D3 He goes on to argue "that one of the paradoxes of education OisP that precisely at the point "hen you begin to develop a conscience, you must find yourself at
"ar "ith your society# 0t is your responsibility to change society if you thin2 of yourself as an educated person#"1')3 What >ald"in recogni,es is that learning has the possibility to trigger a
critical engagement "ith oneself, others and the larger society ! education becomes in this instance more than
a method or tool for domination but a politics# a fulcrum for democratic social change# 7ragically, in our
current climate "learning" merely contributes to a vast reserve of manipulation and self-inflicted ignorance#
:ur education deficit is neither reducible to the failure of particular types of teaching nor the decent into madness by the spo2espersons for the
ne" authoritarianism# Father, it is about ho" matters of 2no"ledge, values and ideology can be struggled over as issues of
po"er and politics# Surviving the current education deficit "ill depend on progressives using history, memory
and 2no"ledge not only to reconnect intellectuals to the everyday needs of ordinary people, but also to
@umpstart social movements by ma2ing education central to organi,ed politics and the 5uest for a radical
democracy#
aDG framework
:ramework aruments are uniquely dumb aainst a criticism that says we should not do the
plan& There's only a risk we make them think harder and debate better% forcin unique
education and challenin them to defend their advocacy from multiple positions
$ounter-interpretation -- we et to defend enactin the criticism of the 1nc as political dissent&
5refer itG
(& =o *round >oss- our qritiq doesn't moot the 1($% )ust forces them to )ustify their
advantae claims& (ff still ets to weih their case% solves all their offense
'& =e 5redictability- prevents the affirmative from arbitrarily pickin which parts of their
1ac they want to defend like every third word in their plan text or only he advantaes by
forcin them to defend the 1ac in the entirety
$& 4ey to Test the (ff- forces better Dac explanation on multiple different levels -- more
testin is better
D& 4ey to $heck $ritical (dd--ns- the aff can read add-ons based off their assumptions that
the ne should be able to hede aainst by critici!in the political resolution of those
assumptions from the et-o
(nd their framework makes them not topical
(3D ;M -merican Heritage ;ictionary
resolved v& To cause .a person/ to reach a decision&
=on-topicality is infinitely unpredictable and is a voter for fairness
(nd% if it<s a question of tyin our advocacy to reality it is the 1($ that is playin fantasy ames N
the illusion of market efficiency presupposes corporate entities as homoenous oranic units
actin in their own self-interests N in fact contemporary corporate entities are controlled by an
elite who manufactures fictitious capital to )ustify cannabali!in as much of the material basis
for their orani!ation<s wealth as possible before their olden parachutes kick in N we<re on the
side of truth
'all ;B Yaryn, -ssociate Professor in the ;epartment of 8nglish and Eilm Studies at the Aniversity of -lberta
Q;eath-;riven Eutures, or Gou Can/t Spell ;econstruction "ithout 8nronR Cultural Criti5ue - M%, Eall DBB(, pp#
M-'D OmuseP
The widespread collusion in ?nron's malfeasance exposed the O8nd Page D$P limits of the
,efficient market hypothesis," which assumes that chief officers and board members share a
self-preservative interest in protectin the companies they direct over the lon term by
properly reconi!in the ratio between debits and incomes& 7his recognition determines a firm/s
ability to honor its contractual promises to support operating costs, including payroll< to obtain insurance
against ris2< and to ac5uire credit for pro@ects# Hence the rationale of transparency in financial discourse is to
under"rite the integrity of the promise as a fulcrum of corporate survival# "8nronitus" continues to provo2e
public anxiety# 8nron/s ban2ruptcy announcement t"o "ee2s before the publication of the >ush commission
on Social Security contributed to the president/s failure to generate support for privati,ing the A#S# pension
system "ith no safeguards and for removing the earnings lin2 indexation for the pension#
&&
>lac2burn cites this
failure to counter -dam Harmes/s claim that the "/norms and practices of finance capital/ have become deeply
embedded among savers and pension-holders /in a "ay that a do"nturn in the stoc2 mar2et cannot destroy#/"
CBB
-fter the ban2ruptcy, >lac2burn asserts, it was ,widely acknowleded in the financial press that the
malpractices of ?nron's manaement were to be found in many of the companies,I such
practices had only been possible throuh the complicity of ?nron's auditors% lawyers% and
bankers I and ,the company had been able to buy influence with almost every leadin
politician&,
101
#uch an exposure called ,into question the workin of nearly every key institution
and practice of corporate (merica, and spotlihted the elites' cynicism ,as they sacrificed and
misappropriated the savins of millions of employees&,
CBD
:aith in market rationality
presupposes the imminence of discipline and punishmentG the prospect
that the #?$ or the 08# will eventually catch corporate miscreants% hold
them to their promises % and make them answerable for their debts # 8ven
though the S8C under .eorge W# >ush has been underfunded and understaffed, the assumption prevails that
the ?a"/s ga,e is internali,ed by executives, "ho "ill self-regulate in order to avoid the legal and financial
repercussions of random surveillance# 7his complacency "as shared by highly paid expert analysts "ho did not
feel pressed to dissect 8nron/s abstruse financial statements# Smith and 8msh"iller observe that @ournalists
also "loo2ed to other organi,ations to 2eep corporations li2e 8nron O8nd Page D&P honest# -s long as
companies produced audited financial statements for the S8C, there "as an assumption that the numbers "ere
good#"
CB)
0nvestors and shareholders shore up the market efficiency fantasy when they pursue
their interests as if there is a natural .self-preservative/ and therefore universal commitment
to self-reulation amon corporate officers and independent auditorsI however% ?nron's case
reveals that accountants affiliated with a prestiious firm like (ndersen may be induced to
undermine the credibility of their certification in bundlin their tax advice with accountin
practices and acceptin additional compensation in fees&
CB'
7he lo" visibility of sanctions on
accountants "ho blur legal boundaries in structuring a company/s transactions so as to minimi,e tax and
increase cash in the "corporate till" reinforce their incentive to ta2e fees# -ccording to Smith and 8msh"iller,
-ndersen "pulled in over W%B million a year in fees, more than half of it derived from the consulting side#"
CB%

-uditing and tax-planning services are sub@ect to different la"s, but "hen accountants adopt a formalist
approach to the tax code in interpreting a company/s finances, then the constraints that apply to accounting
planning must be manipulated to confirm this interpretation# .ordon suggests that ,myopically applied,
accountin rules disareate financial statements and authori!e a distortion of the underlyin
economic reality&
10M
#uch cosmetic reconciliations amon different facets of the corporation's
financial imae are not typically disclosed to its clients and shareholders &
aDG cede the political
-nly the 1ac links to this arument -- they are a depolitici!ed corporate domination of the
public sphere that attempts to couch all dissent in the lanuae of policy elites
*or! <AA -ndre, political ecologist, editor of ?es 7emps 9oderne QFeclaiming Wor2 >eyond the Wage->ased
SocietyR trans# Chris 7urner, Polity Press p# CM-C&
7H8 8+; :E 8C:+:90C +-70:+-?0S9 The company is a transnational network and its co-
ordination and strateic decision-makin centre has a nationality only in appearance% as a by-
product of its oriins# The reistered offices can be anywhere at all& 7hrough transfer pricing, the
company makes its profits wherever it pays the lowest taxes H or no taxes at all& 0t neotiates
with nation-states as one power with another% plays them off aainst each other and sets up its
production units in the places where it ets the larest subsidies and tax breaks % the best
infrastructure % and a disciplined and cheap workforce # 0n this "ay, it gains for itself a 2ind of
extra-territoriality divesting the nation-state of those t"o attributes of sovereignty the po"er to raise taxes and
the po"er to set the rate at "hich they are raised# ICapital is no" the Qsole possessorR of sovereignty,J "rites
9arco Fevelli, Ibeing able to lord it over nations and decide their fatesJ and Idictate its o"n rules to the former
sovereignJ# =ever before had capitalism manaed to free itself so completely from political
power& >ut "e should note that it is only nation- states that are circumvented in this "ay# -nd that it has only
succeeded in dominating them by establishing an omnipresent, supra-national state "ith its o"n institutions,
apparatuses and net"or2s of influence# 7hose institutions are, of course, the W7: 1ex-.-773, the 09E, the
World >an2 and the :8C;# 7hey it is that formulate and enforce the binding regulations and la"s of free
competition and the free circulation of goods and capital, and that propagate the neo-liberal credo that all
problems are best resolved by allo"ing free rein to the la"s of the mar2et# With the supra-national state of
capital we see for the first time a state free of any territoriality% whose power% thouh it is
imposed from outside on territoriali!ed states% does not recreate any other political arena
outside of them# 0t is, rather, independent and separated from any society# 0t is situated in a non-place,
"hence it limits and regulates the po"er of societies to determine "hat happens in their places# Without either
a social base or a political constitution, it is a pure apparatus expressing the rights of globali,ed capital#
'ein itself a power without a society% it tends to enender societies
without power & 0t throws states into crisis% discredits politics% imposin its demands for
mobility% ;flexibility<% privati!ation and dereulation% lower public expenditure% and reduced
social costs and waes % which are all alleedly indispensable for the free operation of the law of
the market& The denationali!ation of economies inevitably runs up aainst resistance
.ineffective because it is merely national/% which splits both the political riht and left down the
middle & :n the one hand, there is the globalist, neo-liberal, ideologically 1if not politically3 pro- -merican
bourgeoisie, "hich favours diluting the 8uropean Anion to ma2e it a free trade area "ith -merica< on the other
side there are the traditional industries and bourgeoisies, the pre-capitalist strata and some of the trade unions#
Fanged against the unified onslaught of globali,ing capital "e have, then, the disordered resistance of
antagonistic strata and classes running from the extreme right to the extreme left, "ho can generally find little
"ith "hich to oppose capitalJs globalism except various forms of national conservatism or statism#
=eoliberalism is ideoloically and historically desined to fracture coalitions
3arvey '9 ;avid, ;avid Harvey is the ;istinguished Professor of -nthropology and .eography at the
.raduate Center of the City Aniversity of +e" Gor2# "- >rief History of +eoliberalism"
http!!messhall#org!"p-content!uploads!DBCC!B&!-->rief-History-of-+eoliberalism#pdf, xdi
@alues of individual freedom and social )ustice are not, ho"ever, necessarily compatible# 5ursuit
of social )ustice presupposes social solidarities and a willinness to
submere individual wants% needs% and desires in the cause of some more
eneral strule for% say% social equality or environmental @ustice# 7he ob@ectives of social
@ustice and individual freedom "ere uneasily fused in the movement of JM$# 7he tension "as most evident in
the fraught relationship bet"een the traditional left 1organi,ed labour and political parties espousing social
solidarities3 and the student movement desirous of individual liberties# 7he suspicion and hostility that
separated these t"o fractions in Erance 1e#g# the Communist Party and the student movement3 during the
events of C&M$ is a case in point# While it is not impossible to bridge such differences, it is not hard to see ho" a
"edge might be driven bet"een them# =eoliberal rhetoric% with its foundational
emphasis upon individual freedoms% has the power to split off
libertarianism% identity politics% multiculturalism% and eventually
narcissistic consumerism from the social forces raned in pursuit of social
)ustice throuh the conquest of state power# 0t has long proved extremely difficult "ithin
the AS left, for example, to forge the collective discipline re5uired for political action to achieve social @ustice
"ithout offending the desire of political actors for individual freedom and for full recognition and expression of
particular identities# +eoliberalism did not create these distinctions, but it could easily exploit, if not foment,
them# 0n the early C&(Bs those see2ing individual freedoms and social @ustice could ma2e common cause in the
face of "hat many sa" as a common enemy# Po"erful corporations in alliance "ith an interventionist state
"ere seen to be running the "orld in individually oppressive and socially un@ust "ays# 7he Kietnam War "as
the most obvious catalyst for discontent, but the destructive activities of corporations and the state in relation
to the environment, the push to"ards mindless consumerism, the failure to address social issues and respond
ade5uately to diversity, as "ell as intense restrictions on individual possibilities and personal behaviours by
state-mandated and ItraditionalJ controls "ere also "idely resented# $ivil rihts were an issue% and
questions of sexuality and of reproductive rihts were very much in play& :or almost everyone
involved in the movement of <MJ% the intrusive state was the enemy and it had to be reformed&
(nd on that% the neoliberals could easily aree# >ut capitalist corporations, business, and the mar2et
system "ere also seen as primary enemies re5uiring redress if not revolutionary transformation hence the
threat to capitalist class po"er# >y capturing ideals of individual freedom and turning them against the
interventionist and regulatory practices of the state, capitalist class interests could hope to protect and even
restore their position# +eoliberalism "as "ell suited to this ideological tas2# >ut it had to be bac2ed up by a
practical strategy that emphasi,ed the liberty of consumer choice, not only "ith respect to particular products
but also "ith respect to lifestyles, modes of expression, and a "ide range of cultural practices#
=eoliberali!ation required both politically and economically the construction of a neoliberal
market-based populist culture of differentiated consumerism and individual libertarianism& (s
such it proved more than a little compatible with that cultural impulse called ;postmodernism<
which had lon been lurkin in the wins but could now emere full-blown as both a cultural
and an intellectual dominant& 7his "as the challenge that corporations and class elites set out to finesse in
the C&$Bs.
