Source: Artibus Asiae, Vol. 61, No. 2 (2001), pp. 149-188 Published by: Artibus Asiae Publishers Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3249909 . Accessed: 25/04/2014 04:40 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. . Artibus Asiae Publishers is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Artibus Asiae. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions DONALD F. McCALLUM THE EARLIEST BUDDHIST STATUES IN JAPAN I. INTRODUCTION The beginnings of any artistic tradition have a special fascination, particularly when seen from the perspective of subsequent developments.' Certainly the long and rich history of Buddhist sculp- ture in Japan arouses one's interest in its origins, and there have been, of course, numerous studies devoted to this topic. Although this paper is related to the general question of the origins of Buddhist sculpture in Japan, a more specific focus is suggested by the title. First, the term "Buddhist statues" is intended to exclude from consideration the small number of Chinese mirrors incorporating repre- sentations of Buddhist deities that have been found in Kofun period (3o00-6oo A.D.) burials.3 The rea- son for this exclusion is that there is no proof that these mirrors were associated with the practice of Buddhism. These pieces probably entered Japan along with other categories of mirrors, and presum- ably they were prized as mirrors rather than as Buddhist icons. A second point has to do with the phrase "in Japan." I have deliberately avoided the adjective "Japanese" since it implies some sort of national I An enormous literature exists concerning the "origins" of Christian art, and I would suggest that the student of Bud- dhist art might benefit from this material. Among the more interesting recent publications, the following might be mentioned: Paul Corby Finney, The Invisible God: The Earliest Christians on Art (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994); Moshe Barasch, Icon: Studies in the History ofan Idea (New York and London: New York Uni- versity Press, 1992); Thomas F. Matthews, The Clash of the Gods: A Reinterpretation of Early Christian Art (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993); Hans Belting, Likeness and Presence: A History of the Image before the Era of Art (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, I994). 2 Kuno Takeshi, "Asuka butsu no tanj6" (Birth ofAsuka Period Buddhist Sculpture), Bijutsu kenkyZ315 (i980), 147-161 (hereafter abbreviated to Kuno, "Birth"); Alexander C. Soper, "Notes on H6ryoji and the Sculpture of the 'Suiko' Period," Art Bulletin 33, no. 2 (I95I), 77-94, (Soper's article is in part a review of Langdon Warner,Japanese Sculpture ofthe Suiko Period [New Haven: Yale University Press, I923], hereafter abbreviated to Warner, Suiko); Francois Berthier, "Les premieres statues bouddhiques duJapon, entrevues " travers les textes anciens," Arts Asiatiques 41 (1986), lo4-1o9. A recent survey is Onishi Shuya, "Shaka sanzon z6 no genryu," in Mizuno Keizabur6 (ed.), Nihon bijutsu zenshzu 2, Horyzuji kara Yakushiji e: Asuka-Nara no kenchiku-chikoku (Tokyo: K-dansha, I990), 164-170. This volume, hereafter abbreviated to Mizuno Keizabur6, Horyu-ji kara, has excellent color photographs of all of images discussed in this paper. After this article was prepared, a long study by Konno Toshifumi appeared, entitled: "Sh6rai 'hon'y6' no utsushi to busshi (I)- Asuka butsu no tanj6 to Tori busshi," Bukkyogeijutsu 248 (200ooo), 69-98; the English title is given as "Copies of the Imported 'True Image' and Buddhist Sculptors (I)- The emergence ofAsuka Buddhist sculpture and the sculp- tor Tori" (hereafter abbreviated to Konno, "True Image"). As this article takes a significantly different perspective from the one presented here, I will try to consider Konno's ideas and approach in as much detail as practical. 3 Mizuno Seiichi has dealt with these mirrors in "Ch-goku ni okeru butsuz6 no hajimari," in Chzugoku no Bukkyo bijutsu (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1968), 2o-27 (Originally published in Bukkyjgeijutsu 7, 1950o). See also Wu Hung, "Buddhist Ele- ments in Early Chinese Art (2nd and 3rd Centuries A.D.)" Artibus Asiae 47, nos. 2/3 (1986), 276-281. Konno, "True Image," 71-73, argues that the inhabitants of Japan during the Kofun period had a greater awareness of the icono- graphies of these mirrors than I think likely. 149 This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions characteristics inherent in the monuments, whereas all Buddhist icons used in the early period under discussion here seem to have been imported from the Korean peninsula. This study will end just prior to widespread production of Buddhist sculptures in Japan proper, the period referred to by art histo- rians as the Asuka period. Although precise dates are frequently given for the Asuka period, I prefer the more general circa 590 - circa 65o A.D. dates, since such a chronology avoids the impression that Asuka period art sud- denly began in 552 A.D. (or 538 A.D.) with the "official introduction" of Buddhism, and ended in 645 A.D. with the so-called Taika Reform. In approaching the fragmentary material available, I will avoid the type of teleological search that strives to locate specific objects that are then forced into the role of original objects on which all sub- sequent developments are said to be based. Instead, I will attempt to elucidate the complexity of the early stages of Buddhism and Buddhist art in Japan, showing how doctrines and icons entered the islands in various places and at various times. Here my approach differs from the standard methodol- ogy of Japanese scholarship, which can be characterized as Yamato-centric: that is, the assumption that Buddhist practice and imagery arrived first at the court in Yamato and only subsequently dif- fused out to other areas of the country. Before considering actual images extant in Japan, the documentary evidence related to early Bud- dhist art must be examined. This evidence is very incomplete, and not entirely satisfactory, but it does provide us with some potentially useful information on the circumstances of Buddhism in 6th-cen- tury Japan. An effort to relate this documentary material to the surviving monuments will shed some light on the earliest statues in Japan. Several small, gilt-bronze statues form the core of the study. Included are two images in the famous "Forty-eight Buddhist Deities" group, now housed in a special structure at the Tokyo National Museum.4 One, designated as no. IM, is a standing Buddha figure (fig. I), the other, no. 158, a medi- tating bodhisattva (fig. 4). Both have been recognized by virtually all Japanese authorities as images produced on the continent, presumably in the Korean peninsula, and brought to Japan at a very early time, perhaps during the second half of the 6th century. Other images to be discussed in detail are the Funagatayamajinja standing bodhisattva (fig. 7) and the Kanshoin meditating bodhisattva (fig. IO). For our present purposes, the most important feature of these four figures is that they display styles that seem to precede those seen in images assumed to have been made in Japan during the Asuka period. The very early styles of these images must be stressed here, since there are other images in the "Forty-eight Buddhist Deities" group and elsewhere, which are also assumed to have been imported from Korea. However, as all or most of the latter images can be associated directly with the main cur- rents of Asuka sculpture, they are not relevant to this narrative. 4 The "Forty-eight Buddhist Deities" group consists of small, gilt-bronze images, mostly of 7th century date, the major- ity of which were originally at Tachibanadera, but then moved to Horyuji in the medieval period. These images were presumably for private devotion, but gradually over the centuries were placed in temples as their owners passed away. Consequently, their present grouping is arbitrary, and it cannot be considered an iconographical unit. In the Meiji period, Horyuji "donated" these images and other objects to the imperial household, and they were subsequently trans- ferred to the Tokyo National Museum. They are currently housed in an extravagantly lavish new building opened in 1999. A history of the display of these sculptures, arguably the greatest assemblage of gilt-bronze Buddhist icons in the world, is very much needed. 15o This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions While the images just mentioned are, in my view, the most important examples of sculpture rel- evant to the aims of this study, various scholars have cited other images as evidence for early develop- ments in Japan. Consequently, I pay some attention to these images in order to provide a compre- hensive survey of problems associated with the earliest Buddhist sculpture inJapan. Finally, the study presents conclusions as to what we can say about the earliest phase of Buddhist art in Japan.5 2. DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE There has been a great deal of controversy concerning the date and significance of the so-called official introduction of Buddhism into Japan.6 While a definitive resolution of these problems is not possible here, a brief summary of the issues is necessary in order to put the extant monuments into a proper perspective. The standard account of the official introduction of Buddhism is given in Nihon shoki (720 A.D.) under the 13th year of Emperor Kinmei, equivalent to A.D. 552.7 The text states that King Song of Paekche sent two envoys who presented to the Emperor one gilt bronze image of Shaka, some banners and umbrellas, and Buddhist texts. This is followed by a quite detailed account of the reception of these gifts. A second text, Gang6ji engi (A.D. 747), provides a different version of King Song's gift. It places the event in the 7th year of Kinmei, the tsuchinoe-uma year of the cyclical dating system.8 Although Kinmei 7 would correspond to 546 in the Nihon shoki chronology, the tsuchinoe-uma year is 5 I have made a preliminary effort to analyze the process whereby Buddhism and Buddhist art were transferred from Three Kingdoms Korea to Asuka Japan in "Korean Influence on Early Japanese Buddhist Sculpture," Korean Culture 3, no. I (1982), 22-29; Tamura Ench6, "Kan'yaku Bukky6 ken no Bukky6 denrai," in Kodai Chisen Bukkyj to Nihon Bukkyj (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan, I980), 1-18 (hereafter abbreviated to Tamura, Kodai); idem., "Japan and the Eastward Permeation of Buddhism," Acta Asiatica 47 (1985), I-30 (hereafter abbreviated to Tamura, "Eastward Per- meation"). Konno, "True Image," pays relatively little attention to the Korean peninsula in his study, instead con- centrating on China. 6 G. Rennondeau, "La date de l'introduction du bouddhisme auJapon," T'oung Pao 47, nos. I-2 (1959), I6-29; Tamura, "Nihon no bukky6 denrai" in Kodai, 19-36; Masuda So, "Kinmei tenn6 jusannen Bukky6 torai setsu no seiritsu: Nihon shoki no hensan ni tsuite," in Sakamoto Tar6 hakusei kanreki ki'nenkai (eds.), Nihon kodai shironshu (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kbbunkan, 1962), vol. I, 289-327; Mizuno Ry-tar6, "Gang6ji engi to Nihon shoki no bukkyb denrai nendai" in Nihon kodai no jiin to shiryj (Tokyo: Yoshikawa K6bunkan, I993), 82-Ioo; Charles Holcombe, "Trade-Buddhism: Maritime Trade, Immigration, and the Buddhist Landfall in Early Japan",)ournal of the American Oriental Society II9.2 (I999), 280-292. An excellent recent study is Hong6 Masatsugu, "Bukky6 denrai," in Yoshimura Takehiko (ed.), Keitai-Kin- mei ch6 to Bukkyj denrai (Tokyo: Yoshikawa K6bunkan, I999), 240-265 (hereafter abbreviated to Hong6, "Bukkyo denrai"). 7 Nihon shoki, Kinmei 13th year, winter, Ioth month. W.G. Aston, Nihongi: Chronicles ofjfapanfrom the Earliest Times to 697, (Tokyo: Tuttle, I972), vol. 2, 65-67 (hereafter abbreviated to "Aston"); Sakamoto Tar6, et al., Nihon shoki I and II, vols. 67 and 68 of Nihon koten bungaku taikei, (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, I980), vol. 2, Ioo-Io3 (hereafter abbrevi- ated to "Sakamoto"). I translate the Japanese term tennr throughout as "Emperor" for the sake of convenience; this should not be taken as implying that the monarch of early Japan was in some way more powerful than, for example, the "King" of Paekche. 8 Gangoji garan engi narabi ni ruki shizaichi, ed. by Sakurai Tokutar6 in vol. 2o ofNihon shiso taikei, jisha engi, (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, I975), 8-9 (modern Japanese translation) and 328 (original text). For a discussion and partial trans- 151I This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions equivalent to 538, and that year must have been intended. Not only does Gangoji engi give a different year for the donation, but also describes the gift differently, stating that it consisted of "An image of the Prince, one set of equipment to sprinkle [water] on the Buddha, and a set of books explaining the origin of the Buddha." A much later text,]igg Shitoku h66 teisetsu (mid-Heian), also gives the year as 538, but states that the gift consisted of"A Buddhist icon, Buddhist texts, and a monk."9 What sort of image (or images) was sent by King Sing of Paekche? And when did he send it or them ? Finally, what was the reception of the gift in Japan ? Considering the second question first, most scholars now believe that the date of King Song's gift was in the year 538. Since this was the year that King Sing moved the capital of Paekche from Ungjin (Kongju) to Sabi (Puyo), it would have been a highly appropriate occasion for an impressive diplomatic gesture. On the other hand, 552 was a time when King Song was involved in warfare with Silla, following their joint conquest of the Han River basin, which they had taken from Koguryo.Io Various suggestions have been made as to what sort of images might have been presented by King Sing. If one assumes that it was an image of Shaka, as related in Nihon shoki, then the famous stand- ing Shaka from KoguryS with a date corresponding to 539 seems to be the most likely candidate for comparison." On the other hand, if the Gangoji engi account is accepted, then there would seem to have been not one but two icons. The most plausible candidate for an image of the prince would be a meditating bodhisattva in the hanka shii pose, a type very common on the Korean peninsula.'I In the hanka shii pose, the bodhisattva sits with the right leg crossed over the left leg, the ankle resting on lation of Gang'ji engi see Miwa Stevenson, "The Founding of the Monastery Gang6ji and a List of Its Treasures," in George J. Tanabe, Jr. (ed.), Religions of Japan in Practice (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999), 295-315. 9 Jjgf Shatoku huu teisetsu, Ienaga Sabura (ed.) in vol. 2 ofNihon shisj taikei, Shotoku Taishi shf, (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1975), 372-373. Io For the reign of King Song see Ki-baik Lee, A New History ofKorea (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984), 43-44. There are many difficulties in ascertaining reasons for King S'ng's gift when one is required to make a choice between the 538 and 552 possibilities. See Tamura, "Eastern Permeation," 12-17. 11 For an illustration and discussion of the 539 Shaka see Junghee Lee, "Sixth Century Buddhist Art," Korean Culture, vol. 2, no. 2 (1981), fig. I, and 28-30; Matsubara Sabur6, Kankoku kondd butsu kenkyf (Tokyo: Yoshikawa K6bunkan, I985), pl. I, 7-8 (hereafter abbreviated to Matsubara, Kankoku). I am using a sculpture from Kogury" here since there is no image extant from Paekche of an appropriately early date. One can assume, however, that at this time the Buddha figure from the northern and southern kingdoms of Korea would be basically the same in style and iconography. As demonstrated by Soper, the "Chinese" style Buddha figure was developed in southern China during the 5th century and subsequently influenced the Buddha figure in the later phases of Yungang and Longmen (circa 475-525). From this northern source, Buddhism and Buddhist imagery moved to Koguryo. See Alexander C. Soper, "South Chinese Influence on the Buddhist Art of the Six Dynasties Period," Bulletin of the Museum ofFar Eastern Antiquities 32 (i96o), 47-112. 12 For this type of icon seeJunghee Lee, "The Contemplating Bodhisattva Images of Asia with Special Emphasis on China and Korea," unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles, 1984; and idem., "The Origins and Development of the Pensive Bodhisattva Images of Asia," Artibus Asiae 53, nos. 3/4 (1993), 311-357. For an extensive series of essays see Tamura Ench6 and Huang Su Young (eds.), Hanka shii zU no kenkyf (Tokyo: Yoshikawa K6bunkan, I985). Tamura, "Eastern Permeation,"I8-20, argues that Gangoji engi's "image of the Prince" refers to Prince Sid- dhartha prior to his enlightenment, and thus interprets "books on the origin of the Buddha" as a narrative explaining the life of akyamuni. Naturally, under this interpretation the hanka shii pose would not be interpreted as Maitreya (Miroku), the next Buddha. 152 This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions the knee, and with the right hand held up to the face, a finger touching the cheek in a meditative ges- ture. Possibly the "one set of equipment to sprinkle [water] on the Buddha" refers to a "Newborn Bud- dha" (tanjo butsu) and the appropriate water basin.3 Conceivably, although not so likely, Gangoji engi may refer to only one image, a tanjo butsu referred to as the prince, and the equipment needed to per- form a lustration ceremony. This interpretation may be questioned as involving an overly specialized iconography given the early stage of Buddhist practice in Japan. Nihon shoki and GangjiJ engi provide differing accounts of the reception of the gift by Kinmei and subsequent events. According to Nihon shoki, Kinmei was very impressed by the Buddhist icon, but did not know what to do with it; the O-omi, Soga no Iname, was in favor of receiving the icon, while the two O-muraji, Mononobe no Okoshi and Nakatomi no Kamako, were opposed, arguing that the native gods would be angry if a foreign deity was accepted by the court. Kinmei decided to give the icon to Iname, who first enshrined it in his Oharida residence and then purified his Mukuhara resi- dence so that it could serve as a temple for the icon. Later, after a plague struck and many people died, Okoshi and others blamed the foreign god and, with the emperor's permission, threw the image into Naniwa Canal and burned down the temple.14 Gangoji engi's account is different in several important details; as we have already seen, the date of the gift and its contents vary significantly. Moreover, rather than Kinmei presenting the gift directly to Iname, Kinmei follows Iname's recommendation and gives it to his own daughter, Princess Nukatabe (subsequently Empress Suiko), and it is then worshipped in her quarters.'5 Finally, a year after acceptance of the icon, when the plague strikes and various ministers assert that this resulted from worship of a foreign god, although Kinmei prohibits Iname from worshipping the Buddha, Iname adopts a policy of passive resistance which Kinmei accepts. The motivations of those who compiled Gangoji engi are not hard to detect: the gift to Princess Nukatabe places acceptance of Buddhism directly at the center of the court, just where the authorities at Gangoji would want it to be when the Gangoji engi was compiled during the mid-8th century; and, Iname's famous passive resistance and Kinmei's collusion with it disposed of the embarrassing matter of the destroyed icon and temple.16 Jogu Shitoku hoo teisetsu offers a briefer narrative, agreeing with Gango-ji engi on the year of the gift,17 with Nihon shoki on it being presented to Soga no Iname, but differing from both in stating that in addition to icon and texts, a monk was also included.,]oguf Shjtoku hoo teisetsu also specifies that the destruction of the icon was carried out in 570. During the year 553, the year following its account of the "official" introduction, Nihon shoki has another story relating to Buddhist images: 13 Tanaka Yoshiyasu, Tanjo butsu, vol. 159 of Nihon no bijutsu (Tokyo: Shibundo, 1979). 14 This account shows strong traces of Chinese texts, some of which were brought to Japan in 718, when the monk Doji returned from China. See Hongo, "Bukky6 denrai," 241-242; Inoue Kaoru, Nihon kodai no seiji to shukyo (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan, I96I), I87-232. 15 Since the dates of Princess Nukatabe's life are traditionally given as 554-628, this legend would be impossible for both the 538 and 552 dates as the official introduction. 16 Gangaji engi does have an account of this event, placing it after the death of Iname. 17 Although they agree on the year (cyclical characters), there are differences in the month and day. 153 This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions During the I4th year of Emperor Kinmei, Summer, 5th month, 7th day, a report from Kawachi Province said: "From within the sea at Chinu in Izumi k-ri there was heard Buddhist music, which echoed like the sound of thunder. A glory shone like the radiance of the sun." In his heart the Emperor wondered at this, and dispatched Ikebe no Atai to investigate. At this time, Ikebe no Atai went to the sea and the result was that he discovered a camphor log brightly shining as it floated on the sea. At length he took it and presented it to the emperor. The Emperor ordered a craftsman to make it into two Buddha images. These are the radiant camphor images now at Yoshinodera.18 Nihon shoki has yet another account associated with Buddhism, dated to the 6th year of Emperor Bidatsu (577): Bidatsu 6th year, Winter, IIth month, Ist day, The King of the Land of Paekche presented (to the emperor), by means of the returning envoy Owake no 0 kimi and his companions a number of reli- gious books, together with a master of vinaya, a master of meditation, a nun, a master of magical charms, a maker of Buddhist images, and a temple architect, six people in all. They were installed in the temple of Owake no 6-kimi in Naniwa.19 Owake no 6-kimi together with Oguro no kishi were sent to "govern" or "take charge of" Paekche in the 5th month of 577. One must assume that this is a typical pro-imperial exaggeration, which dis- guised the fact that the two Japanese officials were not going to Paekche to "govern" that kingdom, but were simply envoys between two monarchs of roughly equivalent status. When they returned to their homeland about six months later they brought the gifts just enumerated from King Wid'k (reigned 554-98) to Emperor Bidatsu of Japan. Perhaps King Wid'k was emulating the diplomatic strategy of his predecessor, King Song, who had made Kinmei a gift of a Buddhist icon, su-tras, and ritual equipment almost 40 years earlier. 18 Nihon shoki, Kinmei 14, Summer, 5th month, 7th day, Aston 2, 68; Sakamoto 2, lo2-1o5. Soper, "Notes on Horyfji, 77-79, has dealt in detail with this story under the heading: "The first Japanese Sculptor." Basing himself on Her- mann Bohner, Legenden aus der Fruhzeit des japanischen Buddhismus (Tokyo: Deutsche Gesellschaft for Natur- und Val1kerkunde Ostasiens, 1934), and Mochizuki Shinjo, Bukkyj daijiten (Tokyo: Sabata Yoshihiro, 1936), 4314, Soper traces the subsequent history of this story as seen in Heian and Kamakura texts. This development, however, is not relevant for our present purposes since it relates to later stages in formation ofJapanese legends concerning early Bud- dhist images. Particularly interesting is Soper's suggestion that the legend seen in Nihon shoki was fabricated on the basis of Chinese tales concerning miraculous images. See also Berthier, "Les premieres statues," Io7-1o8. Konno, "True Images," 70-73, takes this story more seriously than most scholars, arguing that there may be some factual details within the legendary narrative. He observes that the material - camphor wood - is the same as that of other early sculptures such as the Yumedono Kannon, and suggests that the model may have been derived from imagery on the bronze mirrors. With regard to the mirror imagery, he further argues that, since it is more pictorial than sculptural in character, this is the reason why a pictorial craftsman was assigned the task of producing the pair of images. In Konno's opinion, the new sculptures installed at Yoshinodera were not seen strictly as Buddhist icons, but rather were conceived of as kami ("deities") of a Buddhist category. 19 Nihon shoki, Bidatsu 6th year, winter, IIth month, Ist day. Aston 2, 96; Sakamoto 2, 140-141. 154 This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Owake is not elsewhere recorded in earlyJapanese history, although there seems no reason to doubt that he in fact traveled to Paekche on a diplomatic mission, presumably bearing gifts from the Japan- ese court, and returned from Paekche with gifts from King Wid'k. One can doubt, however, the reli- ability of the clause stating that he returned with six individuals associated with Buddhist practice and technology. This seems rather early in development of Buddhism in Japan, and, in any case, one assumes that such people would not have been sent without a specific request. The most likely possi- bility is that these people were confused with the group specifically summoned by the Soga clan in 588 to supervise construction of Asukadera, their clan temple.2o Apparently those who compiled Nihon shoki realized the difficulties with this account, especially since Bidatsu is characterized as anti-Bud- dhist., Thus the text states they were installed in the temple of Owake no 0-kimi in Naniwa (present day Osaka). Although this temple is otherwise unknown, I assume that behind the Nihon shoki account lies a gift of Buddhist texts, icons, ritual objects, etc., as well as one or more individuals associated with Buddhism, which ended up in private hands, perhaps to be installed in a household shrine at Naniwa. In that respect, the situation is roughly parallel to Soga no Iname's acceptance of the gift from King Sing in 538 (or 552z). Since Emperor Bidatsu was said to have been opposed to Buddhism, one must assume that the 577 donation, like the earlier one, passed into private hands.2 Although the southeastern of the Three Kingdoms, Silla, was less important in initial transmis- sion of Buddhism to Japan than Paekche, that kingdom also enters the record in 579, when Nihon shoki states that an envoy from Silla brought tribute to the court, including a Buddhist icon." Presumably this account disguises, as usual, a diplomatic exchange between equals. The year 579 marks the acces- sion of King Chinp'ying (reigned 579-632), so possibly this mission was associated with the new reign. Buddhism developed later in Silla than in Koguryo and Paekche, commencing under King Piph~ing (reigned 514-40) at the end of the 52os, growing under King Chinhing (reigned 540-76), and flourishing during the reigns of King Chinp'ying and his successors. Certainly, Buddhist icons were being produced in Silla by the 570s, so there is no reason to doubt the possibility of the Nihon shoki account. The last Nihon shoki entry of relevance to this study is the famous one during the 13th year of Bidatsu (584) that describes how two icons were brought from Paekche to Japan.23 The first, brought by Kafuka no omi, is described as a stone image of Miroku. The second, brought by Saeki no muraji, is simply referred to as a Buddha. Both images were received by the leader of the Soga clan, Soga no Umako. A considerable amount of effort has been expended in trying to understand the appearance of these images, especially the stone Miroku of Kafuka no omi, which seems ultimately to have been zo20 For an analysis that tends to accept the fundamental veracity of this account, see Ohashi Katsuaki, Asuka no bunmei kaika (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan, I997), 120-123. Individuals associated with early work at Asukadera are tabu- lated by Francois Berthier, "Asukadera mondai no saigimi- Sono honzon o ch-shin to shite," Bukkyogeijutsu 96 (I974), 56-57. 