The Royal African Society

Usages and Customs of the Natives of Sena

Author(s): Manoel Monteiro Lopes
Source: Journal of the Royal African Society, Vol. 6, No. 24 (Jul., 1907), pp. 350-366
Published by: Oxford University Press on behalf of The Royal African Society
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/715063
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350
USAGES
AND
CUSTOMS
OF THE
NATIVES
OF SENA
I NTRODUCTION
THE circumscription,
or province,
of Sena forms
part of
the territory
administered
by the Mozambique
Company
in
Portuguese
East
Africa.
It lies in the
Valley
of the
Zambesi,
along
the Southern
bank of that great river,
and
extends
from the mouth
upstream
for a distance
of some
two hundred
miles.
Sena is much the
most populous
circumscription
administered
by the Mozambique
Company,
the figures,
according
to the latest
published
returns,
being
given
as follows:
Number
of Huts ................
...
... 48,o26
Number
of WIen ...............
...
... 24,203
Number
of Women
...
... 33,473
Number
of Children
...
.. 40,652
The total native
population
was thus 98,328,
or rather
less
than half of the entire
native
population
living
in the terri-
tories
of Manica
and Sofala
administered
under
its Charter
from
the Portuguese
Government
by the
Mozambique
Company.
Lieutenant
A{anoel
Monteiro
Lopes,
who was for some
time Chef de Circonscription
of Sena,
made use of the excep-
tional
facilities
which
his position
gave him to compile
a
series
of notes
on the usages
and customs
of the natives
of
his district.
These
notes are arranged
on a definite
plan,
and other chefs
de circonscription
are already
engaged
in
compiling,
if they have
not already
completed,
a similar
USAGES AND CUSTOMS OF THE NATIVES OF SENA 35 I
series of notes relating to the districts they administer.
In this way the Mozambique Company hopes to obtain a
valuable compendium of information relating to the
manners and customs of the whole of the native population
living in its territories.
We are indebted to the courtesy of the Conseil d'Adminis-
tration of the Mozambique Company for permission to
publish the following translation of Lieutenant Lopes' notes
on Sena.
The arrangement of the notes is explained by the fact that,
in the original Portuguese, the headings appear in alpha-
betical order, which, of course, is lost in the translation.
Several of the divisions have been condensed under one
heading, and some of the less important, under which little
or nothing was noted, have been omitted.
REPORT OF LIEUTENANT MONTEIRO LOPES.
Administration of Property.-Very few natives, especially
in the coast districts, possess any property. If there is any
estate, it is administered by the head of the family, passing,
on his death, to his eldest brother, or, sometimes, to his
eldest son. The brother is the heir, by the custom of the
country, but in the places most in contact with civilisation,
it is the son. The guardianship of minors is always exer
cised by relatives, uncles, or brothers; sometimes, in the
case of the heir to a chieftainship, a suitable guardian may
be appointed outside the family, if there is no relative to
exercise the responsibility of the position.
A cquisition of Property .-The native does not under-
stand the advantages of property, and therefore never
thinks of acquiring it. Landed property is unknown; any
man is free to cultivate without restriction all the unoccu-
pied land he may need. One of the most noxious super-
stitions believed in by the Sena people is the notion that
he who plants a tree wilI die when it begins to bear fruit.
Owing to this belief, and the abundance of unoccupied land
available for cultivation, no one thinks of acquiring per-
manent property in land.
352 JOURNAL OF THE AFRICAN SOCI=Y
The natives have few movable possessions. Besides two
or three hoes for each household, the following are the
principal articles found in a native hut:-the sleeping-mat,
one or two bags woven of matting (tumba), some baskets
of rarious shapes and sizes, the cooking-pots and water-
jars, a few plates or bowls of coarse pottery, and some
others of wood Some have also a wooden pillow (or neck-
rest). They have few spare clothes -many have nothing
but the cloth they are wearing. The family jewellery
consists of brass rings of lrarious shapes and sizes (worn by
women on their arms and legs), and glass beads.
The domestic animals usually possessed by the natives
are: fowls, ducks, pigeons, pigs, goats, and sheep. The
natives are still in the habit of trading by barter but
already a good many purchases are paid for in coin.
Adultery.- This is common among the natives of the
district, and nearly always occasions a mlandu (lawsuit) on
the part of the husband. The complaint being presented,
and the adultery proved, the following are the decisions
arrived at according to the custom of the country.
If the aggrieved husband repudiates his wife, he receives
from the accused the amount which he paid on his marriage,
as well as an indemnity known by the name of upombo,
and keeps his legitimate children, if he has any.
If he does not repudiate his wife, and she agrees to remain
with him, the accused pays the upombo only.
In any case, the accused always pays a small fine, by
way of costs, this and the amount of the upombo depending
on circumstances. In general the upombo varies ?rom ?I
to ;g5, and the fine from Soo to 2,000 reis. It sometimes
happens that a native induces his wife to commit adultery,
in order to acquire the upombo, but this does not happen
very often. Children born of adultery belong to the father
after he has paid the upombo.
Use of Water in Agriculture.-The natives in these parts
do not irrigate their land. The water of wells, for domestic
use, belongs to the village whose inhabitants have dug
the well, and the order of precedence among the villagers
is decided by the order of their arrival in the neighbour-
USAGES AND CUSTOMS (B THE NATIVES OF SENA 353
hood. The well is cleared out, when necessary, by all the
inhabitants.
Alienation of Property.-- Natives alienate property only
by way of saIe or exchange. It is not rare for them to make
small sales to each other on credit When a transaction
on credit is effected, it is usual to do it, if possible, before
witnesses, and the debtor hands over to the creditor some
article used by him as a token that he recognises the debt.
This token is called by some Chimberese, by others
Chitanda; but Chipanda is more often used of the deten-
tion of one member of a family in the creditor's house as
a pledge of payment. This last practice is falling into
disuse, and is only common in places at a distance from
European authorities. Barter is still common, though the
use of coin is becoming general. The most important com-
mercial transaction is the sale of a canoe.
Masters and Se7vants-Natives dislike serving persons
of their own race. There are a few in this position, which
is more or less one of slavery; but a native who does not
know that he cannot legally be made a slave is nowadays
seldom met with. What usually happens is, that a native
will go on working for such a master as long as the latter
treats him wells or can intimidate him by means of his
influence with the authorities.
Natives who, on account of their origin, think themselves
superior to the common run, sometimes engage servants
under special contracts by the monthr rather by the moon,
that being the native way of reckoning. The agreement
is in general for a very small wagc in most cases unpaid.
This increases the distrust felt by natives for their country-
men, whom they never serve if they can help it. In years
of scarcity one native sometimes consents to work for
another in return fcor his food but this only happens in the
last extremity. In contracting to work for a European, the
native does so of his own free will and without formalities,
trusting to the good faith of his employer.
Domestic Animals (Loss of).-It is not often that animals
are- lost, and very rare for them to be turned adrift. If any
animal-sheep, pig} or goat is lost, the owner at once
23 Vol. 6
354
JOURNAL OF THE AFRICAN SOCIETY
makes search for it, and if
unsuccessful, he ends by going
to the diviner, to ask where it is, or who is to blame for
its
disappearance. The diviner
(Kumbayasa) is always the
last resort in any matter where
information is required, as
the native has a blind faith in the answers given by him.
The people of the village where a stray is found keep it till
the owner comes to claim it, when he pays the expense of
feeding and watching it. If he does not appear within a
year or so, the matter is reported to the
inyakwana, and the
animaI becomes the property of the finder.
Divorce. This is frequent, and the following are sufficient
reasons for it according to native usage:-
On the man's
side-Barrenness, r.efusal to cohabit, failure
to perform the work required of a wife, adultery.
On the woman's side
Impotence,
ill-treatment, protracted
absence of the husband without making any provision for
the support of his family, desertion of a sick wife.
Divorce may be granted for any of the above reasons.
If the fault is on the side of the wife, the
husband-if there
are no children gets back the goods he paid at the time
of the marriage. If there are children, they stay with the
father, and the goods are not repaid. If the fault is the
man's, the only case in which he can claim the goods
back is when the divorce is granted on the ground of
impotence. In any case, the wife returns to her father's
family, and is free to marry again. Adultery is not always
a ground for divorce, since the injury to the husband's
honour may be effaced by the indemnity above referred to,
and may prefer to receive the indemnity rather than repudiate
the wife.