Their assumption that the >eft has to achieve solidarity in order to be effective is both
impossible and historically flawed Nonly antaonistic dialoue can foster effective political
action
$onnolly ;AA, Prof Pol 7heory ] Johns Hop2ins, C&&&
1William 8#, >oundary D, DM#)3
0 focus here on the academy# The academy is crucial because it has served as an important relay
point in many vibrant social movements of the last few decades% includin the war on poverty
and the civil rihts% antiwar% disarmament% divestment in #outh (frica% feminist% ay rihts% and
ecoloy movements& When the academic ?eft is active, it enters into a series of connections "ith critical
branches of the media, street activists, adventurous elements in organi,ed labor, and creative religious
institutions# Today% however% the academic >eft is divided aainst itself, and it is generally held in lo"
regard by those fe" in the media "ho identify "ith progressive politics# #ome contend that the academic
>eft must strive to restore internal solidarity so it can secure a more solid foothold from which
to reach out to other critical forces& This does not seem like the most promisin approach to me#
0ndeed, 0 thin2 the reflexlike demand to attain solidarity on the >eft exacerbates differences
within it and accelerates defections from it& ( better stratey is to promote aonistic respect
between various components of the >eft so that those uly strules to monopoli!e left
enclaves% hettos% and caves in the academy can be attenuated& 8ach orientation on the ?eft, in my
fantasy "orld, "ould articulate comparatively its political focus and priorities, as "ell as its theoretical and
metaphysical perspectives# 7hese differences, and the numerous relays bet"een them, "ould be contested
actively in a variety of forums# 7he contending parties might move each other in one "ay or another# >ut amid
the s"irl of these differences, they "ould also enter into selective coalitions on specific political issues# 7he
demand for left solidarity "ould melt a"ay as more constituencies understood thatSiven the reat
diversity of experiences out of which a critical temper is honed and the corollary multiplication
of sites of political action that mark the late-modern timeHthe demand for solidarity itself
breaks down the plurality of the >eft into a set of warrin factions& The specter hauntin the
>eft today is an unattractive set of internal strules for heemony in O8nd Page '$P which each
party calls the other names that ive ammunition to the cultural 8iht&
"nity wrouht throuh exclusion results in >eftist paralysis& $ritical contestations such as our
indictments are the only intellectualism that sustains the possibility of truly proressive
politics
'utler <AJ Judith 'utler, Chairperson of Comparative ?iterature and Fhteoric ] AC >er2eley, C&AJ
1Q9arxism and the 9erely CulturalR The New &eft 'eview, January-Eebruary, p# )(3
What the resurent orthodoxy may resent about new social movements is precisely the vitality
that such movements are en)oyin# Paradoxically, the very movements that continue to 2eep the ?eft alive
are credited "ith its paralysis# -lthough 0 "ould agree that a narro"ly identitarian construal of such
movements leads to a narro"ing of the political field, there is no reason to assume that such social movements
are reducible to their identitarian formations# The problem of unity or, more modestly, of solidarity
cannot be resolved throuh the transcendence or obliteration of this field% and certainly not
throuh the vain promise of retrievin a unity wrouht throuh exclusions% one that
reinstitutes subordination as the condition of its own possibility& 7he only possible unity "ill not be
the synthesis of a set of conflicts, but "ill be a mode of sustaining conflict in politically productive "ays,
practice of contestation that demands that these movements articulate their goals under the pressure of each
other "ithout therefore exactly becoming each other#
aDG no alternative
The notion that there is no alternative to neoliberalism is an ideoloical smokescreen of
neoliberalism -- it disuises the political question of possibility throuh the lens of cultural
preference
3arvey '9 ;avid, ;avid Harvey is the ;istinguished Professor of -nthropology and .eography at the
.raduate Center of the City Aniversity of +e" Gor2# "- >rief History of +eoliberalism"
http!!messhall#org!"p-content!uploads!DBCC!B&!-->rief-History-of-+eoliberalism#pdf, xdi
Ho" "as neoliberali,ation accomplished, and by "homT 7he ans"er in countries such as Chile and -rgentina
in the C&(Bs "as as simple as it "as s"ift, brutal, and sure a military coup bac2ed by the traditional upper
classes 1as "ell as by the AS government3, follo"ed by the fi erce repression of all solidarities created "ithin the
labour and urban social movements "hich had so threatened their po"er# >ut the neoliberal revolution usually
attributed to 7hatcher and Feagan after C&(& had to be accomplished by democratic means# Eor a shift of this
magnitude to occur re5uired the prior construction of political consent across a su ffi ciently large spectrum of
the population to "in elections# What .ramsci calls Icommon senseJ 1de fi ned as Ithe sense held in commonJ3
typically grounds consent# Common sense is constructed out of longstanding practices of cultural sociali,ation
often rooted deep in regional or national traditions# 0t is not the same as the Igood senseJ that can be
constructed out of critical engagement "ith the issues of the day# Common sense can, therefore, be profoundly
misleading, obfuscating or disguising real problems under cultural pre@udices# C Cultural and traditional values
1such as belief in .od and country or vie"s on the position of "omen in society3 and fears 1of communists,
immigrants, strangers, or IothersJ3 can be mobili,ed to mas2 other realities# Political slogans can be invo2ed
that mas2 speci fi c strategies beneath vague rhetorical devices# The word ;freedom< resonates so widely
within the common-sense understandin of (mericans that it becomes ;a button that elites can
press to open the door to the masses< to )ustify almost anythin& D Thus could 'ush
retrospectively )ustify the 0raq war& *ramsci therefore concluded that political questions
become ;insoluble< when ;disuised as cultural ones<& ) 0n see2ing to understand the construction of
political consent, "e must learn to extract political meanings from their cultural integuments# So ho", then,
"as su ffi cient popular consent generated to legitimi,e the neoliberal turnT 7he channels through "hich this
"as done "ere diverse# Po"erful ideological in fl uences circulated through the corporations, the media, and
the numerous institutions that constitute civil society HH such as the universities, schools, churches, and
professional associations# 7he Ilong marchJ of neoliberal ideas through these institutions that Haye2 had
envisaged bac2 in C&'(, the organi,ation of thin2-tan2s 1"ith corporate bac2ing and funding3, the capture of
certain segments of the media, and the conversion of many intellectuals to neoliberal "ays of thin2ing, created
a climate of opinion in support of neoliberalism as the exclusive guarantor of freedom# 7hese movements "ere
later consolidated through the capture of political parties and, ultimately, state po"er# -ppeals to traditions
and cultural values bul2ed large in all of this# -n open pro@ect around the restoration of economic po"er to a
small elite "ould probably not gain much popular support# >ut a programmatic attempt to advance the cause
of individual freedoms could appeal to a mass base and so disguise the drive to restore class po"er#
Eurthermore, once the state apparatus made the neoliberal turn it could use its po"ers of persuasion, co-
optation, bribery, and threat to maintain the climate of consent necessary to perpetuate its po"er# 7his "as
7hatcherJs and FeaganJs particular forte, as "e shall see# 3ow% then% did neoliberalism neotiate the
turn to so comprehensively displace embedded liberalism+ 0n some instances% the answer
larely lies in the use of force .either military% as in $hile% or fi nancial% as throuh the
operations of the 06: in 6o!ambique or the 5hilippines/& $oercion can produce a fatalistic%
even ab)ect% acceptance of the idea that there was and is% as 6araret Thatcher kept insistin%
;no alternative< & 7he active construction of consent has also varied from place to place# Eurthermore, as
numerous oppositional movements attest, consent has often "ilted or failed in di ff erent places# >ut "e must
loo2 beyond these in fi nitely varied ideological and cultural mechanisms HH no matter ho" important they are
HH to the 5ualities of everyday experience in order to better identify the material grounding for the
construction of consent# -nd it is at that level HH through the experience of daily life under capitalism in the
C&(Bs HH that "e begin to see ho" neoliberalism penetrated Icommon-senseJ understandings# 7he e ff ect in
many parts of the "orld has increasingly been to see it as a necessary, even "holly InaturalJ, "ay for the social
order to be regulated# (ny political movement that holds individual freedoms to
be sacrosanct is vulnerable to incorporation into the neoliberal fold& 7he
"orld"ide political upheavals of C&M$, for example, "ere strongly in fl ected "ith the desire for greater
personal freedoms# 7his "as certainly true for students, such as those animated by the >er2eley Ifree speechJ
movement of the C&MBs or "ho too2 to the streets in Paris, >erlin, and >ang2o2 and "ere so mercilessly shot
do"n in 9exico City shortly before the C&M$ :lympic .ames# 7hey demanded freedom from parental,
educational, corporate, bureaucratic, and state constraints# >ut the JM$ movement also had social @ustice as a
primary political ob@ective#
6icro-level labor conflict resultin from fewer people doin more work breeds micro-level
backlash aainst the primacy of future capital accumulation over present everyday life% openin
up space for coalition-buildin and macropolitical restructurin
Dyer-Witheford ;1 +ic2, -ssociate Professor in the Eaculty of 0nformation and 9edia Studies at the
Aniversity of Western :ntario, Q7he +e" Combinations Fevolt of the .lobal Kalue-Sub@ectsR 7he +e"
Centennial Fevie", Kolume C, +umber ), Winter DBBC, pp# C%%-DBB 1-rticle3 OmuseP, xdi
9arxian crisis theory sho"s ho" difficulties in synchroni!in activities around this circuit make
capital liable to continuous breakdown and restructurin# 7he autonomist perspective emphasi,es
ho" these crises are% at root% problems in capital<s control over human sub)ects% both cause and
effect of contested social relations & 7hus, for example, we can add to the work strules at the
point of production poor people<s movements that challene the exclusion from consumption
of the un- and underemployed% the multifarious mobili!ations aainst the underfundin and
deradation of the welfare state% and the reen challenes to corporate environmental
destruction& These contestations can link and interact with each other% producin a circulation
of strules that both mirrors and subverts the circulation of capital# 7hese combinations can occur
in se5uences that start at different points and run in different directions# 0ndeed, in one sense it is a mis-
formulation to spea2 of the lin2ing of these movements as if each "ere external to the other, for in some "ays
the relation is more a E8ussian dollF affair in which each conflict discovers others nested within
it# So, for example, every crisis in the sphere of social reproduction reveals within itself a crisis of
productive relations .stressed and exploited teachers% raduate students% doctors% nurses/% and
every workplace is discovered as a site of environmental issues% and all of these in turn contain
an issue of the public consumption of mis- and dis-information enerated by a commercial
media &
:ramin micropolitical networks as actants of power is crucial to understand how Epolitical
eventsF become historically constructed throuh the accumulation of Ecommon senseF about
what is and is not possible

'leiker ;O Foland, Professor of 0nternational Felations, Aniversity of [ueensland Q;iscourse and Human
-gencyR Contemporary Political 7heory# -venel 9ar DBB)#Kol# D, 0ss# C< pg# D%, xdi
Confronting the difficulties that arise "ith this dualistic dilemma, 0 have sought to advance a positive concept
of human agency that is neither grounded in a stable essence nor dependent upon a presupposed notion of the
sub@ect# 7he ensuing @ourney has ta2en me, painted in very broad stro2es, along the follo"ing circular
tra@ectory of revealing and concealing discourses are po"erful forms of domination# 7hey frame the
parameters of thin2ing processes# 7hey shape political and social interactions# Get, discourses are not
invincible# 7hey may be thin# 7hey may contain crac2s# >y moving the ga,e from epistemological to ontological
spheres, one can explore "ays in "hich individuals use these crac2s to escape aspects of the discursive order#
7o recogni,e the potential for human agency that opens up as a result of this process, one needs to shift foci
again, this time from concerns "ith >eing to an in5uiry into tactical behaviours# 9oving bet"een various
hyphenated identities, individuals use ensuing mobile sub@ectivities to engage in daily acts of dissent, "hich
gradually transform societal values# :ver an extended period of time, such tactical expressions of human
agency gradually transform societal values# >y returning to epistemological levels, one can then conceptuali,e
ho" these transformed discursive practices engender processes of social change# 0 have used everyday
forms of resistance to illustrate how discourses not only frame and sub)uate our thouhts and
behaviour% but also offer possibilities for human aency& =eedless to say% discursive dissent is
not the only practice of resistance that can exert human aency& There are many political
actions that seek immediate chanes in policy or institutional structures% rather than 'mere'
shifts in societal consciousness& (lthouh some of these actions undoubtedly achieve results%
they are often not as potent as they seem& -r% rather% their endurin effect may well be
primarily discursive% rather than institutional& +iet,sche 1C&$Db, D')3 already 2ne" that the reatest
events 'are not our loudest but our stillest hours&' This is why he stressed that the world
revolves 'not around the inventors of new noise% but around the inventors of new values&' (nd
this is why% for :oucault too% the crucial site for political investiations are not institutions%
even thouh they are often the place where power is inscribed and crystalli!ed& The
fundamental point of anchorae of power relations% :oucault claims% is always located outside
institutions% deeply entrenched within the social nexus& 3ence% instead of lookin at power
from the vantae point of institutions% one must analyse institutions from the standpoint of
power relations 1Eoucault, C&$D, DC&-DDD3#
aDG corporatism key to rowth
8elyin on corporations for rowth uarantees lobal economic collapse
Webber ;9 Susan founder of -urora -dvisors, a management-consulting firm based in +e" Gor2# Q7he
0ncredible Shrin2ing CorporationR -cross the >oard, +ov!;ec,
http!!"""#auroraadvisors#com!articles!Shrin2ing#pdf, xdi
9iserly capital investment# So where are these corporate profits oin+ -ne thin is clearG They are
not bein used to fund future rowth# :rdinarily, the business sector borro"s to invest in productive
pro@ects and assets, and these borro"ings are funded by households# >ut companies are savin at an
unprecedented rate% accumulatin cash rather than financin new initiatives& $ompanies
typically invest in times like these% when profits are hih and interest rates low& Get a recent JP
9organ report notes that, since DBBD, -merican companies have incurred an average net financial surplus of
C#( percent of .;P, "hich contrasts "ith an average deficit of C#D percent of .;P for the preceding forty years#
While firms in aggregate have occasionally run a surplus, Q# # # the recent level of saving by corporates is
unprecedented# # # # 0t is important to stress that the present situation is in some sense unnatural# - more
normal situation "ould be for the global corporate sectorSin both the .M and emerging economiesSto be
borro"ing, and for households in the .M economies to be saving more, ahead of the deterioration in
demographics&F This anorexic spendin isn<t simply suboptimal for individual companiesHit
)eopardi!es the world economy& 0ndeed, the JP 9organ paper blames the rise in corporate savings for the
DBBB-B) decline in global gro"th rates# >ook at Papan<s companiesG #ince 1AAK% they have been net
savers% payin down debt incurred durin the country<s bubble era& 'ut while the companies<
bottom lines look solid% their weak investment and hirin have reduced Papan<s rowth to an
anemic level& $ontinued hih levels of corporate savins could put (merica on the Papanese
tra)ectory&
6=$s make lon-term wae decline inevitable
>eahy and 5avelin ;K ;ermot, Aniversity of ;ublin, Stephen, Professor of 8conomics at the Aniversity of
Feading Q;ivide and Fule .eographical ;iversification and the 9ultinational EirmR :pen economies revie"
C% )M)H)(', DBB' Ospringerlin2P, xdi
>riefly put, the idea is thisG a firm may choose to have forein production in order to improve its
barainin position versus local labour unions% and so secure lower waes than if they
remained domestic# Eurthermore, choosing to have a plant in more than one foreign country may lo"er
"ages further# 7hus, the firm is faced with a potential link between the wae rate and its deree of
eoraphical diversification& #pecifically% the reater is the firm<s eoraphical diversification
.i&e&% the more countries in which it has a plant/ the lower miht waes be# ?eading firms are
typically highly geographically diversified# Eor example, leading 8A firms "ill most often have operations in
more than t"o or three 8A countries# 0t is most relevant to focus upon "ithin-industry geographical
diversification if an 8A-o"ned firm has a foreign plant in an 8A country, in ho" many other 8A countries is
the firm active in the same industryT - recent study by Pavelin 1DBBB3 sho"s that leading 8A firms are on
average active in three other 8A countries#D 0ndeed, a foreign plant in the larger 8A countries, such as AY,
.ermany and Erance, "ill on average be accompanied by similar operations by the same firm in four other 8A
countries< for the smaller 8A countries, such as 0reland, Portugal and .reece, the figure is around six# Such a
pattern of foreign production might arise from a succession of entirely separate E;0 decisions# 0nstead, "e aim
here to investigate one potential motive for E;0 that arises out of a firmJs desire to adopt its optimal degree of
geographical diversification# 7he idea that a firm may, by being multinational, improve its bargaining position
versus "or2ers, is one that has been sub@ect to informal discussion in the theory of the multinational enterprise
1see for example Co"ling and Sugden 1C&$(33#) 0t is argued that an 6=? can use a threat to shift
production away from a particular site to influence its relations with unions in each country in
which it produces& This ensures that the unions compete amon themselves for employment
within the firm& #uch competition bids down waes below those available to a uninational firm&
The firm<s status as a multinational is crucial% as it makes credibleK the threat to shift
production away from each country&
*eoraphical diversification has an inverse and proportional relation to waes
>eahy and 5avelin ;K ;ermot, Aniversity of ;ublin, Stephen, Professor of 8conomics at the Aniversity of
Feading Q;ivide and Fule .eographical ;iversification and the 9ultinational EirmR :pen economies revie"
C% )M)H)(', DBB' Ospringerlin2P, xdi
7his simple model is a formal illustration of an idea that is li2ely to be familiar to the reader firms can
improve their barainin position versus local labour unions by bein multinational& We show
a mechanism by which a link between eoraphical diversification and wae-settin can exist&
Eurthermore, "e sho" the effect of such a lin2 on the E;0 behaviour of a firm E;0 is made more "idespread#
7his is because havin one forein plant may drive down waes% and havin two may drive them
down further still&
(nd% no risk of a turn N corporate profits don<t translate into increased )obs or benefits& 8ecord
corporate profits durin the recession proves
=CT <10 Yatherine Fampell, +G7 8conomix >log QCorporate Profits +ear Pre-Fecession Pea2R $!D(
http!!economix#blogs#nytimes#com!tag!corporate-profits!, xdi
$orporate profits are near their pre-recession peak% accordin to a report
released today by the 'ureau of ?conomic (nalysis & 7he numbers "ere released
alongside revised estimates for second-5uarter gross domestic product# Profits from current production
1corporate profits "ith inventory valuation and capital consumption ad@ustments3 increased '#M percent in the
second 5uarter# 7he gro"th "as not as strong as that in the first 5uarter, but it "as still )&#D percent higher
than its level a year earlier# -nd six straiht quarters of rowth mean that corporate profits today
are almost as hih as their peak before the downturn bean% in nominal termsG 6eanwhile% of
course% rowth across the overall "nited #tates economy has been lackluster% slowin down
sinificantly in recent quarters& (nd while companies may be sittin on mountains of profits%
they have still been reluctant to use those profits to hire additional workers&
$orporate quarterly earnins report means that their profit-motive is too short-term to create
public oods -- this prevents re-investment and shuts down the virtuous cycle
#mith <10 Gves, more than D% years in the financial services industry and currently heads -urora -dvisors, a
+e" Gor2-based management consulting firm speciali,ing in corporate finance advisory and financial services#
Prior experience includes .oldman Sachs 1in corporate finance3, 9cYinsey L Co#, and Sumitomo >an2 1as
head of mergers and ac5uisitions3# E:ur +e" Gor2 7imes :p 8d on the Corporate Savings .lutR +a2ed
Capitalism
http!!"""#na2edcapitalism#com!DBCB!B(!our-ne"-yor2-times-op-ed-on-the-corporate-savings-glut#html,
xdi
7he big culprit in -merica is that public companies are obsessed with quarterly earnins& 0nvestin
in future rowth often reduces profits short term# 7he enterprise has to spend money, say on
additional staff or extra mar2eting, before any ne" revenues come in the door# -nd for bolder initiatives li2e
developing ne" products, the up front costs can be considerable 1mar2eting research, product design,
prototype development, legal expenses associated "ith patents, lining up contractors3# 7hus a fall in business
investment short circuits a ma@or driver of gro"th in capitalist economies# $ompanies% while claimin
they maximi!e shareholder value% increasinly prefer to pay their executives exorbitant
bonuses% or issue special dividends to shareholders% or enae in financial speculation& They
turn their backs on the traditional role of a capitalist N to find and exploit profitable
opportunities to expand his activities# Some may argue that lo"er investment rates are the result of poor
prospects, but the data does not support that vie"# $orporate profits have risen as a share of *D5
since the early 1AJ0s% reachin unprecedented levels riht before the lobal financial crisis took
hold& ?ven now% "# profit marins are nearly two thirds of the way back to their prior cyclical
hih% despite a subpar recovery#
$orporate rowth strateies produce short-term spikes in fictitious capital while uaranteein
lon-term divestment and stanation
Webber ;9 Susan founder of -urora -dvisors, a management-consulting firm based in +e" Gor2# Q7he
0ncredible Shrin2ing CorporationR -cross the >oard, +ov!;ec,
http!!"""#auroraadvisors#com!articles!Shrin2ing#pdf, xdi
What are the symptoms of this corporate pathologyT 7his isnJt a straightfor"ard malady, since distorted
perception of "hat is reasonable performance leads to a "hole range of self-destructive behaviors# The
pattern of unhealthy corporate responses started in the late 1AA0s% when $?-s bean pumpin
up corpo-rate profits beyond reason& 0n a DBBD >roo2ings 0nstitution paper, Gale economist William
+ordhaus noted a decline in corporate profits, reflected in the +ational 0ncome and Product accounts, from
mid-C&&( through early DBBB and a further slight fall into DBBC# >ut SLPreported profits for that period
sho"ed a very different pictureSthey gre" (B percent from the beginning of C&&$ through early DBBB, before
falling by nearly %B percent from early DBBB to early DBBC# What created this divergenceT Fobert .ordon, a
professor at +orth"estern Aniversity and a member of the +ational >ureau of 8conomic Fesearch, commented
on +ordhausJ analysis Q;uring the C&&Bs corporate compensation had shifted to relying substantially on stoc2
options, leading first to the temptation to engage in accounting tric2s during C&&$-DBBB to maintain the
momentum of earnings gro"th, and then sheer desperation to cut costs in response to the post-DBBB collapse
in reported SLP earnings and in the stoc2 mar2et# 7he stoc2 mar2et collapse had an independent impact on the
pressure for corporate cost cutting # # # by shifting many corporate sponsored defined-benefit pension plans
from overfunded to underfunded status#R The most extreme manifestation of corporations< desperate
desire to look ood was accountin fraud% which peaked in D00D% with twenty-eiht ma)or
companiesSincluding the li2es of >ristol-9yers, Ereddie 9ac, ?ucent, ["est, and WorldComSgenerating
unflattering headlines in that year alone# (dmittedly% cookin the books has a proud history
.remember 8obert @esco+/% but never before had seeminly respectable corporate citi!ens and
their advisers lied to the public on such a scale& 'ut even companies that have not one so far as
committin fraud have succumbed to the impulse to burnish results# :ne of the reasons that
price!earnings ratios are lo"er than they should be, given current levels of corporate profits, is that the 5uality
of earnings is poor# -s early as C&&&, chief S8C accountant ?ynn 7urner commented on the gro"ing tendency
of companies to massage their results, and on the use of periodic "ritedo"ns to convert costs that should have
been classified as operating expenses into extraordinary items# 8ven though Sarbanes-:xley made C8:s liable
for inaccurate financial reporting, there is still ample room to fudge results# Eor example, E;0C data sho" that
A#S# ban2s no" have the lo"est loan loss reserves in nineteen years, precisely "hen ban2s are extending more
high-ris2 credit to maintain gro"th, such as interest-only consumer and commercial mortgages# CriminalT +o,
but certainly dangerousS and misleading, if "eJre to ta2e those ban2sJ earnings statements seriously# -ther
manifestations of corporate dysmorphia includeG ?mployees as liabilities& ;espite the clich^
Qemployees are our most important asset,R many companies are doin everythin in their power to
live without them% and to pay the ones they have minimally# This practice may sound
like prudent business% but in fact it is a reversal of the insiht by 3enry
:ord that built the middle class and set the foundation for (merica<s
prosperity in the twentieth centuryG that by payin workers well%
companies created a virtuous circle% since better-paid staff would consume
more oods% enablin companies to hire yet more workerLconsumers&
0nstead% the Wal-6art loic increasinly prevailsG 5ay workers as little as they will accept%
skimp on benefits% and wrin as much production out of them as possible 1sometimes illegally, such
as having them cloc2 out and "or2 unpaid hours3# 7he argument is that this pattern is good for the laboring
classes, since Wal-9art can sell goods at lo"er prices, providing savings to lo"er-income consumers li2e, for
instance, its employees# 7he logic is specious Wal-9artJs "or2ers spend most of their income on goods and
services they canJt buy at Wal-9art, such as housing, health care, transportation, and gas, so "hatever gains
they recoup from Wal-9artJs lo" prices are more than offset by the roc2-bottom pay# Defenders may arue
that in a lobal economy% (mericans must accept competitive .readG lower/ waes& 'ut critics
such as William *reider and Thomas :rank arue that (merica has become hostae to a free-
trade ideoloy% while its tradin partners have chosen to operate under systems of manaed
trade& There<s little question that other advanced economies do a better )ob of both protectin
their labor markets and producin a better balance of tradeHin most cases% a surplus# The
daners of the "&#& approach are systemic& 8eal waes have been stanant since the mid-1AB0s%
but consumer spendin keeps climbin# -s of June, household savings "ere #BD percent of income 1note
the placement of the decimal point3, and (mericans are carryin historically hih levels of debt#
-ccording to the Eederal Feserve, consumer debt service is C) percent of income# 7he 8conomist noted,
QHousehold savings have d"indled to negligible levels as -mericans have run do"n assets and ta2en on debt to
2eep the spending binge going#R (s with their employers% consumers are keepin up the appearance
of wealth while their personal financial health decays& 5art of the problem is that companies
have not recycled the fruits of their rowth back to their workers as they did in the past& 0n all
previous postwar economic recoveries% the lion<s share of the increase in national income went
to labor compensation .meanin increases in hirin% waes% and benefits/ rather than
corporate profits% accordin to the =ational 'ureau of ?conomic (nalysis& 0n the current
upturn% not only is the proportion oin to workers far lower than ever beforeHit is the first
time that the share of *D5 rowth oin to corporate coffers has exceeded the labor share&
aDG diversionary war theory
#tron economy makes war more likelyHdiversionary theory fails
-neal and Tir D00M H _-ssociate Professor and ;irector of 0nternational Studies at the Aniversity of
-labama, __-ssistant Professor in Political Science at the Aniversity of .eorgia 1John and Jaroslav,
0nternational Studies [uarterly, %B#', Q;oes the ;iversionary Ase of Eorce 7hreaten the ;emocratic PeaceT
-ssessing the 8ffect of 8conomic .ro"th on 0nterstate Conflict, C&DC-DBBCR3
:ur analyses of five prominent, po"erful democracies raise further doubts about the substantive importance of
diversionary uses of force# 9ilitary action for political reasons is most feasible for the leaders of po"erful
democracies# 9ost previous research has focused on the Anited States, at least in part, for this reason, but the
Anited States has been significantly more li2ely to initiate conflict when its economy was stron% not
weak# 7he evidence regarding >ritain is inconclusive, "hile 0ndia and Erance have also exhibited behavior
inconsistent "ith theoretical expectations# :nly 0sraeli leaders seem to have been susceptible to diversionary
pressures 1>ar-,ilai and Fussett C&&B< Spracher and ;eFouen DBBD3# 7hus, there is little evidence in this
important subset of cases that military force is used to divert attention a"ay from a poor economy#
:ur analysis of nondirected dyads confirms that the incidence of conflict for @ointly democratic pairs is affected
by economic conditions, but gro"th slo" enough to offset the democratic peace 1- (#%\ per annum for D years3
using this unit of analysis occurs in only )#)\ of the democratic pairs# 9oreover, unli2e our directed analyses,
the nondirected test does not indicate that a slo" economy affects the li2elihood that a democracy and an
autocracy 1or a state "ith a mixed regime3 "ill become involved in a dispute# 7his surprising result, a2in to the
dog that did not bar2 in one of Sherloc2 Holmes/s cases, must be counted as important evidence against
diversionary theory#
Diversionary theory is bankruptHdecline fosters cooperation% not war
:ravel D010 H -ssociate Professor of Political Science and member of the Security Studies Program at 907
19ay, 9# 7aylor, Security Studies, C&#D, Q7he ?imits of ;iversion Fethin2ing 0nternal and 8xternal ConflictR,
W8-3
7he diversionary hypothesis offers one of the most po"erful alternatives to rationalist explanations of "ar
based on the state as a unitary actor# Strong empirical support for diversion "ould identify a more complete set
of causal mechanisms underlying international conflict# 7he cases investigated in this article, ho"ever, raise
doubts about the strength of the diversionary hypothesis as "ell as the empirical validity of arguments based
on diversionary mechanisms, such as 9ansfield and Snyder/s theory about democrati,ation and "ar# CDM 0n
-rgentina and 7ur2ey, the hypothesis fails to pass t"o most li2ely tests# 0n neither case "as domestic unrest a
necessary condition for the use of force as proponents of diversionary theory must demonstrate# 0nstead,
external security challenges and bargaining over disputed territory better explain -rgentine and 7ur2ish
decision ma2ing# 7he historical record, including leadership statements and reasoning, offers stronger
evidence for a standard realist model and the dynamics of coercive diplomacy#
;ra"ing definitive conclusions about diversion from @ust t"o cases is impossible# +evertheless, the modified
most li2ely research design used in this article "ea2ens confidence in the strength of diversionary arguments#
;iversion as a principal or primary source of some conflicts may be much less fre5uent than scholars assert#
7hese t"o episodes should be among the easiest cases for diversion to explain# +ot only did embattled leaders
escalate disputes into crises and then use force, but scholars have also vie"ed these cases as being best
explained by diversionary mechanisms# 0f diversion cannot account for these decisions, it is unclear "hat the
hypothesis can in fact explain#
9y findings have several implications for the literature on diversionary "ar theory# -t the most general level of
analysis, the lac2 of support for the diversion hypothesis in -rgentina and 7ur2ey complements those
5uantitative studies of diversion that do not identify a systematic and significant relationship bet"een domestic
politics and aggressive foreign policies, including the use of force# CD( 0n addition, the modified most li2ely
research design used in this article raises 5uestions about those 5uantitative studies that do provide empirical