21 For a discussion of Bidatsu, see Inoue Mitsusada, Asuka no chitei, vol. 3 of Nihon no rekishi (Tokyo: Shogakkan, 1974), 180-182 (hereafter abbreviated to Inoue, Asuka ch6tei). Hongo, "Bukkyo denrai," 254-255, argues that Bidatsu was per- sonally opposed to accepting Buddhism because that would conflict with his status as chief priest of the indigenous religion. 22 Nihon shoki, Bidatsu 8th year, winter, Ioth month. Aston 2, 96; Sakamoto 2, 14o-141. 23 Ibid., Bidatsu I3th year, autumn, 9th month. Aston 2, IoI; Sakamoto 2, 148-149. 155 This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions enshrined at the Soga clan temple, Asukadera.24 The most plausible comparative monument of Paekche is a fragmentary stone Maitreya kept at the National Museum of Korea, Puya.2I51 would suggest, how- ever, that by the year 584 we are approaching the era when Buddhist sculpture began to be produced in Japan itself, especially under the patronage of the Soga clan. Thus we are moving beyond the period covered by this study. Interpretation of the early Japanese historical documents is fraught with problems. As a general rule, one must examine each text with great care, attempting to determine the author's motivations. If a specific account seems to have been written primarily to enhance the reputation of a certain indi- vidual or group, one must be exceedingly cautious in accepting its veracity. On the other hand, if what is said seems not to be basically self-serving, we are perhaps justified in at least tentatively adopting its data for our own purposes. In some respects, total agnosticism is as fruitless as blind acceptance, espe- cially when it comes to a period such as 6th-century Japan, for which so little documentation survives.6 3. STANDING BUDDHA NO. IsI IN THE "FORTY-EIGHT BUDDHIST DEITIES" The first extant image to be discussed in detail is the bronze standing Buddha, no. 151 (figs. 1-3), in the "Forty-eight Buddhist Deities" group in the Tokyo National Museum.27 This figure is 41L3 cm tall from the top of the head to the base of the pedestal tenon; the figure proper is 33.5 cm tall. Only the upper part of the pedestal is original, the lower section being a modern repair. In general the image is quite well preserved, although most of the fingers are broken off, and practically all the gilt is lost. Perhaps the most striking feature of this image is the very small head in proportion to the length of the body.28 This is especially evident in comparison with the standard Asuka period Soga-Tori style 24 For this image see Fujisawa Kazuo, "Kafuka no omi Kudara shbrai Miroku sekizb setsu," Shiseki to bijutsu 177 (1947), 81-93; Tanaka Shigehisa, "Kudara denrai to sh-suru saisho no Miroku sekizb o utagau," ibid., 318 (1961); Fujisawa Kazuo, "Kafuka no omi Kudara sh-rai Miroku sekiz6 setsu hoi," ibid., 323 (I962), 97-IO5. 25 For this image see my "Korean Influence," fig. 2, pp. 25-26, and Lee, "Origins," fig. 33. Although this piece may be somewhat later than 584, it perhaps reflects in general terms the style of the prototype for the Kafuka no omi image. Since so few pieces are available from early Paekche, one has no alternative but to rely on those available. In Kukpo, vol. 4, Skpul (Seoul: Ungjin Ch'ulp'ansa, I992), pl. 4, P. I4, it is dated "ca. 600." Lee, "Origins," dates it "second half of the sixth century." Lena Kim dates it "sixth century," Kim Rina, Han'guk kodae Pulgyo chogaksa yon'gu (Seoul: Ilchogak, 1989), 49, fig. 2.18. 26 I have attempted an analysis of some problems associated with textual material connected with making Buddhist sculpture during the Asuka period in "Tori-busshi and the Production of Buddhist Icons in Asuka-period Japan," to appear in The Artist as Professional in Japan edited by Melinda Takeuchi. 27 The most detailed, technical treatment of this image is Tokyo Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan (ed.), Horyzuji kenn6 himotsu tokubetsu chosa gaihj, vol. 6, Kondj butsu 2 (Tokyo: Tokyo Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan, 1986), 15-I7 (hereafter abbrevi- ated to Chosa); The six volumes ofChisa, published I984-I990, are being incorporated into a two-volume work, Tokyo Kokuritsu Hakubutuskan (ed.), Horyu-ji kennj homotsu: Kondj butsu (Tokyo: Otsuka K-geisha) of which the first vol- ume appeared in 1996 (hereafter abbreviated to "Kond6 butsu, I996"), no. II is col. pls. pp. 32-33, and pls. pp. II7-120, 232-235, and text, pp. 440, 478-480; Mizuno Keizabur6, Horyuji kara, pl. 34; Warner, Suiko, pp. 41, 62, pl. 114. 28 Although it is not the intention of this paper to trace sources of the various images discussed in detail, the general sty- listic prototypes in China of standing Buddha no. II are apparent. Beginning with formulation of the "Chinese" mode 156 This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Buddha, which has a large head and proportionally short body.29 The ushnisha (usnfisa) is clearly dis- tinguished from the dome of the skull, and none of the hair areas shows the presence of snail shell curls. At the back of the head is a tenon that originally supported a halo. The features are rather coarsely ren- dered, but a slight smile can be detected playing over the lips.30 Curiously, the figure has practically no breadth in the shoulders, while the upper part of the torso seems short, suggesting the figure is extraordinarily long-legged. Seen in side view (fig. 2), the image has a profile with the abdomen protruding forward and the back concave. The rhythm of this forward pointing arc is broken to some extent by the way the head tilts forward and slightly down. One can hardly speak of a sense of modeling, for all bodily parts are hidden under heavy robes. The arms are abnormally short, and the hands appear to be in the abhaya and varada mudrds. The feet are moder- ately large, but quite schematically rendered. Seen from the rear, the image is schematic to an extreme. The back view (fig. 3), however, does reveal the presence of four rectangular cavities; the two at the lower part of the image are clearly visible. This is a trait far more common in Korean than Japanese sculpture.31 Buddha no. I51 wears the standard robes. Crossing the chest, from left shoulder to the right hip, is the line of the sogishi (a vest). There is no articulation of folds here, so the fabric texture is not differ- entiated from the flesh area above. Covering the shoulders and continuing down to below the knees is the outer robe, which is articulated with large "U" loops that cross over the front of the body; these in the later 5th century as seen in Cave 6 at Yungang, one notes rather squat figures with their robes flaring out strongly at the hems; then, in the early 6th century in the Central Binyang Cave at Longmen one sees the same formula, although the drapery now becomes more schematized in arrangement and the robes do not extend out laterally so strongly. A slight degree of elongation can also be noted now. These tendencies are much developed in the Eastern Wei caves at Gongxian, so that figures in Cave 5 continue the elongation process, arrangement of drapery is further schematized, and folds are somewhat flatter. Matsubara cites an Eastern Wei stele dated 543 which is similar in pro- portions and details to Buddha no. 151. See Matsubara Sabur6, "Shij hattai butsu: Sono keifu ni tsuite," Kobijutsu 19 (I967), 22-38, and fig. 2. Even if we assume a stylistic prototype for this image existed in China by circa 55o, it is difficult to locate anything much resembling no. 151 on the Korean peninsula. A four-sided stele at Yesan has on one side a standing Buddha with some resemblances to no. 151, including arrangement of robe (with much of the under robe vis- ible), related schematization offolds, and similar proportions. See Kim Rina, Han'guk kodae Pulgyo, 59, fig. 2.34; Kukpo, vol. 2, Kinmdongbul Maebul (Seoul: Ungjin Ch'ulp'ansa, 1992), pl. 113. (Both sources date the Yesan stele to the later sixth or early seventh century.) Also related are two images in Matsubara, Kankoku, pls. 7a and 7b. Onishi (Mizuno, Horyu-ji kara, 207) attributes no. 151 to Paekche. 29 See standing Buddha, no. 149 in the "Forty-eight," in Chosa 2, 10-13, and Seiichi Mizuno, Asuka Buddhist Art: Horyuji (Tokyo and New York, Weatherhill/Heibonsha, 1974), pl. 181 (hereafter abbreviated to Mizuno, Asuka); or the My6j6in standing Buddha, illustrated in Matsubara Saburo and Tanabe Sabur6suke, Sho kondo butsu (Tokyo: Tokyo Bijutsu, 1979), no. II (hereafter abbreviated "Matsubara/Tanabe"). I employ the term "Soga-Tori" to refer to the main current of Asuka sculpture, normally designated as the "Tori style." This terminology is intended to give equal credit to both the dominant patronage group - the Soga clan - and the principal supervisor - Tori busshi. 30 In characterizing the face of this image, Kuno, "Birth," 150o, says: "Sono menso ga yaya manobishita hy6jo o shi." The phrase manobishita kao is given in Sanseid6's New Concise Japanese-English Dictionary as "a stupid-looking face." Ken- ky sha's NewJapanese-English Dictionary gives manobinoshita kao as "a vacant-looking face." Although I cannot say that I have surveyed all of Kuno's very extensive writings, I suspect that he does not use this term to describe "Japanese" images. 31 Korean images with openings in the back can be seen in Matsubara, Kankoku, pls. 56b, 77c, 78c, 79c, 8Ic, 90b, etc. 157 This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions folds are strongly carved, with high ridges and deep valleys. The lower hem of the robe is arranged at the front in a broad, downward pointing arc, a somewhat unusual motif. Some variety in fold configura- tion is seen in the fabric forming the "sleeves," although the end of the robe thrown over the left shoul- der is entirely plain at the back. Much more of the under robe is seen than is normally the case in early Buddha figures. The fabric is arranged in vertical pleats at the front, with an undulating lower con- tour line. The two sides flare out prominently, thus accentuating the triangular shape of the figure. Interestingly, the robe does not fall down to the pedestal but hangs at about ankle level; the ankles are clearly visible, even in the highly schematic representation at the back. The chance survival of Standing Buddha no. 151 provides us with precious information concern- ing initial stages of Buddhist practice in Japan, information supplementing that available in docu- mentary sources. Although one cannot be certain, the most likely scenario is that a person or group from the Korean peninsula brought the image, perhaps around the middle of the 6th century. When these people settled in Japan, the image presumably served as a family icon, for clearly the very small scale (33.5 cm) does not indicate temple use. If brought to Japan by Korean settlers in fact, they prob- ably had a sense of large-scale temple icons and thus could associate their personal icon with public Buddhist worship. I am speculating that this sort of image may not have been used for conversion pur- poses but more likely served as an emblematic icon for people already familiar with Buddhism. Pre- sumably the image was kept in a small household shrine, only opened to display the Buddha at times of devotion. A definite statement concerning the iconography is impossible, although it probably represents Shaka, the historical Buddha. In any case, no evidence indicates depiction of other Buddhas such as Yakushi or Amida, the cults of which became popular at a later date. One can imagine that the own- ers were most strongly affected by the image's warm, compassionate facial expression and the dignity conferred on it by elongation of the body. Although we might be impressed by the striking side views, it seems unlikely that such qualities would much affect contemporary devotees. No doubt they saw the Buddha as an agent of magical powers, able to grant wishes, cure ills, and offer succor after death; certainly they did not characterize the icon in primarily aesthetic terms, although they may have been conscious of its beauty at some level. 