Review by: Almuth Degener Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Third Series, Vol. 9, No. 2 (Jul., 1999), pp. 306-307 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25183690 . Accessed: 12/08/2013 01:59 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. . Cambridge University Press and Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 188.118.81.215 on Mon, 12 Aug 2013 01:59:20 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 3 06 Review of Books interpretation goes against all we know of Zoroastrian rules connected with menstruation, and therefore must be rejected. An alternative to it would be to take ta as meaning "until" and read the passage: "As long as a woman is not in menses (lit. "until a woman is/becomes in menses), she may perform the Yasna with zohr, (if) she is in menses, one should not allow her into the fire-chamber." The editors interpret ta as a conjunction, meaning "that is; namely" (which works surprisingly well in other sentences) and separate the first clause from what follows: "A woman, of course, may be in menses." This leaves the problem, for the following sentences would have to mean: 'In that case, she (a-s) may perform the Yasna with zohr." The circumvention of this problem by interpreting oh to mean "thus" referring to a ruling that follows in this case strikes me as unlikely; in such rulings, oh kunisn usually means "it may be so done." This problem illustrates, I hope, the difficulty of the work done by the editors; sound philology alone will not do for the study of a text of such great complexity. The careful combination of textual philology with contextual information, particularly on subde points of observance and doctrine, has produced not only a satisfactory reading of a difficult text, but also an insightful work of reference for the study of the development and interpretations of Zoroastrian rituals. I hope the remaining two volumes will be published soon. Albert de Jong Pelliot Chinois 2928. A Khotanese love story. Translated by Mauro Maggi. (Serie Orientale Roma, vol. LXXX). pp. 88,4 plates. Rome, Istituto Italiano per l'Africa e l'Oriente. 1997. 25,000 Lire. Over the past ten years, there have appeared in the field of Khotanese philology, besides numerous articles and studies on single words or on grammatical problems, several new text editions, e.g. G. Canevascini's edition of the Sanghatusutra (1993), Duan Qing's edition of the Aparimitayuhsutra (1992), and R. E. Emmerick's edition of the St Petersburg folios (1995). Mauro Maggi's edition and translation of "Pelliot Chinois 2928" is one of the finest works that has been published. Like the other editions mentioned above, it is a Buddhist text, but unlike them we do not know of any parallel text in another language. Maggi calls it "Love Story" on account of its content, namely the love story of a householder's son and of a minister's daughter. It is not quite clear whether there is one story, or two stories, the second one being a story cast within a framework of the first story. The decisive point is in verse 7. There, a certain householder who got married and to whom a son was born in verses 1?6 "spoke to his wife. He said to her: 'Here now, a son has been born ...'." What is not quite clear is where the householder's speech ends. Is it in verse 8, as Maggi suggests? Or is the Love Story (which really starts here) in fact the story within, put into the householder's mouth? Since we have only a fragmentary text in Khotanese and no parallel text elsewhere, we cannot decide this question; however, the words mara maja ksxra "here in our land" in verse 9 seem to point to a frame story construction. In any case, the story is a pleasure to read in Maggi's edition and translation, much more indeed than Buddhist doctrinal texts. Maggi offers some new interpretations, almost all of them entirely convincing, such as his explanation of ysanausci- as "kinship" and his delightful interpretation of the hzpax piilona as "leopard" < *prdanika-, although it is impossible to prove. Even if it is difficult to follow Maggi in his conclusions, his argumentation is always well worth reading. For example, I do not think his interpretation of vachauste as "wished" is irrefutable. Vachauste could mean something like "presented", "asked for", "thought of", or even something else. Still, his refutation of earlier interpretations of this word is entirely reasonable and certainly correct and in itself means a considerable step forward in Khotanese studies. Maggi always considers the context, ? maybe a commonplace operation in other philologies, but worth mentioning in the field of Khotanese studies. This content downloaded from 188.118.81.215 on Mon, 12 Aug 2013 01:59:20 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Review of Books 307 As to the translation itself, I should just like to point out that ha(n)dara- does not always mean "other" but, like Sanskrit anyatara- "a certain", e.g. in verse 2 hada sa bisadarai "a certain householder" instead of "one other householder". But, as mentioned above, this small booklet is an outstanding work. It is of course furnished with a glossary and very good facsimiles. Almuth Degener Many heads, arms and eyes. Origin, meaning and form of multiplicity in Indian art. By Doris Meth Srinivasan. (Studies in Asian Art and Archaeology 20). pp. xxi, 436, illus. Leiden, E.J. Brill, 1997. US$151. "Why are the images of Indian gods provided with many arms and heads?" This pioneering book, the impressive result of years of painstaking textual, religious and art-historical research, provides the answer. In the author's words, this is a "study of what an image tells us about the origin and structure of divinity in the cosmic unfolding process; it is not a study about the icon and its use in worship by god's devotee ..." (p. 14). And what an exhaustive, magisterial study it is! The aim of the author is to investigate the rise and development of what she aptly defines as the "multiplicity convention". The analysis focuses on north India, especially on the area of Mathura, from ca. the second century B.C., when this convention began, until the third century A.D. when it was fully established. In order to put her data into a context, the author also looks at pre- and proto-historic material, as well as at later pieces of the Gupta and post-Gupta era. The book is divided into two parts, each consisting of five sections: "Meaning. Textual Studies" and "Form. Iconographic Studies." In the twelve chapters constituting the first part of the work, the author reviews the origin and development of the multiplicity convention in the salient literary sources from the Vedic to the post-epic literature. A perceptive analysis of this vast amount of material reveals that the multiplicity convention appears consistendy in this corpus of literature, beginning from the Vedic Rudra and the Vedic Purusa. The thesis of the author is that: "a deity associated with cosmic creation is attributed multiple bodily parts and/or forms" (p. 5). The ideas of cosmic parturition and of the "Pregnant Male" seem to be the notion underlying the convention of multiplicity in the Rg Veda and in the Brahmanas. Although the Upsanisads do not focus on the idea of the omniform "Pregnant Male", the concept is not forgotten. In the epic period, the situation becomes more complex in that the multiplicity imagery may also be influenced by factors other than the Vedic heritage. Thus the image of the "Pregnant Male" reveals some Vaisnava and Saiva traits. The next step of the enquiry considers the question of how the literary image of a creator god, whose womb is replete with life forms, relates to the multi-limbed images. The answer is the mukhalinga: the heads emanating from the linga are the first stages of a process which will be completed only when the body/bodies are fully revealed. The author, however, remarks that this transition, so clear in the Saiva images, is not evident in the Vaisnava ones - and the problem needs to be further investigated. Casting her net wider, Srinivasan argues that the multiplicity of convention is not only confined to the visualisation of deities such as: Siva, Vasudeva-Krsna and the Devi - at least in the early stages of Indian art. Indeed, it is a characteristic of Hindu mythology in which, more often than not, a cycle of myths pertaining to one god may have multiple variations on the same core theme. This is in tune with the cyclic concept of time, by which a deity performs different feats in different ages and can appear under a particular aspect, suited to that very age. There are many theories which seek to explain the multiform convention. According to the author, there is a distinction to be made between the early and later Hindu images endowed with many limbs. The former relate mainly to theological knowledge or veda: the latter to Wa, or divine play. Pre-Gupta Hindu images are mainly This content downloaded from 188.118.81.215 on Mon, 12 Aug 2013 01:59:20 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions