Plutarch's Parallel Lives

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Plutarch's Parallel Lives
Wikipedia Edition
Contents
Articles
Plutarch 1
Parallel Lives 13
Theseus 20
Romulus and Remus 31
Lycurgus of Sparta 40
Numa Pompilius 44
Solon 49
Publius Valerius Publicola 64
Themistocles 68
Marcus Furius Camillus 84
Pericles 89
Fabius Maximus 111
Alcibiades 116
Gaius Marcius Coriolanus 137
Timoleon 140
Lucius Aemilius Paullus Macedonicus 143
Pelopidas 147
Marcus Claudius Marcellus 149
Aristides 154
Cato the Elder 156
Philopoemen 167
Titus Quinctius Flamininus 171
Pyrrhus of Epirus 173
Gaius Marius 180
Lysander 190
Lucius Cornelius Sulla 195
Cimon 210
Lucullus 215
Nicias 224
Marcus Licinius Crassus 228
Eumenes 237
Quintus Sertorius 238
Agesilaus II 241
Pompey 245
Alexander the Great 258
Julius Caesar 288
Phocion 308
Cato the Younger 318
Agis IV 329
Cleomenes III 333
Tiberius Gracchus 337
Gaius Gracchus 343
Demosthenes 351
Cicero 377
Demetrius I of Macedon 393
Mark Antony 397
Dion of Syracuse 424
Marcus Junius Brutus the Younger 431
Aratus of Sicyon 438
Galba 443
References
Article Sources and Contributors 448
Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors 459
Article Licenses
License 465
Plutarch
1
Plutarch
For other uses, see Plutarch (disambiguation).
Not to be confused with Plutarchy.
Plutarch
Parallel Lives, Amyot translation, 1565
Born c. AD 46
Chaeronea, Boeotia
Died c. AD 120 (aged 74)
Delphi, Phocis
Occupation Biographer, essayist, priest, ambassador, magistrate
Subjects Biography, various
Literary movement Middle Platonism,
Hellenistic literature
Plutarch (/plutrk/; Greek: , Plotarkhos, Koine Greek:[plutarkos]; later named, on his becoming a
Roman citizen, Lucius Mestrius Plutarchus ( );
[1]
c. AD 46 AD 120),
[2]
was a
Greek historian, biographer, and essayist, known primarily for his Parallel Lives and Moralia. He is considered
today to be a Middle Platonist.
Early life
Plutarch
2
Ruins of the Temple of Apollo at Delphi, where Plutarch served as
one of the priests responsible for interpreting the predictions of the
oracle.
Plutarch's bust at Chaeronea, his home town.
Plutarch was born to a prominent family in the small
town of Chaeronea about twenty miles east of Delphi in
the Greek region known as Boeotia. His family was
wealthy. The name of Plutarch's father has not been
preserved, but it was probably Nikarchus (Greek:
No), from the common habit of Greek families
to repeat a name in alternate generations. The name of
Plutarch's grandfather was Lamprias, as he attested in
Moralia
[3]
and in his Life of Antony.
His brothers, Timon and Lamprias, are frequently
mentioned in his essays and dialogues, where Timon is
spoken of in the most affectionate terms. Rualdus, in
his 1624 work Life of Plutarchus, recovered the name
of Plutarch's wife, Timoxena, from internal evidence
afforded by his writings. A letter is still extant,
addressed by Plutarch to his wife, bidding her not give
way to excessive grief at the death of their two-year-old
daughter, who was named Timoxena after her mother.
Interestingly, he hinted at a belief in reincarnation in
that letter of consolation.
The exact number of his sons is not certain, although
two of them, Autobulus and second Plutarch, are often
mentioned. Plutarch's treatise De animae procreatione
in Timaeo is dedicated to them, and the marriage of his
son Autobulus is the occasion of one of the
dinner-parties recorded in the 'Table Talk.' Another
person, Soklarus, is spoken of in terms which seem to
imply that he was Plutarch's son, but this is nowhere
definitely stated. His treatise on marriage questions,
addressed to Eurydice and Pollianus, seems to speak of
her as having been recently an inmate of his house, but
without enabling us to form an opinion whether she
was his daughter or not.
Plutarch studied mathematics and philosophy at the
Academy of Athens under Ammonius from 66 to 67. He had a number of influential friends, including Quintus
Sosius Senecio and Fundanus, both important senators, to whom some of his later writings were
dedicated.Wikipedia:Citation needed Plutarch travelled widely in the Mediterranean world, including central Greece,
Sparta, Corinth, Patrae (Patras), Sardis, Alexandria, and two trips to Rome.Wikipedia:Citation needed
At some point, Plutarch took up Roman citizenship. As evidenced by his new name, Lucius Mestrius Plutarchus,
his sponsor for citizenship was Lucius Mestrius Florus, a Roman of consular status whom Plutarch also used as a
historical source for his Life of Otho.
[4]
Plutarch
3
"The soul, being eternal, after death is like a caged bird that has been released. If it has been a long time in the body, and has become tame
by many affairs and long habit, the soul will immediately take another body and once again become involved in the troubles of the world.
The worst thing about old age is that the soul's memory of the other world grows dim, while at the same time its attachment to things of this
world becomes so strong that the soul tends to retain the form that it had in the body. But that soul which remains only a short time within a
body, until liberated by the higher powers, quickly recovers its fire and goes on to higher things."
Plutarch (The Consolation, Moralia)
He lived most of his life at Chaeronea, and was initiated into the mysteries of the Greek god Apollo. However, his
duties as the senior of the two priests of Apollo at the Oracle of Delphi (where he was responsible for interpreting the
auguries of the Pythia) apparently occupied little of his time. He led an active social and civic life while producing
an extensive body of writing, much of which is still extant.
For many years Plutarch served as one of the two priests at the temple of Apollo at Delphi, the site of the famous
Delphic Oracle, twenty miles from his home. By his writings and lectures Plutarch became a celebrity in the Roman
empire, yet he continued to reside where he was born, and actively participated in local affairs, even serving as
mayor. At his country estate, guests from all over the empire congregated for serious conversation, presided over by
Plutarch in his marble chair. Many of these dialogues were recorded and published, and the 78 essays and other
works which have survived are now known collectively as the Moralia.
Work as magistrate and ambassador
In addition to his duties as a priest of the Delphic temple, Plutarch was also a magistrate in Chaeronea and he
represented his home on various missions to foreign countries during his early adult years. Plutarch held the office of
archon in his native municipality, probably only an annual one which he likely served more than once. He busied
himself with all the little matters of the town and undertook the humblest of duties.
The Suda, a medieval Greek encyclopedia, states that emperor Trajan made Plutarch procurator of Illyria. However,
most historians consider this unlikely, since Illyria was not a procuratorial province, and Plutarch probably did not
speak Illyrian.
[5]
According to the 8th/9th century historian George Syncellus, late in Plutarch's life, emperor Hadrian appointed him
nominal procurator of Achaea a position that entitled him to wear the vestments and ornaments of a consul
himself.
[6]
Plutarch died between the years AD 119 and 127.
Lives of the Roman emperors
The first biographical works to be written by Plutarch were the Lives of the Roman Emperors from Augustus to
Vitellius. Of these, only the Lives of Galba and Otho survive. The Lives of Tiberius and Nero are extant only as
fragments, provided by Dasmascius (Life of Tiberius, cf. his Life of Isidore)
[7]
and Plutarch himself (Life of Nero,
cf. Galba 2.1), respectively. These early emperors biographies were probably published under the Flavian dynasty or
during the reign of Nerva (CE 9698).
There is reason to believe that the two Lives still extant, those of Galba and Otho, ought to be considered as a single
work.
[8]
Therefore they do not form a part of the Plutarchian canon of single biographies as represented by the
Life of Aratus of Sicyon and the Life of Artaxerxes II (the biographies of Hesiod, Pindar, Crates and Daiphantus
were lost). Unlike in these biographies, in Galba-Otho the individual characters of the persons portrayed are not
depicted for their own sake but instead serve as an illustration of an abstract principle; namely the adherence or
non-adherence to Plutarchs morally founded ideal of governing as a Princeps (cf. Galba 1.3; Moralia 328D-E).
[9]
Arguing from the perspective of Platonian political philosophy (cf. Republic 375E, 410D-E, 411E-412A, 442B-C),
in Galba-Otho Plutarch reveals the constitutional principles of the Principate in the time of the civil war after Neros
death. While morally questioning the behavior of the autocrats, he also gives an impression of their tragic destinies,
Plutarch
4
ruthlessly competing for the throne and finally destroying each other.
[10]
The Caesars house in Rome, the Palatium,
received in a shorter space of time no less than four Emperors, Plutarch writes, passing, as it were, across the stage,
and one making room for another to enter (Galba 1).
[11]
Galba-Otho was handed down through different channels. It can be found in the appendix to Plutarchs Parallel Lives
as well as in various Moralia manuscripts, most prominently in Maximus Planudess edition where Galba and Otho
appear as Opera XXV and XXVI. Thus it seems reasonable to maintain that Galba-Otho was from early on
considered as an illustration of a moral-ethical approach, possibly even by Plutarch himself.
[12]
Parallel Lives
A page from the 1470 Ulrich Han printing of
Plutarch's Parallel Lives.
Main article: Parallel Lives
Plutarch's best-known work is the Parallel Lives, a series of
biographies of famous Greeks and Romans, arranged in pairs to
illuminate their common moral virtues and vices. The surviving Lives
contain 23 pairs, each with one Greek Life and one Roman Life, as well
as four unpaired single Lives.
As is explained in the opening paragraph of his Life of Alexander,
Plutarch was not concerned with history so much as the influence of
character, good or bad, on the lives and destinies of men. Whereas
sometimes he barely touched on epoch-making events, he devoted
much space to charming anecdote and incidental triviality, reasoning
that this often said far more for his subjects than even their most
famous accomplishments. He sought to provide rounded portraits,
likening his craft to that of a painter; indeed, he went to tremendous
lengths (often leading to tenuous comparisons) to draw parallels
between physical appearance and moral character. In many ways, he
must be counted amongst the earliest moral philosophers.
Some of the Lives, such as those of Heracles, Philip II of Macedon and
Scipio Africanus, no longer exist; many of the remaining Lives are truncated, contain obvious lacunae or have been
tampered with by later writers. Extant Lives include those on Solon, Themistocles, Aristides, Agesilaus II, Pericles,
Alcibiades, Nicias, Demosthenes, Pelopidas, Philopoemen, Timoleon, Dion of Syracuse, Eumenes, Alexander the
Great, Pyrrhus of Epirus, Romulus, Numa Pompilius, Coriolanus, Theseus, Aemilius Paullus, Tiberius Gracchus,
Gaius Gracchus, Gaius Marius, Sulla, Sertorius, Lucullus, Pompey, Julius Caesar, Cicero, Cato the Younger, Mark
Antony, and Marcus Junius Brutus.
Spartan lives and sayings
Since Spartans wrote no history prior to the Hellenistic period, and since their only extant literature is fragments of
seventh-century lyrics, Plutarch's five Spartan lives and Sayings of Spartans and Sayings of Spartan Women, rooted
in sources that have since disappeared, are one of the richest sources for historians of Lacedaemonia.
[13]
But they are
also controversial. Plutarch lived centuries after the Sparta he writes about (and a full millennium separates him from
the earliest events he records) and even though he visited Sparta, many of the ancient customs he reports had been
long abandoned, meaning he never actually saw with his eyes what he detailed with his pen.
[14]
Plutarch's sources
themselves can be problematic. As the historians Sarah Pomeroy, Stanley Burstein, Walter Donlan, and Jenniefer
Tolbert Roberts have written, "Plutarch was influenced by histories written after the decline of Sparta and marked by
nostalgia for a happier past, real or imagined."
[15]
Turning to Plutarch himself, they write, "the admiration writers
like Plutarch and Xenophon felt for Spartan society led them to exaggerate its monolithic nature, minimizing
Plutarch
5
departures from ideals of equality and obscuring patterns of historical change."
[16]
But while they fault Plutarch for
inflating Spartans' egalitarianism and heroic immunity to pain, they find value in his "large quantities of information"
and claim that, for better or worse, "Plutarch's writings on Sparta, more than those of any other ancient author, have
shaped later views of Sparta."
[17]
Life of Alexander
Plutarch's Life of Alexander, written as a parallel to that of Julius Caesar, is one of only five extant tertiary sources on
the Macedonian conqueror Alexander the Great. It includes anecdotes and descriptions of events that appear in no
other source, just as Plutarch's portrait of Numa Pompilius, the putative second king of Rome, holds much that is
unique on the early Roman calendar.
Plutarch devotes a great deal of space to Alexander's drive and desire, and strives to determine how much of it was
presaged in his youth. He also draws extensively on the work of Lysippus, Alexander's favourite sculptor, to provide
what is probably the fullest and most accurate description of the conqueror's physical appearance.
When it comes to his character, however, Plutarch is often rather less accurate, ascribing inordinate amounts of
self-control to a man who very often lost it.
[18]
It is significant, though, that the subject incurs less admiration from
his biographer as the narrative progresses and the deeds that it recounts become less savoury.
Much, too, is made of Alexander's scorn for luxury: "He desired not pleasure or wealth, but only excellence and
glory." This is mostly true, for Alexander's tastes grew more extravagant as he grew older only in the last year of his
life and only as a means of approaching the image of a ruler his Persian subjects were better accustomed to - thus
making it easier for him to succeed in uniting the Greek and Persian worlds together, according to the plan he had
announced in his famous Speech given in Opis in 324 BC.
Life of Caesar
Together with Suetonius's The Twelve Caesars this Life is the main account of Julius Caesar's feats by ancient
historians. Plutarch starts by telling us the audacity of Caesar and his refusal of dismissing Cinna's daughter,
Cornelia. Other important parts are these containing his military deeds, accounts of battles and Caesar's capacity of
inspiring the soldiers.
His soldiers showed such good will and zeal in his service that those who in their previous campaigns had
been in no way superior to others were invincible and irresistible in confronting every danger to enhance
Caesar's fame. Such a man, for instance, was Acilius, who, in the sea-fight at Massalia, boarded a hostile ship
and had his right hand cut off with a sword, but clung with the other hand to his shield, and dashing it into the
faces of his foes, routed them all and got possession of the vessel. Such a man, again, was Cassius Scaeva,
who, in the battle at Dyrrhachium, had his eye struck out with an arrow, his shoulder transfixed with one
javelin and his thigh with another, and received on his shield the blows of one hundred and thirty missiles. In
this plight, he called the enemy to him as though he would surrender. Two of them, accordingly, coming up,
he lopped off the shoulder of one with his sword, smote the other in the face and put him to flight, and came
off safely himself with the aid of his comrades. Again, in Britain, when the enemy had fallen upon the
foremost centurions, who had plunged into a watery marsh, a soldier, while Caesar in person was watching the
battle, dashed into the midst of the fight, displayed many conspicuous deeds of daring, and rescued the
centurions, after the Barbarians had been routed. Then he himself, making his way with difficulty after all the
rest, plunged into the muddy current, and at last, without his shield, partly swimming and partly wading, got
across. Caesar and his company were amazed and came to meet the soldier with cries of joy; but he, in great
dejection, and with a burst of tears, cast himself at Caesar's feet, begging pardon for the loss of his shield.
Again, in Africa, Scipio captured a ship of Caesar's in which Granius Petro, who had been appointed quaestor,
was sailing. Of the rest of the passengers Scipio made booty, but told the quaestor that he offered him his life.
Granius, however, remarking that it was the custom with Caesar's soldiers not to receive but to offer mercy,
Plutarch
6
killed himself with a blow of his sword.
Life of Caesar, XVI
However, this Life shows few differences between Suetonius' work and Caesar's own works (see De Bello Gallico
and De Bello Civili). Sometimes, Plutarch quotes directly from the De Bello Gallico and even tells us of the
moments when Caesar was dictating his works.
In the final part of this Life, Plutarch counts Caesar's assassination, and several details. The book ends on telling the
destiny of his murderers, and says that Caesar's "great guardian-genius" avenged him after life.
Life of Pyrrhus
Plutarch's Life of Pyrrhus is a key text because it is the main historical account on Roman history for the period from
293 to 264 BC, for which neither Dionysius nor Livy have surviving texts.
Criticism of Parallel Lives
"It is not histories I am writing, but lives; and in the most glorious deeds there is not always an indication of virtue or vice, indeed a small
thing like a phrase or a jest often makes a greater revelation of a character than battles where thousands die."
Plutarch (Life of Alexander/Life of Julius Caesar, Parallel Lives, [tr. E.L. Bowie])
Plutarch stretches and occasionally fabricates the similarities between famous Greeks and Romans in order to be able
to write their biographies as parallel. The lives of Nicias and Crassus, for example, have nothing in common except
that both were rich and both suffered great military defeats at the ends of their lives.
In his Life of Pompey, Plutarch praises Pompey's trustworthy character and tactful behaviour in order to conjure a
moral judgement that opposes most historical accounts. Plutarch delivers anecdotes with moral points, rather than
in-depth comparative analyses of the causes of the fall of the Achaemenid Empire and the Roman Republic, and
tends on occasion to fit facts to hypotheses rather than the other, more scholastically acceptable way round.
On the other hand, he generally sets out his moral anecdotes in chronological order (unlike, say, his Roman
contemporary Suetonius) and is rarely narrow-minded and unrealistic, almost always prepared to acknowledge the
complexity of the human condition where moralising cannot explain it.
Plutarch
7
Moralia
A bust of the early Greek historian Herodotus,
whom Plutarch criticized in On the Malice of
Herodotus.
Main article: Moralia
The remainder of Plutarch's surviving work is collected under the title
of the Moralia (loosely translated as Customs and Mores). It is an
eclectic collection of seventy-eight essays and transcribed speeches,
which includes On Fraternal Affectiona discourse on honour and
affection of siblings toward each other, On the Fortune or the Virtue of
Alexander the Greatan important adjunct to his Life of the great
king, On the Worship of Isis and Osiris (a crucial source of information
on Egyptian religious rites),
[19]
along with more philosophical
treatises, such as On the Decline of the Oracles, On the Delays of the
Divine Vengeance, On Peace of Mind and lighter fare, such as
Odysseus and Gryllus, a humorous dialogue between Homer's
Odysseus and one of Circe's enchanted pigs. The Moralia was
composed first, while writing the Lives occupied much of the last two
decades of Plutarch's own life.
On the Malice of Herodotus
In On the Malice of Herodotus Plutarch criticizes the historian Herodotus for all manner of prejudice and
misrepresentation. It has been called the first instance in literature of the slashing review. The 19th-century English
historian George Grote considered this essay a serious attack upon the works of Herodotus, and speaks of the
"honourable frankness which Plutarch calls his malignity." Plutarch makes some palpable hits, catching Herodotus
out in various errors, but it is also probable that it was merely a rhetorical exercise, in which Plutarch plays devil's
advocate to see what could be said against so favourite and well-known a writer. According to Plutarch scholar R. H.
Barrow, Herodotus real failing in Plutarchs eyes was to advance any criticism at all of those states that saved
Greece from Persia. Plutarch, he concluded, is fanatically biased in favor of the Greek cities; they can do no
wrong.
Questions
Book IV of the Moralia contains the Roman and Greek Questions. The customs of Romans and Greeks are
illuminated in little essays that pose questions such as 'Why were patricians not permitted to live on the Capitoline?'
(no. 91)
[20]
and then suggests answers to them, often several mutually exclusive.
Pseudo-Plutarch
Main article: Pseudo-Plutarch
Pseudo-Plutarch is the conventional name given to the unknown authors of a number of pseudepigrapha attributed to
Plutarch. Some editions of the Moralia include several works now known to be pseudepigrapha: among these are the
Lives of the Ten Orators (biographies of the Ten Orators of ancient Athens, based on Caecilius of Calacte), The
Doctrines of the Philosophers, and On Music. One "pseudo-Plutarch" is held responsible for all of these works,
though their authorship is of course unknown.Wikipedia:Citation needed The thoughts and opinions recorded are not
Plutarch's and come from a slightly later era, though they are all classical in origin.
Plutarch
8
Lost works
The Romans loved the Lives, and enough copies were written out over the centuries so that a copy of most of the
lives managed to survive to the present day. Some scholars, however, believe that only a third to one-half of
Plutarchs corpus is extant.Wikipedia:Citation needed The lost works of Plutarch are determined by references in his
own texts to them and from other authors' references over time. There are traces of twelve more Lives that are now
lost.
Plutarch's general procedure for the Lives was to write the life of a prominent Greek, then cast about for a suitable
Roman parallel, and end with a brief comparison of the Greek and Roman lives. Currently, only nineteen of the
parallel lives end with a comparison while possibly they all did at one time. Also missing are many of his Lives
which appear in a list of his writings, those of Hercules, the first pair of Parallel Lives, Scipio Africanus and
Epaminondas, and the companions to the four solo biographies. Even the lives of such important figures as
Augustus, Claudius and Nero have not been found and may be lost forever.