4. MEDITATING BODHISATTVA NO. 158 IN THE "FORTY-EIGHT BUDDHIST DEITIES" The bodhisattva no. I58 (figs. 4-6) seated in hanka shii pose, one of the most unusual figures in the "Forty-eight Buddhist Deities," is generally considered by Japanese scholars to be an image imported from the Korean peninsula. Since its very early style clearly precedes the Soga-Tori style formulated 32 Chosa 3, 15-16; "Kondo butsu I996," col. pls. 49-51, pls. pp. 140-142, 260-263, and text, pp. 442-443, 492-94; for a color illustration see McCallum, "Korean Influence," fig. 4; Mizuno, Asuka, pl. 191; Warner, Suiko, 33, pl. 56. Prob- lems are encountered in seeking a comparable image for no. 158 on the Korean peninsula. Matsubara ("Shijahattai butsu," fig. 4) relates it to a meditating bodhisattva in the National Museum of Korea, Seoul, which does have some similar traits including: (I) a related crown form; (2) slender upper body and tubular arms; (3) schematized drapery 158 This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions during the Asuka period, a placement at mid-6th century or a little later seems appropriate. This dat- ing is strengthened if no. 158 is compared with meditating bodhisattva no. 155, which is a character- istic example of the Soga-Tori group.33 Meditating bodhisattva no. 158 has a head of moderate size, but an extremely slender upper body and arms. The hips flare out broadly, creating an hour-glass profile when seen from the back (fig. 6). There is virtually no sense of the legs' modeling under the drapery, although the feet are large. In side view (fig. 5) one notes that the back is curved, with head bent strongly forward. If the figure is imag- ined as standing, the legs would be quite long in proportion to the upper part of the body. The areas of flesh exposed display very smooth modeling, with little emphasis on treatment of specific details.34 The crown is a large, single-element form, decorated with floral ornamentation.35 It does not con- tinue around to the back of the head, but terminates at the ears. Hair emerges onto the brow from under the diadem band, and prominent locks fall from behind the ears down to the shoulders, where they show two distinct curls at each side. There is no articulation of hair at the back of the head, pre- sumably because this area would have been hidden by a halo attached to the large tenon there. Although the face is quite broad and fleshy, individual features, particularly the eyes and mouth, are small. The neck, however, is very solid, especially when seen from the side. Shoulders are of mod- erate breadth, although they have a distinct slope. The arms are long and tubular in configuration, with essentially no sense of specific modeling; the fingers, too, are highly schematic. Interestingly, while the deity holds his right hand toward the face in the characteristic meditative pose, in this instance the hand is held palm out and the fingers touch the chin rather than the cheek.36 The left hand rests in the area of the right ankle. This image has no necklace, armlets, or bracelets. Encircling the waist is a plain belt with a large, somewhat peculiar buckle element at the front. Suspended from either side of the belt are character- istic side tassels of the meditating bodhisattva. The costume consists of an upper and under skirt; the former covers the area from waist through the lap, the under skirt is draped over the pedestal. Some folds. Nevertheless, the National Museum piece displays much greater realism in articulation of the right leg and treatment of the drapery folds over the pedestal. In no. 158, the flat, schematized folds are very difficult to explain, and Dr. Jungee Lee (personal communication, June 28, 1995) has expressed strong reservations as to whether meditating bodhisattva no. 158 was produced on the Korean peninsula. Onishi (Mizuno Keizabur6, Horyuji kara, 207), on the other hand, attributes it to Paekche, later 6th or early 7th century. Perhaps this piece was made by an inexperienced, provincial craftsman who had not fully mastered his trade. 33 Chosa 3, 4-7; "Kond- butsu I996," col. pls. pp. 46-48, pls. pp. 136-139,256-259, and text, pp. 442,489-492. Mizuno, Asuka, pl. 80; Mizuno Keizabur6, Horyupji kara, pl. 15. Bodhisattva no. 155 is rather unusual, in that the right hand does not touch the cheek, but is held out in front in the abhaya mudrd. 34 M-ri Hisashi, in "Sangoku chokoku to Asuka ch6koku," Tamura Ench6 (ed.), Kudara bunka to Asuka bunka (Tokyo: Yoshikawa K6bunkan, 1978), 52, characterizes the flesh of this image as: "tashika ni hosomi no numetto-shita nikushin." Numetto-shita derives from the noun numeri, defined in Kenkyusha's New Japanese-English Dictionary as "slime," "sliminess," "slipperiness." I assume this is another instance of unconscious prejudice, similar to Kuno's usage of manobishita hy j-' cited above, note 30. 35 For the crown, see Chizawa Teiji, "Kond6 shijuhattai butsu h6kan kU," Tokyo Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan kiyi 4 (1968), fig. 3, PP. 52-53. 36 For a survey of meditating bodhisattvas' hand positions, see Chizawa Teiji, "Kond6 shijahattai butsu k6: saibuhen - te (B) hanka z6," Museum 256 (1972), 4-11. 159 This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions hem-lines and folds are decorated with rows of beading. One is surprised to note that while some of the pleat folds at the front are so decorated others are plain, as if the sculptor changed his intentions in the middle. The pillow on which the figure sits, seen from the back view, is represented with very heavy, plas- tic folds. The drapery below the pillow, covering the pedestal, is arranged in broader folds than those seen at the front. At present the pedestal rests directly on the ground, as does the left foot, although presumably in the original composition there must have been some additional base element, perhaps incorporating lotus decoration. I speculated above on the origin of standing Buddha no. 151 and its possible function; here I would like to present similar speculation on meditating bodhisattva no. 158. As with no. 151, no. 158 must be seen as an exceedingly valuable resource, both for what it tells us about early sculpture on the Korean peninsula and for what it may indicate concerning Buddhist thought and practice as brought to the Japanese islands in the initial stages. As is well known, the cult of the meditating bodhisattva was of particular significance in Three Kingdoms Korea. Ordinarily, images in the hanka shii mode are thought to be representations of Maitreya, the bodhisattva destined to become the next Buddha. Although Sid- dh-rtha can also be identified as bodhisattva, the weight of available evidence makes the Maitreya hypothesis most likely for Korea.37 Since virtually allJapanese authorities have acknowledged the peninsular provenance of this image, I would suggest that it too was brought to Japan by a family from Korea that then used it as a house- hold icon. The most reasonable assumption is that meditating bodhisattva no. 158 embodied the same cult associations as comparable images discovered in Korea Thus it presumably also is connected with Maitreya worship. Although there is no firm evidence, I would also argue in this case that the icon was not used for proselytizing but served the needs of people already familiar with the worship of this deity. Of course, what I am suggesting in the case of the two images from the "Forty-eight Buddhist Deities" group is that they were directly connected with the religious life of "immigrants" from the Korean peninsula who had settled in the Asuka region of Yamato Province. That these icons were obtained by residents of this region who did not have previous contact with Buddhism seems most unlikely to me, since such icons would obviously have no particular meaning or value to such people. 5. THE FUNAGATAYAMAJINJA BODHISATTVA The Funagatayamajinja bodhisattva (figs. 7-9) is one of the most extraordinary pieces of early Bud- dhist sculpture in Japan to come to light in recent years.38 At casual glance, the image might seem insignificant, but more careful examination reveals its very great importance. Not associated with a 37 See Junghee Lee, "Pensive Bodhisattva Images," 345-349. 38 Kuno, "Birth," pl. IV, figs. 4a-c, pp. 151-153; Kuno has presented a detailed analysis of this image in Torai butsu no tabi (Tokyo: Nihon Keizai Shinbunsha, 1981), 21-45; Mizuno Keizabur6, Horyu-ji kara, pl. 35; Onishi Shfiya, "Asuka zenki no sh6 kond6 butsu to Chasen Sangokuki no zoz6," in "Kondj butsu 1996," 347, places this image in the first half of the 6th century; Matsuyama Tetsuo, "Funagatayamajinja z6 kond6 bosatsu ritsuz6 ch6sa h6koku," Mie daigaku kyjiku gakubu bijutsu ka kenkyu kiyj 2 (1993), 105-112. 16o This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Fig. I Standing Buddha, no. II of the "Forty-eight Buddhist Deities." Gilt-bronze. Height: 33.4 cm. Front view. Tokyo National Museum. Fig. 3 Standing Buddha, no. ISI of the "Forty-eight Buddhist Deities." Gilt-bronze. Height: 33.4 cm. Back view. Tokyo National Museum. This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Fig. 2 Standing Buddha, no. 151 of the "Forty-eight Buddhist Deities." Gilt-bronze. Height: 33.4 cm. Right and left side views. Tokyo National Museum. This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Fig. 4 Meditating Bodhisattva, no. 158 of the "Forty-eight Buddhist Deities." Gilt-bronze. Height: 12.1 cm. Front view. Tokyo National Museum. Fig. 6 Meditating Bodhisattva, no. 158 of the "Forty-eight Buddhist Deities." Gilt-bronze. Height: 12.1 cm. Back view. Tokyo National Museum. This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Fig. 5 Meditating Bodhisattva, no. 158 of the "Forty-eight Buddhist Deities." Gilt-bronze. Height: 12.1 cm. Right and left views. Tokyo National Museum. This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Fig. 7 Standing Bodhisattva. Gilt-bronze. Height: I5.o cm. Front view. Funagatayamajinja, Miyagi Prefecture. This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Fig. 8 Standing Bodhisattva. Gilt-bronze. Height: I5.o cm. Side view. Funagatayamajinja, Miyagi Prefecture. Fig. 9 Standing Bodhisattva. Gilt-bronze. Height: I5.o cm. Back view. Funagatayamajinja, Miyagi Prefecture. This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Fig. IO Meditating Bodhisattva. Gilt-bronze. Height: 16.4 cm. Front view. Kanshoin, Nagano Prefecture. Fig. 11 Meditating Bodhisattva. Gilt-bronze. Height: 16.4 cm. Side view. Kanshoin, Nagano Prefecture. This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Fig. 12 Meditating Bodhisattva. Gilt-bronze. Height: I6.4 cm. Back view. Kanshoin, Nagano Prefecture. Fig. 13 Meditating Bodhisattva. Gilt-bronze. Height: 16.4 cm. Head and upper body. Kanshoin, Nagano Prefecture. This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Fig. 14 Mandorla, no.196, "Forty-eight Buddhist Deities." Gilt-bronze. Height: 30.1 cm. Tokyo National Museum. This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Fig. 15 Buddha Triad, #I43, "Forty-eight Buddhist Deities." Gilt-bronze. Height of Buddha, 28.7 cm. Tokyo National Museum. This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Fig. 16 Buddha. Gilt-bronze. Height: 28.2 cm. Dainichib6, Yamagata Prefecture. Fig. 17 Standing Bodhisattva. Gilt-bronze. Height: 20zo.o cm. Sekiyamajinja, Niigata Prefecture. This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Fig. 18 Standing Bodhisattva. Wood. Height: 93.7 cm. Tokyo National Museum. Fig. 19 Standing Bodhisattva. Wood. Height: 93.7 cm. Side view. Tokyo National Museum. This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Buddhist temple, this image serves instead as the shintai ("god body") of a Shinto shrine.39 Mount Funa- gata is a peak of 1,500oo meters located on the border between Yamagata and Miyagi prefectures; the shrine itself is on the Miyagi side. Since the icons of Shinto shrines are seldom revealed publicly, it is not surprising that little has been written about this image. Now brought out from a hiding place every year on I May, however, the figure has become known to scholars of Buddhist sculpture.4o The figure, which is only 15 cm tall, has been through at least one fire. Practically all the gilt has been lost, and there is a good deal of surface abrasion. In terms of proportions, the head (with crown) is rather large in relation to the relatively short body. The shoulders are very narrow, and there is lit- tle sense of modeling in the body. Seen in side view (fig. 8), the figure shows the same profile noted above in the analysis of the standing Buddha no. 151. The hands are large and held close to the body; the right is held down, the left up, both with palms facing out. The feet are large and solid, forming a substantial base for the figure. Various details of the crown and head are particularly interesting, and one detail is apparently unique among extant statues in Japan. This is the arrangement of three large flowers at the top of the head. Individual petals are delineated, and the central stamen-pistil element projects strongly. Crowns of related configuration can be seen in China, including a Northern Wei figure dating 530.4I It can also be found on the Korean peninsula in a triad dated to 57I) and in a standing Bodhisattva figure, both thought to be from Kogury6, perhaps during the second half of the 6th century,41 on two pieces of about the same period from Paekche, one from Kunsuri in Puy6, the other from Kyuamri, also from Puy,43 and from Silla on a Bodhisattva excavated from the site of Suksusa.44 The fact that this motif is not found in Asuka sculpture, but seems relatively common in early Three Kingdoms images, sug- gests that the Funagatayamajinja image was imported from Korea. A normal diadem band crosses the front of the head, and a single, leaf-shaped plaque rises from it. Elaborate streamers hang down from either side of this band, just below the outer flowers, reaching to the shoulders. Although there is little detailing in the hair, one notes that at the back, near the base of the neck, the hair is divided into two sections These then hang down the sides of both shoulders. Looking at the image from the front, it will be seen that these locks of hair produce the first two saw- tooth ridges at the upper arms. 39 Christine Guth Kanda, Shinzi: Hachiman Imagery and Its Development (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1985), 3, 26-27. 40 For discussions ofshinbutsu bunri, the separation of Shinto and Buddhism, see Allan G. Grapard, "Japan's Ignored Cul- tural Revolution: The Separation of Shinto and Buddhist Deities in Meiji (shimbutsu bunri) and a Case Study: TEnomine," History of Religions 22, no. 3 (1984), 240-265; and James Edward Ketelaar, Of Heretics and Martyrs in Meiji Japan: Buddhism and Its Persecution (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ, 199o0). 41 Kuno, "Birth," fig. 5; Matsubara Saburo, Chfgoku Bukkyo chikoku shi kenky?, 2nd ed., (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan, Tokyo, 1966), pl. Iooe (hereafter abbreviated to Matsubara, Ch goku). 42 For the 571 stele, see Matsubara, Kankoku, pl. 8; for the Kogury6 Bodhisattva, see Lee, "Origins," fig. 3, pl. 31, and Mat- subara, Kankoku, pl. 2b. Excellent illustrations of the flower motif can be found in Onishi Shuya, "Shaka sanzon z6 no genryf," figs. 68-70 in Mizuno Keizaburo, Horyji kara, 164-170. 