Hiring.-This is not much in use, except in the case of
canoes, which, when hired, are usually paid for in kind.
Kinship (Fathers and
Grandfathers). Parents and grand-
parents, both male and female, are greatly respected, but
it is only the father and
grandfather who have any rights
over children or property.
Pro perty of the A bsent. When a man is absent from
home, his small
belongings are taken care of by his rela-
tions, or the headman of his village. His wife awaits his
USAGES ANI) CUSTOMS OF THE NATIVES OF SENA 355
return, if it is not delayed too long; but if, at the end of
two years, he has sent no messages or remittances, and
she receives no help from his relations, it is usual for her
to marry again; desertion, in such cases, constituting a valid
ground for divorce.
Ilunting. lt was formerly the custom (still followed in
some places) to pay to the inyakwana of the district in
which the game is killed the leg with which the animal
touches the ground in falling. Nowadays the natives do
little or no hunting, and the old custom is falling into
desuetude. Large animals, like the elephant, are nearly
always hunted by Europeans, or under their direction, and
subject to the regulations at present in force. Not many
years ago, however, when natives were free to hunt
elephants, they used to send to the Governor, or the Ad-
ministrator of the Prazo, the tusk which touched the ground
when the animal fell. This was known by the name of
the " ground tusk " (ponta da terra).
Slander. Natives are very sensitive to slander, and it is
not at all uncommon for them to go to law for this cause;
sometimes, indeed, they present themselves with very
trifling complaints. If the slander is proved, it is punished
by means of a compensation proportionate to the offence,
paid to the injured party. The worst slanders in native
estimation are imputations of theft and witchcraft, and the
latter are always punished with the greatest severity.
Marriage. A1arriages between natives are always cele-
brated according to the custom of the country. It is rare
to find a native, even of some education, married by civil
or religious rites. Marriage is in general agreed on long
beforehand, and the greatest care is taken to avoid unions
between relatives.
In the case of a youth, the wife may be chosen either by
his father or by himself, but it is always the father (or,
failing him, the nearest relation) who concludes the agree-
ment for paying over the goods to the bride's father, either
directly or through a third person, whose official designation
is Santulo.
When the future bridegroom makes his own choice, it
356 JOURNAL OF THE AFRICAN SOCIETY
is he who has to hand over the first pledge of the contract.
The formalities for the conclusion of a marriage contract
are as follows:-
I. Delivery of the Lupato.
2. ., ,, ring (mpete).
3. ,, ,, MaSimbiko.
4. ,, ,, Pango.
5. ,, ,, Mashinguso bThese are handed over
6. ,, ,, MakuchafwaJ at the same time.
The amount of each payment varies greatly in different
localities; it is regulated by the demands of the bride's
father and the means of the bridegroom, or his family.
It is common, and even normal, among the natives, to
arrange the marriage of girls when very young. As the
future son-in-law, in addition to the goods or money with
which he discharges the obligations of the contract, has,
according to native custom, to help the bride's parents in
building huts and cultivating their fields, the sooner the
contract is made, the more speedily wilI they begin to reap
the benefits of their daughter's marriage.
Fathers never thwart their sons with regard to their
marriage; but the same cannot be said for the fathers of
girls, who, whenever they are able, try to get a son-in-law
who may be profitable to them.
While the girl is growing up she sleeps in the gowero
(a hut occupied by all the boys and girls of the village),
as also does her future husband; it being customary among
the natives to respect their future wives till after the marriage
ceremonies are completed. This takes place a year, or two
years, after the girl has arrived at physical maturity.
When the hut is fini.ihed and the wedding-day settled
between the falhers, the bride is conducted by two women
(tungos), chosen among those most respected in her village,
to the bridegroom's village, where she i welcomed by the
l Among the Marg'anja of the ShirE, lhe hut where the boys sleep is called
fflwero; the girls have a separale one, or sleep with their mothers and the smaller
children.-ED.
USAGES AND CUSTOMS OF THE NATIVES OF SENA 357
women, who come to meet her, raising loud cries as a sign
^ * . -
ot reJolclng.
Before the party (consisting of the pungos, the bride, and
a boy and girl to carry her baggage) reach the village,
the bridegroom 's family come to meet them, and scatter
round the bride some money and beads, which are kept by
the pungos. The bridegroom, as soon as he hears that the
party has arrived, hides himself, and is afterwards searched
for by the men, who bring him into the bride's presence,
she being seated in the centre of a circle formed by the
principal people in the village. These subsequently come
forward, one by one, dancing and giving advice to the pair,
who pelt the dancers with money and beads. It is only on
the second day of the wedding ceremonies, and after both
bride and bridegroom have had their hair cut, that the
marriage is consummated. If the bride is found to be a
virgin, guns are fired by way of rejoicing. If matters are
found unsatisfactory on either side, no further rejoicings
take place.
Five or six days after the last ceremonies, the couple go
to visit the wife's parents, taking with them a small present,
and this ends the expenditure demanded of the young man
who, for some years past, has leen ruining himself in
presents to the bride's parents and relations. Marriages
between reIatives are not permitted. Polygamy is common
among the natives, and only the poorest, or those who have
been much in contact with civilisation, content themselves
with one wife It is not rare to find natives with 3, 4 or 5,
but there are not many who have more, though I know
some few with 6, 7, 8, 9 or IO. A man's riches are estimated
according to the number of his wives. Each wife has her
own hut, and the husband stays with each for a day or a week
at a time. All the wives are subject to the one first married,
who is considered the chief wife. In general, there is a
good understanding between the different wives of the same
man, but many cases of discord and open rivalry may be
met with.
A husband is bound to keep his wife in clothes, build
her a hut, take care of her in illness, pay the tax for her
358
JOURNAL OF THE
AFRICAN
SOCIETY
and
help her
family
when in
difficulties. A
wife, by
the fact of her
marriage,
undertakes the
obligation of
working in the
fields,
cooking,
carrying
wood and
water,
and,
especially, of
having as
many
children as
possible. In
years of
plenty her
field-work
usually
produces
enough to
support her, and
often
leaves a
sufficient
surplus to pay
taxes and
provide
clothing; but in
years of
scarcity the
man has to
provide for the
maintenance of his
wives.
As long as the
children are quite
young they are
looked
after by the
mother;
when
grown up, they
respect her, but
obey their
father.
The
child's first
name is
given to it by
its
grandparents, four or five days after
birth.
Girls keep
this
name till their
marriage, and boys till they have
reached
manhood.
Girls also
receive their
second
name from their
grandparents,
parents,
uncles or
aunts; but
boys
usually
choose that by
which they wish to be
known as men,
though
many will take the one
given by their
grandfathers.
When
a
woman who has
remained
childless for
some time
after
marriage
consults a
doctor
(ng'anga) and has a
child, after
taking his
medicines, the
child is
called after the
doctor.
Natives who live
within
reach of a
Catholic
priest are
easily
induced to
receive
baptism,
even if
grown up; but
as they hae no real
notion of
religion, they will
change
the
name
received just as they do that
given to
them,
accord-
ing to the
custom of the
country. In
general they
accept
Christian
baptism
from
interested
motives,
because
they
always
receive some
present on the
occasion from the
priest
or their
sponsors. I
know some
baptised
natives who call
themselves by
their
native
names.
Paternal
Authority.
The
father's
authority over sons is
very
limited; not so with
daughters? Ntho can only be
given
in
marriage by their
father or his
representative, and,
while
unmarried, live with the
family
during the day, and sleep
at
night
either in the
gowero, with the
other
young
people
of the
village, or in the
verandah of
their
parents' hut.
The sons
when
grown up
often
leave the
village, and do
scarcely
anything for their
parents. All
unmarried
persons
are
considered as
minors. A
bearded man will
sometimes
call
himself a boy
because he is still
single.
IJSAGES AND CUSTOMS 0F THE NATIVES 0F SENA 359
All children born after a marriage contracted in due
form according to native custom are considered legitimate.
They belong to the father, and after his death are obedient
to the eldest uncle.
All children of a native woman by a man with whom
she has not legally contracted marriage are illegitimate,
and belong to the mother, being considered as belonging
to her family, and owing obedience to her father, and, after
him, to her eldest brother. Desertion of children hardly
ever takes place: a native is considered rich in proportion
to the number of his children, and is more likely to adopt
other people's than abandon his own. It may be said that
one-fourth of all lawsuits are concerned with claims for the
custody of children.