support for diversion because it demonstrates that despite the presence of domestic unrest, the underlying
causal mechanisms of diversion may not account for the decisions to use force#
7he lac2 of support for diversion raises a simple but important 5uestion "hy is diversion less fre5uent than
commonly believed, despite its plausible intuitionT -lthough further research is re5uired, several factors
should be considered# Eirst, the rally effect that leaders en@oy from an international crisis is generally brief in
duration and unli2ely to change permanently a public/s overall satisfaction "ith its leaders# CD$ .eorge H# W#
>ush, for example, lost his reelection bid after successful prosecution of the C&&C .ulf War# Winston Churchill
fared no better after the -llied victory in World War 00# CD& ?eaders have little reason to conclude that a short-
term rally "ill address "hat are usually structural sources of domestic dissatisfaction#
Second, a selection effect may prevent embattled leaders from choosing diversion# ;iversionary action should
produce the largest rally effect against the most po"erful target because such action "ould reflect a leader/s
s2ills through coercing a superior opponent# -t the same time, leaders should often be deterred from
challenging stronger targets, as the imbalance of military forces increases the ris2 of defeat and thus the
probability of losing office at home# -lthough the odds of victory increase "hen targeting "ea2er states, success
should have a much more muted effect on domestic support, if any, because victory "ould have been expected#
C)B
7hird, "ea2 or embattled leaders can choose from a "ide range of policy options to strengthen their standing at
home# -lthough scholars such as .elpi and :a2es have noted that embattled leaders can choose repression or
economic development in addition to diversionary action, the range of options is even greater and carries less
ris2 than the failure of diversion# Wea2 leaders can also see2 to deepen cooperation "ith other states if they
believe it "ill strengthen their position at home# :ther studies, for example, have demonstrated that political
unrest facilitated d^tente among the superpo"ers in the early C&(Bs, China/s concessions in its many territorial
disputes, support for international financial liberali,ation, and the formation of regional organi,ations such as
the -ssociation of Southeast -sian +ations and the .ulf Cooperation Council# C)C
7he findings from these t"o cases also carry implications for future empirical tests of the diversionary
hypothesis and the broader relationship bet"een internal and external conflict# 7o start, given the common
vie" "ithin the field of international relations that some past conflicts are best explained by diversionary
motives, additional case studies are needed to test diversionary claims against plausible alternative
explanations# 0n other cases that scholars have cast as diversionary, for example, evidence exists that casts
doubt upon the hypothesis# Historian -rno 9ayer, among others, is often cited as providing support for
diversion through his argument that domestic crises accounted for 2ey decisions leading to the outbrea2 of
World War 0 1as "ell as other conflicts3 in 8urope# C)D Get in his analysis of .erman decision ma2ing before
C&C', ;ale Copeland finds leadership statements that disconfirm the diversionary hypothesis# -s early as C&B%H
BM, for instance, -dmiral 7irpit, concluded that "ar in 8urope "ould only Qcause chaos at home,R not increase
societal cohesion# C)) Similarly, the C&B'HB% Fusso-Japanese "ar is often mentioned as another example of
diversion# :ne of the 2ey pieces of evidence to support his claim comes from a memoir of a Fussian official,
Count Sergei Witte, "ho 5uotes K# Y# Pleve, minister of the interior at the time, as stating that Q"e need a little
victorious "ar to stem the tide of revolution#R C)' .eoffrey >lainey notes, ho"ever, numerous problems "ith
this statement as evidence of Fussian decision ma2ing the 5uote appeared in a memoir that "as penned eight
years later, Witte and Pleve "ere rivals, and Witte in other parts of the memoir that analy,es the "ar includes
no other statements that "ould support a diversionary explanation# C)% 7hese t"o examples suggest that a
thorough audit of other diversionary cases "ould be helpful#
0n addition, although smo2ing-gun evidence in leadership statements may be impossible to find, scholars can
use case study methods to test diversionary arguments against alternative explanations# 0n particular, scholars
can trace changes in the domestic political environment "ith foreign policy decision ma2ing to identify a clear
relationship bet"een domestic political strife and plans to threaten or use force# Scholars can also examine
leadership statements for evidence consistent "ith diversion, such as concern about their domestic political
standing or the anticipated effects of an external conflict on domestic politics#
-t the same time, my findings also underscore the importance of including appropriate international-level
variables in 5uantitative models of diversion# 7he inclusion of such variables not only ensures that suitable
scope conditions for the diversionary use of force are present, but they can also control for alternative
explanations driven by changes in a state/s international environment# 0n some cross-national studies, for
example, international-level variables are excluded# C)M 7hose studies that do include such variables use them
as controls for a state/s ability to engage in diversionary behavior such as relative capabilities and ma@or po"er
status or opportunity structures for diversion such as an enduring rivalry or ongoing crisis# C)( Kery fe"
studies include variables that measure a state/s threat environment or other statesJ efforts to change the status
5uo, actions that might also account for dispute escalation#C)$
-ur evidence is comparative with respect to diversionary war
'oehmer D010 H Ph; in political science from Penn State, professor at A78P, also teaches research methods
and econometrics 1%!C', Charles F#, ;efence and Peace 8conomics, Q8conomic .ro"th and Kiolent
0nternational ConflictR, http!!pdfserve#informa"orld#com!&&C$MD**&DDD)%''D#pdf, W8-3
;0SCASS0:+ -+; C:+C?AS0:+S
7he theory set forth earlier theori,es that economic gro"th increases perceptions of state strenth , increasing the li2elihood of
violent interstate conflicts# 8conomic gro"th appears to increase the resolve of leaders to stand against challenges and
the "illingness to escalate disputes# - non-random pattern exists "here higher rates of .;P gro"th over multiple years are positively and significantly related to the
most severe international conflicts, "hereas this is not true for overall conflict initiations# 9oreover, gro"th of military expenditures, as a measure of the "ar chest
proposition, does not offer any explanation for violent interstate conflicts# 7his is not to say that gro"th of military expenditures never has any effect on the occurrence of "ar,
although such a lin2 is not generally true in the aggregate using a large sample of states# 0n comparison, higher rates of economic gro"th are significantly related to violent
interstate conflicts in the aggregate# States "ith gro"ing economies are more apt to reciprocate military challenges by other states and become involved in violent interstate
conflicts#
7he results also sho" that theories from the Crisis-Scarcity perspective lac2 explanatory po"er lin2ing .;P gro"th rates to "ar at the state level of analysis# 7his is not to say that such theories completely
lac2 explanatory po"er in general, but more particularly that they cannot directly lin2 economic gro"th rates to state behavior in violent interstate conflicts# 0n contrast, theories of
diversionary conflict may "ell hold some explanatory po"er, although not regarding .;P gro"th in a general test of states from all regions of the "orld
across time# Perhaps diversionary theory better explains state behaviors short of war , "here the costs of externali,ing domestic tensions do
not become too costly, or in relation to the foreign policies of particular countries# 0n many circumstances, engaging in a "ar to divert attention a"ay from domestic conditions "ould seemingly exacerbate
domestic crisis conditions unless the chances of victory "ere practically assured# +onetheless, this study does sho" that domestic conflict is associated "ith interstate conflict# 0f diversionary
conflict theory has any traction as an economic explanation of violent interstate conflicts, it may re5uire the
study of other explanatory variables besides overall .;P gro"th rates, such as unemployment or inflation rate s#
Their methodoloy sucks
'oehmer D00B H political science professor at the Aniversity of 7exas 1Charles, Politics L Policy, )%', Q7he
8ffects of 8conomic Crisis, ;omestic ;iscord, and State 8fficacy on the ;ecision to 0nitiate 0nterstate ConflictR,
W8-3
7his article examines the contemporaneous effect of lo" economic gro"th and domestic instability on the threat of regime change and! or involvement in external militari,ed
conflicts# 9any studies of diversionary conflict argue that lo"er rates of economic gro"th should heighten the ris2 of
international conflict# Get "e 2no" that militari,ed interstate conflicts, and especially "ars, are generally rare events "hereas lo"er rates of gro"th are not#
-dditionally, a gro"ing body of literature sho"s that regime changes are also associated "ith lo"er rates of economic gro"th# 7he 5uestion then becomes "hich event,
militari,ed interstate conflict or regime change, is the most li2ely to occur "ith domestic discord and lo"er rates of economic gro"thT ;iversionary theory
claims that leaders see2 to divert attention a"ay from domestic problems such as a bad economy or political scandals,
or to garner increased support prior to elections# ?eaders then supposedly externali,e discontented domestic sentiments onto other nations, sometimes as scapegoats based on
the similar in-group!out-group dynamic found in the research of Coser 1C&%M3 and Simmel 1C&%%3, "here foreign countries are blamed for domestic problems# 7his process is
said to involve a Qrally-round-the-flagR effect, "here a leader can expect a short-term boost in popularity "ith the threat or use of force 1>lechman, Yaplan, and Hall C&($<
9ueller C&()3# Scholarship on diversionary conflict has focused most often on the -merican caseC but recent studies have sought to identify this possible behavior in other
countries#D 7he Eal2lands War is often a popular example of diversionary conflict 1?evy and Ka2ili C&&D3# -rgentina "as reeling from hyperinflation and rampant
unemployment associated "ith the ?atin -merican debt crisis# 0t is plausible that a success in the Eal2lands War may have helped to rally support for the governing .altieri
regime, although -rgentina lost the "ar and the ruling regime lost po"er# Ho" many other attempts to use diversionary tactics, if they indeed occur, can be seen to generate a
similar outcomeT 7he goal of this article is to provide an assessment of the extent to "hich diversionary strategy is a threat to peace# 0s this a colorful theory
2ept alive by academics that has little bearin upon real events , or is this a real problem that policy ma2ers should be concerned
"ithT 0f it is a strategy readily available to leaders, then it is important to 2no" "hat domestic factors trigger this gambit# 9oreover, to 2no" that re5uires an understanding of