Philosophy
Plutarch was a Platonist, but was open to the influence of the Peripatetics, and in some details even to Stoicism
despite his polemics against their principles.
[21]
He rejected absolutely only Epicureanism. He attached little
importance to theoretical questions and doubted the possibility of ever solving them.
[22]
He was more interested in
moral and religious questions.
In opposition to Stoic materialism and Epicurean "atheism" he cherished a pure idea of God that was more in
accordance with Plato. He adopted a second principle (Dyad) in order to explain the phenomenal world. This
principle he sought, however, not in any indeterminate matter but in the evil world-soul which has from the
beginning been bound up with matter, but in the creation was filled with reason and arranged by it. Thus it was
transformed into the divine soul of the world, but continued to operate as the source of all evil. He elevated God
above the finite world, and thus daemons became for him agents of God's influence on the world. He strongly
defends freedom of the will, and the immortality of the soul.
Platonic-Peripatetic ethics were upheld by Plutarch against the opposing theories of the Stoics and Epicureans. The
most characteristic feature of Plutarch's ethics is, however, its close connection with religion.
[23]
However pure
Plutarch's idea of God is, and however vivid his description of the vice and corruption which superstition causes, his
warm religious feelings and his distrust of human powers of knowledge led him to believe that God comes to our aid
by direct revelations, which we perceive the more clearly the more completely that we refrain in "enthusiasm" from
all action; this made it possible for him to justify popular belief in divination in the way which had long been usual
among the Stoics.
His attitude to popular religion was similar. The gods of different peoples are merely different names for one and the
same divine Being and the powers that serve it. The myths contain philosophical truths which can be interpreted
allegorically. Thus Plutarch sought to combine the philosophical and religious conception of things and to remain as
close as possible to tradition.
Influence
Plutarch's writings had an enormous influence on English and French literature. Shakespeare paraphrased parts of
Thomas North's translation of selected Lives in his plays, and occasionally quoted from them verbatim.
[24]
Ralph Waldo Emerson and the Transcendentalists were greatly influenced by the Moralia so much so, in fact, that
Emerson called the Lives "a bible for heroes" in his glowing introduction to the five-volume 19th-century edition. He
also opined that it was impossible to "read Plutarch without a tingling of the blood; and I accept the saying of the
Chinese Mencius: 'A sage is the instructor of a hundred ages. When the manners of Loo are heard of, the stupid
become intelligent, and the wavering, determined.'"
Plutarch
9
Montaigne's Essays draw extensively on Plutarch's Moralia and are consciously modelled on the Greek's easygoing
and discursive inquiries into science, manners, customs and beliefs. Essays contains more than 400 references to
Plutarch and his works.
James Boswell quoted Plutarch on writing lives, rather than biographies, in the introduction to his own Life of
Samuel Johnson. Other admirers included Ben Jonson, John Dryden, Alexander Hamilton, John Milton, Louis
L'amour, and Francis Bacon, as well as such disparate figures as Cotton Mather and Robert Browning.
Plutarch's influence declined in the 19th and 20th centuries, but it remains embedded in the popular ideas of Greek
and Roman history. One of his most famous quotes was one that he included in one of his earliest works. "The world
of man is best captured through the lives of the men who created history."
Plutarch Heavensbee is a character from the The Hunger Games trilogy by American author Suzanne Collins,
presumably based on Plutarch, adding to a line of many ancient Greek and Roman or Greek- or Roman-sounding
names in Collins' work (the inspirations often taken from literature, myths, religions or philosophy), which may or
may not also include Cinna, Caesar, Coriolanus and the name of the country in the series, Panem, which is taken
from the old phrase "panem et circenses" AKA "bread and circuses".
Translations of Lives and Moralia
There are translations, from the original Greek, in Latin, English, French, German, Italian, Polish and Hebrew.
Italian translations
Giuliano Pisani, Moralia I - La serenit interiore e altri testi sulla terapia dell'anima, with Greek text, Italian
translation, introduction and notes, La Biblioteca dell'Immagine, Pordenone 1989, pp.LIX-508 (De tranquillitate
animi; De virtute et vitio; De virtute morali; An virtus doceri possit; Quomodo quis suos in virtute sentiat profectus;
Animine an corporis affectiones sint peiores; De vitioso pudore; De cohibenda ira; De garrulitate; De curiositate ;
De invidia et odio ; De cupiditate divitiarum)
Giuliano Pisani, Moralia II - L'educazione dei ragazzi, with Greek text, Italian translation, introduction and notes, La
Biblioteca dell'Immagine, Pordenone, 1990, pp.XXXVIII-451 (De liberis educandis; Quomodo adolescens poetas
audire debeat ; De recta ratione audiendi ; De musica, in collaboration with Leo Citelli)
Giuliano Pisani, Moralia III - Etica e politica, with Greek text, Italian translation, introduction and notes, La
Biblioteca dell'Immagine, Pordenone, 1992, pp.XLIII-490 (Praecepta gerendae rei publicae; An seni sit gerenda
res publica; De capienda ex inimicis utilitate; De se ipsum citra invidiam laudando; Maxime cum principibus
philosopho esse disserendum; Ad principem ineruditum; De unius in republica dominatione, populari statu et
paucorum imperio; De exilio)
Giuliano Pisani, Plutarco, Vite di Lisandro e Silla, Fondazione Lorenzo Valla, 1997 (in collaboration with Maria
Gabriella Angeli Bertinelli, Mario Manfredini, Luigi Piccirilli).
French translations
Jacques Amyot's translations brought Plutarch's works to Western Europe. He went to Italy and studied the Vatican
text of Plutarch, from which he published a French translation of the Lives in 1559 and Moralia in 1572, which were
widely read by educated Europe. Amyot's translations had as deep an impression in England as France, because
Thomas North later published his English translation of the Lives in 1579 based on Amyots French translation
instead of the original Greek.
Plutarch
10
English translations
Plutarch's Lives were translated into English, from Amyot's version, by Sir Thomas North in 1579. The complete
Moralia was first translated into English from the original Greek by Philemon Holland in 1603.
In 1683, John Dryden began a life of Plutarch and oversaw a translation of the Lives by several hands and based on
the original Greek. This translation has been reworked and revised several times, most recently in the 19th century
by the English poet and classicist Arthur Hugh Clough which can be found in The Modern Library
[25]
Random
House, Inc. translation.
In 1770, English brothers John and William Langhorne published "Plutarch's Lives from the original Greek, with
notes critical and historical, and a new life of Plutarch" in 6 volumes and dedicated to Lord Folkestone. Their
translation was re-edited by Archdeacon Wrangham in the year 1819.
From 19011912, American classicist Bernadotte Perrin
[26]
produced a new translation of the Lives for the Loeb
Classical Library series. The Moralia are also included in the Loeb series, though are translated by various authors.
Latin translations
There are multiple translations of Parallel Lives into Latin, most notably the one titled "Pour le Dauphin" (French for
"for the Prince") written by a scribe in the court of Louis XV of France and a 1470 Ulrich Han translation.
German translations
Hieronymus Emser
In 1519, Hieronymus Emser translated De capienda ex inimicis utilitate (wie ym eyner seinen veyndt nutz machen
kan, Leipzig).
Gottlob Benedict von Schirach
The biographies were translated by Gottlob Benedict von Schirach (17431804) and printed in Vienna by Franz
Haas, 177680.
Johann Friedrich Salomon Kaltwasser
Plutarch's Lives and Moralia were translated into German by Johann Friedrich Salomon Kaltwasser:
Vitae parallelae. Vergleichende Lebensbeschreibungen. 10 Bnde. Magdeburg 1799-1806.
Moralia. Moralische Abhandlungen. 9 Bde. Frankfurt a.M. 1783-1800.
Subsequent German translations
Biographies
Konrat Ziegler (Hrsg.): Groe Griechen und Rmer. 6 Bde. Zrich 1954-1965. (Bibliothek der alten Welt).
Moralia
Konrat Ziegler (Hrsg.):Plutarch. ber Gott und Vorsehung, Dmonen und Weissagung, Zrich 1952.
(Bibliothek der alten Welt)
Bruno Snell (Hrsg.):Plutarch. Von der Ruhe des Gemts - und andere Schriften, Zrich 1948. (Bibliothek der
alten Welt)
Hans-Josef Klauck (Hrsg.): Plutarch. Moralphilosophische Schriften, Stuttgart 1997. (Reclams
Universal-Bibliothek)
Herwig Grgemanns (Hrsg.):Plutarch. Drei Religionsphilosophische Schriften, Dsseldorf 2003. (Tusculum)
Plutarch
11
Hebrew translations
Following some Hebrew translations of selections from Plutarch's Parallel Lives published in the 1920s and the
1940s, a complete translation was published in three volumes by the Bialik Institute in 1954, 1971 and 1973. The
first volume, Roman Lives, first published in 1954, presents the translations of Joseph G. Liebes to the biographies of
Coriolanus, Fabius Maximus, Tiberius Gracchus and Gaius Gracchus, Cato the Elder and Cato the Younger, Gaius
Marius, Sulla, Sertorius, Lucullus, Pompey, Crassus, Cicero, Julius Caesar, Brutus and Mark Anthony.
The second volume, Greek Lives, first published in 1971 presents A. A. Halevy's translations of the biographies of
Lycurgus, Aristides, Cimon, Pericles, Nicias, Lysander, Agesilaus, Pelopidas, Dion, Timoleon, Demosthenes,
Alexander the Great, Eumenes and Phocion. Three more biographies presented in this volume, those of Solon,
Themistocles and Alcibiades were translated by M. H. Ben-Shamai.
The third volume, Greek and Roman Lives, published in 1973, presented the remaining biographies and parallels as
translated by Halevy. Included are the biographies of Demetrius, Pyrrhus, Agis and Cleomenes, Aratus and
Artaxerxes, Philopoemen, Camillus, Marcellus, Flamininus, Aemilius Paulus, Galba and Otho, Theseus, Romulus,
Numa Pompilius and Poplicola. It completes the translation of the known remaining biographies. In the introduction
to the third volume Halevy explains that originally the Bialik Institute intended to publish only a selection of
biographies, leaving out mythological figures and biographies that had no parallels. Thus, to match the first volume
in scope the second volume followed the same path and the third volume was required.Wikipedia:Citation needed
Notes
[1] The name Mestrius or Lucius Mestrius was taken by Plutarch, as was common Roman practice, from his patron for citizenship in the empire;
in this case Lucius Mestrius Florus, a Roman consul.
[2] Lamberton, Robert. Plutarch. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001.
[3] Symposiacs, Book IX, questions II & III
[4] Plutarch, Otho 14.1
[5] [5] Gianakaris, C. J. Plutarch. New York: Twayne Publishers, 1970.
[6] [6] Russell, D. A. Plutarch. New York: Scribner, 1973.
[7] [7] Ziegler, Konrad, Plutarchos von Chaironeia (Stuttgart 1964), 258. Citation translated by the author.
[8] [8] Cf. among others, Holzbach, M.-C.(2006). Plutarch: Galba-Otho und die Apostelgeschichte : ein Gattungsvergleich. Religion and Biography,
14 (ed.by Detlev Dormeyer et al.). Berlin London: LIT, p.13
[9] Cf. Holzbach, op. cit., 24, 6783
[10] Cf. Holzbach, op. cit., 24, 6783
[11] The citation from Galba was extracted from the Dryden translation as given at the MIT Internet Classics Archive (http:/ / classics. mit. edu/
Plutarch/ galba. html)
[12] [12] Cf. Holzbach, op. cit., 24
[13] [13] Pomeroy, Sarah B., Stanley M. Burstein, Walter Donlan, and Tolbert Roberts Jennifer.Ancient Greece: A Political, Social, and Cultural
History. New York, New York: Oxford University Press, 1999. Print.
[18] The murder of Cleitus the Black, which Alexander instantly and deeply regretted, is commonly cited to this end.
[19] [19] (but which according to Erasmus referred to the Thessalonians)
[20] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Moralia/ Roman_Questions*/ E. html#91
[21] Eduard Zeller, Outlines of the History of Greek Philosophy, 13th edition, page 306
[24] [24] Honigmann 1959.
[25] http:/ / www.randomhouse. com/ modernlibrary/ library/ display. pperl?isbn=9780679600084& view=excerpt
[26] http:/ / mssa.library. yale. edu/ findaids/ stream.php?xmlfile=mssa. ms. 1018. xml
Plutarch
12
References
Sources
Blackburn, Simon (1994). Oxford Dictionary of Philosophy. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Russell, D.A. (2001) [1972]. Plutarch. Duckworth Publishing. ISBN978-1-85399-620-7.
Duff, Timothy (2002) [1999]. Plutarch's Lives: Exploring Virtue and Vice. UK: Oxford University Press.
ISBN978-0-19-925274-9.
Hamilton, Edith (1957). The Echo of Greece. W. W. Norton & Company. p.194. ISBN0-393-00231-4.
Holzbach, M.-C. (2006). Plutarch: Galba-Otho und die Apostelgeschichte: ein Gattungsvergleich. Religion and
Biography, 14 (ed.by Detlev Dormeyer et al.). Berlin London: LIT. ISBN3-8258-9603-X.
Honigmann, E. A. J. "Shakespeare's Plutarch." Shakespeare Quarterly, 1959: 25-33.
Pelling, Christopher: Plutarch and History. Eighteen Studies, London 2002.
Wardman, Alan (1974). Plutarch's "Lives". Elek. p.274. ISBN0-236-17622-6.
External links
Plutarch's works
Perseus Project (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/
collection?collection=Perseus:collection:Greco-Roman): many texts of Plutarch and Pseudo-Plutarch in Greek
and English
Didot edition of Plutarch's works in Greek, with Latin translation (18571876): vol. 1 (Lives, pt. 1) (http:/ /
books. google. com/ books?id=1aEMAAAAYAAJ), vol. 2 (Lives, pt. 2) (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=OUYJAQAAIAAJ), vol. 3 (Moralia, pt. 1) (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=Ee1DAAAAYAAJ),
vol. 4 (Moralia, pt. 2) (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=s56zAAAAMAAJ), vol. 5 (fragmenta et spuria)
(http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=txNgAAAAMAAJ) (also via BNF (http:/ / gallica. bnf. fr/
Search?adva=1& adv=1& tri=title_sort& t_relation="Notice+ d'ensemble+ :+ http:/ / catalogue. bnf. fr/ ark:/
12148/ cb37341822f"& q=plutarchi+ vitae& lang=en))
Collections of works in English translation: at University of Adelaide (http:/ / ebooks. adelaide. edu. au/ p/
plutarch/ ), at LacusCurtius (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ home. html),
Project Gutenberg (http:/ / www. gutenberg. org/ author/ Plutarch), Lives, trans. North (PDF) (http:/ / oll.
libertyfund. org/ index. php?option=com_staticxt& staticfile=show. php?title=1802& Itemid=99999999)
Also in English translation (by John Dryden, 1631-1700): Plutarch, Parallel Lives, Solon (http:/ / classics. mit.
edu/ Plutarch/ solon. html)
Secondary material
Plutarch (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ plutarch) entry by George Karamanolis in the Stanford
Encyclopedia of Philosophy
Plutarch of Chaeronea (http:/ / www. livius. org/ pi-pm/ plutarch/ plutarch. htm) by Jona Lendering at Livius.Org
The International Plutarch Society (http:/ / www. usu. edu/ history/ ploutarchos/ index. htm)
The relevance of Plutarch's book De Defectu Oraculorum for Christian Theology (Ploutarchos, Journal of the
International Plutarch Society) (http:/ / bennozuiddam. com/ Plutarch and God-eclipse in Christian Theology,
Ploutarchos 2008,2009. pdf)
Parallel Lives
13
Parallel Lives
For other uses, see Parallel Lives (disambiguation).
Engraving facing the title page of an 18th-century
edition of Plutarch's Lives
Plutarch's Lives of the Noble Greeks and Romans, commonly called
Parallel Lives or Plutarch's Lives, is a series of biographies of famous
men, arranged in tandem to illuminate their common moral virtues or
failings, written in the late 1st century.Wikipedia:Citation needed The
surviving Parallel Lives (in Greek: , Boi Parllloi)
contain twenty-three pairs of biographies, each pair consisting of one
Greek and one Roman, as well as four unpaired, single
lives.Wikipedia:Citation needed It is a work of considerable
importance, not only as a source of information about the individuals
biographized, but also about the times in which they
lived.Wikipedia:Citation needed
Motivation
As he explains in the first paragraph of his Life of Alexander, Plutarch
was not concerned with writing histories, as such, but in exploring the
influence of character good or bad on the lives and destinies of
famous men, and he wished to prove that the more remote past of
Greece could show its men of action and achievement as well as the
nearer, and therefore more impressive, past of
Rome.Wikipedia:Citation needed The interest is primarily ethical, although the lives have significant historical value
as well. The Lives were published by Plutarch late in life after his return to Chaeronea, and, if one may judge from
the long lists of authorities given, must have taken many years in the compilation.
Contents
Third Volume of a 1727 edition of Plutarch's
Lives, printed by Jacob Tonson
The chief manuscripts of the Lives date from the 10th and 11th
centuries; the first edition appeared at Florence in
1517.Wikipedia:Citation needed Jacob Tonson printed several editions
of the Lives in English in the late 17th century, beginning with a
5-volume set printed in 1688 and subsequent editions printed in 1693,
1702, 1716, and 1727.Wikipedia:Citation needed The most generally
accepted text is that of the minor edition of Carl Sintenis in the
Bibliotheca Teubneriana (5 vols., Leipzig 1852-55; reissued without
much change in 1873-75).Wikipedia:Citation needed There are
annotated editions by I. C. Held, E. H. G. Leopold, Otto Siefert and
Friedrich Blass and Carl Sintenis, all in German; and by Holden, in
English.
The first pair of lives the EpaminondasScipio Africanus no longer exists, and many of the remaining lives are
truncated, contain obvious lacunae and/or have been tampered with by later writers.Wikipedia:Citation needed
His Life of Alexander is one of the five surviving secondary or tertiary sources about Alexander the Great and it
includes anecdotes and descriptions of incidents that appear in no other source. Likewise, his portrait of Numa
Pompilius, an early Roman king, also contains unique information about the early Roman
Parallel Lives
14
calendar.Wikipedia:Citation needed
Plutarch is criticized for his lack of judicious discrimination in use of authorities and the consequent errors and
inaccuracies, but he gives an abundance of citations and incidentally a large number of valuable bits of information
which fill up numerous gaps in historical knowledge obtained elsewhere.Wikipedia:Citation needed He is praised for
the liveliness and warmth of his portrayals and his moral earnestness and enthusiasm, and the Lives have attracted a
large circle of readers throughout the ages.
Biographies
Plutarch structured his Lives by alternating lives of famous Greeks ("Grecians") with those of famous Romans. After
such a set of two (and one set of four) lives he generally writes out a comparison of the preceding biographies. The
table below links to several on-line English translations of Plutarch's Lives;[1] see also "Other links" section below.
The LacusCurtius site has the complete set; the others are incomplete to varying extents. There are also four
paperbacks published by Penguin Books, two with Greek lives, two Roman, rearranged in chronological order, and
containing a total of 36 of the lives.
Key to abbreviations
D = Dryden
Dryden is famous for having lent his name as editor-in-chief to the first complete English translation of Plutarch's
Lives. This 17th-century translation is available at The MIT Internet Classics Archive
[2]
.
These translations are linked with D in the table below; those marked (D) in parentheses are incomplete in the
HTML version.
G = Project Gutenberg
Project Gutenberg contains several versions of 19th-century translations of these Lives, see: http:/ / www. gutenberg.
org/ catalog/ world/ authrec?fk_authors=342 and http:/ / www. gutenberg. org/ etext/ 14114
The full text version (TXT) of the English poet, Arthur Hugh Clough's translation is available (via download) at
Gutenberg
[3]
.
These translations are linked with G in the table below.
L = LacusCurtius
LacusCurtius has the Loeb translation by Bernadotte Perrin (published 19141926) of part of the Moralia and all the
Lives; see http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ home. html
These translations are linked with L in the table below.
P = Perseus Project
The Perseus Project has several of the Lives, see: http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cache/ perscoll_Greco-Roman.
html
The Lives available on the Perseus website are in Greek and English according to the Loeb edition by Bernadotte
Perrin; and/or in English according to an abbreviated version of the Thomas North translations[4]. This last edition
concentrates on those of the Lives Shakespeare based his plays upon: Thomas North's translation of most of the
Lives, based on a French version published in the 16th century, preceded Dryden's translation mentioned above.
These translations are linked with P in the table below.