Contracts. The most important contract entered into
between natives is that of marriage, already described. In
all other transactions of life, it may be said that there
is no such thing as a contract, though in some matters,
such as payment of debts or sales on credit, the presence
of witnesses is necessary, and a token (Chimberese) is
handed over, by the debtor or buyer as an acknowledgment
of the amount owed. The witnesses on these occasions
usually belong to the families of the parties.
Crimes and Offences. These are nowadays judged by
the colonial courts. Under native law they were usually com-
pounded for by the payment of one or two slaves (usually
women), or animals, or a fine in money, to the offended
party. The crimes considered most serious are murder and
theft, but the worst of all is that of causing death by
witchcraft: the witch being looked on as a dangerous wild
beast, who ought to be deprived of life. Theft especially
of crops in years of famine is not uncommon. It is
punished by a fine equalling the value of the articles stolen,
with an additional payment by way of indemnity.
Evidence and Oaths. The native is very reluctant to give
evidence, and always suspects that some evil is intended
him. In general, he begins by saying that he has neither
seen nor heard anything, and knows nothing, inventing
alibis with the greatest facility. After many efforts, and
360
JOURNAL OF THE ARRICAN SOCIBY
much beating about the bush, some contradictions are
obtained, and, by continuing the inquiry, one can some-
times succeed in getting a deposition vvhich clears
up the matter required. The native denies and affirms
with the same calmness, and it is not rare in the course of
an inquiry to find him denying what he has just affirmed.
In questioning the same native about the same facts on
different occasions, at intervals of a few months, or even
weeks, it is difficult to get the same answers, and it is
always necessary to remind him more or less of the deposi-
tion already made in order to guide the witness. Sometimes
a witness will get up his deposition beforehand, and as soon
as he is given the opportunity to speak, will recite it with
great fluency; but if interrupted, he will grow confused,l
and can only get on if allowed to begin again from the
* s
teglnnlng.
Natives are accustomed to asseverate that they are telling
the truth by using the following expressions: Babanga (by
my father3, Mama-bassi (by my mother), Cemiterio (by the
dead of my family), &c. The last is considered as the
most binding form of oath. The native, however, is so
habitually inaccurate that even his statements on oath
cannot unreservedly be trusted. Natilres accept the testi-
mony of witnesses in all matters which they wish to prove;
but the mwavi (see under Death and Burial) is in their eyes
the most convincing of all proofs.
Death and Burial. As soon as any adult dies, the
mourning is begun by the relations, and afterwards taken
part in by the whole village. The corpse is first washed
with hot water by two persons, called by the natives
nyalq4mbe or nyarxmbe, who prepare the coffin, generally
made of reeds, wrap up the corpse, dig the grave in
the burying-ground (mvsie),2 and cut the hair (of the
1 $ Tergiversate " in the original; but, from the context, the above seems to be
what is meant.-ED.
2 This word (derived from sia " to leave ") is in Nyanja applied to any persons or
things which have belonged to the dead; thus xyumba ya masic is his house, which
is shut up and deserted; anOu a masic ("the people of the leaving") are the
mollrners, &c.; Manda is the grave, and nfiagango the thicket or grove used as a
bUna1 grOUnd. # ED.
USAGES AND CUSTOMS OF THE NATIVES OF SENA 36I
mourners). The burying-place is usually an open glade
in a forest, or under shady trees. Burial takes place
from IS to IS hours after death, and the corpse is always
laid at full length. After the grave has been filled in,
some pots, wooden bowls, hoe-handles, or other articles
used by the dead, are broken and laid on it. The hoes
with which the grave is dug remain the property of the
Nyarumbe. From the burial-ground, all the mourners go
to some place where they can bathe, and then, returning
to the village, enter the deceased's hut and remain there
for some time weeping. The Nyarumbe then kills a fowl,
with the blood of which the relatives and other mourners
sprinkle their hands. The fowl is then roasted and eaten
by the Nyarumbe; all except one leg, which is hung over
the doorway of the deceased's hut. Word is sent to absent
relations to come and join in the mourning, and as each
one arrives, he or she, before joining in the wailing touches
the suspended fowl's leg. During the ensuing week the
mourning is kept up +7vith dances and singing by the family
and the villagers, who, during this time, spend all that
has been left by the deceased in preparing food and drink
for the guests. Black cloth is worn as a sign of mourning,
but those who are too poor to possess any, wear strips of
palm leaf tied round the head. At the end of the mourning
(which, like the previous observances, involves the con-
sumption of much native beer) all the relations cut their
hair and throw it away on a road, together with their
mourning garments. It is only after this last ceremony
that the new head of the family assumes control over the
persons who pass by inheritance under his authority.