43 For the Kunsuri piece, see Kuno, "Birth," pl. V; Lee, "Origins," fig. 7; Matsubara, Kankoku, pls. Iza, b; for the Kyuamri piece, Kuno, "Birth," P1. VI; Matsubara, Kankoku, pls. 13a, b. 44 Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan (ed.), Higashi Ajia no hotoketachi (Nara: Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan, 1996), pl. 18 and p. 237. (Hereafter abbreviated to NNM, Higashi Ajia.) 173 This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The face is quite long and the brow high; eyes are narrow and the nose small. Playing over the lips is a gentle smile. Although the jaw is small, the neck is solid. The arrangement of the drapery follows a standard late Wei type. Thus the scarf crosses over in front of the legs in an "X" pattern, with the two ends hanging down at either side in a distinct fishtail mode. Kuno Takeshi has compared the scarf arrangement to the two Paekche works cited above,45 but more relevant, in my view, is the Koguryo piece in the Seoul National Museum. Like our bodhisattva, it shows a rather wobbly treatment of the fin-like projections. Looking at the Funagatayamajinja bodhisattva, one can see the oblique line of the undergarment crossing the chest. Two layers of skirt can be observed at the lower hem-lines. By and large there is very limited articulation of individual folds. Moreover, when seen from the back, there is little indication of individual drapery elements. Turning to the jewelry arrangement, one notes first the large, circular plaques at either shoulder. The necklace is the usual early type, consisting ofa single plate with a downward pointing central tip. A very prominent "X" jewelry string crosses over the front of the body, with a large circular knob at the center. Although this element appears frequently in Northern Wei figures,46t it s not seen in most of the Three Kingdoms examples, except for the Suksusa bodhisattva where it can be clearly detected despite serious surface corrosion. In fact, even in its present damaged state, the Suksusa piece seems remarkably close to the Funagatayamajinja figure, offering the possibility that the latter may have crossed the East Sea/Japan Sea directly to the Hokuriku-Tohoku coast before proceeding inland to Miyagi.47 Kuno has pointed out that the projectile-shaped renniku does not appear in Asuka-Hakuho sculp- ture.48 Although he does not mention this, the base of both the Koguryo and Silla bodhisattvas are very similar to the Funagatayamajinja form. Seen in side view, one notes that our figure has one tenon at the back of the head to support a halo and a much larger one at waist level that would have been used to attach the figure to a mandorla. In back view (fig. 8) the figure shows virtually no articulation. These traits would seem to suggest that the image was originally part of a triad and thus meant to be seen only from the front. In considering standing Buddha no. II and meditating bodhisattva no. 158, I stressed the strong possibility of their use as independent objects of worship in a household setting. One can reasonably assume that standing bodhisattvas also served this function, especially given the very large number of single Kannon images that were made during the Asuka and Hakuho periods. Therefore, one would like to know what sort of single bodhisattva icon was current during the period considered in this study. The Funanagatayamajinja bodhisattva, as just noted, appears originally to have been one of the two flanking figures ofa triad, and thus it cannot appropriately be analyzed as an independent devotional 45 Kuno, "Birth," I52yz. 46 For Northern Wei examples see Matsubara, Chugoku, pls. 78, 81, and Iooe. 47 According to the measurements in the Nara National Museum catalogue, this piece is slightly smaller than that of Funagatayamajinja (11.8 versus 15.o cm.), although it is possible that different measuring systems were employed. Of course, the most significant difference between the two is the arrangement of the hands, with the Suksusa piece hav- ing its right hand up, left down, and Funagatayamajinja the opposite. Although this would be impossible to prove, there is a chance that if both figures were flanking Bodhisattvas in triads they originally would have stood at the oppo- site sides of their respective Buddha figures. 48 Kuno, "Birth," p. 152. Renniku refers to the pod or torus of the lotus blossom used as a base. 174 This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions object. Rather, it should be compared with the various small, gilt bronze triads made during the 6th century on the Korean peninsula. Unfortunately, no comparable triad is extant in Japan from our period, although one can reasonably assume, given the popularity of the type in Three Kingdoms Korea, that they were also a feature of the earliest Buddhist art in Japan.49 6. THE KANSHOIN MEDITATING BODHISATTVA A very important meditating bodhisattva figure is located at Kanshoin (figs. 10-13), Nagano Pre- fecture in central Japan.5o Unfortunately, this image has been through at least one fire, resulting in loss of the right arm from elbow to hand. It was later repaired in wood. There is also considerable dam- age to the rest of the surface. Nevertheless, the essential character of the statue can still be made out. The head with its prominent crown is relatively large in proportion to the body (fig. 13). The shoul- ders are narrow and the upper body extremely constricted, producing a very slender figure. The arms are tubular, and, because of the damage just mentioned, the original form of the right hand cannot be determined. The image has a relatively complex crown, consisting of a large, single element that dominates the composition. At the central peak is a sun and crescent moon motif, and below this is a large flower with a prominent tassel emerging from its center.5I Floral elements are seen at either side, and tassels are suspended from the diadem band at both sides. Hidden behind the crown are two knobs of hair (fig. 12). The hair at the middle of the back of the head is sharply parted, and locks fall down onto the shoulders. The face is round, and the brow of moderate height. Broadly sweeping eyebrows are accented with central grooves. The eyes are large, and wide open; the nose is of moderate size, and a distinct smile plays across the lips. Jewelry is limited to a simple, early type necklace similar to the one seen in the Funagatayama- jinja bodhisattva. The skirt is supported by a belt, which has a knot at the front and tassels attached at either side. Generally speaking, the upper part of the skirt is simple, although there is a fluently undulating fold at the front of the horizontal right leg. More complex drapery folds are seen in the fab- ric draped over the pedestal. The pedestal is a cylindrical element, and there is a lotus form support- ing the left foot. This lotus element is no longer supported by anything, but originally there must have been a lotus stalk or some other supporting element. Kuno, in analyzing this image, has suggested that there are three characteristics indicating that it is either an import from the Korean peninsula or an image made by a sculptor who had recently come to Japan.5 The traits he finds important are: (I) the strong constriction of the upper body, (2) 49 Donald F. McCallum, "The Buddhist Triad in Three Kingdoms Sculpture," Korean Culture 16, no. 4 (I995), I8-35. 5o Matsubara/Tanabe, pls. 5a-c, p. 335; "Kondo butsu 1996," 354-356; Donald F. McCallum, ZenkVji and Its Icon: A Study in MedievalJapanese Religious Art (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, I994), pl. 2; Mizuno Keizaburo, Hiryfji kara, pl. 33. 51 See Kim Rina, Han'guk kodae Pulgyo, figs. 2.62-2.66, pp. 103-IO6, for this type ofcrown; Kuno Takeshi, Kodai Chosen butsu to Asuka butsu (Tokyo: Azuma Shuppan, 1979), figs. I9-zo (p. II) provides Indian and Chinese comparisons (here- after abbreviated to Kuno, Kodai Chosen). 52 Kuno, "Birth," 154. 175 This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions the incised line chiseled into the eyebrows, and (3) the carefully designed tassel seen on the front of the crown. Kuno points out that the area of Nagano Prefecture, where the image was found, was an important place for immigrants from the peninsula, thus establishing a convincing context. Certainly the figure seems to precede the Soga-Tori style of the Asuka period, although it is not in exactly the same lineage as the meditating bodhisattva no. 158 analyzed above.53 7. OTHER MONUMENTS ATTRIBUTED TO THE 6TH CENTURY In the preceding sections I discussed four images that are almost certainly works imported to Japan at a time preceding establishment of the studio that produced icons for the Soga clan and their allies. There are several other monuments that also have occasionally been ascribed to the early phase of Bud- dhist art in Japan; this group must now claim our attention. Some of these may in fact be early imports, but others, in my view, seem to be associated with a later phase. The first work is not a complete monument but a mandorla (fig. I4) that is all that survives of a triad made on the Korean peninsula. This is no. 196 in the "Forty-eight Buddhist Deities." It bears cyclical characters that can most reasonably be interpreted as equivalent to 594 or 654.54 Although some scholars have argued for the later date, the style of the piece does not seem appropriate for mid-7th century; if actually produced in 654, the style would have been decidedly old-fashioned by that time. Consequently, the 594 date seems more appropriate, thus placing the mandorla right at a time equiv- alent to the beginning of the Asuka period in Japan, just at the time the Soga-Tori style was receiv- ing initial formulation. Comparison with the mandorlas of the H-ryuji Kond6 Shaka triad and the Horyuxji Museum triad dated 628 makes clear that the mandorla under consideration fits squarely within the Soga-Tori group.55 Triad no. 143 (fig. 15) of the "Forty-eight Buddhist Deities" has also frequently been given an early date, but this attribution seems most unlikely.56 In particular, the figure style of the central Buddha appears rather advanced, making a 7th century date much more likely than one in the 6th century. If 53 The closest prototype for the Kansh6in image is a badly damaged meditating bodhisattva now in J6rinji, a temple on the island Tsushima located between the Korean peninsula and northern Kyushu. The proximity of Tsushima to Paekche indicates a Paekche origin for both the J6rinji piece and the Kanshoin image. For detailed discussion of the J6rinji meditating bodhisattva, see Onishi Sh ya, "TsushimaJ6rinji no d zo hanka zo ni tsuite," Tamura and Huang, Hanka shii zj, 305-326. Other images in the Kanshoin lineage in Japan include meditating bodhisattvas in Koyaji, Matsubara/Tanabe, pls. 6c-c, and Gokurakuji, ibid., pls. 7a-c. These images seem slightly later than the Kanshoin meditating bodhisattva. 54 The most complete publication of this mandorla is Nara Kokuritsu Bunkazai Kenkyuj6, Asuka Shiry6kan (ed.), Asuka- Hakuho no zaimei kondo butsu, first edition, Nara, 1976, pls., pp. 10-II, and pp. 72-73, 97-98; second, expanded edi- tion, Nara, 1979, pls., pp. 51-56, pp. 148-149,173-174 (hereafter abbreviated to Zaimei kondo butsu); Kumagai Nobuo, "Ko-in mei O Enson zo kchai k6," Bijutsu kenkyu- 209 (I96o), 223-241; Mizuno, Asuka, pl. 167; Mizuno Keizaburo, Horyujji kara, pl. 37; McCallum, "The Buddhist Triad," 26-29, fig. 7. 55 Zaimei kondu butsu, (H6ryuji Kond6 Shaka triad), first edition, pls., pp. 56-57, P. 116; second edition, pls. pp. 132-133, pp. 192-193; (628 triad), first edition, pls. pp. 17-23, pp. 75-76, 99-1lo; second edition, pls. pp. 61-66, pp. 151-152, 175-177. See also, Mizuno, Asuka, pl. 6 (Kond6 triad) and pl. I (628 triad); Mizuno Keizabur6, Horyiji kara, pls. 7-1o (Kond6 triad) and pl. 13 (628 triad). 176 This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions the Buddha of no. 143 is compared to our standing Buddha no. I51 the stylistic differences should be immediately apparent. A standing Buddha figure (fig. 16) at Dainichibo, Yamagata Prefecture,57 has been given a Korean provenance by some scholars. This figure, 28.5 cm tall, has lost both its halo and pedestal, but is other- wise quite well preserved. In certain details the Dainichibo Buddha resembles the Buddha of Triad no. 143 just considered; for example, the bow at the chest, the relationship between the outer robe and the under robe at the base, and the manner in which the ankles are revealed. Other features are differ- ent, suggesting somewhat variant lineages. Although it has sometimes been given a late 6th-early 7th century date, I believe a 7th century attribution is most likely. Whether or not the Dainichibo Buddha was produced in Paekche remains to be determined. 5 There is a good deal of debate concerning the provenance and date of the Sekiyamajinja bodhisattva (fig. 17).59 As was the case with the Funagatayamajinja bodhisattva considered earlier, the present image is also the shintai of a Shinto shrine, one located in Niigata Prefecture along the East Sea/Japan Sea coast. One scholar has suggested a Chinese Liang dynasty (50o2-557 A.D.) provenance, although the consensus seems to be for the Korean peninsula; to the best of my knowledge, no scholar has seriously advocated Japanese manufacture.6o Controversy also exists as to the date: if the Liang Chinese provenance is accepted, the image would have to date to the first half of the 6th century, which seems rather early; a Korean provenance would imply later 6th or first decades of the 7th century. I personally believe that placement at the very end of the 6th century or early decades of the 7th century is most appropriate. If my dating is acceptable, the Sekiyamajinja bodhisattva falls slightly outside of the time range considered in this study. Because the Sekiyamajinja bodhisattva has survived at least one serious fire, there is very substan- tial damage to the surface, including total loss of both hands.'61 However, most details of modeling, drapery, and jewelry are still visible, allowing reasonable assessment of their characteristics. In terms of facial features and body modeling, this image seems substantially advanced beyond the Funa- gatayamajinja figure. Arrangement of drapery and jewelry elements is similar to that of the latter 56 Chisa I, 4-14; "Kond6 butsu 1996," col. pls., pp. I2-15, pls. pp. 76-84, 186-93, text pp. 436-437, 449-457. The label for this triad at the Tokyo National Museum now reads: "Three Kingdoms or Asuka." I have discussed this triad in McCallum, Zenkoji and Its Icon, 59-60, pl. Io. See also Mizuno Keizabur6, Horyuji kara, pl. 3o; and McCallum, "Bud- dhist Triad, 29-30, figs. 8-0I. 57 Illustrated in Matsubara/Tanabe, pls. I2a-c, p. 337. 