Parallel Lives
15
Greek
1. Theseus D
[5]
G
[6]
L
[7]
P
[8]
2. Lycurgus (D)
[9]
G
[10]
L
[11]
3. Solon D
[12]
G
[13]
L
[14]
P
[15]
4. Themistocles D
[16]
G
[17]
L
[18]
P
[19]
5. Pericles (D)
[20]
G
[21]
L
[22]
P
[23]
6. Alcibiades[24] (D)
[25]
G
[26]
L
[27]
P
[28]
7. Timoleon (D)
[29]
G
[30]
L
[31]
8. Pelopidas D
[32]
G
[33]
L
[34]
9. Aristides D
[35]
G
[36]
L
[37]
P
[38]
10. Philopoemen D
[39]
G
[40]
L
[41]
11. Pyrrhus (D)
[42]
G
[43]
L
[44]
12. Lysander D
[45]
G
[46]
L
[47]
P
[48]
13. Cimon D
[49]
G
[50]
L
[51]
P
[52]
14. Nicias D
[53]
G
[54]
L
[55]
P
[56]
15. Eumenes D
[57]
G
[58]
L
[59]
16. Agesilaus (D)
[60]
G
[61]
L
[62]
17. Alexander the Great (D)
[63]
G
[64]
L
[65]
P
[66]
18. Phocion D
[67]
G
[68]
L
[69]
19. Agis D
[70]
L
[71]
and Cleomenes D
[72]
L
[73]
20. Demosthenes D
[74]
L
[75]
21. Demetrius (D)
[76]
L
[77]
22. Dion (D)
[78]
L
[79]
23. Aratus (D)
[80]
L
[81]
and Artaxerxes D
[82]
L
[83]
Roman
Romulus D
[84]
G
[85]
L
[86]
Numa Pompilius D
[87]
G
[88]
L
[89]
Poplicola D
[90]
G
[91]
L
[92]
Camillus (D)
[93]
G
[94]
L
[95]
Fabius Maximus D
[96]
G
[97]
L
[98]
Coriolanus (D)
[99]
G
[100]
L
[101]
P
[102]
Aemilius Paulus (D)
[103]
G
[104]
L
[105]
Marcellus D
[106]
G
[107]
L
[108]
Cato the Elder D
[109]
G
[110]
L
[111]
Flamininus D
[112]
G
[113]
L
[114]
Gaius Marius (D)
[115]
G
[116]
L
[117]
Sulla (D)
[118]
G
[119]
L
[120]
Lucullus (D)
[121]
G
[122]
L
[123]
Crassus (D)
[124]
G
[125]
L
[126]
Sertorius D
[127]
G
[128]
L
[129]
Pompey (D)
[130]
G
[131]
L
[132]
Julius Caesar (D)
[133]
G
[134]
L
[135]
P1
[136]
P2
[137]
[138]
Cato the Younger (D)
[139]
G
[140]
L
[141]
Tiberius Gracchus D
[142]
L
[143]
and Gaius Gracchus D
[144]
L
[145]
Cicero (D)
[146]
L
[147]
Mark Antony (D)
[148]
L
[149]
P
[150]
Brutus (D)
[151]
L
[152]
P
[153]
Galba D
[154]
L
[155]
and Otho D
[156]
L
[157]
Comparisons
D
[158]
G
[159]
L
[160]
D
[161]
G
[162]
L
[163]
D
[164]
G
[165]
L
[166]
(N/A)
D
[167]
G
[168]
L
[169]
D
[170]
G
[171]
L
[172]
D
[173]
G
[174]
L
[175]
D
[176]
G
[177]
L
[178]
G
[179]
L
[180]
D
[181]
G
[182]
L
[183]
(N/A)
D
[184]
G
[185]
L
[186]
D
[187]
G
[188]
L
[189]
D
[190]
G
[191]
L
[192]
D
[193]
G
[194]
L
[195]
D
[196]
G
[197]
L
[198]
(N/A)
(N/A)
D
[199]
L
[200]
D
[201]
L
[202]
D
[203]
L
[204]
D
[205]
L
[206]
(N/A)
Notes
1. ^ The last line of the table contains the four "unpaired" lives, as mentioned above.
2. ^ The Perseus project also contains a biography of Caesar Augustus appearing in the North translation, but not
coming from Plutarch's Parallel Lives: P
[207]
3. ^ Though the majority of the Parallel Lives were written with the Greek hero (or heroes) placed in the first
position followed by the Roman hero, there are three sets of Lives where this order is reversed : Aemilius
Paulus-Timoleon, Coriolanus-Alcibiades and Sertorius-Eumenes.
4. ^ At the time of composing this table there appears some confusion in the internal linking of the Perseus project
webpages, responsible for this split in two references.
Parallel Lives
16
Chronology of the lives
The following chronology of legendary and historical figures whose biographies appear in the Lives is organized by
date of death, as birth dates in antiquity are more often uncertain. All dates are BC except Galba and Otho.
Theseus 12641204 (myth) Artaxerxes c.440-358 Cato the Elder 234 149
Romulus 771 717 (myth) Dion 408 - 354 Tiberius Gracchus 163 - 133
Numa Pompilius d. 673 (Semi-Legendary) Timoleon 411 - 337 Gaius Gracchus 154 - 121
Lycurgus circa 700 630 (Semi-Legendary) Alexander the Great 356 - 323 Gaius Marius 157 - 86
Solon 638 558 Demosthenes 384 - 322 Sulla 138 - 78
Poplicola d. 503 Phocion 402 318 Sertorius b. c. 123 d. 72
Coriolanus c. 475 Eumenes 362 - 316 Lucullus 118 - 56
Aristides 530 468 Demetrius d. 283 Crassus 115 - 53
Themistocles 524- 459 Pyrrhus 318 - 272 Pompey 106 - 48
Cimon 510 450 Agis c. 245 Cato the Younger 95 46
Pericles 495 - 429 Cleomenes d. 219 Julius Caesar 100 or 102 - 44
Nicias 470 413 Aratus 271 213 Cicero 106 43
Alcibiades 450 - 404 Marcellus 268 - 208 Brutus 85 42
Lysander d. 395 Fabius Maximus 275 203 Mark Antony 83 - 30
Camillus 446 - 365 Philopoemen 253 - 183 Galba 3 BC 69 AD
Pelopidas d. 364 Flamininus 228 - 174 Otho 32 AD 69 AD
Agesilaus 444 360 Aemilius Paulus 229-160
References
[1] http:/ / en. wikipedia. org/ wiki/ Parallel_Lives#endnote_unpaired
[2] http:/ / classics.mit. edu/
[3] http:/ / www. gutenberg.org/ etext/ 674
[4] http:/ / en. wikipedia. org/ wiki/ Parallel_Lives#endnote_North
[5] http:/ / classics.mit. edu/ Plutarch/ theseus.html
[6] http:/ / www. gutenberg.org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 0/ 3/ 14033/ 14033-h/ 14033-h. htm#LIFE_OF_THESEUS
[7] http:/ / penelope. uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Theseus*. html
[8] http:/ / www. perseus.tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Plut. + Thes. + 1. 1
[9] http:/ / classics.mit. edu/ Plutarch/ lycurgus.html
[10] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 0/ 3/ 14033/ 14033-h/ 14033-h. htm#LIFE_OF_LYKURGUS
[11] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Lycurgus*. html
[12] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ solon.html
[13] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 0/ 3/ 14033/ 14033-h/ 14033-h. htm#LIFE_OF_SOLON
[14] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Solon*. html
[15] http:/ / www.perseus.tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Plut. + Sol. + 1. 1
[16] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ themisto.html
[17] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 0/ 3/ 14033/ 14033-h/ 14033-h. htm#LIFE_OF_THEMISTOKLES
[18] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Themistocles*. html
[19] http:/ / www.perseus.tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Plut. + Them. + 1. 1
[20] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ pericles.html
[21] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 0/ 3/ 14033/ 14033-h/ 14033-h. htm#LIFE_OF_PERIKLES
[22] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Pericles*. html
[23] http:/ / www.perseus.tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Plut. + Per. + 1. 1
[24] http:/ / en. wikipedia. org/ wiki/ Parallel_Lives#endnote_order
[25] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ alcibiad. html
[26] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 0/ 3/ 14033/ 14033-h/ 14033-h. htm#LIFE_OF_ALKIBIADES
[27] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Alcibiades*. html
[28] http:/ / www.perseus.tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Plut. + Alc. + 1. 1
[29] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ timoleon.html
[30] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 0/ 3/ 14033/ 14033-h/ 14033-h. htm#LIFE_OF_TIMOLEON
[31] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Timoleon*. html
Parallel Lives
17
[32] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ pelopida.html
[33] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 1/ 1/ 14114/ 14114-h/ 14114-h. htm#LIFE_OF_PELOPIDAS
[34] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Pelopidas*. html
[35] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ aristide.html
[36] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 1/ 1/ 14114/ 14114-h/ 14114-h. htm#LIFE_OF_ARISTEIDES
[37] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Aristides*. html
[38] http:/ / www.perseus.tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Plut. + Arist. + 1. 1
[39] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ philopoe.html
[40] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 1/ 1/ 14114/ 14114-h/ 14114-h. htm#LIFE_OF_PHILOPOEMEN
[41] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Philopoemen*. html
[42] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ pyrrhus.html
[43] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 1/ 1/ 14114/ 14114-h/ 14114-h. htm#LIFE_OF_PYRRHUS
[44] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Pyrrhus*. html
[45] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ lysander. html
[46] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 1/ 1/ 14114/ 14114-h/ 14114-h. htm#LIFE_OF_LYSANDER
[47] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Lysander*. html
[48] http:/ / www.perseus.tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Plut. + Lys. + 1. 1
[49] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ cimon.html
[50] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 1/ 1/ 14114/ 14114-h/ 14114-h. htm#LIFE_OF_KIMON
[51] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Cimon*. html
[52] http:/ / www.perseus.tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Plut. + Cim. + 1. 1
[53] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ nicias.html
[54] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 1/ 4/ 14140/ 14140-h/ 14140-h. htm#LIFE_OF_NIKIAS
[55] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Nicias*. html
[56] http:/ / www.perseus.tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Plut. + Nic. + 1. 1
[57] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ eumenes.html
[58] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 1/ 4/ 14140/ 14140-h/ 14140-h. htm#LIFE_OF_EUMENES
[59] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Eumenes*. html
[60] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ agesilus.html
[61] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 1/ 4/ 14140/ 14140-h/ 14140-h. htm#LIFE_OF_AGESILAUS
[62] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Agesilaus*. html
[63] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ alexandr. html
[64] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 1/ 4/ 14140/ 14140-h/ 14140-h. htm#LIFE_OF_ALEXANDER
[65] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Alexander*/ home. html
[66] http:/ / www.perseus.tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Plut. + Caes. + 1
[67] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ phocion.html
[68] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 1/ 4/ 14140/ 14140-h/ 14140-h. htm#LIFE_OF_PHOKION
[69] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Phocion*. html
[70] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ agis.html
[71] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Agis*. html
[72] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ cleomene. html
[73] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Cleomenes*. html
[74] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ demosthe.html
[75] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Demosthenes*. html
[76] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ demetrus.html
[77] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Demetrius*. html
[78] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ dion.html
[79] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Dion*. html
[80] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ aratus.html
[81] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Aratus*. html
[82] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ artaxerx.html
[83] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Artaxerxes*. html
[84] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ romulus.html
[85] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 0/ 3/ 14033/ 14033-h/ 14033-h. htm#LIFE_OF_ROMULUS
[86] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Romulus*. html
[87] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ numa_pom. html
[88] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 0/ 3/ 14033/ 14033-h/ 14033-h. htm#LIFE_OF_NUMA
[89] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Numa*. html
[90] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ poplicol. html
Parallel Lives
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[91] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 0/ 3/ 14033/ 14033-h/ 14033-h. htm#LIFE_OF_POPLICOLA
[92] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Publicola*. html
[93] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ camillus.html
[94] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 0/ 3/ 14033/ 14033-h/ 14033-h. htm#LIFE_OF_CAMILLUS
[95] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Camillus*. html
[96] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ fabius.html
[97] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 0/ 3/ 14033/ 14033-h/ 14033-h. htm#LIFE_OF_FABIUS_MAXIMUS
[98] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Fabius_Maximus*. html
[99] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ coriolan.html
[100] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 0/ 3/ 14033/ 14033-h/ 14033-h. htm#LIFE_OF_CAIUS_MARCIUS_CORIOLANUS
[101] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Coriolanus*. html
[102] http:/ / www.perseus. tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Plut. + Cor. + 1
[103] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ paulus. html
[104] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 0/ 3/ 14033/ 14033-h/ 14033-h. htm#LIFE_OF_AEMILIUS
[105] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Aemilius*. html
[106] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ marcellu.html
[107] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 1/ 1/ 14114/ 14114-h/ 14114-h. htm#LIFE_OF_MARCELLUS
[108] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Marcellus*. html
[109] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ mar_cato. html
[110] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 1/ 1/ 14114/ 14114-h/ 14114-h. htm#LIFE_OF_MARCUS_CATO
[111] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Cato_Major*. html
[112] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ flaminin.html
[113] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 1/ 1/ 14114/ 14114-h/ 14114-h. htm#LIFE_OF_TITUS_FLAMININUS
[114] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Flamininus*. html
[115] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ c_marius. html
[116] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 1/ 1/ 14114/ 14114-h/ 14114-h. htm#LIFE_OF_CAIUS_MARIUS
[117] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Marius*. html
[118] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ sylla. html
[119] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 1/ 1/ 14114/ 14114-h/ 14114-h. htm#LIFE_OF_SULLA
[120] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Sulla*. html
[121] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ lucullus.html
[122] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 1/ 1/ 14114/ 14114-h/ 14114-h. htm#LIFE_OF_LUCULLUS
[123] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Lucullus*. html
[124] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ crassus.html
[125] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 1/ 4/ 14140/ 14140-h/ 14140-h. htm#LIFE_OF_CRASSUS
[126] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Crassus*. html
[127] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ sertoriu.html
[128] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 1/ 4/ 14140/ 14140-h/ 14140-h. htm#LIFE_OF_SERTORIUS
[129] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Sertorius*. html
[130] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ pompey.html
[131] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 1/ 4/ 14140/ 14140-h/ 14140-h. htm#LIFE_OF_POMPEIUS
[132] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Pompey*. html
[133] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ caesar.html
[134] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 1/ 4/ 14140/ 14140-h/ 14140-h. htm#LIFE_OF_C_CAESAR
[135] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Caesar*. html
[136] http:/ / www.perseus. tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Plut. + Phoc. + 1. 1
[137] http:/ / www.perseus. tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999. 03. 0078& query=head%3D%232
[138] http:/ / en.wikipedia. org/ wiki/ Parallel_Lives#endnote_perseus
[139] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ cato_you.html
[140] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 1/ 4/ 14140/ 14140-h/ 14140-h. htm#LIFE_OF_CATO
[141] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Cato_Minor*. html
[142] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ tiberius.html
[143] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Tiberius_Gracchus*. html
[144] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ gracchus. html
[145] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Caius_Gracchus*. html
[146] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ cicero.html
[147] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Cicero*. html
[148] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ antony.html
[149] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Antony*. html
Parallel Lives
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[150] http:/ / www.perseus. tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Plut. + Ant. + 1
[151] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ m_brutus.html
[152] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Brutus*. html
[153] http:/ / www.perseus. tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Plut. + Brut. + 1
[154] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ galba. html
[155] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Galba*. html
[156] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ otho. html
[157] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Otho*. html
[158] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ r_t_comp.html
[159] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 0/ 3/ 14033/ 14033-h/ 14033-h. htm#COMPARISON_THESEUS_ROMULUS
[160] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Theseus%2BRomulus*. html
[161] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ n_l_comp. html
[162] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 0/ 3/ 14033/ 14033-h/ 14033-h. htm#COMPARISON_OF_NUMA_WITH_LYKURGUS
[163] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Lycurgus+ Numa*. html
[164] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ p_s_comp.html
[165] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 0/ 3/ 14033/ 14033-h/ 14033-h. htm#COMPARISON_OF_SOLON_AND_POPLICOLA
[166] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Solon%2BPublicola*. html
[167] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ fabius_p. html
[168] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 0/ 3/ 14033/ 14033-h/ 14033-h.
htm#COMPARISON_OF_PERIKLES_AND_FABIUS_MAXIMUS
[169] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Pericles%2BFabius_Maximus*. html
[170] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ compared. html
[171] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 0/ 3/ 14033/ 14033-h/ 14033-h. htm#COMPARISON_OF_ALKIBIADES_AND_CORIOLANUS
[172] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Alcibiades%2BCoriolanus*. html
[173] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ t_a_comp. html
htm#COMPARISON_OF_PAULUS_AEMILIUS_AND_TIMOLEON
[175] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Timoleon%2BAemilius*. html
[176] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ p_m_comp. html
htm#THE_COMPARISON_OF_PELOPIDAS_WITH_MARCELLUS
[178] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Pelopidas%2BMarcellus*. html
[179] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 1/ 1/ 14114/ 14114-h/ 14114-h. htm#COMPARISON_OF_Aristides_AND_CATO
[180] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Aristides%2BCato_Major*. html
[181] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ p_f_comp.html
[182] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 1/ 1/ 14114/ 14114-h/ 14114-h. htm#COMPARISON_OF_PHILOPOEMEN_AND_TITUS
[183] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Philopoemen%2BFlamininus*. html
[184] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ l_s_comp.html
[185] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 1/ 1/ 14114/ 14114-h/ 14114-h. htm#COMPARISON_OF_LYSANDER_AND_SULLA
[186] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Lysander%2BSulla*. html
[187] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ l_c_comp. html
[188] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 1/ 1/ 14114/ 14114-h/ 14114-h. htm#COMPARISON_OF_KIMON_AND_LUCULLUS
[189] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Cimon+ Lucullus*. html
[190] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ crasus_n. html
[191] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 1/ 4/ 14140/ 14140-h/ 14140-h. htm#COMPARISON_OF_NIKIAS_AND_CRASSUS
[192] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Nicias+ Crassus*. html
[193] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ s_e_comp.html
[194] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 1/ 4/ 14140/ 14140-h/ 14140-h. htm#COMPARISON_OF_SERTORIUS_AND_EUMENES
[195] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Eumenes+ Sertorius*. html
[196] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ p_a_comp.html
[197] http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 1/ 4/ 14140/ 14140-h/ 14140-h. htm#COMPARISON_OF_AGESILAUS_AND_POMPEIUS
[198] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Agesilaus+ Pompey*. html
[199] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ t_c_comp. html
[200] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Agis_and_Cleomenes+ Gracchi*. html
[201] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ d_cicero.html
[202] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Demosthenes+ Cicero*. html
[203] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ d_antony.html
[204] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Demetrius+ Antony*. html
[205] http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ d_brutus. html
Parallel Lives
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[206] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Dion%2BBrutus*. html
[207] http:/ / www.perseus. tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999. 03. 0078& query=head%3D%235
External links
University of Chicago English text of Plutarch's Parallel Lives. (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/
Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ home. html)
A website dedicated to modern parallel biographies, where Plutarch's Lives appears as an example (http:/ / www.
freewebs. com/ delicianleague)
Theseus
For other uses, see Theseus (disambiguation).
Greek Mythology
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Theseus
21
Atalanta
Hippomenes(Golden apple)
Related
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Religion in Ancient Greece
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Greek mythology portal
v
t
e
[1]
Theseus Slaying Minotaur (1843), bronze sculpture by
Antoine-Louis Barye
Theseus /isis/ (AncientGreek: Greek:[tsus],
Modern Greek: Greek:[ise.as]) was the mythical
[2]
founder-king of Athens, son of Aegeus and Poseidon.
Theseus was a founder-hero, like Perseus, Cadmus, or Heracles,
all of whom battled and overcame foes that were identified with an
archaic religious and social order.
[3]
As Heracles was the Dorian
hero, Theseus was a founding hero, considered by Athenians as
their own great reformer: his name comes from the same root as
("thesmos"), Greek for "The Gathering".
He was responsible for the synoikismos ("dwelling together")the
political unification of Attica under Athens, represented
emblematically in his journey of labours, subduing ogres and
monstrous beasts. Because he was the unifying king, Theseus built
and occupied a palace on the fortress of the Acropolis that may
have been similar to the palace that was excavated in Mycenae.
Pausanias reports that after the synoikismos, Theseus established a
cult of Aphrodite Pandemos ("Aphrodite of all the People") and
Peitho on the southern slope of the Acropolis.
Plutarch's vita (a literalistic biography) of Theseus makes use of varying accounts of the death of the Minotaur,
Theseus' escape, and the love of Ariadne for Theseus.
[4]
Plutarch's sources, not all of whose texts have survived
independently, included Pherecydes (mid-fifth century BC), Demon (ca 400 BC), Philochorus, and Cleidemus (both
fourth century BC).
[5]
Theseus
22
Early years
Theseus and Aethra, by Laurent de La Hyre
Aegeus, one of the primordial kings of Athens, found a bride, Aethra
who was the daughter of king Pittheus at Troezen, a small city
southwest of Athens. On their wedding night, Aethra waded through
the sea to the island of Sphairia that rests close to the coast and lay
there with Poseidon (god of the sea and earthquakes). The mix gave
Theseus a combination of divine as well as mortal characteristics in his
nature; such double paternity, with one immortal and one mortal father,
was a familiar feature of Greek heroes.
[6]
After Aethra became
pregnant, Aegeus decided to return to Athens. Before leaving,
however, he buried his sandals and sword under a huge rock
[7]
and told
Aethra that when their son grew up, he should move the rock, if he
were heroic enough, and take the tokens for himself as evidence of his
royal parentage. In Athens, Aegeus was joined by Medea, who had left
Corinth after slaughtering the children she had borne, and had taken
Aegeus as her new consort. Priestess and consort together represented
the old order in Athens.
Thus Theseus was raised in his mother's land. When Theseus grew up and became a brave young man, he moved the
rock and recovered his father's tokens. His mother then told him the truth about his father's identity and that he must
take the sword and sandals back to king Aegeus to claim his birthright. To journey to Athens, Theseus could choose
to go by sea (which was the safe way) or by land, following a dangerous path around the Saronic Gulf, where he
would encounter a string of six entrances to the Underworld,
[8]
each guarded by a chthonic enemy. Young, brave,
and ambitious, Theseus decided to go alone by the land route and defeated a great many bandits along the way.
The Six Entrances of the Underworld
At the first site, which was Epidaurus, sacred to Apollo and the healer Asclepius, Theseus turned the tables on the
chthonic bandit, the "clubber" Periphetes, who beat his opponents into the Earth, and took from him the stout staff
that often identifies Theseus in vase-paintings.
The deeds of Theseus, on an Attic red-figured
kylix, ca. 440430 BCE (British Museum)
At the Isthmian entrance to the Underworld was a robber named
Sinis, often called "Pityokamptes" (Greek: , "he who
bends Pinetrees"). He would capture travelers, tie them between two
pine trees that were bent down to the ground, and then let the trees
go, tearing his victims apart. Theseus killed him by his own method.
He then became intimate with Sinis's daughter, Perigune, fathering
the child Melanippus.
In another deed north of the Isthmus, at a place called Crommyon,
he killed an enormous pig, the Crommyonian Sow, bred by an old
crone named Phaea. Some versions name the sow herself as Phaea.
The Bibliotheca described the Crommyonian sow as an offspring of
Typhon and Echidna.
Near Megara, an elderly robber named Sciron forced travellers along the narrow cliff-face pathway to wash his
feet. While they knelt, he kicked them off the cliff behind them, where they were eaten by a sea monster (or, in
some versions, a giant turtle). Theseus pushed him off the cliff.
Theseus
23
Detail of the kylix at right: Theseus and the
Crommyonian Sow, with Phaea
Another of these enemies was Cercyon, king at the holy site of
Eleusis, who challenged passers-by to a wrestling match and, when
he had beaten them, killed them. Theseus beat Cercyon at wrestling
and then killed him instead. In interpretations of the story that
follow the formulas of Frazer's The Golden Bough, Cercyon was a
"year-King", who was required to do an annual battle for his life, for
the good of his kingdom, and was succeeded by the victor. Theseus
overturned this archaic religious rite by refusing to be sacrificed.
The last bandit was Procrustes the Stretcher, who had two beds, one
of which he offered to passers-by in the plain of Eleusis. He then
made them fit into it, either by stretching them or by cutting off
their feet. Since he had two beds of different lengths, no one would fit. Theseus turned the tables on Procrustes,
cutting off his legs and decapitating him with his own axe.
Medea and the Marathonian Bull, Androgeus and the Pallantides
Theseus captures the Marathonian Bull (kylix
painted by Aison, 5th century BC)
When Theseus arrived at Athens, he did not reveal his true identity
immediately. Aegeus gave him hospitality but was suspicious of the
young, powerful stranger's intentions. Aegeus's wife Medea recognized
Theseus immediately as Aegeus' son and worried that Theseus would
be chosen as heir to Aegeus' kingdom instead of her son Medus. She
tried to arrange to have Theseus killed by asking him to capture the
Marathonian Bull, an emblem of Cretan power.
On the way to Marathon, Theseus took shelter from a storm in the hut
of an ancient woman named Hecale. She swore to make a sacrifice to
Zeus if Theseus were successful in capturing the bull. Theseus did
capture the bull, but when he returned to Hecale's hut, she was dead. In
her honor Theseus gave her name to one of the demes of Attica,
making its inhabitants in a sense her adopted children.
When Theseus returned victorious to Athens, where he sacrificed the Bull, Medea tried to poison him. At the last
second, Aegeus recognized the sandals, shield, and sword, and knocked the poisoned wine cup from Theseus's hand.
Thus father and son were reunited, and Medea, it was said, fled to Asia.
When Theseus appeared in the town, his reputation had preceded him, having travelled along the notorious coastal
road from Troezen and slain some of the most feared bandits there. It was not long before the Pallantides' hopes of
succeeding the apparently childless Aegeus would be lost if they did not get rid of Theseus (the Pallantides were the
sons of Pallas and nephews of King Aegeus, who were then living at the royal court in the sanctuary of Delphic
Apollo
[9]
). So they set a trap for him. One band of them would march on the town from one side while another lay in
wait near a place called Gargettus in ambush. The plan was that after Theseus, Aegeus, and the palace guards had
been forced out the front, the other half would surprise them from behind. However, Theseus was not fooled.
Informed of the plan by a herald named Leos, he crept out of the city at midnight and surprised the Pallantides.
"Theseus then fell suddenly upon the party lying in ambush, and slew them all. Thereupon the party with Pallas
dispersed," Plutarch reported.
[10]
Theseus
24
The myth of Theseus and the Minotaur
Theseus and the Minotaur
Theseus and the Minotaur on 6th-century
black-figure pottery
Pasiphae, wife of King Minos of Crete, had several children before the
Minotaur. The eldest of these, Androgeus, set sail for Athens to take
part in the Pan-Athenian games, which were held there every four
years. Being strong and skillful, he did very well, winning some events
outright. He soon became a crowd favorite, much to the resentment of
the Pallantides, and they assassinated him, incurring the wrath of
Minos.
When King Minos had heard of what befell his son, he ordered the
Cretan fleet to set sail for Athens. Minos asked Aegeus for his son's
assassins, and if they were to be handed to him, the town would be
spared. However, not knowing who the assassins were, King Aegeus
surrendered the whole town to Minos' mercy. His retribution was that,
at the end of every Great Year (seven solar years), the seven most
courageous youths and the seven most beautiful maidens were to board
a boat and be sent as tribute to Crete, never to be seen again.
In another version, King Minos of Crete had waged war with the
Athenians and was successful. He then demanded that, at nine-year
intervals, seven Athenian boys and seven Athenian girls were to be
sent to Crete to be devoured by the Minotaur, a half-man, half-bull
monster that lived in the Labyrinth created by Daedalus.
On the third occasion, Theseus volunteered to slay the monster to stop
this horror. He took the place of one of the youths and set off with a
black sail, promising to his father, Aegeus, that if successful he would
return with a white sail.
[11]
Like the others, Theseus was stripped of his
weapons when they sailed. On his arrival in Crete, Ariadne, King
Minos' daughter, fell in love with Theseus and, on the advice of
Daedalus, gave him a ball of thread or clue, so he could find his way
out of the Labyrinth.
[12]
That night, Ariadne escorted Theseus to the
Labyrinth, and Theseus promised that if he returned from the Labyrinth
he would take Ariadne with him. As soon as Theseus entered the
Labyrinth, he tied one end of the ball of string to the door post and
brandished his sword which he had kept hidden from the guards inside
his tunic. Theseus followed Daedalus' instructions given to Ariadne; go
forwards, always down and never left or right. Theseus came to the
heart of the Labyrinth and also upon the sleeping Minotaur. The beast
awoke and a tremendous fight then occurred. Theseus overpowered the
Minotaur with his strength and stabbed the beast in the throat with his
sword (according to one scholium on Pindar's Fifth Nemean Ode,
Theseus strangled it).
[13]
After decapitating the beast, Theseus used the string to escape the
Labyrinth and managed to escape with all of the young Athenians and Ariadne as well as her younger sister Phaedra.
Then he and the rest of the crew fell asleep on the beach. Athena woke Theseus and told him to leave early that
morning. Athena told Theseus to leave Ariadne and Phaedra on the beach. Stricken with distress, Theseus forgot to
put up the white sails instead of the black ones, so the king committed suicide, in some versions throwing himself off
Theseus
25
a cliff and into the sea, thus causing this body of water to be named the Aegean. Dionysus later saw Ariadne crying
out for Theseus and took pity on her and married her.
Ship of Theseus
According to Plutarch's Life of Theseus, the ship Theseus used on his return from Crete to Athens was kept in the
Athenian harbor as a memorial for several centuries.
The ship wherein Theseus and the youth of Athens returned had thirty oars, and was preserved by the
Athenians down even to the time of Demetrius Phalereus,
[14]
for they took away the old planks as they
decayed, putting in new and stronger timber in their place...
The ship had to be maintained in a seaworthy state, for, in return for Theseus's successful mission, the Athenians had
pledged to honour Apollo every year henceforth. Thus, the Athenians sent a religious mission to the island of Delos
(one of Apollo's most sacred sanctuaries) on the Athenian state galley the ship itself to pay their fealty to the
god. To preserve the purity of the occasion, no executions were permitted between the time when the religious
ceremony began to when the ship returned from Delos, which took several weeks.
To preserve the ship, any wood that wore out or rotted was replaced; it was, thus, unclear to philosophers how much
of the original ship actually remained, giving rise to the philosophical question whether it should be considered "the
same" ship or not. Such philosophical questions about the nature of identity are sometimes referred to as the Ship of
Theseus Paradox.
Regardless of these issues of the originality of the ship's structure, for Athenians the preserved ship kept fresh their
understanding that Theseus had been an actual, historic figure which none then doubted and gave them a
tangible connection to their divine providence.
Theseus and Perithous
Theseus Defeats the Centaur by Antonio Canova
(18041819), Kunsthistorisches Museum
Theseus's best friend was Pirithous, prince of the Lapiths. Pirithous had
heard stories of Theseus's courage and strength in battle but wanted
proof, so he rustled Theseus's herd of cattle and drove it from
Marathon, and Theseus set out in pursuit. Pirithous took up his arms
and the pair met to do battle, but were so impressed with each other
they took an oath of friendship and joined the hunt for the Calydonian
Boar. In Iliad I, Nestor numbers Pirithous and Theseus "of heroic
fame" among an earlier generation of heroes of his youth, "the
strongest men that Earth has bred, the strongest men against the
strongest enemies, a savage mountain-dwelling tribe whom they utterly
destroyed." No trace of such an oral tradition, which Homer's listeners
would have recognized in Nestor's allusion, survived in literary epic.
Later, Pirithous was preparing to marry Hippodamia. The centaurs were guests at the wedding feast, but got drunk
and tried to abduct the women, including Hippodamia. The Lapiths won the ensuing battle.
In Ovid's Metamorphoses Theseus fights against and kills Eurytus, the "fiercest of all the fierce centaurs"
[15]
at the
wedding of Pirithous and Hippodamia.
Theseus
26
The abduction of Persephone and encounter with Hades
Theseus carries off the willing Helen, on an Attic
red-figure amphora, ca. 510 BCE
Theseus, a great abductor of women, and his bosom companion,
Pirithous, since they were sons of Zeus and Poseidon, pledged
themselves to marry daughters of Zeus.
[16]
Theseus, in an old
tradition,
[17]
chose Helen, and together they kidnapped her, intending
to keep her until she was old enough to marry. Pirithous chose
Persephone. They left Helen with Theseus's mother, Aethra at
Aphidna, whence she was rescued by the Dioscuri.
On Pirithous' behalf they travelled to the underworld, domain of
Persephone and her husband, Hades. As they wandered through the
outskirts of Tartarus, Theseus sat down to rest on a rock. As he did so
he felt his limbs change and grow stiff. He tried to rise but could not.
He was fixed to the rock on which he sat. Then, as he turned to cry out
to his friend Pirithous, he saw that he himself was crying out too.
Around him was standing the terrible band of Furies with snakes in
their hair, torches and long whips in their hands. Before these monsters the hero's courage failed and by them was led
away to eternal punishment.
For many months in half darkness, Theseus sat immovably fixed to the rock, mourning both for his friend and for
himself. In the end he was rescued by Heracles who had come down to the underworld for his 12th task. There he
persuaded Persephone to forgive him for the part he had taken in the rash venture of Pirithous. So Theseus was
restored to the upper air but Pirithous never left the kingdom of the dead, for when he tried to free Pirithous, the
Underworld shook. When Theseus returned to Athens, he found that the Dioscuri had taken Helen and Aethra to
Sparta.
Hippolyta
Theseus, believed either to be in the company of Heracles, or of his own accord, had journeyed to the land of the
Amazons, a race of all-female warriors who had relations with men for reproduction but killed or banished any male
children born.
Phaedra and Hippolytus
Theseus saves Hippodameia, work by Johannes Pfuhl in Athens.
Phaedra, Theseus's second wife, bore Theseus two
sons, Demophon and Acamas. While these two were
still in their infancy, Phaedra fell in love with
Hippolytus, Theseus's son by Hippolyta. According
to some versions of the story, Hippolytus had
scorned Aphrodite to become a devotee of Artemis,
so Aphrodite made Phaedra fall in love with him as
punishment. He rejected her out of chastity.
Alternatively, in Euripides' version, Hippolytus,
Phaedra's nurse told Hippolytus of her mistress's love
and he swore he would not reveal the nurse as his
source of information. To ensure that she would die
Theseus
27
with dignity, Phaedra wrote to Theseus on a tablet claiming that Hippolytus had raped her before hanging herself.
Theseus believed her and used one of the three wishes he had received from Poseidon against his son. The curse
caused Hippolytus' horses to be frightened by a sea monster, usually a bull, and drag their rider to his death. Artemis
would later tell Theseus the truth, promising to avenge her loyal follower on another follower of Aphrodite.
In a version by Seneca, the Roman playwright, entitled Phaedra, after Phaedra told Theseus that Hippolytus had
raped her, Theseus killed his son himself, and Phaedra committed suicide out of guilt, for she had not intended for
Hippolytus to die.
In yet another version, Phaedra simply told Theseus Hippolytus had raped her and did not kill herself, and Dionysus
sent a wild bull which terrified Hippolytus's horses.
A cult grew up around Hippolytus, associated with the cult of Aphrodite. Girls who were about to be married offered
locks of their hair to him. The cult believed that Asclepius had resurrected Hippolytus and that he lived in a sacred
forest near Aricia in Latium.
Other stories and his death
According to sources, Theseus also was one of the Argonauts, although Apollonius of Rhodes states in the
Argonautica that Theseus was still in the underworld at this time. Both statements are inconsistent with Medea being
Aegeus' wife by the time Theseus first came to Athens. With Phaedra, Theseus fathered Acamas, who was one of
those who hid in the Trojan Horse during the Trojan War. Theseus welcomed the wandering Oedipus and helped
Adrastus to bury the Seven Against Thebes.
Lycomedes of the island of Skyros threw Theseus off a cliff after he had lost popularity in Athens. In 475 BC, in
response to an oracle, Cimon of Athens, having conquered Skyros for the Athenians, identified as the remains of
Theseus "a coffin of a great corpse with a bronze spear-head by its side and a sword." (Plutarch, Life of Cimon,
quoted Burkert 1985, p.206). The remains found by Cimon were reburied in Athens. The early modern name
Theseion (Temple of Theseus) was mistakenly applied to the Temple of Hephaestus which was thought to be the
actual site of the hero's tomb.
Adaptations of the myth
Literature
Theseus
28
Theseus with the head of
Minotaur
Racine's Phdre (1677) features Theseus as well as Hippolytus and the title
character.
Theseus is a prominent character as the Duke of Athens in William Shakespeare's
plays, A Midsummer Night's Dream and The Two Noble Kinsmen. Hippolyta also
appears in both plays. Theseus likewise appears as a major character in Geoffrey
Chaucer's The Knight's Tale.
F. L. Lucas's poem Ariadne (1932) is an epic reworking of the Labyrinth myth:
Aegle, one of the sacrificial maidens who accompany Theseus to Crete, is Theseus's
sweetheart, the Minotaur is Minos himself in a bull-mask, and Ariadne, learning on
Naxos of Theseuss earlier love for Aegle, decides to leave him for the Ideal
[Dionysus]. [18]
Mary Renault's The King Must Die (1958) is a dramatic retelling of the Theseus
legend from his childhood in Troizen until the return from Crete to Athens. While
fictional, it is generally faithful to the spirit and flavor of the best-known variations
of the original story. The sequel is The Bull from the Sea (1962), about the hero's
later career.
Stephen Dobyns, wrote the poem Theseus within the Labyrinth (1986) which
provides a retelling of the myth of Ariadne, Theseus and the minotaur, in particular the feelings of Ariadne.
Kir Bulychov's 1993 book An Attempt on Theseus' Life ( ) is about a plot to assassinate a man
during a virtual reality tour in which he lives through Theseus' life.
John Dempsey's Ariadne's Brother: A Novel on the Fall of Bronze Age Crete (1996, ISBN 960-219-062-0) tells the
Minoan Cretan version of these events based on both archaeology and myth.
Troy Denning's 1996 novel Pages of Pain features an amnesic Theseus fighting to recover his past while interacting
with some of the more colorful beings of the Planescape universe.
Steven Pressfield's 2002 novel Last of the Amazons attempts to situate Theseus's meeting and subsequent marriage to
Antiope, as well as the ensuing war, in a historically plausible setting.
Jorge Luis Borges presents an interesting variation of the myth in a short story, "La Casa de Asteri-n" ("The House
of Asterion").
British comedian Tony Robinson wrote a version of the Theseus story entitled Theseus: Super Hero.
Author Tracy Barrett wrote a novel titled Dark of the Moon, published in 2011, which is a re-write of the Theseus
myth.
Author Suzanne Collins was inspired by Theseus to write The Hunger Games trilogy, which was published from
20082010.
Film and television
Theseus is played by Bob Mathias in the 1960 film Minotaur, the Wild Beast of Crete, and by Tom Hardy in the
2006 film Minotaur.
A 1971 Soviet cartoon, "The Labyrinth", covers the titular adventure as well as Theseus's encounters with the
Crommyonian sow and Procrustes.
In 1990, the television show "The StoryTeller: Greek Myths" featured a story about Theseus and the Minotaur in its
first episode Theseus and the Minotaur.
The first episode of the 2001 kids' TV Series MythQuest, entitled "Minotaur," features a story in which the modern
day teen-aged protagonist finds himself unexpectedly thrust into Theseus' role and must follow through with the
Theseus
29
events of the existing myth, including slaying the Minotaur with the help of Ariadne and Daedalus.
[19]
The storyline
was also adapted into a novelization.
[20]
In the 2003 miniseries Helen of Troy, Theseus, played by Stellan Skarsgrd, kidnaps Helen with Pirithous and waits
for her to reach marriageable age; however, he is slain by Pollux and she is returned to Sparta.
In the 2011 Tarsem Singh film, Immortals, Theseus (played by Henry Cavill) leads a war against the mortal king
Hyperion (played by Mickey Rourke) of Heraklion.
The Hunger Games Trilogy was greatly influenced by the myth of Theseus and the Minotaur.
The Indian film "Ship of Theseus(2012)" directed by Anand Gandhi, is an exploration of the philosophical idea
underlying the myth.
In the Canadian television series, Continuum (2012-), the leader of an anti-corporate human rights/terrorist group is
called Theseus.
Notes
[1] http:/ / en. wikipedia. org/ w/ index. php?title=Template:Greek_myth& action=edit
[2] For the ancient Greeks, convinced that Theseus had actually existed, he was not mythic, of course, but legendary.
[3] See Carl A.P. Ruck and Danny Staples, The World of Classical Myth (Carolina Academic Press, 1994), ch. ix "Theseus:Making the New
Athens" pp 20322: "This was a major cultural transition, like the making of the new Olympia by Hercules" (p. 204).
[4] "May I therefore succeed in purifying Fable, making her submit to reason and take on the semblance of History. But where she obstinately
disdains to make herself credible, and refuses to admit any element of probability, I shall pray for kindly readers, and such as receive with
indulgence the tales of antiquity." (Plutarch, Life of Theseus). Plutarch's avowed purpose is to construct a life that parallels the vita of Romulus
that embodies the founding myth of Rome.
[5] Edmund P. Cueva, "Plutarch's Ariadne in Chariton's Chaereas and Callirhoe" American Journal of Philology 117.3 (Fall 1996) pp. 473484.
[6] The theory, expounded as natural history by Aristotle, was accepted through the nineteenth century and only proven wrong in modern
genetics: see Telegony (heredity). Sometimes in myth the result could be twins, one born divine of a divine father, the other human of a
human sire: see Dioscuri. Of a supposed Parnassos, founder of Delphi, Pausanias observes, "Like the other heroes, as they are called, he had
two fathers; one they say was the god Poseidon, the human father being Cleopompus." (Description of Greece x.6.1).
[7] [7] Rock "which had a hollow in it just large enough to receive these objects," Plutarch says.
[8] Compared to Hercules and his Labours, "Theseus is occupied only with the sacred Entrances that are local to the lands of Athens" (Ruck and
Staples 1994:204).
[9] [9] "...where now is the enclosure in the Delphinium, for that is where the house of Aegeus stood, and the Hermes to the east of the sanctuary is
called the Hermes at Aegeus's gate." (Plutarch, 12)
[10] [10] Plutarch, 13.
[11] Plutarch quotes Simon-ides to the effect that the alternate sail given by Aegeus was not white, but a scarlet sail dyed with the tender flower
of luxuriant holm oak. (Plutarch, 17.5).
[12] Ariadne is sometimes represented in vase-paintings with the thread wound on her spindle.
[13] [13] Noted by Kerenyi 1959:232 note 532.
[14] [14] Demetrius Phalereus was a distinguished orator and statesman, who governed Athens for a decade before being exiled, in 307 BCE.
[15] [15] Ovid, Metamorphoses, XII:217-153
[16] Scholia on Iliad iii.144 and a fragment (#227) of Pindar, according to Kerenyi 1951:237, note 588.
[17] Reported at Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae 13.4 (557a) (http:/ / digicoll. library. wisc. edu/ cgi-bin/ Literature/ Literature-idx?type=turn&
id=Literature. AthV3& entity=Literature. AthV3.p0079& q1=helen& pview=hide); cf. Kerenyi 1959:234 and note.
[18] http:/ / www.cambridge. org/ fr/ academic/ subjects/ literature/ english-literature-1830-1900/ ariadne
[19] http:/ / tvtropes. org/ pmwiki/ pmwiki. php/ Recap/ MythQuestE1TheMinotaur
[20] http:/ / www.goodreads.com/ book/ show/ 1341248. The_Minotaur
Theseus
30
References
Primary sources
Pseudo-Apollodorus, Bibliotheca
Ovid, Metamorphoses
Plutarch, Theseus (http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ theseus. html)
Secondary sources
Burkert, Walter, Greek Religion (1985)
Stephen Dobyns, Theseus within the Labyrinth (1986) http:/ / www. jstor. org/ stable/ 20600617
Kernyi, Karl, The Heroes of the Greeks (1959)
Price, Anne, The Quest for Theseus (London, 1970) examines the Theseus-Minotaur-Ariadne myth and its
historical basis, and later treatments and adaptations of it in Western culture.
Ruck, Carl A.P. and Danny Staples, The World of Classical Myth: ch. IX "Theseus: making the new Athens"
(1994), pp.203222.
Walker, Henry J., Theseus and Athens, Oxford University Press (US 1995). The most thorough scholarly
examination of Theseus's archaic origins and classical myth and cult, and his place in classical literature.
External links
(Theoi Project) Plutarch: Life of Theseus (http:/ / www. theoi. com/ Text/ PlutarchTheseus. html)
Regnal titles
Precededby
Aegeus
King of Athens Succeededby
Menestheus
Romulus and Remus
31
Romulus and Remus
"Romulus" and "Remus" redirect here. For other uses, see Romulus (disambiguation) and Remus (disambiguation).
Capitoline Wolf. Traditional scholarship says the
wolf-figure is Etruscan, 5th century BC, with
figures of Romulus and Remus added in the 15th
century AD by Antonio Pollaiuolo. Recent
studies suggest that the wolf may be a medieval
sculpture dating from the 13th century AD.
[1]
Romulus /rmjls/ and Remus /rims/ are the twin brothers and
central characters of Rome's foundation myth. Their mother is Rhea
Silvia, daughter of Numitor, king of Alba Longa. Before their
conception, Numitor's brother Amulius seizes power, kills Numitor's
male heirs and forces Rhea Silvia to become a Vestal Virgin, sworn to
chastity. Rhea Silvia conceives the twins by the god Mars, or by the
demi-god Hercules. Once the twins are born, Amulius has them
abandoned to die in the river Tiber. They are saved by a series of
miraculous interventions: the river carries them to safety, a she-wolf
(in Latin, lupa) finds and suckles them, and a woodpecker feeds them.
A shepherd and his wife find them and foster them to manhood, as
simple shepherds. The twins, still ignorant of their true origins, prove
to be natural leaders. Each acquires many followers. When they
discover the truth of their birth, they kill Amulius and restore Numitor
to his throne. Rather than wait to inherit Alba Longa, they choose to found a new city.
Romulus wants to found the new city on the Palatine Hill; Remus prefers the Aventine Hill.
[2]
They agree to
determine the site through augury but when each claims the results in his own favor, they quarrel and Remus is
killed.
[3]
Romulus founds the new city, names it Rome, after himself, and creates its first legions and senate. The
new city grows rapidly, swelled by landless refugees; as most of these are male, and unmarried, Romulus arranges
the abduction of women from the neighboring Sabines. The ensuing war ends with the joining of Sabines and
Romans as one Roman people. Thanks to divine favour and Romulus' inspired leadership, Rome becomes a
dominant force, but Romulus himself becomes increasingly autocratic, and disappears or dies in mysterious
circumstances. In later forms of the myth, he ascends to heaven, and is identified with Quirinus, the divine
personification of the Roman people.
The legend as a whole encapsulates Rome's ideas of itself, its origins and moral values. For modern scholarship, it
remains one of the most complex and problematic of all foundation myths, particularly Remus' death. Ancient
historians had no doubt that Romulus gave his name to the city. Most modern historians believe his name a
back-formation from the name Rome; the basis for Remus' name and role remain subjects of ancient and modern
speculation. The myth was fully developed into something like an "official", chronological version in the Late
Republican and early Imperial era; Roman historians dated the city's foundation to between 758 and 728 BC, and
Plutarch reckoned the twins' birth year as c. 27/28 March 771 BC. An earlier tradition that gave Romulus a distant
ancestor in the semi-divine Trojan prince Aeneas was further embellished, and Romulus was made the direct
ancestor of Rome's first Imperial dynasty. Possible historical bases for the broad mythological narrative remain
unclear and disputed.
[4]
The image of the she-wolf suckling the divinely fathered twins became an iconic
representation of the city and its founding legend, making Romulus and Remus preeminent among the feral children
of ancient mythography.
Romulus and Remus
32
The legend in ancient sources
Modern scholarship approaches the various known stories of Romulus and Remus as cumulative elaborations and
later interpretations of Roman foundation-myth. Particular versions and collations were presented by Roman
historians as authoritative, an official history trimmed of contradictions and untidy variants to justify contemporary
developments, genealogies and actions in relation to Roman morality. Other narratives appear to represent popular or
folkloric tradition; some of these remain inscrutable in purpose and meaning. Wiseman sums the whole as the
mythography of an unusually problematic foundation and early history.
[5]
Cornell and others describe particular
elements of the mythos as "shameful".
[6]
Nevertheless, by the 4th century BC, the fundamentals of the Romulus and
Remus story were standard Roman fare, and by 269 BC the wolf and suckling twins appeared on one of the earliest,
if not the earliest issues of Roman silver coinage. Rome's foundation story was evidently a matter of national pride. It
featured in the earliest known history of Rome, which was attributed to Diocles of Peparethus. The patrician senator
Quintus Fabius Pictor used Diocles' as a source for his own history of Rome, written around the time of Rome's war
with Hannibal and probably intended for circulation among Rome's Greek-speaking allies.
[7][8]
Fabius' history provided a basis for the early books of Livy's Ab Urbe Condita, which he wrote in Latin, and for
several Greek-language histories of Rome, including Dionysius of Halicarnassus's Roman Antiquities, written during
the late 1st century BC, and Plutarch's early 2nd century Life of Romulus. These three accounts provide the broad
literary basis for studies of Rome's founding mythography. They have much in common, but each is selective to its
purpose. Livy's is a dignified handbook, justifying the purpose and morality of Roman traditions observed in his own
times. Dionysius and Plutarch approach the same subjects as interested outsiders, and include founder-traditions not
mentioned by Livy, untraceable to a common source and probably specific to particular regions, social classes or oral
traditions.
[9]
A Roman text of the late Imperial era, Origo gentis Romanae (The origin of the Roman people) is
dedicated to the many "more or less bizarre", often contradictory variants of Rome's foundation myth, including
versions in which Remus founds a city named Remuria, five miles from Rome, and outlives his brother
Romulus.
[10][11]
Stories of ancestry and parentage
There are several variations on the basic legendary tale.
Plutarch presents Romulus and Remus' ancient descent from prince Aeneas, fugitive from Troy after its destruction
by the Achaeans. Their maternal grandfather is his descendant Numitor, who inherits the kingship of Alba Longa.
Numitors brother Amulius inherits its treasury, including the gold brought by Aeneas from Troy. Amulius uses his
control of the treasury to dethrone Numitor, but fears that Numitor's daughter, Rhea Silvia, will bear children who
could overthrow him.
Amulius forces Rhea Silvia into perpetual virginity as a Vestal priestess, but she bears children anyway. In one
variation of the story, Mars, god of war, seduces and impregnates her: in another, Amulius himself seduces her, and
in yet another, Hercules.
The king sees his niece's pregnancy and confines her. She gives birth to twin boys of remarkable beauty; her uncle
orders her death and theirs. One account holds that he has Rhea buried alive the standard punishment for Vestal
Virgins who violated their vow of celibacy and orders the death of the twins by exposure; both means would avoid
his direct blood-guilt. In another, he has Rhea and her twins thrown into the River Tiber.
In every version, a servant is charged with the deed of killing the twins, but cannot bring himself to harm them. He
places them in a basket and leaves it on the banks of the Tiber. The river rises in flood and carries the twins
downstream, unharmed.
[12]
Romulus and Remus
33
Altar from Ostia showing the discovery of Romulus
and Remus (now at the Palazzo Massimo alle Terme).
The river deity Tiberinus makes the basket catch in the roots of a
fig tree that grows in the Velabrum swamp at the base of the
Palatine Hill. The twins are found and suckled by a she-wolf
(Lupa) and fed by a woodpecker (Picus). A shepherd of Amulius
named Faustulus discovers them and takes them to his hut, where
he and his wife Acca Larentia raise them as their own children.
Faustulus (to the right of picture) discovers
Romulus and Remus with the she-wolf and
woodpecker. Their mother Rhea Silvia and the
river-god Tiberinus witness the moment. Painting
by Peter Paul Rubens, c. 1616 (Capitoline
Museums).
In another variant, Hercules impregnates Acca Larentia and marries her
off to the shepherd Faustulus. She has twelve sons; when one of them
dies, Romulus takes his place to found the priestly college of Arval
brothers Fratres Arvales. Acca Larentia is therefore identified with the
Arval goddess Dea Dia, who is served by the Arvals. In later
Republican religious tradition, a Quirinal priest (flamen) impersonated
Romulus (by then deified as Quirinus) to perform funerary rites for his
foster mother (identified as Dia).
Another and probably late tradition has Acca Larentia as a sacred
prostitute (one of many Roman slangs for prostitute was lupa
(she-wolf)).
[13]
Yet another tradition relates that Romulus and Remus are nursed by the
Wolf-Goddess Lupa or Luperca in her cave-lair (lupercal). Luperca
was given cult for her protection of sheep from wolves and her spouse
was the Wolf-and-Shepherd-God Lupercus, who brought fertility to the
flocks. She has been identified with Acca Larentia.
Founding of Rome
Main article: Founding of Rome
In all versions of the founding myth, the twins grew up as shepherds. While tending their flocks, they came into
conflict with the shepherds of Amulius. Remus was captured and brought before Amulius, who eventually discovers
his identity. Romulus raised a band of shepherds to liberate his brother and Amulius was killed. Romulus and Remus
were conjointly offered the crown but they refused it and restored Numitor to the throne. They left to found their
own city, but could not agree on its location; Romulus preferred the Palatine Hill, Remus preferred the Aventine
Hill. They agreed to seek the will of the gods in this matter, through augury. Each took position on his respective hill
and prepared a sacred space there. Remus saw six auspicious birds; but Romulus saw twelve. Romulus claimed
superior augury as the divine basis of his right to decide. Remus made a counterclaim: he saw his six vultures first.
Romulus set to work with his supporters, digging a trench (or building a wall, according to Dionysius) around the
Palatine to define his city boundary.
Romulus and Remus
34
Death of Remus
Livy gave two versions of Remus' death. In the one "more generally received", Remus criticized and belittles the
new wall, and in a final insult to the new city and its founder alike, he leaped over it. Romulus killed him, saying "So
perish every one that shall hereafter leap over my wall". In the other version, Remus was simply stated as dead; no
murder was alleged. Two other, lesser known accounts have Remus killed by a blow to the head with a spade,
wielded either by Romulus' commander Fabius (according to St. Jerome's version) or by a man named Celer.
Romulus buried Remus with honour and regret.
[14]
The Roman ab urbe condita began from the founding of the city,
and places that date as 21 April 753 BC.
City of Rome
Romulus completed his city and named it Roma after himself. Then he divided his fighting men into regiments of
3000 infantry and 300 cavalry, which he called "legions". From the rest of the populace he selected 100 of the most
noble and wealthy fathers to serve as his council. He called these men Patricians: they were fathers of Rome, not
only because they cared for their own legitimate citizen-sons but because they had a fatherly care for Rome and all
its people. They were also its elders, and were therefore known as Senators. Romulus thereby inaugurated a system
of government and social hierarchy based on the patron-client relationship.
Rome drew exiles, refugees, the dispossessed, criminals and runaway slaves. The city expanded its boundaries to
accommodate them; five of the seven hills of Rome were settled: the Capitoline Hill, the Aventine Hill, the Caelian
Hill, the Quirinal Hill, and the Palatine Hill. As most of these immigrants were men, Rome found itself with a
shortage of marriageable women. Romulus invited the neighboring Sabines and Latins, along with their womenfolk,
to a festival at the Circus Maximus, in honour of Consus (or of Neptune). While the men were distracted by the
games and befuddled with wine, the Romans seized their daughters and took them into the city. Most were
eventually persuaded to marry Roman men.
War with the Sabines
The Sabine and Latin men demanded the return of their daughters. The inhabitants of three Latin towns (Caenina,
Antemnae and Crustumerium) took up arms one after the other but were soundly defeated by Romulus, who killed
Acron, the king of Caenina, with his own hand and celebrates the first Roman triumph shortly after. Romulus was
magnanimous in victory most of the conquered land was divided among Rome's citizens but none of the defeated
are enslaved.
The Sabine king Titus Tatius marched on Rome to assault its Capitoline citadel. The citadel commander's daughter
Tarpeia opened the gates for them, in return for "what they wear on their left arms". She expected their golden
bracelets. Once inside, the Sabines crushed her to death under a pile of their shields.
Romulus and Remus
35
Romulus, Victor over Acron, hauls the rich booty to the temple of Jupiter, by Jean
Auguste Dominique Ingres
The Sabines left the citadel to meet the
Romans in open battle in the space
later known as the comitium. The
outcome hung in the balance; the
Romans retreated to the Palatine Hill,
where Romulus called on Jupiter for
help traditionally at the place where
a temple to Jupiter Stator ("the stayer")
was built. The Romans drove the
Sabines back to the point where the
Curia Hostilia later stood.
The Sabine Women, by Jacques-Louis David
The Sabine women themselves then
intervened to beg for unity between Sabines
and Romans. A truce was made, then peace.
The Romans based themselves on the
Palatine and the Sabines on the Quirinal,
with Romulus and Tatius as joint kings and
the Comitium as the common centre of
government and culture. 100 Sabine elders
and clan leaders joined the Patrician Senate.
The Sabines adopted the Roman calendar,
and the Romans adopted the armour and
oblong shield of the Sabines. The legions
were doubled in size.
Organization and growth
Romulus and Tatius ruled jointly for five years and subdued the Alban colony of the Camerini. Then Tatius sheltered
some allies who had illegally plundered the Lavinians, and murdered ambassadors sent to seek justice. Romulus and
the Senate decided that Tatius should go to Lavinium to offer sacrifice and appease his offence. At Lavinium, Tatius
was assassinated and Romulus became sole king.
As king, Romulus held authority over Rome's armies and judiciary. He organised Rome's administration according
to tribe; one of Latins (Ramnes), one of Sabines (Titites), and one of Luceres.
[15]
Each elected a tribune to represent
their civil, religious, and military interests. The tribunes were magistrates of their tribes, performed sacrifices on
their behalf, and commanded their tribal levies in times of war.
Romulus divided each tribe into ten curiae to form the Comitia Curiata. The thirty curiae derived their individual
names from thirty of the kidnapped Sabine women.
The individual curiae were further divided into ten gentes, held to form the basis for the nomen in the Roman naming
convention. Proposals made by Romulus or the Senate were offered to the Curiate assembly for ratification; the ten
gentes within each curia cast a vote. Votes were carried by whichever gens has a majority.
Romulus formed a personal guard called the Celeres; these were three hundred of Rome's finest horsemen. They
were commanded by a tribune of the Ramnes; in one version of the founding tale, Celer killed Remus and helped
Romulus found the city of Rome. The provision of a personal guard for Romulus helped justify the Augustan
Romulus and Remus
36
development of a Praetorian Guard, responsible for internal security and the personal safety of the Emperor. The
relationship between Romulus and his Tribune resembled the later relation between the Roman Dictator and his
Magister Equitum. Celer, as the Celerum Tribune, occupied the second place in the state, and in Romulus' absence
had the rights of convoking the Comitia and commanding the armies.
For more than two decades, Romulus waged wars and expanded Rome's territory. He subdued Fidenae, which seized
Roman provisions during a famine, and founded a Roman colony there. Then he subdued the Crustumini, who had
murdered Roman colonists in their territory. The Etruscans of Veii protested the presence of a Roman garrison at
Fidenae, and demanded the return of the town to its citizens. When Romulus refused, they confronted him in battle
and were defeated. They agreed to a hundred-year truce and surrendered fifty noble hostages: Romulus celebrated
his third and last triumph.
When Romulus' grandfather Numitor died, the people of Alba Longa offered him the crown as rightful heir.
Romulus adapted the government of the city to a Roman model. Henceforth, the citizens held annual elections and
choose one of their own as Roman governor.
In Rome, Romulus began to show signs of autocratic rule. The Senate becomes less influential in administration and
lawmaking; Romulus ruled by edict. He divided his conquered territories among his soldiers without Patrician
consent. Senatorial resentment grew to hatred.
Death of Romulus
According to the legend, Romulus mysteriously disappeared in a storm or whirlwind, during or shortly after offering
public sacrifice at or near the Quirinal Hill.
[16]
A "foul suspicion" arises that the Senate, weary of kingly
government, and exasperated of late by the imperious deportment of Romulus toward them, had plotted against his
life and made him away, so that they might assume the authority and government into their own hands. This
suspicion they sought to turn aside by decreeing divine honors to Romulus, as to one not dead, but translated to a
higher condition. And Proculus, a man of note, took oath that he saw Romulus caught up into heaven in his arms and
vestments, and heard him, as he ascended, cry out that they should hereafter style him by the name of Quirinus.
[17]
Livy repeats more or less the same story, but shifts the initiative for deification to the people of Rome:
Then a few voices began to proclaim Romulus's divinity; the cry was taken up, and at last every man present
hailed him as a god and son of a god, and prayed to him to be forever gracious and to protect his children.
However, even on this great occasion there were, I believe, a few dissenters who secretly maintained that the
king had been torn to pieces by the senators. At all events the story got about, though in veiled terms; but it
was not important, as awe, and admiration for Romulus's greatness, set the seal upon the other version of his
end, which was, moreover, given further credit by the timely action of a certain Julius Proculus, a man, we are
told, honored for his wise counsel on weighty matters. The loss of the king had left the people in an uneasy
mood and suspicious of the senators, and Proculus, aware of the prevalent temper, conceived the shrewd idea
of addressing the Assembly. 'Romulus', he declared, 'the father of our city descended from heaven at dawn this
morning and appeared to me. In awe and reverence I stood before him, praying for permission to look upon his
face without sin. Go, he said, and tell the Romans that by heaven's will my Rome shall be capital of the world.
Let them learn to be soldiers. Let them know, and teach their children, that no power on earth can stand
against Roman arms. Having spoken these words, he was taken up again into the sky"
[18]
Livy infers Romulus' murder as no more than a dim and doubtful whisper from the past; in the circumstances,
Proculus' declaration is wise and practical because it has the desired effect. Cicero's seeming familiarity with the
story of Romulus' murder and divinity must have been shared by his target audience and readership.
[19]
Dio's
version, though fragmentary, is unequivocal; Romulus is surrounded by hostile, resentful senators and "rent limb
from limb" in the senate-house itself. An eclipse and sudden storm, "the same sort of phenomenon that had attended
his birth", conceal the deed from the soldiers and the people, who are anxiously seeking their king. Proculus fakes a
personal vision of Romulus' spontaneous ascent to heaven as Quirinus and announces the message of
Romulus and Remus
37
Romulus-Quirinus; a new king must be chosen at once. A dispute arises: should this king be Sabine or Roman? The
debate goes on for a year. During this time, the most distinguished senators rule for five days at a time as
interreges.
[20]
Alleged dates
Plutarch says that Romulus was 53 ("in the fifty-fourth year of his age") when he "vanished" in 717 BC; this gives
the twins a birth-date in the year 771 BC, and Romulus' founding of Rome at the age of 18. Dionysius of
Halicarnassus says that Romulus began his reign at 18, ruled for 37 years and died at 55 years old.
[21]
Romulus-Quirinus
Ennius (fl. 180s BC) refers to Romulus as a divinity without reference to Quirinus, whom Roman mythographers
identified as an originally Sabine war-deity, and thus to be identified with Roman Mars. Lucilius lists Quirinus and
Romulus as separate deities, and Varro accords them different temples. Images of Quirinus showed him as a bearded
warrior wielding a spear as a god of war, the embodiment of Roman strength and a deified likeness of the city of
Rome. He had a Flamen Maior called the Flamen Quirinalis, who oversaw his worship and rituals in the ordainment
of Roman religion attributed to Romulus' royal successor, Numa Pompilius. There is however no evidence for the
conflated Romulus-Quirinus before the 1st century BC.
[22]
Ovid in Book 14, lines 812-828, of the Metamorphoses gives a description of the deification of Romulus and his
wife Hersilia, who are given the new names of Quirinus and Hora respectively. Mars, the father of Romulus, is given
permission by Jupiter to bring his son up to Olympus to live with the Olympians. Ovid uses the words of Ennius as a
direct quote and puts them into the mouth of the King of the Gods, "There shall be one whom you shall raise to the
blue vault of heaven". Ovid then uses a simile to describe the change that Romulus undertakes as he ascends to live
with the Olympians, "as leaden balls from a broad sling melt in mid sky: Finer his features now and worthier of
heavens high-raised couch, his lineaments those of Quirinus in his robe of state.
Iconography
Romulus and Remus. Silver didrachm (6.44 g). c.
269266 BC
Ancient pictures of the Roman twins usually follow certain symbolic
traditions, depending on the legend they follow: they either show a
shepherd, the she-wolf, the twins under a fig tree, and one or two birds
(Livy, Plutarch); or they depict two shepherds, the she-wolf, the twins
in a cave, seldom a fig tree, and never any birds (Dionysius of
Halicarnassus).
Also there are coins with Lupa and the tiny twins placed beneath her.
The Franks Casket, an Anglo-Saxon ivory box (early 7th century AD)
shows Romulus and Remus in an unusual setting, two wolves instead
of one, a grove instead of one tree or a cave, four kneeling warriors
instead of one or two gesticulating shepherds. According to one
interpretation, and as the runic inscription ("far from home") indicates,
the twins are cited here as the Dioscuri, helpers at voyages such as
Castor and Polydeuces. Their descent from the Roman god of war
predestines them as helpers on the way to war. The carver transferred them into the Germanic holy grove and has
Wodens second wolf join them. Thus the picture served along with five other ones to influence "wyrd", the
fortune and fate of a warrior king.
[23]
Romulus and Remus
38
In popular culture
Romolo e Remo: a 1961 film starring Steve Reeves and Gordon Scott as the two brothers.
The Rape of the Sabine Women: a 1962 film starring Wolf Ruvinskis as Romulus.
In the Star Trek universe, Romulus and Remus are neighbouring planets with Remus being tidally locked to the
star. Romulus is the capital of the Romulan Star Empire, which is loosely based on the Roman Empire.
The novel Founding Fathers by Alfred Duggan describes the founding and first decades of Rome from the points
of view of Marcus, one of Romulus's Latin followers, Publius, a Sabine who settles in Rome as part of the peace
agreement with Tatius, Perperna, an Etruscan fugitive who is accepted into the tribe of Luceres after his own city
is destroyed, and Macro, a Greek seeking purification from blood-guilt who comes to the city in the last years of
Romulus' reign. Publiusa and Perpernia become senators. Romulus is portrayed as a gifted leader though a
remarkably unpleasant person, chiefly distinguished by his luck; the story of his surreptitious murder by the
senators is adopted, but although the story of his deification is fabricated, his murderers themselves think he may
indeed have become a god. The novel begins with the founding of the city and the killing of Remus, and ends
with the accession of Numa Pompilius.
In the game Undead Knights, the main characters are brothers named Romulus and Remus.
In Harry Potter, one of the characters is named after Remus, this character is Remus Lupin. His name reflects that
he is a werewolf, as Remus was raised by a wolf.
In Assassin's Creed: Brotherhood Romulus is worshiped as a god by the Followers of Romulus cult. The main
character, Ezio Auditore, comes into conflict with the cult on several occasions during his adventures in Rome
while trying to locate the keys to the Armor of Romulus.
[24]
References
[1] Adriano La Regina, " La lupa del Campidoglio medievale la prova nel test al carbonio (http:/ / roma. repubblica. it/ dettaglio/ articolo/
1485581)". La Repubblica. 9 July 2008
[2] Dionysius of Halicarnasus, Roman Antiquities, 1.85
[3] Ovid has Romulus invent the festival of Lemuria to appease Remus' resentful ghost. Ovid Fasti 5.461
[4] The archaeologist Andrea Carandini is one of very few modern scholars who accept Romulus and Remus as historical figures, based on the
1988 discovery of an ancient wall on the north slope of the Palatine Hill in Rome. Carandini dates the structure to the mid-8th century BC and
names it the Murus Romuli. See Carandini, La nascita di Roma. Di, lari, eroi e uomini all'alba di una civilt (Torino: Einaudi, 1997) and
Carandini. Remo e Romolo. Dai rioni dei Quiriti alla citt dei Romani (775/750 - 700/675 a. C. circa) (Torino: Einaudi, 2006)
[5] [5] . A critical, chronological review of historiography related to Rome's origins.
[6] Cornell, pp 602: "these elements have convinced the eminent historiographer H. Strasburger that Rome's foundation myth represents not
native tradition but defamatory foreign propaganda, probably originated by Rome's neighbours in Magna Graecia and successfully foist on an
impressionable and ethnically confused Roman people." Cornell and Momigliano find this argument impeccably developed but entirely
implausible; if an exercise in mockery, it was a signal failure.
[7] [7] The escape of Aeneas from Troy and his foundation of a "New Troy" in Italy was not an exclusively Roman ancestor-myth. It is represented
by 4th century votive statuettes from Etruscan Veii and was known in archaic Latium. Beard et al., pp. 1-2..
[8] Fabius wrote in Greek, the Mediterranean lingua franca of the time. His narrative began with the arrival of the Greek hero Herakles in Italy.
Plutarch claims that Fabius' history follows Diocles "on most points". Wiseman, pp. 1-2..
[9] [9] . Modern historiographic perspectives on this source material.
[10] [10] Cornell, pp. 57-8.
[11] [11] . Translation and commentaries.
[12] Compare the story of Romulus and Remus to Moses, Perseus, and Sargon of Akkad for similar stories of babies being placed in cradles and
set afloat in a body of water.
[13] [13] Livy, (i), p. 4.
[14] [14] Wiseman, pp. 9 -11.
[15] In Varro, the Ramnes derived their name from Romulus, the Titites derived their name from Titus Tatius, and the Luceres derived their
name from an Etruscan leader or his title of honour: Livy, 1.13 describes the origin of the Luceres as unknown.
[16] Evans, Jane DeRose The Art of Persuasion University of Michigan Press 1992 ISBN 0-472-10282-6 books.google.co.uk (http:/ / books.
google.co. uk/ books?id=2AsRrF3ej38C& pg=PA103& dq=romulus+ quirinus& ei=Rfz-SOKiGpDwsgPk4_DrDA&
client=firefox-a#PPA103,M1)
[17] [17] Plutarch, Life of Numa Pompilius.
Romulus and Remus
39
[18] Livy, 1.16, trans. A. de Selincourt, The Early History of Rome, 34-35 rel2243-04.fa03.fsu.edu (http:/ / rel2243-04. fa03. fsu. edu/ divine.
htm)
[19] Evans, 103: citing Cicero, de Rep. 2.10.20.
[20] Cassius Dio, Roman History, 1, (fragment: Ioann. Laur. Lyd., De magistr. rei publ. Rom. 1, 7, Zonaras) online at Thayer's website
penelope.uchicago.edu (http:/ / penelope. uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Cassius_Dio/ 1*. html); see also Thayer's linked note on
the limits of historical accuracy in using known eclipses to date Romulus' birth and death.
[21] Dionysius of Hallicarnassus, Roman Antiquities 2.56
[22] [22] Evans, 103 and footnote 66: citing quotation of Ennius in Cicero, 1.41.64.
[23] (http:/ / deposit. d-nb. de/ ep/ netpub/ 84/ 95/ 68/ 987689584/ _data_stat/ english/ left02. html); see also "The Travelling Twins: Romulus
and Remus in Anglo-Saxon England
[24] [24] Assassin's Creed: Brotherhood
Further reading
Albertoni, Margherita, et al. The Capitoline Museums: Guide. Milan: Electa, 2006. For information on the
Capitoline She-Wolf.
Beard, M., North, J., Price, S., Religions of Rome, vol. 1, illustrated, reprint, Cambridge University Press, 1998.
ISBN 0-521-31682-0
Cornell, T., The Beginnings of Rome: Italy and Rome from the Bronze Age to the Punic Wars (c. 1000264 BC),
Routledge, 1995. ISBN 978-0-415-01596-7
Wiseman, T. P., Remus: a Roman myth, Cambridge University Press, 1995. ISBN 978-0-521-48366-7
External links
Plutarch (Lives of Romulus (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/
Romulus*. html), Numa Pompilius (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/
Numa*. html), Camillus (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Camillus*.
html))
Romulus and Remus (Romwalus and Reumwalus) and two wolves on the Franks Casket: Franks Casket, Helpers
on the way to war (http:/ / www. franks-casket. de/ english/ left00. html)
Romulous and Remus on the Ara Pacis Augustae (http:/ / cdm. reed. edu/ ara-pacis/ altar/ front-entrance-west/
romulous-remus-1/ )
Legendary titles
New creation King of Rome
753717
Succeededby
Numa Pompilius
Precededby
Numitor
King of Alba Longa
Lycurgus of Sparta
40
Lycurgus of Sparta
Lycurgus
Lycurgus (pronounced /lakrs/; Greek: , Lykorgos;
Ancient Greek:[lykros]; (c. 820730 BC?)Wikipedia:Citation needed
was the legendary lawgiver of Sparta, who established the
military-oriented reformation of Spartan society in accordance with the
Oracle of Apollo at Delphi. All his reforms were directed towards the
three Spartan virtues: equality (among citizens), military fitness, and
austerity.
[1]
He is referred to by ancient historians and philosophers Herodotus,
Xenophon, Plato, Polybius, Plutarch and Epictetus. It is not clear if this
Lycurgus was an actual historical figure; however, many ancient
historians
[2]
believed Lycurgus was responsible for the communalistic
and militaristic reforms that transformed Spartan society, most notably
the Great Rhetra. Ancient historians place him in the first half of the 8th
century BC.Wikipedia:Citation needed
Biography
The following account is taken almost solely from Plutarch's "Life of Lycurgus," which is more of an anecdotal
collection than a real biography. The actual person Lycurgus may or may not have existed, but as a symbolic founder
of the Spartan state he was looked to as the initiator of many of its social and political institutions; much, therefore,
of Plutarch's account is concerned with finding the "origin" of contemporary Spartan practices.
It is said that Lycurgus had risen to power when his older brother, the king, had died. With his father deceased, he
was offered the throne. Lycurgus' brother, however, had died with a pregnant wife. When his child was born,
Lycurgus named the child, "Charilaus", or, "joy of the people". He gave him his kingship. After that, Lycurgus was
said to be a man who could lay down the supreme power easily out of respect for justice, so it was easy for Lycurgus
to rule the Spartans in his capacity as the guardian of his nephew Charilaus. However, the young king's mother, and
her relatives, envied and hated Lycurgus. Among other slanders, they accused Lycurgus of plotting the death of
Charilaus.
Lycurgus finally decided that the only way that he might avoid blame in case something should happen to the child
would be to go travelling until Charilaus had grown up and fathered a son to secure the succession. Therefore,
Lycurgus gave up all of his authority and went to the island of Crete.
In Crete, Lycurgus met Thaletas the poet. Thaletas made his living as a musician at banquets, but in reality Thaletas
was a teacher of civilization. Eventually, Lycurgus persuaded Thaletas to go to Sparta with his songs to prepare the
people for the new way of life that he intended to introduce later.
Lycurgus had carefully studied the forms of government in Crete, and had picked out what might be useful for
Sparta. He also travelled to Ionia, to study the difference between the pleasure-loving Ionians and the sober Cretans,
as doctors study the difference between the sick and the healthy. Apparently he took this comparison to the Spartans,
training one puppy in a disciplined manner and leaving the other to eat and play at will. The Spartans were taken by
the discipline of Crete and liberties of Ionians at the same time.
[3]
In Ionia, Lycurgus discovered the works of Homer. Lycurgus compiled the scattered fragments of Homer and made
sure that the lessons of statecraft and morality in Homer's epics became widely known. The Egyptians claim that
Lycurgus visited them too, and that it was from the Egyptians that he got the idea of separating the military from the
menial workers, thus refining Spartan society.
Lycurgus of Sparta
41
After Lycurgus had been absent for a while, the Spartans wrote and begged Lycurgus to come back. As they
admitted, only Lycurgus was really a king in their heart, although others wore a crown and claimed the title. He had
the true foundation of sovereignty: a nature born to rule, and a talent for inspiring obedience. Even the Spartan kings
wanted Lycurgus to return because they saw him as one who could protect them from the people.
Lycurgus had already decided that some fundamental changes would have to be made in Sparta. When he returned,
he did not merely tinker with the laws, but instead followed the example of the wisest ephors to implement
incremental change.
First, however, Lycurgus went to the oracle at Delphi to ask for guidance. The oracle told Lycurgus that his prayers
had been heard and that the state which observed the laws of Lycurgus would become the most famous in the world.
With such an endorsement, Lycurgus went to the leading men of Sparta and enlisted their support.
He began with his closest friends, then these friends widened the conspiracy by bringing in their own friends. When
things were ripe for action, thirty of them appeared at dawn in the marketplace, fully armed for battle. At first,
Charilaus thought they meant to kill him, and he ran for sanctuary in a temple, but eventually he joined the
conspirators when he found out that all they wanted was to make sure there would be no opposition to the reforms
Lycurgus had in mind.
The first reform instituted by Lycurgus was a Gerousia of twenty-eight men, who would have a power equal to the
two royal houses of Sparta. The people had the right to vote on important questions, but the Gerousia decided when a
vote would be taken. As Plutarch puts it, a Gerousia "allays and qualifies the fiery genius of the royal office" and
gives some stability and safety to the commonwealth, like the ballast in a ship. Before, Sparta had oscillated between
the extremes of democracy and tyranny: anarchy and dictatorship. With the addition of the Gerousia, which resisted
both extremes, the government became stable and the people and their rulers respected each other.
Some further refinements of the Spartan constitution came after Lycurgus. It turned out that sometimes the public
speakers would pervert the sense of propositions and thus cause the people to vote foolishly, so the Gerousia
reserved the right to dissolve the assembly if they saw this happening.
A hundred and thirty years after the death of Lycurgus, a council of five ephors took executive power from the kings.
When King Theopompus, in whose reign the ephors were established, was scolded by his wife for leaving his son
less royal power than he had inherited, he replied: "No, it is greater, because it will last longer." With their
decision-making power reduced, the Spartan kings were freed of the jealousy of the people. They never went through
what happened in nearby Messene and Argos, where the kings held on so tight to every last bit of power that in the
end they wound up losing it all.
Again, this section is taken mainly from Plutarch, a writer in Greek in the Roman period, and should not be taken as
offering verifiable facts about Lycurgus' life, so much as thoughts of a later age about Spartan institutions and
government.
Institutions
Lycurgus is credited with the formation of many Spartan institutions integral to the country's rise to power, but more
importantly the complete and undivided allegiance to Sparta from its citizens, which was implemented under his
form of government. Perhaps most famously, he is credited with the basic Spartan institution of the sussita/syssitia,
the practice that required all Spartan men to eat together in common messhalls.
[4]
Plutarch describes the institution as
consisting of companies ("syssitia," or "eating-together" groups) of about fifteen men, each bound to bring in and
contribute each month a bushel of meal, 8 gallons of wine, 5 pounds of cheese, 2 and a half pounds of figs, and a
small amount of money to buy meat or fish with. When any member made a personal sacrifice to the gods, he would
send some portion to the syssition, and when any member hunted, he sent part of the animal he had killed, to share
with his messmates. Personal sacrifices of this sort and hunting were the only excuses that allowed a man to justify
eating at his own home, instead of with the messhall (syssition): otherwise, men were expected to eat daily with their
Lycurgus of Sparta
42
syssition comrades. Even kings were apparently expected to take part in a messhall, and were not to eat privately at
home with their wives. Spartan women apparently ate together with and spent most of their time with each other, and
not their husbands or sons older than seven (see below on the "agoge").
Plutarch, in his "Life of Lycurgus," attributes to Lycurgus also a thoroughgoing reassignment and equalizing of
landholdings and wealth among the population, "For there was an extreme inequality amongst them, and their state
was overloaded with a multitude of indigent and necessitous persons, while its whole wealth had centred upon a very
few. To the end, therefore, that he might expel from the state arrogance and envy, luxury and crime, and those yet
more inveterate diseases of want and superfluity, he obtained of them to renounce their properties, and to consent to
a new division of the land, and that they should all live together on an equal footing; merit to be their only road to
eminence..." (trans. Dryden)
[5]
That is, Lycurgus is said to have been the originator of the Spartan "Homoioi," the
"Equals," citizens who had no wealth differentiation among them, an early example of distributism, insofar as the
citizens (not the Helots) were concerned. This radical lifestyle differentiated the Spartans once again from other
Greeks of their time.
To support this new land division, Lycurgus was said to have divided the country all around Laconia into 30,000
equal shares, and the part attached to the city of Sparta in particular into 9,000; all shares were distributed among the
Spartans. Helots (the population of the territories the Spartans had captured in their wars in Laconia) were attached
to the land, not to individual owners; hence, all slaves were property of the state. Plutarch further reports that he
divided up their movables as well, using the strategy of introducing money called pelanors
[6]
made of iron which had
been weakened by it being cooled in a vinegar bath after being turned red-hot, and calling in all gold and silver, in
order to defeat greed and dependence on money. The new money, besides being almost intrinsically worthless, was
also hard to transport. This move was seen by Plutarch also as a way of isolating Sparta from outside trade, and
developing its internal arts and crafts, so as to prevent foreign influences and the decadence of markets.
As a measure against luxury, Lycurgus prescribed forbidding the use of any tools other than an axe and saw in the
building of a house. This practice was consistent with Spartan moderateness in that it prevented the walls and
ceilings of the home from being excessively embellished or superfluous, thus discouraging citizens from further
adorning their homes with extravagant furniture or other decorations.
[7]
He was also credited with the development of the agoge. The infamous practice took all healthy seven year old boys
from the care of their fathers and placed them in a rigorous military regiment.
[8]
This system of education, famous in
antiquity among the other Greeks, was one of the largest and most influential social institutions attributed to
Lycurgus.
Lycurgus himself was said to be mild, gentle, forgiving, and calm in temper, even when attacked; he was thought to
have been extraordinarily sober and an extremely hard worker, all qualities that other Greeks admired in the
Spartans; in this sense he was also the "founder" of the admirable qualities displayed by contemporary Spartans of
later ages.
Legend
According to the legend found in Plutarch's Lives and other sources, when Lycurgus became confident in his
reforms, he announced that he would go to the oracle at Delphi to sacrifice to Apollo. However before leaving for
Delphi he called an assembly of the people of Sparta and made everyone, including the kings and Gerousia, take an
oath binding them to observe his laws until he returned. He made the journey to Delphi and consulted the oracle,
which told him that his laws were excellent and would make his people famous. He then disappeared from history.
One explanation was that being satisfied by this he starved himself to death instead of returning home, forcing the
citizens of Sparta by oath to keep his laws indefinitely.
[9]
He later enjoyed a hero-cult in Sparta.
[10]
Lycurgus of Sparta
43
Depictions
Bas-relief of Lycurgus, one of 23 great lawgivers
depicted in the chamber of the U.S. House of
Representatives.
Lycurgus is depicted in several U.S. government buildings
because of his legacy as a lawgiver. Lycurgus is one of the 23
lawgivers depicted in marble bas-reliefs in the chamber of the U.S.
House of Representatives in the United States Capitol. The
bas-relief was sculpted by Carl Paul Jennewein.
[11]
Lycurgus is
also depicted on the frieze on the south wall of the U.S. Supreme
Court building.
[12]
Notes
[1] Forrest, W.G. A History of Sparta 950-192 B.C Norton. New York. (1963)pg
50
[2] Plutarch lists Eratosthenes, Apollodorus of Athens, Timus, and Xenophon,
among others as sources.
[3] BBC In Our Time (http:/ / www. bbc. co.uk/ radio4/ history/ inourtime/
inourtime_20091119. shtml)
[4] Forrest, W.G. A History of Sparta 950-192 B.C Norton. New York. (1963) pg
45
[5] Plutarch, The Life of Lycurgus (written 75, trans. John Dryden 1683), The
Internet Classics Archive (http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ index. html)
[6] Mitchel, Humfrey The Phoenix Classical Association of Canada (1947)
[7] Plutarch Lives: Lycurgus Encyclopdia Britannica, Inc. Chicago. (1990)pp.32-48
[8] Forrest, W.G. A History of Sparta 950-192 B.C Norton. New York. (1963)pg 51
[9] see the biography of Lycurgus (http:/ / classics.mit. edu/ Plutarch/ lycurgus. html) in Plutarch's Lives of the Noble Grecians and Romans
[10] [10] A commentary on Herodotus books I-IV By David Asheri, Alan B. Lloyd, Aldo Corcella, Oswyn Murray, Alfonso Moreno Page 127 ISBN
0-19-814956-5
[11] "Relief Portraits of Lawgivers: Lycurgus." Architect of the Capitol (http:/ / www. aoc. gov/ cc/ art/ lawgivers/ lycurgus. cfm)
[12] [12] [ "Courtroom Friezes: North and South Walls: Information Sheet"] Supreme Court of the United States
References
Descartes, Discours de la mthode (1637)
Forrest, W.G. A History of Sparta 950-192 B.C Norton. New York. (1963)
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques The Social Contract (1762)
Woodhouse, South Carolina English-Greek Dictionary: A Vocabulary of the Attic Language (http:/ / www.lib.
uchicago. edu/ efts/ Woodhouse/ ) (1910)
External links
Life of Lycurgus at The Internet Classics Archive (http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ lycurgus. html)
Plutarch: Life of Lycurgus (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/
Lycurgus*. html)
Lycurgus.org: Life of Lycurgus (http:/ / lycurgus. org)
Numa Pompilius
44
Numa Pompilius
Numa Pompilius
King of Rome
Numa Pompilius, as imagined on a Roman coin minted by Gnaeus Calpurnius Piso during the reign of Emperor Augustus. Piso himself claimed
descent from the king.
Reign 715 673 BC
Predecessor Romulus
Successor Tullus Hostilius
Father Pomponius
Numa Pompilius (/numHelp:IPA for English#Keypmplis, nju-/; 753673 BC; reigned 715673 BC) was
the legendary second king of Rome, succeeding Romulus. He was of Sabine origin, and many of Rome's most
important religious and political institutions are attributed to him.
Genealogy
According to Plutarch, Numa was the youngest of Pomponius'
[1]
four sons, born on the day of Rome's founding
(traditionally, 21 April 753 BC). He lived a severe life of discipline and banished all luxury from his home. Titus
Tatius, king of the Sabines and a colleague of Romulus, gave in marriage his only daughter, Tatia, to Numa. After 13
years of marriage, Tatia died, precipitating Numa's retirement to the countryside. According to Livy, Numa resided
at Cures immediately before being elected king.
[2]
Livy and Plutarch refer to and discredit the story that Numa was instructed in philosophy by Pythagoras, as
chronologically implausible.
Plutarch reports that some authors credited him with only a single daughter, Pompilia. Pompilia's mother is variously
identified as Numa's first wife Tatia or his second wife Lucretia. She is said to have married the future first pontifex
maximus Numa Marcius, and by him gave birth to the future king Ancus Marcius.
[3]
Other authors gave Numa in addition five sons, Pompo (or Pomponius), Pinus, Calpus, Mamercus and Numa, from
whom the noble families (gentes) of the Pomponii, Pinarii, Calpurnii, Aemilii, and Pompilii respectively traced their
descent. Other writers believed these were fictional genealogies to enhance the status of these
families.Wikipedia:Citation needed
Numa Pompilius
45
Kingship
After the death of Romulus, there was an interregnum of one year in which the royal power was exercised by
members of the Senate in rotation for five days in a row. In 715 BC, after much bickering between the factions of
Romulus (the Romans) and Tatius (the Sabines), a compromise was reached, and the Sabine Numa was elected by
the senate as the next king.
According to Plutarch, Numa was a cunning and calculating person. At first he refused the offer. His father and
Sabine kinsmen, including his teacher and the father of Numa's son-in law, Marcus, along with an embassy of two
senators from Rome, banded together to persuade him to accept. In the account of Plutarch and Livy, Numa, after
being summoned by the Senate from Cures, was offered the tokens of power amid an enthusiastic reception by the
people of Rome. He requested, however, that an augur should divine the opinion of the gods on the prospect of his
kingship before he accepted. Jupiter was consulted and the omens were favourable. Thus approved by the Roman
and Sabine people as well as the heavens, he took up his position as King of Rome.
According to Plutarch, Numa's first act was to disband the personal guard of 300 so-called "Celeres" (the "Swift")
with which Romulus permanently surrounded himself.
[4]
The gesture is variously interpreted as self-protection in the
face of their questionable loyalty, a sign of humility, or a signal of peace and moderation.
Based on Roman chronology, Numa died of old age in 673 BC. He was succeeded by Tullus Hostilius.
Agent of the gods
Numa was traditionally celebrated by the Romans for his wisdom and piety. In addition to the endorsement by
Jupiter, he is supposed to have had a direct and personal relationship with a number of deities, most famously the
nymph Egeria, who according to legend taught him to be a wise legislator. According to Livy, Numa claimed that he
held nightly consultations with Egeria on the proper manner of instituting sacred rites for the city.
[5]
Plutarch
suggests that he played on superstition
[6]
to give himself an aura of awe and divine allure, in order to cultivate more
gentle behaviours among the warlike early Romans, such as honoring the gods, abiding by law, behaving humanely
to enemies, and living proper, respectable lives.
Numa was said to have authored several "sacred books" in which he had written down divine teachings, mostly from
Egeria and the Muses. Plutarch
[7]
(citing Valerius Antias) and Livy
[8]
record that at his request he was buried along
with these "sacred books", preferring that the rules and rituals they prescribed be preserved in the living memory of
the state priests, rather than preserved as relics subject to forgetfulness and disuse. About half of these
booksPlutarch and Livy differ on their numberwere thought to cover the priesthoods he had established or
developed, including the flamines, pontifices, Salii, and fetiales and their rituals. The other books dealt with
philosophy (disciplina sapientiae). According to Plutarch, these books were recovered some four hundred years later
(in reality almost five hundred years, i. e. in 181 BC according to Livy XL 29, 3-14) at the occasion of a natural
accident that exposed the tomb. They were examined by the Senate, deemed to be inappropriate for disclosure to the
people, and burned. Dionysius of Halicarnassus
[9]
hints that they were actually kept as a very close secret by the
pontifices.
Numa is reputed to have constrained the two minor gods Picus and Faunus into delivering some prophecies of things
to come.
[10]
Numa, supported and prepared by Egeria, reportedly held a battle of wits with Jupiter himself, in an apparition
whereby Numa sought to gain a protective ritual against lightning strikes and thunder.
At a time of a pestilential disease that was playing havoc in the population, a prodigy happened: a shield which had
undecipherable letters written on it, came to fall from the sky on the Palatine Hill. When it was brought to Numa he
declared that Egeria had enlightened him that this was a token of safeguard from Jupiter, for which he organized due
measures of recognition, thus bringing the plague at an immediate end. This shield became a sacred relic of the
Romans
[11]
and was placed in the care of the Salii.
Numa Pompilius
46
Institutions attributed to Numa
One of Numa's first acts was the construction of a temple of Janus as an indicator of peace and war. The temple was
constructed at the foot of the Argiletum, a road in the city. After securing peace with Rome's neighbours, the doors
of the temples were shut and remained so for all the duration of Numa's reign, a unique case in Roman history.
Another, surprising, creation attributed to Numa was the cult of Terminus, a god for boundaries. Through this rite,
which involved sacrifices at private properties, boundaries and landmarks, Numa reportedly sought to instill in
Romans the respect of lawful property and non-violent relationships with neighbours. The cult of Terminus,
preached Numa, involved absence of violence and murder. The god was a testament to justice and a keeper of
peace.
[12]
In a somehow comparable,
[13]
more moral rather than legal fashion, Numa sought to associate himself
with one of the roles of Vegoia in the religious system of the neighbouring Etruscans by deciding to set the official
boundaries of the territory of Rome, which Romulus had never wanted, presumably with the same concern of
preserving peace.
Recognizing the paramount importance of the sacred shield descended from the skies, King Numa had eleven
matching shields made, so perfect that no one, even Numa, could distinguish the original any longer. These shields
were the ancilia, the sacred shields of Jupiter, which were carried each year in a procession by the Salii priests.
Numa also established the office and duties of Pontifex Maximus and instituted (Plutarch's version) the flamen of
Quirinus, in honour of Romulus, in addition to those of Jupiter and Mars that already existed. Numa also brought the
Vestal Virgins to Rome from Alba Longa.;
[14]
Plutarch adds that they were then at the number of two, were later
augmented to four by Servius Tullius and stayed so through the ages.
By tradition, Numa promulgated a calendar reform that adjusted the solar and lunar years, introducing the months of
January and February.
In other Roman institutions established by Numa, Plutarch thought he detected a Laconian influence, attributing the
connection to the Sabine culture of Numa, for "Numa was descended of the Sabines, who declare themselves to be a
colony of the Lacedaemonians."
Livy and Dionysius give a largely concordant picture of the vast founding work carried out by Numa concerning
Roman religion and religious institutions. Livy's account is concise: it occupies the whole chapters 20 and 21 of his
first book.
Livy begins with the priesthoods which Numa established.
He created a residentiary flamen to Jupiter endowed with regal insignia, who could carry out the sacred functions of
the royal office, which usually he himself discharged: he did so to avoid that the rites be neglected whenever the king
went to war, for he saw the warlike attitude of the Romans. He also created the flamines of Mars and Quirinus, the
Vestals virgins, who were salaried by the state treasury, the twelfth Salii of Mars Gradivus with their peculiar custom
and ritual. Then he chose Numa Marcius as pontiff. To him he bestowed all the sacred ceremonies, his books and
seals. The following words of this passage have been considered a systematic summary exposition of Roman
religion:
quibus hostiis, quibus diebus, ad quae templa sacra fierent atque unde in eos sumptus pecunia
erogaretur. Cetera quoque omnia publica privataque sacra pontificis scitis subiecit, ut esset quo
consultum plebes veniret, ne quid divini iuris negligendo patrios ritus peregrinosque adsciscendo
turbaretur. Nec celestes modo caerimonias sed iusta quoque funebria placandosque manes ut idem
pontificem edoceret, quaeque prodigia fulminibus a Iove quo visu missa susciperentur atque curarentur.
...[showing] with what victims, upon what days, and at what temples the sacred rites were to be
performed, and from what funds the money was to be taken to defray the expenses. He also placed all
other religious institutions, public and private, under the control of the decrees of the pontiff, to the end
that there might be some authority to whom the people should come to ask advice, to prevent any
confusion in the divine worship being caused by their neglecting the ceremonies of their own country,
Numa Pompilius
47
and adopting foreign ones. He further ordained that the same pontiff should instruct the people not only
in the ceremonies connected with the heavenly deities, but also in the due performance of funeral
solemnities, and how to appease the shades of the dead; and what prodigies sent by lightning or any
other phenomenon were to be attended to and expiated.
It is noteworthy that Livy lists the hostiae, victims, as the first competence of the pontiffs: following come the days,
temples, money, other sacred ceremonies, funerals and prodigies. The potential for classification inherent in this text
has been remarked by modern historians of Roman religion, even though some, as Bouch-Leclercq, think of a
tripartite structure, other of a division into five (Turchi) or seven parts (Peruzzi). At any rate it is an important
document of pontifical derivation that establishes a sort of hierarchic order of competences.
Livy continues saying Numa dedicated an altar to Jupiter Elicius as the source of religious knowledge and consulted
the god by means of auguries as to what should be expiated; instituted a yearly festival to Fides (Faith) and
commanded the three major flamines to be carried to her temple in an arched chariot and to perform the service with
their hands wrapt up to the fingers, meaning Faith had to be sacred as in men's right hand; among many other rites he
instituted he dedicated places of the Argei.
Dionysius of Halicarnassus devotes much more space to Numa's religious reforms. In his account the institution of
eight priesthoods is attributed to Numa: curiones, flamines, celeres, augurs, vestals, salii, fetials, pontiffs. However,
the space he devotes to the description of these priesthoods and the official duties they discharged is very uneven. He
says only a few words about the curiones, who were in charge of tending the sacrifices of the curiae; the flamines;
the tribuni celerum,
[15]
who were the bodyguard of the king but who also took part in some religious ceremonies;
and the augurs, who were in charge of official divination. He devotes much more attention to the last four
priesthoods of his list, particularly the vestals and the salii.
His minute prescriptions about the ceremonies and sacrifices were certainly written down in order to remember them
correctly. Plutarch records some of these
[16]
such as sacrificing an uneven number of victims to the heavenly gods
and an even number to the nether gods; the prohibition of making libations to the gods with wine; the prohibition of
sacrificing without flour; the necessity of making a complete turn on oneself while praying and worshiping the gods.
The ritual of the spolia opima is ascribed to Numa too by ancient sources.
Finally Arnobius states the indigitamenta were attributed to him.
Numa was credited with dividing the immediate territory of Rome into pagi and establishing the traditional
occupational guilds of Rome:
"So, distinguishing the whole people by the several arts and trades, he formed the companies of musicians,
goldsmiths, carpenters, dyers, shoemakers, skinners, braziers, and potters; and all other handicraftsmen he
composed and reduced into a single company, appointing every one their proper courts, councils, and
observances." (Plutarch)
Plutarch, in like manner, tells of the early religion of the Romans, that it was imageless and spiritual. He says Numa
"forbade the Romans to represent the deity in the form either of man or of beast. Nor was there among them formerly
any image or statue of the Divine Being; during the first one hundred and seventy years they built temples, indeed,
and other sacred domes, but placed in them no figure of any kind; persuaded that it is impious to represent things
Divine by what is perishable, and that we can have no conception of God but by the understanding".
The story of the books of Numa
Livy narrates that while digging in the field of the scriba L. Petilius at the foot of the Ianiculum, peasants found two
stone coffers, eight feet long and four feet wide, inscribed both in Latin and in Greek characters, one stating that
Numa Pompilus, son of Pompon, king of the Romans was buried (there) and the other that Numa's books were inside
it. When Petilius after the advice of his friends opened it, the one that was inscribed with the name of the king was
found empty, the other containing two bundles each of seven books, not complete but looking very recent, seven in
Numa Pompilius
48
Latin dealing with pontifical law and seven in Greek of philosophy as it was in that remote past.
The books were shown to other people and the fact became public. Praetor Q. Petilius, who was friends with L.
Petilius, requested them, found them very dangerous to religion and told Lucius he would have them burnt, but he
allowed him to try and recover them by legal or other means. The scriba brought the case to the tribunes of the plebs,
the tribunes in their turn brought it to the senate. The praetor declared he was ready to swear an oath that it was not a
good thing either to read or to store those books, and the senate deliberated that the offer of the oath was sufficient
by itself, that the books be burnt on the Comitium as soon as possible and that an indemnity fixed by the praetor and
the tribunes be paid to the owner. L. Petilius though declined to accept the sum. The books were burnt by the
victimarii.
The action of the praetor has been seen as politically motivated, and in accord with the Catonian reaction of those
years.
[17]
It is relevant though that some of the annalists of those times or only a few years later, do not seem to show
any doubt about the authenticity of the books.
[18]
The whole incident has been critically analyzed again by
philologist E. Peruzzi, who by comparing the different versions, arrives at demonstrating the overall authenticity of
the books.
[19]
More reserved and critical the position of M. J. Pena.
[20]
Francophone scholars A. Delatte and J. Carcopino believe the incident to be the result of a real initiative of the
pythagoric sect of Rome.
[21]
The fears of the Roman authorities should be explained in connection to the nature of
the doctrines contained in the books, which are supposed to have contained a type of physiks lgos, a partly moral
and partly cosmological interpretation of religious beliefs that has been proven by Delatte to be proper of the ancient
pythagorism. Part of it must have been in contradiction with the beliefs of fulgural and augural art and of the
procuratio of the prodigies.
[22]
Most ancient authors relate the presence of treatises of pythagoric philosophy, but
some, as Sempronius Tuditanus,
[23]
mention only religious decrees.
[24]
References
[1] [1] Pompon in Plutarch and Dionysius. The Sabine form of the name was Pompos, not Pomponius as is often supposed, which like Pompilius is a
patronymic adjectival formation.
[2] Livy, Ab urbe condita, 1:18.
[3] E. Peruzzi Le origini di Roma I. La famiglia Firenze 1970 p. 142 ff.
[4] [4] Plutarch, "The Parallel Lives, Numa Pompilius, VII"
[5] Livy, Ab urbe condita, 1:19
[6] [6] Plutarch, "The parallel lives, Numa Pompilius, VIII"
[7] [7] Plutarch, "The parallel lives, Numa Pompilius, XXII"
[8] Livy, Ab urbe condita
[9] As noted by Gerard Walter, editor of Plutarch's The parallel lives, La Plade, volume n63, 1967.
[10] Plutarch, "The parallel lives, Numa Pompilius, XIV" and Ovid Fasti III.
[11] [11] Plutarch, "The parallel lives, Numa Pompilius, XIII"
[12] [12] Plutarch, "The Parallel Lives, Numa Pompilius, XVI"
[13] [13] Vegoia and Egeria
[15] Fasti Praenestini II 13, 2, 123 Degrassi as cited by Capdeville. Marcus Iunius Brutus the founder of the Roman Republic was able to call the
comitia exactly for the reason that his office of tribunus celerum entitled him to do so.
[16] Plutarch Numa 14, 6-7.
[17] F. Sini Documenti sacerdotali di Roma antica. I. Libri e commentari Sassari 1983 p. 22 n. 75.
[18] The sources on the episode are collected in G. Garbarino Roma e la filosofia greca dalle origini alla fine del II secolo a. C. Torino 1973 I
pp. 64 ff.
[19] E. Peruzzi Origini di Roma II. Le lettere Bologna 1973 pp. 107 ff. as cited by Sini.
[20] M. J. Pena "La tumba y los libros de Numa" in Faventia 1 1979 pp. 211 ff. as cited by Sini.
[21] A. Delatte "Les doctrines pythagoriciennes des livres de Numa" in Acadmie royale de Belgique, Bulletin de la classe de la classe des lettres
et des sciences morales et politiques 22 1936 pp. 19-40; J. Carcopino La basilique pythagoricienne de la Porte majeure 1926 p. 185 as cited
by Dumzil La religione romana arcaica Milano 1977 p. 447 n. 8.
[22] [22] Delatte p. 33 as cited by Dumzil p. 447.
[23] Pliny Natural History XIII 87 as cited by Dumzil p. 447 n. 8.
[24] [24] Dumezil p. 447 n. 8.
Numa Pompilius
49
Sources
Primary
Plutarch, Parallel Lives, Life of Numa Pompilius.
Livy, Ab urbe condita, Liber 1
Secondary
Unearthing Rome's king from the History News Network (http:/ / hnn. us/ roundup/ entries/ 43570. html)
Mark Silk (2004). "Numa Pompilius and the Idea of Civil Religion in the West". Journal of the American
Academy of Religion 72 (4): 86396. doi: 10.1093/jaarel/lfh082 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1093/ jaarel/ lfh082).