When death takes place in consequence of an unknown
disease, or from causes which are considered extraordinary
the family of the deceased consults the kumbayasa} in order
to learn from him the cause of death. In former times the
majority of deaths were attributed to the enchantments of
some woman--usually an old one, and sometimes, even,
the mother or stepmother of the complainant. The unfor-
tunate against whom such an accusation was brought,
either submitted to the mwavi ordeal, or was killed, and
362 JOURNAL OF THE AFRICAN SOCIE*TY
her corpse thrown into the river or left to be devoured by
wild beasts. Many deaths by poisoning were the result of
the ordeal, especially nuhen the sapenda (the man who
prepared the drink from the inner bark of the mwavi tree),
was either inexperienced or ill-disposed towards the accused.
At the present day the ordeal has almost fallen into disuse,
and when it does take place, the mwavi is tried on some
animal a dog or a fowl. Moreover, as the sapendas are
afraid of being made responsible for what may happen .o
the accused, they nearly always arrange matters so that the
mwavi, may absolve her. In old times the credulity of the
natives allowed of no appeal from the ordeal; even at the
present day, though there are many who doubt its powers,
an innocent man will sometimes, if found guilty by the
mwavi, conclude that he must have committed the crime in
his sleep.
The death of any person is communicated to all absent
relations, and they are expected to proceed to the deceased's
village and take part in the mourning-any failure to do
so is looked upon as a gross insult, which, if offered by
a son-in-law to his father-in-law's family, sometimes consti-
tutes a sufficient reason for annulling a marriage.
Inheritance. As natives in general possess little or no
property-and what there is, is usually consumed in the
course of the funeral ceremonies questions of inheritance
seldom arise, except as regards the heAdship of the family
(butaka). In this a man is succeeded by his next eldest
brother, or, failing brothers, his eldest uncle; but in some
places it is already usual for the succession to pass to the
eldest son. A son thus succeeding takes over his father's
wives, with the exception of his own mother, and also (if
she is not his mother) of the principal wife.
Native Judges.-Their authority may be said to have
quite disappeared. In this Division there are only two
basos, who are present at all milandu, and give their opinion
on the decision of the case. At present the Administrators
are the only judicial authorities of the natives, who respect
their decisions. If one of the parties is not satisfied, he
tries to get the case decided by another Administrator, but
USAGES AND CUSTOMS OF THE NATIVES OF SENA 363
never appeals to a native authority. To avoid a retrial of
the same case, a copy of the proceedings is given to each
of the parties.
Interest. The natives of the Sena region use the term
mundi for interest, the rate of which is subject to no fixed
rule. Most loans, however, are made without it.
Relationship. Natives in general respect all their rela-
tives in the last generation up to the second degree, and
make themselves respected by their juniors. Distinctions
of relationship are ill-defined in the native mind: an uncle
is called father and an aunt mother, all the father's brothers
being treated as fathers. It even happens that brothers call
their elder brother father, if he has succeeded to the bxtaka,
or headship of the family. One of the most difficult points
to clear up is the degree of relationship existing between
different members of the same family. To designate grand-
parents they generally use the Portuguese word avos
(strongly accenting the first syllable) they have also the
word intulo (mkulu), which means " great." The same
terms are used for great-grandparents.
The mother takes care of her children from their birth
till they no longer need her care. She does not occupy a
position of much importance, except with regard to her
sons-in-law, if she has married daughters. Children respect
their mother, and do all in their power to heIp her. In
the way of education she does next to nothing; but it is
from their mothers that girls learn the little they know
how to do; to cook, carry water, and do the planting -tasks
which in general fall to the share of women. Motherhood
makes a w-oman of more importance to her husband and
to her own family: a childless wife being sometimes
repudiated. On the other hand, it sometimes happens that
when a woman has had a numerous family her parents
demand a supplementary pay?lent from the husband.
Children, but especially daughters, are the most valuable
property of a native family.
Brothers usually live on good terms and help each other
in all difficulties, the younger always respecting the
authority of the elder. The younger members of different
364 JOURNAL OF THE AFRICAN SOCIETY
families (as already stated) live together in the gowero. Old
people are respected, and taken care of when they can no
longer work.
Morality.- The moral principles followed by the natives
are so rudimentary that they are apt to pass unperceived
by European eyes; at the same time, it cannot be denied
that the natives among themselves observe certain moral
precepts, which are transmitted from father to son, and
modified according to the degree in which they come in
contact with civilisation. They are very anxious about the
virginity of their daughters (though, in practice, it is not
common for this to be preserved after the age of twelve),
and great stress is laid on this point in the marriage cere-
monies. In like manner, they are by no means devoid of
a sense of decency, though hasty observers might think
this to be the case, from their lack of clothing. Natives
are always careful to hide the generative organs, and girls,
when they reach the age of puberty, keep their breasts
covered till after the birth of their first child.
Women. The happiest time of a native woman's life is
the interval between the age of 8 or 9 and her marriage.
She is well cared for by her parents, and does little or
no work. With marriage, her duties begin: consisting of
hcousehc)ld work, cultivation of the fields, and care of her
children, if any. If her husband dies, she is expected to
become the wife of his eldest brother, and her duties to
him are the same as to the first husband. There are many
cases of women living in widowhood this happens when
a man has no near relatives in his own generation, and is
succeeded by his eldest son (who-as already stated-
cannot marry the " great wife," even if she is not his
mother),-or when a woman loses her husband late in life.
1\ son so succeeding his father cares for his mother as long
as she lives, or till she marries again. If the husband
leaves no successor, the widow returns to her parents' house.
If a widow marries out of the family, which is seldom the
case, fewer formalities are observed than in the case of a
first marriage all that is necessary, as a rule, being the
USAGES AND CUSTOMS OF THE NATIVES OF SENA 365
payment made by the new husband to the head of the family
to which she belongs. A man who loves his wife nearly
always tries to marry again in the same family; and in
many cases the deceased wife's parents even feel themselves
under an obligation to give him another daughter, but this
custom is falling into disuse. The marriage of a widower
with a young girl entails all the formalities already
described; but the marriage of a widower with a widow
usually takes place without formalities of any sort.
Birth. There are various superstitions connected with
birth and pregnancy. It is essential that, while the latter
condition lasts, husband and wife should be absolutely
faithful to one another. If the birth is difficult, the first
thing done by the women in attendance on the patient is
to ask whether she has had relations with any other man
than her husband. If this is the case, it is ;believed that
she will die if she does not declare the man's name. If
the fault is on the man's side, he has to make a correspond-
ing declaration. Near European settlements this superstition
tends to disappear, and diflicult parturition is always set
down to the account of witchcraft.
From one to three months after birth a ceremony called
manga mikusi is performed, which consists in tying a string
round the child's waist. It is believed that any infidelity
on the part of either parent will result in the illness of the
child during the first few years of its life. It is also believed
that it will be ill if it is not always laid down to sleep on the
same spot in the hut.
Pledges.-It was formerly the custom to take pledges as
guarantees of loans or of the fulfilment of a contract, the
pledge or pawn being almost always a person belonging
to the family of the responsible party. Nowadays money
or goods are given in pledge; but the most usual practice is
the giving of a token (Chimberese) as earnest of fufilment.
Slavery. This tends to disappear completely, though the
descendants of Indians or Europeans (known as mosungos) 1
1 Mzunp, a European-but the name is also given (as recorded by Livingstone) to
Portuguese half castes.-ED.
366 JOURNAL OF THE AFRICAN SOCIETY
still have a few slaves who work for them without fixed
payment, in return for a bare subsistence and clothing.
Some natives voluntarily remain in the service of such
masters, but the greater number of those in such positions
are kept there by intimidation (see under Masters and
Servants).
MANOEL MONTEIRO LOPES.