58 Asai Kazuharu in Mizuno Keizabur6, Horyuji kara, zo6, places it in the Three Kingdoms period, early 7th century and suggests that it was made in Paekche. Earlier, in Tokyo Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan (ed.), Tokubetsuten zuroku: Kondo butsu - Chugoku, Chosen, Nihon (Tokyo: Otsuka Kogeisha, 1988): 4Ol, Asai dated it second half of the sixth or early 7th century. 59 The Sekiyamajinja bodhisattva is illustrated in Matsubara/Tanabe, pls. 4a-b; Mizuno Keizaburo, Horyuji kara, pl. 32; Kuno, Kodai Chisen, fig. 21, p. 12. For more detailed discussion see Kuno, Torai butsu no tabi, 74-78. 6o Lucie Weinstein has suggested that the Sekiyamajinja bodhisattva may have been made in Liang dynasty China; see "The Yumedono Kannon: Problems in Seventh-Century Sculpture," Archives of Asian Art 42 (1989), 37. 61 The way the arms are held in front of the body suggests that originally this image held a jewel in its hands. For this motif see Kim Rina, "Samguk sidae uii pongji pojuhying posal ipsang yin'gu: Paekche wa Ilbon Uil sang il chungsim Viro," Misul charyo 37 (1985), 1-39. A Japanese version of this article is "H6ju hoji bosatsu no keifu" in Mizuno Keiz- aburo, Horyuji kara, I95-200. 177 This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions figure, although those of the Sekiyamajinja bodhisattva are more complex in articulation. This figure has often been compared with the Yumedono Kannon at Horyuxji, a comparison which would tend to pull the Sekiyamajinja bodhisattva into the 7th century and suggest a relationship with formation of the Soga-Tori style.62 A final, doubtful work is standing Kannon, no. 165, in the "Forty-eight" which bears cyclical char- acters best interpreted as equivalent to either 591 or 651.63 Extensive investigation has convinced most authorities that the later date is appropriate. But even if the earlier date is accepted, this image, like Mandorla no. 196, belongs firmly within the category of Soga-Tori sculptures.64 8. CONCLUSION For most of its existence throughout Asia, Buddhism has been a religion much concerned with pro- duction and use of icons. Perhaps because of this, no issue in the history of Buddhist art has been more hotly debated than the question of how the Buddha figure originated in India. For obvious reasons, the chronological and geographical dimensions of that problem need not occupy us here, although it is important to keep in mind that Buddhism left India as a religion strongly committed to icon wor- ship. In fact, a good case can be made for the proposition that Buddhism would never have achieved such tremendous success without this richly developed system for representing the deities. While the basic steps in formulating this iconic system were taken in India, the specific needs and predilections of various cultural areas to which Buddhism traveled profoundly transformed appearances of icons received from the Buddha's homeland.65 To a certain extent, this last statement must be accepted on faith, since we do not normally have specific images transmitted from an Indian site to some other area of Asia. Only by comparing large complexes in the recipient culture with equivalent complexes in the hypothetical source area can one tentatively isolate those elements that must have resulted from the type of transformation just pro- posed. This sort of investigation has been carried out extensively with regard to transmission of Bud- dhist art to Southeast and Central Asia, China, Korea, and Japan, often with highly interesting 62 For comparisons with the Yumedono Kannon see Kuno, "Birth," 153, and Weinstein, "The Yumedono Kannon," 37. 63 Zaimei kondj butsu, first edition, pls., pp. 24-26, pp. 76-78, 102-103; second edition, plates pp. 57-6o, pp. 149-151, 174-175; Mizuno, Asuka, pl. 63 left; Mizuno Keizaburo, Horyuji kara, pl. 39. 64 The argumentation for the 594/654 A.D. Mandorla and the 591/65I A.D. Kannon might seem somewhat contradictory. I am suggesting that the mandorla probably represents the early stage of formulating what subsequently becomes the Soga-Tori style in Japan and thus opt for the 594 date. If the 654 date is correct, the mandorla would have to be thought of as rather old-fashioned in style. In the case of the Kannon, features of the inscriptional evidence, style, and tech- nique suggest that the 651 date is appropriate. This, of course, implies that it represents continuation of certain impor- tant traits of the Soga-Tori group. Although not directly relevant here, a similar line of argument should be presented in favor of the later date for Miroku no. 156 (See Mizuno, Asuka, pl. 61) with cyclical characters equivalent to 6o6/666. In this case too, one can see some traits that continued from the earlier, Asuka period. I am preparing an article deal- ing with the Kannon no. 165 and meditating bodhisattva no. 156, which will analyze inscriptional, stylistic, icono- graphical, and technical evidence relevant to dating these two images. 65 I plan to investigate these issues in a forthcoming monograph entitled "Seiryoji and Its Icon: A Study of Asian Bud- dhist Art." 178 This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions results.66 With regard to this study, I believe one can assert that the earliest Buddhist statues brought to Japan are more fully recoverable than those of virtually any other recipient area, thus suggesting that these data may be useful for comparative analysis. The small number of icons considered here have styles that can be attributed to the phase prior to the Soga-Tori style. In a certain respect, we have dealt primarily with an aspect of Korean Three King- doms sculpture rather than with Japanese sculpture. Nevertheless, without full understanding of the sculptural currents preceding establishment of the Soga-Tori style in Japan, one cannot understand developments that occurred when images started to be produced in Japan itself. Perhaps this paper can best be seen as the pre-history of Buddhist sculpture in Japan. I have assumed in this study that Buddhist statues of the earliest phase would not necessarily reflect a coherent style, but would probably manifest significant diversity. Extremely interesting is the fact that some early imports from Korea are located far from the Yamato region, in Nagano (fig. Io) and Miyagi (fig. 7) prefectures. These locations would suggest that the images came directly across the East Sea/Japan Sea rather than through the Yamato area. Presumably these areas were not under strong Yamato control at this early date, and so one can assume there was independence in terms of selecting icon types. On the other hand, images no. ISI (fig. I) and no. 158 (fig. 4) of the "Forty-eight Buddhist Deities" probably were brought into the central Yamato area, although in this case as well there does not appear to be any sort of stylistic unity. All statues discussed here are very small, which is not surprising since they were brought from the Korean peninsula at a time preceding "official" recognition of Buddhism in 587, after the defeat by the pro-Buddhist Soga clan of the anti-Buddhist Mononobe and Nakatomi clans.67 At such an early stage it is unlikely that large-scale images would have been shipped from Korea to Japan. Moreover, since temples seem not yet to have been constructed in Japan, there would have been no need for full-scale icons. Rather, we are apparently dealing with a type of icon that would have served religious needs of private individuals, who would have worshipped them in their own homes rather than in a commu- nal setting. Appropriate here is further consideration of just who these individuals might have been. Great caution must be exercised in distinguishing between "immigrants" and indigenous peoples in the early history of Japan. Perhaps a parallel can be drawn with North and South America: most 66 For Southeast Asia see Robert L. Brown, "Indian Art Transformed: The Earliest Sculptural Styles of Southeast Asia," Panels of the VIIth World Sanskrit Conference, vol. X, Indian Art andArchaeology, Ellen M. Raven and Karel R. Van Kooij (eds.), (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1992), 40-53; idem., "'Rules' for Change in the Transfer of Indian Art to Southeast Asia, Ancient Indonesian Sculpture, MarijkeJ. Klokke and Pauline Lunsingh Scheurleer (eds.), (Leiden: KITLV Press, 1994), 10-32. For Central Asia, see The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Along the Ancient Silk Routes: Central Asian Artfrom the West Berlin State Museum (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1982); Marylin Martin Rhie, Early Buddhist Art of China and Central Asia, vol. I (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1999). An interesting gilt-bronze, standing bodhisattva, now in the Fujii Yurinkan, Kyoto (Mizuno, Asuka, pl. 16o), is either an import from the West or a piece made directly under West- ern influence at the earliest stages of Buddhist imagery in China. See Rhie's discussion, pp. 143-152. In 1967 a small, seated Buddha was excavated near Seoul. This image is certainly an archaic Chinese image, dating to circa 400, and must be one of the earliest Buddhist icons brought to Korea. See Wong-yong Kim, "An Early Chinese Gilt-Bronze Seated Buddha from Seoul," Artibus Asiae 23, no. 2 (i96o), 67-71. 67 Inoue, Asuka chitei, 198-I99. That the Mononobe clan was strongly opposed to Buddhism seems unlikely, given the evidence that they had a clan temple at a very early date. See Maekawa Akihisa, "Toraijin to Soga shi," in Mayuzumi Hiromichi (ed.), Soga shi to kodai kokka (Tokyo: Yoshikawa K6bunkan, 1991), 70-7I. 179 This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions scholars postulate a major movement across the Bering Land Bridge some 12 or 15 millennia ago by peoples from Asia who became the earliest inhabitants of the Americas. In a certain sense, these peo- ple could be called "immigrants," since they migrated from one place to another, but the term is usu- ally restricted to those who enter a previously settled region. From the latter perspective, the entire population of the Americas except for the Amerindians should be classified as "immigrant," although undoubtedly large groups whose ancestors have lived on these shores for some time would reject the appellation.68 What is the situation in theJapanese islands ? Evidence suggests that theJomon (circa Io,ooo-3oo B.C.) peoples entered the region at a time when the islands were still attached to the Asiatic continent; in other words, an exact parallel to the populating of the Americas. Subsequently, large groups of peo- ple crossed the straits from the Korean peninsula during the Yayoi (300 B.C.-300 A.D.) and Kofun (3oo00-6oo00 A.D.) periods, establishing far more advanced societies than had existed with the hunter- gatherer culture of the J6mon phase.69 Logically these new arrivals should be called "immigrants," but as there was no dominant elite to so designate them, this did not happen. Large-scale movement from the peninsula continued during the 7th and 8th centuries. Yet with establishment of more highly organized political entities, especially during the Nara period (7IO-94), efforts commenced to dif- ferentiate "immigrants" from those who saw themselves as the original inhabitants ofJapan. (The lat- ter often believed they were descendents of one or another "emperor,"thus allowing them to trace their ancestry ultimately back to Amaterasu no omikami, the Sun Goddess, surely no "immigrant" herself!) The new arrivals were referred to by the pejorative term kikajin ("people who came and changed"), even though they normally were bearers of advanced technology and culture so essential to continu- ing development of the new Japanese state.70 The modest icons studied in this paper were, I believe, the property of these so-called immigrants. The reason they had such icons, of course, was that they had previously been associated with Buddhism on the Korean peninsula. A fundamental question for study of early Buddhism in Japan is just when, where, and under what circumstances longer-established inhabitants of the islands first encountered the new religion and its imagery. Undoubtedly, some members of this group would have come into contact with Buddhism on visits to the Korean peninsula or China. However, for those who remained at home, their initial exposure must have been through contact with more sophisticated neighbors from abroad. That this involved a conversion experience based on doctrines of Buddhist theology seems highly unlikely; rather, Buddhist icons and associated ritual practices must have been seen as imbued with great magical powers of benefit to devotees.7' 68 A lively account of this story is Brian M. Fagan, The GreatJourney: The Peopling of Ancient America (London: Thames and Hudson, 1987). More recent research has suggested an even earlier peopling, although that would not change the present argument. 