the context in external conflict, "hich occurs relative to regime changes# 7heories of diversionary conflict usually emphasi,e the potential
benefits of diversionary tactics, although fe" pay e5ual attention to the prospective costs associated "ith such behavior#
0t is not contentious to claim that leaders typically see2 to remain in office# Ho"ever, "hether they can successfully manipulate public opinion
regularly during periods of domestic unpopularity through their statesJ participation in foreign militari,ed conflictsSespecially outside of the -merican caseSis a
5uestion open for debate# Eurthermore, there appears to be a logical disconnect bet"een diversionary theories and extant studies of domestic conflict and regime
change# ?o"er rates of economic gro"th are purported to increase the ris2 of both militari,ed interstate conflicts 1and internal conflicts3 as "ell as regime changes 1>loomberg
and Hess DBBD3# 7his implies that if leaders do, in fact, underta2e diversionary conflicts, many may still be thro"n from the seat of
po"erS especially if the outcome is defeat to a foreign enemy# ;iversionary conflict "ould thus seem to be a ris2y gambit 1Smith C&&M3# Scholars such
as 9acEie 1C&)$3 and >lainey 1C&$$3 have nevertheless 5uestioned the validity of the diversionary thesis # -s noted by ?evy 1C&$&3, this perspective is rarely
formulated as a cohesive and comprehensive theory, and there has been little or no 2no"ledge cumulation# >ater analyses do not
necessarily build on past studies and the discrepancies bet"een in5uiries are often difficult to
unravel& E Studies have used a variety of research designs , different dependent variables 1uses of force, ma@or uses of force, militari,ed
disputes3, different estimation techni5ues, and different data sets covering different time periods and different statesR 1>ennett and +ordstrom DBBB, )&3# 7o
these problems, "e should add a lac2 of theoretical precision and incomplete model specification# >y a lac2 of theoretical precision, 0 am referring to the lin2ages bet"een
economic conditions and domestic strife that remain unclear in some studies 19iller C&&%< Fussett C&&B3# Conse5uently, extant studies are to a degree incommensurate< they
offer a step in the right direction but do not provide robust cross-national explanations and tests of economic gro"th and interstate conflict# Get a fe" studies have attempted
to provide deductive explanations about "hen and ho" diversionary tactics might be employed# Asing a >ayesian updating game, Fichards and others 1C&&)3 theori,e that
"hile the use of force "ould appear to offer leaders a means to boost their popularity, a poorly performing economy acts as a signal to a leaderJs constituents about his or her
competence# Hence, attempts to use diversion are li2ely to fail either because incompetent leaders "ill li2e"ise fail in
foreign policy or people "ill recogni,e the gambit for "hat it is# 0nstead, these t"o models conclude that diversion is li2ely to be underta2en
particularly by ris2-acceptant leaders# 7his stress on a heightened ris2 of removal from office is also apparent in the "or2 of >ueno de 9es5uita and others 1C&&&3, and ;o"ns
and Foc2e 1C&&'3, "here leaders may Qgamble for resurrection,R although the diversionary scenario in the former study is only a partial extension of their theory on
selectorates, "inning coalitions, and leader survival# -gain, ho" often do leaders fail in the process or are removed from positions of po"er before they can even initiate
diversionary tacticsT - fe" studies focusing on leader tenure have examined the removal of leaders follo"ing "ar, although almost no study in the diversionary literature has
loo2ed at the effects of domestic problems on the relative ris2s of regime change, interstate conflict, or both events occurring in the same year#)
aDG realism L neorealism
There is no way to measure relative power% broadly define national self-interest or make
predictions about nation-states willinness to o war in the abstract% and even if there were the
past twenty years of military technoloy have chaned decision-makin in a way that renders
realism obsolete&
(rmistead et& al ;K 8d"in, 0W instructor at JESC, Q0nformation :perations 7he Hard Feality of Soft
Po"erRa collaborative publication by the Joint Command, Control, and 0nformation Warfare School 1JC0WS3
instructors at the Joint Eorces Staff College 1JESC3, as "ell as our guest spea2ers and former students# 7he
authors are professional 0nformation :perations instructors, "ho conduct the only @oint 0nformation Warfare
10W3 course in the Anited States# 0n that capacity, they teach over CBBB personnel each year in a variety of 0:
and 0W courses dealing "ith operations in the information age and ho" information is changing the "ay
"arfare is conducted#
http!!"""#i"ar#org#u2!i"ar!resources!@iopc!io-textboo2#pdf
0n a technical sense, military power is often the easiest variable or factor of power to measure#
+ation-states have done this since time immortal to compare and contrast military forces# Po"er throughout
the ages has often been ran2ed solely on the perceived military capability of a nation and the ability of that
country to use those forces# This factor is more scientific than some of the other areas and it has a
somewhat useful function of definin weapons and hardware as tools of power& 3istory has
enerally proven that military capabilities are not so much a reliable factor as many academics
would have preferred& :or example% how did the "nited #tates compare militarily to =orth
@ietnam in 1AMK+ >y technical definition, there should have been no contest% yet 11 years later it
was (merican forces that were withdrawin from an ill-fated contest# ?i2e"ise, "hat about the former
Soviet Anion and -fganistanT There was a hue disparity in military capabilities but it was the
former #oviet "nion who lost that military campain and returned home vanquished& #o why
are military forces not a ood measure of power+ 'ecause in our view% these weapons and
hardware are not funibile& Cou cannot adequately translate power in most cases without
revertin to total war% which most nations are unwillin to do& Therefore% the most militarily
powerful nations are handicapped in their ability to use their forces to affect desired political
outcome& 0nformation :perations 7heory Erom the previous discussion, one should reali,e that the models
and theories used by academics to analy!e world politics% economics% and military power for
the last fifty years are obsolete& >iberalism% realism and neo-realism are no loner sufficient
constructs which adequately explain the current dynamics of international power & 0n addition,
there has been a substantial chane in the nature of strateic% operational and tactical issues&
5revious theories held that strateic concerns were normally a lobal issue% yet that construct
has chaned considerably & =ow there are numerous events at the tactical level that can quickly
elevate to affect the lobal area of responsibility .(-8/ with the use of advanced technoloy or
mass media& 7herefore, "e propose that in reality, the ne" construct for relating the level of military activity
cannot be automatically assumed to correlate to a comparable -:F# 0n fact, as many people can reali,e, with
today<s new technoloy% often the smallest incidents can spark international or strateic
concern as is readily apparent today& =ew capabilities that have arisen from the marriae of
technoloy and information have challened the traditional elements of power includin
military% diplomatic and economic factors& 7hese capabilities combined "ith advanced computing
capability and data net"or2ing no" ma2es available options to not only military and government officials but
also commercial companies and private citi,ens that previously did not exist# Ho"ever, the threats to the
Anited States have risen as "ell#
QQtaoism updatesQQ
method individualism 1nc link .read after marcus/
The Western embrace of Taoism as a critical enaement liberatin us from sufferin is a
quintessence of individualist ideoloy crystalli!ed in ?astern philosophy as a mechanism of
avoidin the critical scrutiny of its function within ideoloies of exploitation and
commodification& 0t functions as an opiates that deadens properly political critique of lobal
systems of immiseration
RiSek '1 Slavo@, famous philosopher and social researcher, Aniversity of ?@ubl@ana and Aniversity of Eran2furt,
" Erom Western 9arxism to Western >uddhism" 0ssue D 9apping Conversations Spring DBBC,
http!!"""#cabinetmaga,ine#org!issues!D!"estern#php
The ultimate postmodern irony of today is the strane exchane between ?urope and (siaG at
the very moment when ,?uropean, technoloy and capitalism are triumphin worldwide at the
level of the ,economic infrastructure% the Pudeo-$hristian leacy is threatened at the level of
,ideoloical superstructure, in the ?uropean space itself by =ew (e ,(siatic, thouht, "hich, in
its different guises ranging from "Western >uddhism" to different ,Taos%, is establishin itself as the
heemonic ideoloy of lobal capitalism&
C
7herein resides the highest speculative identity of opposites in
today/s global civili,ation although "Western >uddhism" presents itself as the remedy against the stressful
tension of capitalist dynamics, allo"ing us to uncouple and retain inner peace and (elassenheit, it actually
functions as its perfect ideological supplement# -ne should mention here the well-known concept of
,future shock, that describes how people are no loner psycholoically able to cope with the
da!!lin rhythm of technoloical development and the social chanes that accompany it& Thins
simply move too fast% and before one can accustom oneself to an invention% it has already been
supplanted by a new one% so that one more and more lacks the most elementary ,conitive
mappin&, The recourse to Taoism or >uddhism offers a way out of this predicament that
definitely works better than the desperate escape into old traditions& 0nstead of tryin to cope
with the acceleratin rhythm of techno-loical proress and social chanes% one should rather
renounce the very endeavor to retain control over what oes on% re)ectin it as the expression of
the modern loic of domination& -ne should% instead% ,let oneself o%, drift alon% while
retainin an inner distance and indifference toward the mad dance of accelerated process% a
distance based on the insiht that all this social and technoloical upheaval is ultimately )ust a
non-substantial proliferation of semblances that do not really concern the innermost kernel of
our bein& :ne is almost tempted to resuscitate the old infamous 9arxist clich^ of religion as the "opium of
the people," as the imaginary supplement to terrestrial misery# The "Western >uddhist" meditative stance
is aruably the most efficient way for us to fully participate in capitalist dynamics "hile retaining
the appearance of mental sanity# 0f 6ax Weber were alive today% he would definitely write a second%
supplementary% volume to his Protestant Ethic % entitled The Taoist Ethic and the Spirit of
Global Capitalism &
D
"Western >uddhism" thus fits perfectly the fetishist mode of ideology in our allegedly
"post-ideological" era, as opposed to its traditional symptomal mode in "hich the ideological lie "hich
structures our perception of reality is threatened by symptoms qua "returns of the repressed," crac2s in the
fabric of the ideological lie# 7he fetish is effectively a 2ind of symptom in reverse# 7hat is to say, the symptom is
the exception "hich disturbs the surface of the false appearance, the point at "hich the repressed :ther Scene
erupts, "hile the fetish is the embodiment of the ?ie "hich enables us to sustain the unbearable truth# ?et us
ta2e the case of the death of a beloved person# 0n the case of a symptom, 0 "repress" this death and try not to
thin2 about it, but the repressed trauma returns in the symptom# 0n the case of a fetish, on the contrary, 0
"rationally" fully accept this death, and yet 0 cling to the fetish, to some feature that embodies for me the
disavo"al of this death# 0n this sense, a fetish can play a very constructive role in allo"ing us to cope "ith the
harsh reality# Eetishists are not dreamers lost in their private "orlds# 7hey are thorough "realists" capable of
accepting the "ay things effectively are, given that they have their fetish to "hich they can cling in order to
cancel the full impact of reality# 0n +evil Shute/s melodramatic World War 00 novel 'equiem for a )'*N, the
heroine survives her lover/s death "ithout any visible traumas# She goes on "ith her life and is even able to tal2
rationally about her lover/s death because she still has the dog that "as the lover/s favored pet# When, some
time after, the dog is accidentally run over by a truc2, she collapses and her entire "orld disintegrates#
)

Sometimes, the line bet"een fetish and symptom is almost indiscernible# -n ob@ect can function as the
symptom 1of a repressed desire3 and almost simultaneously as a fetish 1embodying the belief "hich "e
officially renounce3# - leftover of the dead person, a piece of his!her clothes, can function both as a fetish
1insofar as the dead person magically continues to live in it3 and as a symptom 1functioning as the disturbing
detail that brings to mind his!her death3# 0s this ambiguous tension not homologous to that bet"een the phobic
and the fetishist ob@ectT 7he structural role is in both cases the same 0f this exceptional element is disturbed,
the "hole system collapses# +ot only does the sub@ect/s false universe collapse if he is forced to confront the
meaning of his symptom< the opposite also holds, insofar as the sub@ect/s "rational" acceptance of the "ay
things are dissolves "hen his fetish is ta2en a"ay from him# So, "hen "e are bombarded by claims that in our
post-ideological cynical era nobody believes in the proclaimed ideals, "hen "e encounter a person "ho claims
he is cured of any beliefs and accepts social reality the "ay it really is, one should al"ays counter such claims
"ith the 5uestion ":Y, but where is the fetish that enables you to +pretend to, accept reality 'the way it is'T"
"Western >uddhism" is such a fetish# 0t enables you to fully participate in the frantic pace of the
capitalist ame while sustainin the perception that you are not really in itI that you are well
aware of how worthless this spectacle isI and that what really matters to you is the peace of the
inner #elf to which you know you can always with-draw& 0n a further specification, one should note
that the fetish can function in t"o opposite "ays either its role remains unconsciousSas in the case of Shute/s
heroine "ho "as una"are of the fetish-role of the dogSor you thin2 that the fetish is that "hich really matters,
as in the case of a Western >uddhist una"are that the "truth" of his existence is in fact the social involvement
"hich he tends to dismiss as a mere game#
aDG permutation
The permutation is entirely yuppified -- it counsels us to individualistically learn how to better
accept decisions that our society's elites have already made for us
'owman '1D -- last access date, "7he 7ao of `i,e2" https!!"""#academia#edu!C(&M))!7he*7ao*of*`i,e2
RiSek offers this imae of a meditatin yuppie in order to claim that thereis a widespread
cultural rowth of a vauely Taoist-soundin ;acceptance of chane< as the dominant
;ideoloical attitude<& 7o aibe2Js mind, this arises because the contemporary experience of lobal
capitalism tends tobe that of ;bein thrown around by market forces< 1DBBCa CCM3# He ta2e sthis to
be definitive of the form of life under contemporary capitalism,o"ing to the turbulent effects of deregulated
mar2ets and chaotic international flo"s of capital# 'ecause of this% RiSek arues that there is now a
rowin ideoloical in)unction not to ;clin< to old forms and values& 0n these conditions, he
suggests, other than a retreat into defensive fundamentalisms, a 7aoist ethic presents itself as an ideal
ideological option# Ho"ever, aibe2Js point is that this IWestern 7aoistJ attitude is no solution to the problems of
capitalism# 0n fact, for aibe2, this IcelebrationJ or resigned acceptance of unfixity, flo", and non-clinging, is
nothing but the problem itself in inverted form, mas5uerading gg >o"man M& as 1if3 the solution # 0t is an
active misreconition of a problem as .if/ asolution% one that presumably% to RiSek<s mind
.althouh this is neverreally spelt out/% facilitates the intensification of everyone<s exploitation&
The very hih incidence of business-manaement or performative-capitalist titles in the list of
books entitled The Tao ofT .manaement% sales% motivation% competition% performanceG
resultsU /% as well as theimmediately palpable sense in which Taoism is very often taken to mean
individualist laisse! faire passivity passed off as enlihtened empowerment% certainly bolsters
the RiSekian position 1see JohnsonC&&$< >o"man DBB)3# -s such, aibe2Js argument recasts
contemporaryinterest in all things I+e" -geJ and I:rientalJ in a provocative ne" light#>ut "hat is the source of
that lightT -nd "hat are the implications of this particular perspectiveT 7he ans"er is simple# aibe2Js entire
argument is specifically designed torefute every other contemporary approach to understanding
culture,society, politics and ideology than his o"n# 7he argument about +e" -ge 7aoism as ideology is
primarily a 2ey part in aibe2Js ongoing criti5ue of Ipostmodernist relativismJ, IdeconstructionismJ, identity
politics, multiculturalism and cultural studies 1among others, as "e "ill see3# Eor,in recasting something so
apparently innocuous, gentle, naturalistic,s"eet and innocent as 7aoism as ideological , aibe2 see2s
reciprocally toimplicate any approach that might regard it as an interesting orbeneficial ImulticulturalJ
development or IencounterJ# Eor aibe2, both thepractice and any intellectual interest in it or approval of it are
strictly ideological 1aibe2 DBBC3# -gainst this, rather than running "ith themulticulturalists, post-modernists or
post-9arxists "ho might vie" thecontemporary articulation of 8ast and West as truly ne", aibe2 seeshimself
as remaining courageously faithful to the truth of 9arxism gg >o"man (B 1DBBCa ))< DBBDa )B$3# 7hus, he
begins his argument about Western>uddhism and 7aoism by finding a precedent in the "or2 of 9ax
Weber#Eor Weber, aibe2 reminds us, Protestantism "as a necessary ideology of industrial stage capitalism# >y
the same to2en, proposes aibe2, 7aoism,>uddhism and +e" -ge mysticism are to be regarded as the
necessaryideology of contemporary IpostmodernJ capitalism# 7his is because, for aibe2, itJs li2e this according
to Weber, during the Iindustrial stageJ, the religiously-informed "or2 ethic of Protestantism 1suffer no" for
re"ardsin the hereafter3 guaranteed the discipline and active participation of the"or2force# So, aibe2 argues,
Taoism and mysticism function in a similarway todayG ;0f 6ax Weber were alive today<% he
declares% ;he would definitely write a second% supplementary volume to his 5rotestant ?thic
%entitled The Taoist ?thic and the #pirit of *lobal $apitalism < .D001aG 1O/&What defines the new
spirit of capitalism is no loner the former need toembrace fruality% moderation% hardship and
a sedulous work-ethic asvirtues .as was the case durin the ;industrial stae</& 8ather% today
sees the new ;need< to actively embrace ceaseless chane and rootlessness%because ;bein
thrown around by market forces< .11M/ is definitive of the contemporary era& 7hus, not clinging to
stable forms becomes a IvirtueJ,because it is the current "ay of capitalism# 7he "ay of ideology is theemergence
of value systems produced to enable us to cope "ith H by in some sense IavoidingJ the truth of H real conditions#
QQinvisible cities cpQQ
aDG permutation
Their mistake was closin the plan to fixity in the 1ac -- only the counterplan which throuh an
exploration of the invisible leaves the plan as an eternal question can avoid the fixity which
enenders pity% as the taoist 6aster $huan explains
:nce a man receives this fixed bodily form , he holds on to it, "aiting for the end# Sometimes clashing "ith
things, sometimes bending before them, he runs his course li2e a galloping steed, and nothing can stop him# 0s
he not pathetic+ S"eating and laboring to the end of his days and never seeing his accomplishment, utterly
exhausting himself and never 2no"ing "here to loo2 for restS can you help pityin him+ His body decays,
his mind follo"s itScan you deny that this is a great sorro"T 9anJs life has al"ays been a muddle li2e this#
Ho" could 0 be the only muddled one, and other men not muddledT
17eachings of 9aster Chuang, trans# >urton Watson p# ))3
The aff team asks you to vote for a rhetorical act which is ob)ect-directed -- the ob)ect of
criticism is 5residential war powers authority as a manifestation of eo -- this attempt at
renderin criticism utile means that the permutation tries too hard -- vote for the counterplan
to allow the ripples of the 1ac to once aain assume the quality of stillness& 0f they are 5ilet% we
are ?eyore
$urcio '1O James, "8pistemological +ihilism Practical 7aoism" -ugust,
http!!"""#modernmythology#net!DBC)!B$!epistemological-nihilism-practical#html
This is to bein framin everythin in your life not in derees of certainty% but rather% in
derees of uncertainty& To what extent are you uncertain of a iven thin+ This may seem like
an arbitrary semantic distinction& 3owever% like most reframin tricks% the chane of
perspective makes all the difference , even though nothing has actually changed#
Ho"ever, all the people in the world that live their lives in shades of certainty may see you as an
?eyore& They miht even call you a nihilist&
That's alriht thouh& This stance of epistemoloical nihilism is one of the many
unspoken undercurrents of Taoism& Karious passages of Chuang-7,u/s famous text deal "ith
the sub@ect, but the meaning is easily lost or misconstrued, because the Taoist approach itself
reconi!es only derees of uncertainty# Consider the story of the Aseless 7ree,
Hui 7,u said to Chuang, Q0 have a big tree, the 2ind they call a Qstin2tree#R 7he trun2 is so distorted, so full of
2nots, no one can get a straight plan2 out of it# 7he branches are so croo2ed you cannot cut them up in any "ay
that ma2es sense#R
Q7here it stands beside the road# +o carpenter "ill even loo2 at it# Such is your teaching H big and useless#R
Chuang 7,u replied, QHave you ever "atched the "ildcat crouching, "atching his prey# 7he prey leaps this "ay,
and that "ay, high and lo", and at last lands in the trap# -nd have you seen the Ga2T .reat as a thundercloud,
he stands in his might# >igT Sure, but he canJt catch micecR
QSo for your big tree, no useT 7hen plant it in the "asteland, in emptiness# Wal2 idly around it, rest under its
shado"# +o axe or bill prepares its end# +o one "ill ever cut it do"n#R
-.seless? /ou should worry01
7his seems to pertain to use rather than certainty, but as "ith the dialogues of Socrates, it is throuh the
demonstration of what we think we know that the everyday is made absurd& #imilarly% the