69 For recent material on the archaeological periods ofJapan, see Richard Pearson (ed.), AncientJapan (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1992); idem., Windows on theJapanese Past: Studies in Archaeology and Prehistory (Ann Arbor: Center for Japanese Studies, University of Michigan, 1986). 70 Seki Akira, Kikajin (Tokyo: Shibund6, 1966); Hirano Kunio, Kikajin to kodai kokka (Tokyo: Yoshikawa K6bunkan, 1993). 7I One book which has investigated these issues is J.H. Kamstra, Encounter or Syncretism: The Initial Growth ofJapanese Buddhism (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1967). Unfortunately, the study is so poorly executed that it cannot be recommended for 180 This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions By the 6th century, when they first appear in Japan in substantial numbers, Buddhist icons had been produced - and refined - for several centuries. This process of refinement resulted in a "power of images," an inherent attraction that must have had a strong impact on those fortunate enough to see the icons.72 Perhaps the initial reaction is symbolically captured in Nihon shoki's account of Kinmei, who after jumping for joy upon receiving Sing's gift and stating that he had never heard such a wonder- ful doctrine, defers the decision as to acceptance despite his positive feelings. Later, in the same pas- sage, the Buddhist icon is specifically characterized: "the countenance.., is of a severe dignity (sibo tangen),73 such as we have never previously encountered." Surely this description gives us some sense of the powerful effect this new iconic type produced on viewers, although presumably we will never have more specific information as to early reception. That those who possessed the icons were gener- ally well-educated bearers of advanced knowledge and technology would necessarily enhance both their status and that of their icons. Nothing could be farther from the truth, in my view, than a picture of humble "immigrants" being patronized by a superior elite group; rather, I believe that this initial encounter with Buddhism and Buddhist icons must be associated directly with adoption of newer ideas and techniques from the continent. Those whose families had lived in Japan for some centuries sim- ply did what their ancestors had done repeatedly in the past: they adopted the newest cultural forms from those who brought them from abroad. (Needless to say, this trait has continued as a constant throughout Japanese history, seen as strongly in the Meiji transformation of Japan as it was during introduction of Buddhism and continental civilization in the 6th and 7th centuries.) The growth of Buddhism and Buddhist art during the Asuka period, in comparison to the decades considered in this paper, is relatively well documented. From the establishment of Asukadera, clan temple of the Soga in 588, through the building of other clan temples in the 59os and early 6oos, we can follow quite clearly the process whereby Buddhism became inextricably linked with the power elite.74 But that is another story. Here, we have been searching for those almost imperceptible traces that should shed a little light on the earliest practice of Buddhist icon worship in Japan. general use. Regrettably, a more recent effort, Sonoda Koya, "Early Buddha Worship" in Delmer M. Brown (ed.), The Cambridge History ofAncientJapan, vol. I, AncientJapan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 359-414, is not very satisfactory either. (It should be pointed out here that although the article is listed as by Sonoda, most of it was actually prepared by the volume's editor.) 72 David Freedberg, The Power of Images: Studies in the History and Theory of Response (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989). 73 Sakamoto 2, 102, note 3, and 18, note 9, provide an exegesis on this terminology. 74 The literature on establishment of Asukadera and its early icons is enormous. I am investigating these issues in a study tentatively entitled, "The Soga Clan and Early Buddhist Art in Japan." 181 This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions APPENDIX A Standing Bodhisattva in the Tokyo National Museum Earlier in this paper I made some brief comments about Konno Toshifumi's recent article, but here I would like to consider in greater detail one quite surprising claim that he makes concerning a stand- ing bodhisattva in the Tokyo National Museum (figs. 18-19).75 The issue ofBukkyj geijutsu where his article appears has two color and three monochrome plates, all full-page views, at the front of the jour- nal, presumably indicative of the importance of this sculpture to his study. As a color photograph of the image had appeared recently in a Nara National Museum catalogue, the piece was quite familiar, although the latter source did not include views from all sides.76 Before analyzing Konno's claims, let us look for a moment at the sculpture. The figure is a standing bodhisattva, 93.7 cm tall, carved from a single block of camphor wood, except for the hands, which were joined separately (now lost). While there is significant damage to the image, what remains is adequate to understand most details of the original form. In very general terms, initial inspection would suggest that the image is archaic in style, incorporating motifs that can be seen in characteristic works of the Asuka period. Konno (p. 73) cites as comparative works the Yumedono Kannon, flanking figures of the Horyuji Kondo Shaka Triad, the Horyfiji Museum bronze standing bodhisattva (56.7 cm high), and bodhisattvas nos. 165 and 166 in the "Forty-eight" at the Tokyo National Museum. Particularly important are the sense of frontality, the proportions, and arrangement of the scarf. Seen from the back, the sculpture is schematic to an extreme, while in side view it is extraordinarily slender, except for the large head. As Konno notes (pp. 73-74) there are a number of puzzling or interesting aspects to the image, including: I. Original form of the crown. 2. Circular plaques at either shoulder. 75 In order to avoid an unwieldy number of notes, I will indicate pages of Konno's paper in parentheses. Konno's dis- cussion of the Tokyo National Museum bodhisattva is essentially un-annotated: one of the two notes refers to the 1999 Tokyo National Museum sculpture catalogue, and then only in the context of image acquisition and the modern label on its back. Apparently it was purchased from the Tokyo Art School by the Tokyo National Museum in I892. The label reads: "At the period of Shotoku Taishi this sculpture came from Paekche, one image from [a set of] I,ooo images," which is obviously legendary, as is the claim that it came from Echigo. Although space is not available to trace the historiography of this image here, it is interesting to note that it appeared as the first plate in Warner, Suiko, pp. 22, 53. Warner's discussion is not very useful, and his general approach to this period has been critiqued in detail in Alexander C. Soper, "Notes of Horyuji and the Sculpture of the Suiko Period," as noted above. I have written a crit- ical assessment of Soper's study in an unpublished paper, "Alexander Soper on the H6ryfiji Shaka Triad." Berthier, "Les premieres statues," Io8-Io9, also deals with the image. 76 Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan, Higashi Ajia, pl. 24, p. 238. The short entry, written by Matsuura Masaaki, repeats the belief that the image hails from Echigo Province and argues that it has an extremely archaic style. He also sug- gests that, because of the "yaya manobishita yo na hyojo" and simplication of the head area above the crown, it can be closely related to small gilt-bronze images of the Three Kingdoms Silla. The phrase "rather manobishita appearing facial expression" is the same terminology analyzed in note 3o above. 182 This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 3. Large sleeve-like forms over the arms. 4. The red pigment seen at the back. 5. The overall style of the figure. In analyzing these traits, Konno presents a strikingly original hypothesis that, in my view, does not stand up to critical examination. If I understand his arguments correctly, he asserts that the Tokyo National Museum bodhisattva dates as early as the second half of the 6th century.77 In addition he relates its iconography, at least in part, to imagery on the bronze mirrors discussed in the first half of his article (pp. 71-73). Fundamentally motivating Konno's discourse is his desire to find a sculpture which might plausibly be related to the lineage embodied in the two images made for Yoshinodera from the floating camphor log (p. 73; referred to above). In the article under consideration here and in his other research, Konno appears convinced that there was a syncretic phase at the inception of Bud- dhist imagery and practice in Japan whereby an amalgamation occurred of continental religious tra- ditions, including Buddhist and Taoist forms, with an indigenous system of kami belief.78 Even the most casual reading of this study should make clear my opinion that transmission of Buddhist imagery and practice from the Korean peninsula to the Japanese islands was through the mediation of cultur- ally advanced "immigrants" who transferred what they knew in the Three Kingdoms of the peninsula to the equivalent (Three? Four?) kingdoms of the 6th-century islands. While I would be the last per- son to deny the occurrence ofsyncretic elements in early religious practice on the islands, I am firm in the belief that the four monuments considered in detail above betray no aspects of "syncreticism." So, what about the Tokyo National Museum statue ? Konno pays a lot of attention to the form of the bodhisattva's crown, perhaps not surprisingly given that its exceedingly fragmentary state of preservation allows unbridled speculation. While acknowl- edging the substantial damage, he asserts (correctly) that it is different from the standard mountain- shaped or box-shaped crown of the early phase and that the five projections may have produced some- thing like the ornamentation seen on the heads of the deities (shinsen) represented on early mirrors. He further claims (p. 74): "... rather, this is a form close to the crowns of the Japanese dogY (for example, the mimizuku dogf from the Akagi site in Saitama Prefecture)."79 In actuality, what the Tokyo National Museum figure's crown presumably resembled is the form studied above in the Funagatayamajinji bod- hisattva and associated pieces, namely a type of floral ornamentation. Readers who might have doubts 77 Berthier, in the article just cited in note 75, also makes this claim, arguing that the figure is the earliest extant image in Japan (p. Io9). Matsumoto Eiichi, in "Tokyo Kokuritsu Hakubutsukanzo bosatsu ritsuzo," Kokka 800 (1958), 355-356, argues for a date at the end of the Asuka period. 78 Konno Toshifumi, "Butsuz6 juyo no shu-goteki keiki to Asuka," Tetsugaku Ioo (1996), 151-183. (This is the Keio Uni- versity Mita Tetsugakukai journal.) 79 J. Edward Kidder, The Birth ofdapanese Art (London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1966), pl. 5 and fig. 31. Mimizuku refers to a horned owl. Normally, when traditional Japanese cultural expressions, from Kofun to Edo, are associated with J6mon culture one can safely assume that rational analysis has ceased. This line of thought is seen in the writ- ings of the architect, Tange Kenzo, and has been developed in recent decades by the Kyoto philosopher Umehara Takeshi. Although beyond the scope of this article, a careful explication of this current in Japanese thought would be highly desirable. (Professor Jonathan Reynolds called my attention to Tange's ideas concerning a"J6mon aes- thetic.") I83 This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions about this suggestion should look at the circular plaques on the shoulders of the Funagatayamajinja bodhisattva, for not only are they essentially the same as in the Tokyo National Museum piece, but the manner in which the tassels hanging down from the diadem fall over their front surfaces convinc- ingly explains the fragmentary section at the front of plaques of the Tokyo National Museum figure. Furthermore, we traced earlier the occurrences of "X"-shaped jewelry strings descending from the shoulder plaques to other continental and peninsular images, noting that this motif is relatively rare in early images ofJapan.80 But here it is evident that our two bodhisattvas are so close to each other in this detail that they must have a common source. Because of its greater size, which allows more detail, the Tokyo National Museum figure displays greater elaboration in the jewelry strings, but in all essen- tial details these strings are identical in form and placement to those of the Funagatayamajinji bod- hisattva. (The necklace in plate form is basically the same in each.) Not surprisingly, the two figures' drapery elements are also very close to each other. In both cases, the backs are essentially planar with no interior detailing, so we can limit our analysis to the front view. An oblique line crosses the chest from the upper left toward the lower right, indicating the sogishi, a sort of vest. (I will comment in a moment on the carving of this line on the Tokyo National Museum bodhisattva). The arrangement of the scarf is basically the same in the two pieces, with both ends descending from the shoulders, looping over the legs in an "X" configuration (identically, in that sec- tion which passes over the left knee is beneath that passing over the right knee), and then hanging down from the arms to the base with distinct fishtail folds. Although there is substantial damage in this area on the Tokyo National Museum bodhisattva, one assumes that the fishtail folds of the Funa- gatayamajinja bodhisattva were always sharper and spikier in form. The one substantial difference between the two images is the presence of the emphatic sleeve-like element over the arms in the Tokyo National Museum figure, in a form quite similar to that seen in the Yumedono Kannon," and differ- ent from the more restrained treatment of this area in the Funagatayamajinja bodhisattva. Both figures show two hem-lines for the dhoti and under-robe at front. And particularly important, in my view, both have at the back a distinct upward arc at the lower hem, quite pronounced in the Funagataya- majinja figure, less so in the Tokyo National Museum piece. The red pigment that Konno observes on the back of the Tokyo National Museum bodhisattva (p. 74) is presumably not present on the Funagatayamajinji figure. Nor does this sort of application of colors seem typical of a gilt-bronze statue except for color for the eyes, lips, etc. As a symbol of an animating life force, red pigmentation is frequently observed throughout the world. In the case of the Japanese islands, it appears on just the sort ofJomon figurine cited earlier by Konno, although in this case he apparently hesitated about drawing a connection, perhaps because there is a more proximate comparison with the Yumedono and Kudara Kannons. 80 The situation of the Sekiyamajinja Bodhisattva requires further study, but, if, as argued above, it is an import from the peninsula, it too would fit into this complex. Another example ofa related arrangement can be seen in bodhisattva no. 166 in the "Forty-eight Buddhist Deities" group. 81 This element, seen very clearly in the Yumedono Kannon and more ambiguously in the Tokyo National Museum bodhisattva, requires further study. However, since the Yumedono Kannon deserves separate and detailed treatment, I will reserve a careful consideration of this interesting drapery form for another time, especially as it is methodolog- ically inappropriate to try to clarify a configuration which appears to be illogically depicted. 184 This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Enough has already been said to make clear the close relationship in style, motif, and iconography between the Tokyo National Museum figure and the Funagatayamajinja bodhisattva. Since I argue above that the latter was most likely a late 6th-century work brought from the peninsula to the islands, what is to prevent us from giving a similarly early date to the Tokyo National Museum bodhisattva? Or, for that matter, the same peninsular provenance? These questions raise a number of difficult prob- lems that I will try to deal with as briefly as possible. I start off with the assumption that, to use George Kubler's terminology,82 the Funagatayamajinja figure manifests the traits of a "prime object" associated with a quite coherent category, while the Tokyo National Museum bodhisattva is a "replication" derived in some manner from the prime object complex. I make this assertion because, while all details of the Funagatayamajinji bodhisattva seem to me to be logical in form, certain details of the Tokyo National Museum image are ambiguous, even perhaps mistakes. Since it is a fundamental premise in the study of stylistic evolution that one does not proceed from ambiguity and mistakes to logical clarity, it seems inconceivable that the Tokyo National Museum bodhisattva could stand as any sort of "prime object;" rather, a number of features suggests quite strongly that its sculptor misunderstood certain details of whatever image served as prototype. For example, the oblique line running across the chest to delineate the upper hem of the sigishi is carved in a manner contrary to what one would expect: since the fabric must be thought of as lying on and above the surface of the chest, the line should indicate this, whereas in fact it shows the flesh area as being higher than the fabric. A detailed elucidation of the Tokyo National Museum bodhisattva's scarf will try the patience of all but the most intrepid reader, so I suggest those who feel impatient might want to skip the follow- ing two paragraphs and accept on faith that there are ambiguous aspects to the scarf. In a number of publications I have tried to explain the configuration of the Bodhisattva's scarf (tenne), although I fre- quently despair that my explications are ineffective since people refer again and again to scarves, in the plural.83 There is always only one scarf element, a very long strip of fabric that passes over the back, around the shoulders, and descends in various arrangements to the base. For purposes of this analysis, we need consider only the arrangement where both ends of the scarf cross over the legs in an "X" pat- tern, then loop back up over the arms and finally fall to the base. In the case of the Tokyo National Museum figure, nothing can be said about how the scarf crosses over the back. This important issue is uncertain due to the schematization in this area. Yet there is one important detail that can still be made out at the back: the "sleeve" elements flare out broadly at both sides, but sharply cut grooves at the inner edges clearly distinguish "sleeve" from the narrow scarf sec- tions. These hang down straight to the base, apparently passing behind the elbows. This is illogical, since the ends should be shown moving to the front of the body before crossing the knees and looping back up over the opposite arm prior to descending in fishtail folds to the base. The faulty arrangement is further seen where the two sections of the "X" crossing seem to disappear under the belt instead of 82 George Kubler, The Shape of Time: Remarks on the History of Things (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, I962). 83 Donald F. McCallum, "The Evolution of the Buddha and Bodhisattva figures in Japanese Sculpture of the Ninth and Tenth Centuries", Ph.D. dissertation, New York University, 1973 (University Microfilms, No. 73-19, 944): 19-I20zo; idem., "Heian Sculpture at the Tokyo National Museum," Part I, Artibus Asiae 35, no. 3 (I973), 287. 185 This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions progressing in a normal manner; all of these details suggest that the sculptor did not really understand the appropriate configuration and thus made "mistakes."84 As noted above, neither figure under consideration shows any internal articulation at the back, so we cannot gain any useful information by inspecting this area. Konno (p. 73) suggests that the Tokyo National Museum figure originally held its hands in front, grasping a jewel. But, as we have seen, the jewel-grasping motif seems always to be associated with a distinct "U" loop of the scarf at the back, as seen clearly in the Yumedono Kannon, the Hory-iji Museum Kannon, and in Bodhisattvas nos. 165 and 166 of the "Forty-eight," to cite only those works Konno himself uses for comparative purposes.85 Consequently, I believe it more likely that the Tokyo National Museum Bodhisattva was not a jewel- grasper; otherwise the sculptor should have included the crucial "U" loop at back. Of course, there is always the possibility that the sculptor did not understand the significance of the "U" loop in a hypo- thetical prototype and thus excluded it, a line of thought which does not contradict a theory to be pre- sented in a moment. The form of the two arms is extremely peculiar, consisting of horizontal tubes that do not appear organically connected with the upper part of the arm, almost as if the sculptor could not determine how to carve them. Other parts of the body also display a degree of awkwardness in conception, again arguing for a quite modest level of skill. Perhaps most surprising is the treatment of the face. To the best of my knowledge, is it quite unlike any other face in the sculpture ofJapan. While I have no very satisfactory explanation for its form and expression, it seems as if our sculptor was doing his best to copy the model he had before him.86 What is the date and provenance of this sculpture? I hope I have convincingly demonstrated that it is based on the complex of elements best seen in the Funagatayamajinja bodhisattva, a piece pre- sumably from the Korean peninsula made in the later sixth century. While the Tokyo National Museum sculpture is clearly derived from such a prototype, there are so many misunderstandings of the original configuration that one must assume that it is a later copy; how much later is difficult to say, although it probably dates to approximately the middle of the 7th century since this sort of imagery 84 Donald F. McCallum, "Buddhist Sculpture at the Seisuiji, Matsushiro," Oriental Art N.S. 25, no. 4 (1979/80), 466, where I refer to the peculiar situation of the "sash" (jjhaku) represented at the back of a Kannon figure, but not at the front. I have presented a detailed analysis of the "mistakes" issue in "Hakuho Sculpture," a monograph to be pub- lished by the University of Kansas. 85 The studies by Lena Kim, cited in note 61 above, present a brilliant analysis of combining the jewel-grasping hand position with the prominent "U" loop arrangement of the scarf at the back, which substitutes for the more normal horizontal configuration that often looks rather like a shawl. Since its presence or absence on the Tokyo National Museum bodhisattva is unclear, the broader issue (the significance of this combination of elements) is not relevant here. 86 Among the gilt-bronze bodhisattvas in the "Forty-eight Buddhist Deities" group, nos. 165 and 166 seem closest to our image in terms of facial features. Both, in my view, represent very late or post-Asuka versions of the Soga-Tori bodhisattva. Bodhisattva no. 165, as mentioned in note 64 above, is probably dated to 651, and bodhisattva no. 166 is perhaps even a little later. Significantly, the latter also has the "X" jewelry string crossing the front of the body, although the lower section passes under the scarf rather than over it, as in our piece. Perhaps also significant is the fact that both nos. 165 and 166 have the jewel-grasping/"U" loop at back scarf although, as noted above, there is no evi- dence for these traits in the Tokyo National Museum bodhisattva. Nevertheless, those relations that can be seen with nos. I65-I66 would tend to pull it up toward the middle of the 7th century, rather than a 6th century date. 186 This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions was not popular much after that time. Where it was made and by whom it was carved are uncertain; I would suggest that it was made outside the central area by a craftsman who did not have any exten- sive experience in making Buddhist imagery.87 87 Although the entry in the Nara National Museum catalogue relates the image to Three Kingdoms sculpture, Matsu- ura argues that, since the material is camphor wood, it should be considered as an example of"Asuka Sculpture," made in Japan. Nevertheless, as Matsuura apparently accepts the Echigo provenance, he places it in a sphere extending from Niigata (Sekiyamajinja bodhisattva, our fig. 17) to Nagano (Kanshoin meditating bodhisattva, our fig. 9) that he asso- ciates with an "immigrant Buddhist culture route." Obviously, I have no problems with this general hypothesis, since I believe the Tokyo National Museum figures resembles most closely the Funagatayamajinja bodhisattva. Some years ago I explored this topic in a paper entitled, "East Sea/Japan Sea: A Neglected Area for Early Korean-Japanese Rela- tions in Buddhist Sculpture," Annual Meeting, Association for Asian Studies, Washington, D.C., 25 March 1984. GLOSSARY Amaterasu Omikami ,Hf $ Amida Puq frL Asai Kazuharu ?- 1 I Asuka RA Asukadera MA, -- Bidatsu tenno 0 . Bukkyo geijutsu fAA' Chinhing, King A Chinp'ying, King ZT Chinu $2- Chizawa Teiji :Fi fAJ Dainichibo -kE } Dogu ia D6ji M_ Fujisawa Kazuo .)-- Funagatayamajinja
J.I $R ? Gangoji engi t. . Gokurakuji ,- Hakuho 6 R hanka shii ] ' Hirano Kunio ,Z Hongo Masatsugu ~z 8 Horyoji Ri$ HwangSuy ng i 7"p Ienaga Saburo 7,_K Ikebe no Atai on Inoue Kaoru _L, Inoue Mitsusada 5i . Izumi kori 7%g? Joga Shotoku hoo teisetsu i {tW I johaku kr Jomon $43 Jorinjoin.-- Kafuka no omi Kami $$ Kannon : Kanshoin $ ' Kawachi lI kikajin J-4 LA, Kim Rina (Lena Kim) Kinmei tenno ,H Kofun $ Kogury6 - i49 Kondo Konno Toshifumi W lVVV, Kongju /L#I] Koyaji $ , Kudara Kannon - . Kumagai Nobuo ft' - Kuno Takeshi . Kunsuri ,p_ Kyuamni ria . Liang MaekawaAkihisa HljjllHj-? manobishita kao ril_" LPzM? Matsubara Saburo - Pe Matsuura Masaaki ]E J Matsuyama Tetsuo [ Mayuzumi Hiromichi ..L _ mimizuku < -F ( Miroku /tJ$ Mizuno Keizaburo 7JK*}If 187 This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Mizuno Ryutaro J7k-A5 Mizuno Seiichi , Mononobe no Okoshi )]$$@i N-l Mori Hisashi @_lJk Mukuhara fiJ-, Myojoin HFRfA' Nakatomi no Kamako , - Naniwa f)J? Nara 5 il Nihon shoki H Nukatabe (iFf numeri (
Oguro no Kishi /J,,, Oharida /J_~i Ohashi Katsuaki 5q Onishi Shaya )N5f1' O-muraji 5 ) O-Omi 5/qff Owake no O-kimi 5JIV_ Paekche -ff P6phuing, King 5t Puyr, jff j renniku j4_A Sabi ji Saeki no Muraji i _ Sakamoto Taro }- 7S [ Sakurai Tokutaro , B5 Seki Akira r -Iz Sekiyamajinja -E; [ Shaka f I Shijahattai butsu -/A & Shinbutsu bunri ;($ }-@ shinsen 40{111 shintai 44 Shinto * EM Shotoku Taishi '-.ft)?T Silla 3f4 sobo rangen ful'UMM Soga no Iname
Soga no Umako ,, - Soga-Tori fl7 JfIJ sogishi M*5V S-ng, King -PE Suiko tenno M0-$ Suksusa 4-4jK4,- Taika kaishin 5/qJLEA.V Tamura Encho Hflf\FIM Tanabe Saburosuke BI-f .MM Tanaka Shigehisa f f - *M Tanaka Yoshiyasu H Hj & Tange Kenzo P-ITA Tanjo butsu gI-IA tenne )?:& Tori busshi ~~'iij tsuchinoe-uma :V Umehara Takeshi SM- 0 Ungjin $ Widok, King g- P,,T Yakushi -i~% Yamato fi Yesan TO Yoshimura Takehiko 'r[ j\E Yoshinodera - Yumedono Kannon ,R R Zenkoji #,-- 188 This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:40:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
The Arhats in China and Tibet Author(s) : Stephen Little Source: Artibus Asiae, Vol. 52, No. 3/4 (1992), Pp. 255-281 Published By: Stable URL: Accessed: 18/06/2014 21:13
HOW I CLOBBERED EVERY BUREAUCRATIC CASH-CONFISCATORY AGENCY KNOWN TO MAN ... A Spiritual Economics Book On $$$ and Remembering Who You Are By: Mary Elizabeth Croft