useless is made ideal&
$ertainty about their criticism of war powers turns the aff -- rather than usin their speech act
to challene war powers as a manifestations of the ?o we should simply release ourselves from
the certainty of our own criticism& They put the card before the horse% we need to release
ourselves from fear and certainty rather than challenin the thins that make us afraid
$rane 'A Stephen, 7he Aseless 7ree, "Ancertainty is not the problem< believing that certainty is possible is the
problem" http!!uselesstree#typepad#com!useless*tree!DBB&!B%!uncertainty-is-not-the-problem-believing-
that-certainty-is-possible-is-the-problem#html
0 am thin2ing of the ;aoist response here# -nd 0 thin2 it "ould run something li2e this when faced with
uncertainty the best response% the approach that will yield the least worry and misery% is not to
strive for reater certainty% but to ive up on the notion of certainty altoether& Way is vast# 0t is
beyond our human capacities of understandin& We can never know% with certitude% how Way
will unfold& (ll we can do is o alon for the ride& 7he opening lines of passage DB of the ;aode@ing
come to mind here
0f you give up learning, troubles end#
Ho" much difference is there bet"een yes and noT -nd is there a difference bet"een lovely and uglyT
0f we can't stop fearin those thins people fear% it's pure confusion% never-endin confusion&&&&
0f we don't expect certainty or utility or efficiency% we won't be upset when they fail to appear&
Ancertainty is out inevitable condition####
0f you think the counterplan is less certain than the 1ac% then you should vote for it
$urcio '1O James, "8pistemological +ihilism Practical 7aoism" -ugust,
http!!"""#modernmythology#net!DBC)!B$!epistemological-nihilism-practical#html
The cost of certainty outweihs the cost of uncertainty& When we are certain% we filter out
contrary information% often without bein aware of it& This is covered extensively in the study of
conitive and social bias& 0t is rarely conscious% which makes it all the more danerous# When "e
are a"are of our uncertainty, "e may become overburdened by cognitive dissonance# 7his can lead to
hapha,ard decision ma2ing, since it doesn/t matter any"ay# -f the two% the latter is both the more
honest% and also a better representation of the case# Ho"ever, there is a better option#
The notion that you should vote aff as a way of challenin pain and sufferin is what causes
pain and sufferin -- actin towards the end identified in their 3off evidence is a reason no
permutation solves
=iet!sche 'JM H .erman Philosopher 1Eriedrich, Q>eyond .ood and 8vilR, Page )'D3
DD%# Whether it be hedonism, pessimism, utilitarianism, or eudaemonism, all those modes of thin2ing "hich
measure the "orth of things according to P?8-SAF8 and P-0+, that is, according to accompanying
circumstances and secondary considerations, are plausible modes of thought and naivetes, "hich every one
conscious of CF8-70K8 po"ers and an artist/s conscience "ill loo2 do"n upon "ith scorn, though not "ithout
sympathy# Sympathy for youcSto be sure, that is not sympathy as you understand it it is not sympathy for
social Qdistress,R for QsocietyR "ith its sic2 and misfortuned, for the hereditarily vicious and defective "ho lie
on the ground around us< still less is it sympathy for the grumbling, vexed, revolutionary slaveclasses "ho
strive after po"erSthey call it Qfreedom#R :AF sympathy is a loftier and furthersighted sympathyS"e see
ho" 9-+ d"arfs himself, ho" G:A d"arf himc and there are moments "hen "e vie" G:AF sympathy "ith
an indescribable anguish, "hen "e resist it,S"hen "e regard your seriousness as more dangerous than any
2ind of levity# Gou "ant, if possibleSand there is not a more foolish Qif possible" S7: ;: -W-G W07H
SAEE8F0+.< and "eTSit really seems that W8 "ould rather have it increased and made "orse than it has
ever beenc Wellbeing, as you understand itSis certainly not a goal< it seems to us an 8+;< a condition "hich
at once renders man ludicrous and contemptibleSand ma2es his destruction ;8S0F->?8c 7he discipline of
suffering, of .F8-7 sufferingS2no" ye not that it is only 7H0S discipline that has produced all the elevations
of humanity hithertoT
aDG solvency deficit
Their solvency deficit aruments for epistemoloical purity represent a form of eotism -- this
desire for mastery turns the aff
#cott% ;AA 1Johns Hop2ins -nthropology Professor , Fefashioning Eutures Criticism -fter Postcoloniality, pg#
%3
0n their ,eal for their o"n version of epistemological purity, the anti-essentialists sho" themselves unable to
put a"ay or suppress their own desire for mastery , for certainty, for the command of an essential meaning#
0t "ere as though, as Stuart Hall has put it, if they go on "thin2ing about Heidegger and ;errida long enough
OtheyP "ill come to a moment "hen all "ill be transparent, and###"ill hold#" 0n effect, then, "hat starts out being
a "elcome humbling of certain hegemonic regimes of 7ruth turns out to be little more than the adoption of an
updated counter-design procedure, a counter-rationalism, a counter-claim to the right "ay for criticism to
carry on# 9y o"n vie" is that if criticism cannot be understood as 2no"ing omnisciently in advance of any
cognitive-political contingency or historical con@uncture "hat demand it has to meet, "hat its tas2s are
supposed to be, "hat target ought to ma2e a claim on its attention, and "hat 5uestions ought to constitute its
apparatus and animate its preoccupations, then its theoretical claim has to be a some"hat differently
formulated one# -nd one "ay of reformulating the claim of criticism so as to ans"er the antifoundationalist
criti5ue of the 8nlightenment without at the same time reinscribing a ne" rationalism is to understand
criticism as a strategic practice# 0 am, of course, "ell a"are that thin2ing of criticism in relation to a nation of
strategy is not itself a novel proposition# >ut the vie" of this relation that 0 shall advance here is not the more
familiar one of "strategic essentialism#" :n this vie", simplifying some"hat, there are occasions of political
con@unucture in "hich essentialisms are appropriate-- indeed perhaps even re5uired-- and there are others in
"hich they are not # 0 have a different vie", and in "hat follo"s 0 spell out "hat 0 "ill "ant to mean by the
relation bet"een strategy and criticism in this boo2# F#.# Colling"ood is helpful for "hat 0 am after here#
Feaders of Colling"ood/s -n -utobiography-- the "story of his thought," as he described it-- "ill recall the
central chapter in "hich he outlined "hat he called " a loic of question and answer #" 7his logic,
Colling"ood argued, "as in fact nothing ne"< it really only restated a classical principle, namely "the principle
that a body of 2no"ledge consists not of /propositions,/ /statements,/ /@udgments,/ or "hatever name logicians
use in order to designate assertive acts of thought 1or "hat in those acts is asserted for /2no"ledge/ means both
the activity of 2no"ing and "hat is 2no"n3, but of these together "ith the questions they are meant to
answerI and that a logic in "hich the ans"ers are attended to and the 5uestions neglected is a false loic&,
The advocacy statement rather than our story which contains the political potentiality of a
question mark is an independent reason to vote neative -- blueprintin criticism denies any
possibility of its radical potential
Wendy Brown, Political 7heory ] AC >er2eley, and Janet Halley, ?a" ] Harvard, '2
10ntroduction# ?eft ?egalism!?eft Criti5ue p D(-D$3
>et us admit forthrihtly, ho"ever, that critique does not uarantee political outcomes% let alone
political resolutions & Cet% rather than apoloi!e for this aspect of critique , "hy not affirm itT Eor
part of "hat it means to dissect the discursive practices that organi,e our lives is to embar2 on an in5uiry
"hose outcome is un2no"n, and the process of "hich "ill be totally disorienting at times# 7o probe for its
constituent elements discontent
about a particular political aim or strategy is not to 2no" immediately t might reform or replace that aim#
0ndeed, one of our "orries about le-m pertains to its impulse to call the 5uestion too peremptorily# 6arx's
critiques of left Hegelianism "or2ed closely "ith the texts and political formulations that he found
dissatisfying, but they were not expressly orani!ed by a clear alternative& 0t was throuh the
process of sub)ectin political and philosophical idealism to critique that 6arx found his way to
dialectical materialism and political economy, but a careful reading of this v "or2 ma2es clear that 6arx did
not know in advance where his critiques would take him% and that premature closure on the
question would have stymied both the critique and the productive disorientation it achieved for him
about left Hegelianism# Surely we should not disavow a critique of the tensions and contradictions
in affirmative action simply because that criti5ue does not deliver in advance a blueprint or set of strategies for
achieving racial, gender, or class )ustice in (merica &
=ot knowin what a critique will yield is not the same as suspending all political values "hile engaged in
criti5ue# 0t is possible to care passionately about offerin richer educational opportunities to those
historically excluded from them while sub)ectin to ruthless critique the institutional and
discursive practices that have thus far orani!ed that aim& 0t is possible to sustain a deep commitment
to the vision of e5uality for sexual minorities in a heterosexual culture "hile sub@ecting to criti5ue a range of
techni5ues Sfrom the campaigned for gay marriage to the constitution of 5ueers as genetically
predetermined----advanced in the name of such e5uality# -nd even if
of racially mar2ed ones but that stri2e us as urgently un@ust, or by revealing that the idea of "sexual minorities"
is at once so incoherent and so interpellative that it may belong under the heading "the problem" rather than
the heading "the solution" S the resulting disorientation remains deeply political# -nd so, althouh political
commitments may constitute both the incitement to critique and the sustainin impulse of it%
these commitments themselves will almost inevitably chane their shape in the course of its
undertakin # $ritique is worth nothin if it does not brin the very terms of such commitments
under scrutiny% if it does not transform its content and the discourse in "hich it is advanced# 0n this volume,
Judith >utler argues for @ust such a transformation "hen she "arns that to remain "ithin the existing terms of
the gay 2inship debates is to accept "an epistemological field structured by a fundamental loss, one that "e can
no longer name enough even to grieve#"
#o critique is risky& 0t can be a disruptive% disorientin% and at times destructive enterprise of
knowlede & 0t can be vertiinous knowlede% knowlede that produces bouts of political
inarticulateness and uncertainty% knowlede that bears no immediate policy outcomes or table
of tactics# -nd it can include on its casualty list a number of losses S discarded "ays of thin2ing and
operatingS"ith no clear replacements# 'ut critique is risky in another sense as well% what miht be
called an affirmative sense& :or critique ha!ards the openin of new modalities of thouht and
political possibility % and potentially affords as "ell the possibility of enormous pleasure S political%
intellectual% and ethical&

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