Numa on the Ara Pacis Augustae (http:/ / cdm. reed. edu/ ara-pacis/ altar/ front-entrance-west/ numa-aeneas-1/ )
External links
Media related to Numa Pompilius at Wikimedia Commons
Legendary titles
Precededby
Romulus
King of
Rome
717673
Succeededby
Tullus Hostilius
Solon
For other uses, see Solon (disambiguation).
Bas-relief of Solon from the chamber of the U.S.
House of Representatives.
Solon (/soln/ or /soln/; AncientGreek: , c. 638 BC 558
BC) was an Athenian statesman, lawmaker, and poet. He is
remembered particularly for his efforts to legislate against political,
economic, and moral decline in archaic Athens. His reforms failed in
the short term, yet he is often credited with having laid the foundations
for Athenian democracy.
[1][2][3][4]
Knowledge of Solon is limited by the lack of documentary and
archeological evidence covering Athens in the early 6th century
BC.
[5][6]
He wrote poetry for pleasure, as patriotic propaganda, and in
defense of his constitutional reforms. His works only survive in
fragments. They appear to feature interpolations by later authors and it
is possible that fragments have been wrongly attributed to him (see
Solon the reformer and poet).Wikipedia:No original research Ancient
authors such as Herodotus and Plutarch are the main source of
information, yet they wrote about Solon long after his death, at a time
when history was by no means an academic discipline. Fourth century
orators, such as Aeschines, tended to attribute to Solon all the laws of
their own, much later times.
[7]
Archaeology reveals glimpses of Solon's period in the form of fragmentary
inscriptions but little else. For some scholars, our "knowledge" of Solon and his times is largely a fictive construct
based on insufficient evidence
[8][9]
while others believe a substantial body of real knowledge is still attainable.
[10]
Solon and his times are interesting to students of history as a test of the limits and nature of historical argument.
[11]
Solon
50
Biography
Bust of Solon from the National Museum,
Naples.
Solon was born in Athens around 638 B.C.
[12]
His family was
distinguished in Attica as they belonged to a noble or Eupatrid clan
although only possessing moderate wealth. Solon's father probably was
Execestides. Solon's lineage, therefore, could be traced back to Codrus,
the last King of Athens.
[13]
According to Diogenes Lartius, he had a
brother named Dropides who was an ancestor (six generations removed)
of Plato.
[14]
According to Plutarch, Solon was related to the tyrant
Pisistratus for their mothers were cousins.
[15]
Solon was eventually
drawn into the unaristocratic pursuit of commerce.
[16]
When Athens and Megara were contesting for the possession of the
Salamis Island, Solon was given leadership of the Athenian forces.
After repeated disasters, Solon was able to increase the morale and
spirits of his body of troops on the strength of a poem he wrote about
the islands. Supported by Pisistratus, he defeated the Megarians either
by means of a cunning trick or more directly through heroic battle
around 595 B.C.
[17]
The Megarians however refused to give up their
claim to the island. The dispute was referred to the Spartans, who
eventually awarded possession of the island to Athens on the strength of
the case that Solon put to them.
According to Diogenes Laertius, in 594 B.C. Solon was chosen archon
or chief magistrate.
[18]
As archon, Solon discussed his intended reforms with some friends. Knowing that he was
about to cancel all debts, these friends took out loans and promptly bought some land. Suspected of complicity,
Solon complied with his own law and released his own debtors, amounting to 5 talents (or 15 according to some
sources). His friends never repaid their debts.
[19]
After he had finished his reforms, he travelled abroad for ten years, so that the Athenians could not induce him to
repeal any of his laws.
[20]
His first stop was Egypt. There, according to Herodotus he visited the Pharaoh of Egypt
Amasis II.
[21]
According to Plutarch, he spent some time and discussed philosophy with two Egyptian priests,
Psenophis of Heliopolis and Sonchis of Sais.
[22]
According to Plato's dialogues Timaeus and Critias, he visited
Neith's temple at Sais and received from the priests there an account of the history of Atlantis. Next Solon sailed to
Cyprus, where he oversaw the construction of a new capital for a local king, in gratitude for which the king named it
Soloi.
Solon
51
Croesus awaits fiery execution (Attic red-figure
amphora, 500-490 BC, Louvre G 197)
Solon's travels finally brought him to Sardis, capital of Lydia.
According to Herodotus and Plutarch, he met with Croesus and
gave the Lydian king advice, which however Croesus failed to
appreciate until it was too late. Croesus had considered himself to
be the happiest man alive and Solon had advised him, "Count no
man happy until he be dead." The reasoning was that at any
minute, fortune might turn on even the happiest man and make his
life miserable. It was only after he had lost his kingdom to the
Persian king Cyrus, while awaiting execution, that Croesus
acknowledged the wisdom of Solon's advice.
[23][24]
After his return to Athens, Solon became a staunch opponent of
Pisistratus. In protest and as an example to others, Solon stood
outside his own home in full armour, urging all who passed to
resist the machinations of the would-be tyrant. His efforts were in vain. Solon died shortly after Pisistratus usurped
by force the autocratic power that Athens had once freely bestowed upon him.
[25]
He died in Cyprus at the age of 80
and, in accordance with his will, his ashes were scattered around Salamis, the island where he was born.
[26][27]
The travel writer, Pausanias, listed Solon among the seven sages whose aphorisms adorned Apollo's temple in
Delphi.
[28]
Stobaeus in the Florilegium relates a story about a symposium, where Solon's young nephew was singing
a poem of Sappho's; Solon, upon hearing the song, asked the boy to teach him to sing it. When someone asked,
"Why should you waste your time on it?" Solon replied , "So that I may learn it then
die."
[29]
Ammianus Marcellinus however told a similar story about Socrates and the poet Stesichorus, quoting the
philosopher's rapture in almost identical terms: "ut aliquid sciens amplius e vita discedam",
[30]
meaning "in order to
go away knowing more out of life".
Background to Solon's reforms
Solon, the wise lawgiver of Athens
During Solon's time, many Greek city-states had seen the emergence of
tyrants, opportunistic noblemen who had taken power on behalf of
sectional interests. In Sicyon, Cleisthenes had usurped power on behalf
of an Ionian minority. In Megara, Theagenes had come to power as an
enemy of the local oligarchs. The son-in-law of Theagenes, an
Athenian nobleman named Cylon, made an unsuccessful attempt to
seize power in Athens in 632 BC. Solon was described by Plutarch as
having been temporarily awarded autocratic powers by Athenian
citizens on the grounds that he had the "wisdom" to sort out their
differences for them in a peaceful and equitable manner.
[31]
According
to ancient sources,
[32][33]
he obtained these powers when he was
elected eponymous archon (594/3 BC). Some modern scholars believe
these powers were in fact granted some years after Solon had been
archon, when he would have been a member of the Areopagus and
probably a more respected statesman by his (aristocratic)
peers.
[34][35][36]
The social and political upheavals that characterised Athens in Solon's
time have been variously interpreted by historians from ancient times
Solon
52
to the present day. Two contemporary historians have identified three distinct historical accounts of Solon's Athens,
emphasizing quite different rivalries: economic and ideological rivalry, regional rivalry and rivalry between
aristocratic clans.
[37][38]
These different accounts provide a convenient basis for an overview of the issues involved.
Economic and ideological rivalry is a common theme in ancient sources. This sort of account emerges from
Solon's poems (e.g. see below Solon the reformer and poet), in which he casts himself in the role of a noble
mediator between two intemperate and unruly factions. This same account is substantially taken up about three
centuries later by the author of the Aristotelian Athenaion Politeia but with an interesting variation:
"...there was conflict between the nobles and the common people for an extended period. For the constitution they
were under was oligarchic in every respect and especially in that the poor, along with their wives and children,
were in slavery to the rich...All the land was in the hands of a few. And if men did not pay their rents, they
themselves and their children were liable to be seized as slaves. The security for all loans was the debtor's person
up to the time of Solon. He was the first people's champion."
[39]
Here Solon is presented as a partisan in a democratic cause whereas, judged from the viewpoint of his own
poems, he was instead a mediator between rival factions. A still more significant variation in the ancient historical
account appears in the writing of Plutarch in the late 1st early 2nd century AD:
"Athens was torn by recurrent conflict about the constitution. The city was divided into as many parties as there
were geographical divisions in its territory. For the party of the people of the hills was most in favour of
democracy, that of the people of the plain was most in favour of oligarchy, while the third group, the people of the
coast, which preferred a mixed form of constitution somewhat between the other two, formed an obstruction and
prevented the other groups from gaining control."
[40]
Regional rivalry is a theme commonly found among modern scholars.
[41][42][43][44]
"The new picture which emerged was one of strife between regional groups, united by local loyalties and led by
wealthy landowners. Their goal was control of the central government at Athens and with it dominance over their
rivals from other districts of Attika."
[45]
Regional factionalism was inevitable in a relatively large territory such as Athens possessed. In most Greek city
states, a farmer could conveniently reside in town and travel to and from his fields every day. According to
Thucydides, on the other hand, most Athenians continued to live in rural settlements right up until the
Peloponnesian War.
[46]
The effects of regionalism in a large territory could be seen in Laconia, where Sparta had
gained control through intimidation and resettlement of some of its neighbours and enslavement of the rest. Attika
in Solon's time seemed to be moving towards a similarly ugly solution with many citizens in danger of being
reduced to the status of helots.
[47]
Rivalry between clans is a theme recently developed by some scholars, based on an appreciation of the political
significance of kinship groupings.
[48][49][50][51][52]
According to this account, bonds of kinship rather than local
loyalties were the decisive influence on events in archaic Athens. An Athenian belonged not only to a phyle or
tribe and one of its subdivisions, the phratry or brotherhood, but also to an extended family, clan or genos. It has
been argued that these interconnecting units of kinship reinforced a hierarchic structure with aristocratic clans at
the top.
[53]
Thus rivalries between aristocratic clans could engage all levels of society irrespective of any regional
ties. In that case, the struggle between rich and poor was the struggle between powerful aristocrats and the weaker
affiliates of their rivals or perhaps even with their own rebellious affiliates.
The historical account of Solon's Athens has evolved over many centuries into a set of contradictory stories or a
complex story that might be interpreted in a variety of ways. As further evidence accumulates, and as historians
continue to debate the issues, Solon's motivations and the intentions behind his reforms will continue to attract
speculation.
[54]
Solon
53
Solon's reforms
Solon, depicted with pupils in an Islamic
miniature
Solon's laws were inscribed on large wooden slabs or cylinders
attached to a series of axles that stood upright in the Prytaneum.
[55][56]
These axones appear to have operated on the same principle as a Lazy
Susan, allowing both convenient storage and ease of access. Originally
the axones recorded laws enacted by Draco in the late 7th Century
(traditionally 621 BC). Nothing of Draco's codification has survived
except for a law relating to homicide, yet there is consensus among
scholars that it did not amount to anything like a constitution.
[57][58]
Solon repealed all Draco's laws except those relating to homicide.
[59]
Fragments of the axones were still visible in Plutarch's time
[60]
but
today the only records we have of Solon's laws are fragmentary quotes and comments in literary sources such as
those written by Plutarch himself. Moreover, the language of his laws was archaic even by the standards of the fifth
century and this caused interpretational problems for ancient commentators.
[61]
Modern scholars doubt the reliability
of these sources and our knowledge of Solon's legislation is therefore actually very limited in its details.
Generally, Solon's reforms appear to have been constitutional, economic and moral in their scope. This distinction,
though somewhat artificial, does at least provide a convenient framework within which to consider the laws that
have been attributed to Solon. Some short term consequences of his reforms are considered at the end of the section.
Constitutional reform
Main article: Solonian Constitution
Before Solon's reforms, the Athenian state was administered by nine archons appointed or elected annually by the
Areopagus on the basis of noble birth and wealth.
[62][63]
The Areopagus comprised former archons and it therefore
had, in addition to the power of appointment, extraordinary influence as a consultative body. The nine archons took
the oath of office while ceremonially standing on a stone in the agora, declaring their readiness to dedicate a golden
statue if they should ever be found to have violated the laws.
[64][65]
There was an assembly of Athenian citizens (the
Ekklesia) but the lowest class (the Thetes) was not admitted and its deliberative procedures were controlled by the
nobles.
[66]
There therefore seemed to be no means by which an archon could be called to account for breach of oath
unless the Areopagus favoured his prosecution.
According to the Athenian Constitution, Solon legislated for all citizens to be admitted into the Ekklesia
[67]
and for a
court (the Heliaia) to be formed from all the citizens.
[68]
The Heliaia appears to have been the Ekklesia, or some
representative portion of it, sitting as a jury.
[69][70]
By giving common people the power not only to elect officials
but also to call them to account, Solon appears to have established the foundations of a true republic. However some
scholars have doubted whether Solon actually included the Thetes in the Ekklesia, this being considered too bold a
move for any aristocrat in the archaic period.
[71]
Ancient sources
[72][73]
credit Solon with the creation of a Council of
Four Hundred, drawn from the four Athenian tribes to serve as a steering committee for the enlarged Ekklesia.
However, many modern scholars have doubted this also.
[74][75]
There is consensus among scholars that Solon lowered the requirementsthose that existed in terms of financial and
social qualificationswhich applied to election to public office. The Solonian constitution divided citizens into four
political classes defined according to assessable property
[76]
a classification that might previously have served the
state for military or taxation purposes only.
[77]
The standard unit for this assessment was one medimnos
(approximately 12 gallons) of cereals and yet the kind of classification set out below might be
consideredWikipedia:Avoid weasel words too simplistic to be historically accurate.
[78]
Solon
54
The Areopagus, as viewed from the Acropolis, is a monolith where
Athenian aristocrats decided important matters of state during
Solon's time.
Pentacosiomedimnoi
valued at 500 medimnoi of cereals annually.
eligible to serve as Strategoi (Generals or military
governors)
Hippeis
valued at 300 medimnoi production annually.
approximating to the medieval class of knights,
they had enough wealth to equip themselves for
the cavalry
Zeugitai
valued at a 200 medimnoi production annually.
approximating to the mediaeval class of Yeoman,
they had enough wealth to equip themselves for
the infantry (Hoplite)
Thetes
valued 199 medimnoi annually or less
manual workers or sharecroppers, they served voluntarily in the role of personal servant, or as auxiliaries
armed for instance with the sling or as rowers in the Navy.
According to the Athenian Constitution, only the Pentacosiomedimnoi were eligible for election to high office as
archons and therefore only they gained admission into the Areopagus.
[79]
A modern view affords the same privilege
to the hippeis.
[80]
The top three classes were eligible for a variety of lesser posts and only the Thetes were excluded
from all public office.
Depending on how we interpret the historical facts known to us, Solon's constitutional reforms were either a radical
anticipation of democratic government, or they merely provided a plutocratic flavour to a stubbornly aristocratic
regime, or else the truth lies somewhere between these two extremes.
[81]
Economic reform
Solon's economic reforms need to be understood in the context of the primitive, subsistence economy that prevailed
both before and after his time. Most Athenians were still living in rural settlements right up to the Peloponnesian
War.
[82]
Opportunities for trade even within the Athenian borders were limited. The typical farming family, even in
classical times, barely produced enough to satisfy its own needs.
[83]
Opportunities for international trade were
minimal. It has been estimated that, even in Roman times, goods rose 40% in value for every 100 miles they were
carried over land, but only 1.3% for the same distance were they carried by ship
[84]
and yet there is no evidence that
Athens possessed any merchant ships until around 525 BC.
[85]
Until then, the narrow warship doubled as a cargo
vessel. Athens, like other Greek city states in the 7th Century BC, was faced with increasing population pressures
[86]
and by about 525 BC it was able to feed itself only in 'good years'.
[87]
Solon's reforms can thus be seen to have taken place at a crucial period of economic transition, when a subsistence
rural economy increasingly required the support of a nascent commercial sector. The specific economic reforms
credited to Solon are these:
Solon
55
This is one of the earliest known coins. It was
minted in the early 6th century BC in Lydia, one
of the world's then 'superpowers'. Coins such as
this might have made their way to Athens in
Solon's time but it is unlikely that Athens had its
own coinage at this period.
Fathers were encouraged to find trades for their sons; if they did
not, there would be no legal requirement for sons to maintain their
fathers in old age.
[88]
Foreign tradesmen were encouraged to settle in Athens; those who
did would be granted citizenship, provided they brought their
families with them.
[89]
Cultivation of olives was encouraged; the export of all other
produce was prohibited.
[90]
Competitiveness of Athenian commerce was promoted through
revision of weights and measures, possibly based on successful
standards already in use elsewhere, such as Aegina or Euboia
[91][92]
or, according to the ancient account but unsupported by modern scholarship, Argos
[93]
It is generally assumed, on the authority of ancient commentators
[94]
that Solon also reformed the Athenian coinage.
However, recent numismatic studies now lead to the conclusion that Athens probably had no coinage until around
560 BC, well after Solon's reforms.
[95]
Solon's economic reforms succeeded in stimulating foreign trade. Athenian black-figure pottery was exported in
increasing quantities and good quality throughout the Aegean between 600 BC and 560 BC, a success story that
coincided with a decline in trade in Corinthian pottery.
[96]
The ban on the export of grain might beWikipedia:Avoid
weasel words understood as a relief measure for the benefit of the poor. However, the encouragement of olive
production for export could actuallyWikipedia:Avoid weasel words have led to increased hardship for many
Athenians to the extent that it led to a reduction in the amount of land dedicated to grain. Moreover, an olive
produces no fruit for the first six years
[97]
(but farmers' difficulty of lasting until payback may also give rise to a
mercantilist argument in favour of supporting them through that, since the British case illustrates that 'One domestic
policy that had a lasting impact was the conversion of "waste lands" to agricultural use. Mercantilists felt that to
maximize a nation's power all land and resources had to be used to their utmost...'). The real motives behind Solon's
economic reforms are thereforeWikipedia:Avoid weasel words as questionable as his real motives for constitutional
reform. Were the poor being forced to serve the needs of a changing economy, was the economy being reformed to
serve the needs of the poor, or were Solons policies the manifestation of a struggle taking place between poorer
citizens and the aristocrats?
Moral reform
In his poems, Solon portrays Athens as being under threat from the unrestrained greed and arrogance of its
citizens.
[98]
Even the earth (Gaia), the mighty mother of the gods, had been enslaved.
[99]
The visible symbol of this
perversion of the natural and social order was a boundary marker called a horos, a wooden or stone pillar indicating
that a farmer was in debt or under contractual obligation to someone else, either a noble patron or a creditor.
[100]
Up
until Solon's time, land was the inalienable property of a family or clan
[101]
and it could not be sold or mortgaged.
This was no disadvantage to a clan with large landholdings since it could always rent out farms in a sharecropping
system. A family struggling on a small farm however could not use the farm as security for a loan even if it owned
the farm. Instead the farmer would have to offer himself and his family as security, providing some form of slave
labour in lieu of repayment. Equally, a family might voluntarily pledge part of its farm income or labour to a
powerful clan in return for its protection. Farmers subject to these sorts of arrangements were loosely known as
hektemoroi
[102]
indicating that they either paid or kept a sixth of a farm's annual yield.
[103][104][105]
In the event of
'bankruptcy', or failure to honour the contract stipulated by the horoi, farmers and their families could in fact be sold
into slavery.
Solon
56
This 6th Century Athenian black-figure urn, in the British
Museum, depicts the olive harvest. Many farmers, enslaved for
debt, would have worked on large estates for their creditors.
Solon's reform of these injustices was later known and
celebrated among Athenians as the Seisachtheia (shaking
off of burdens).
[106][107]
As with all his reforms, there is
considerable scholarly debate about its real significance.
Many scholars are content to accept the account given by
the ancient sources, interpreting it as a cancellation of
debts, while others interpret it as the abolition of a type of
feudal relationship, and some prefer to explore new
possibilities for interpretation. The reforms included:
annulment of all contracts symbolised by the
horoi.
[108]
prohibition on a debtor's person being used as security
for a loan.
release of all Athenians who had been enslaved.
The removal of the horoi clearly provided immediate
economic relief for the most oppressed group in Attica,
and it also brought an immediate end to the enslavement
of Athenians by their countrymen. Some Athenians had
already been sold into slavery abroad and some had fled
abroad to escape enslavement Solon proudly records in
verse the return of this diaspora.
[109]
It has been cynically
observed, however, that few of these unfortunates were
likely to have been recovered.
[110]
It has been observed
also that the seisachtheia not only removed slavery and
accumulated debt, it also removed the ordinary farmer's
only means of obtaining further credit.
[111]
The seisachtheia however was merely one set of reforms within a broader agenda of moral reformation. Other
reforms included:
the abolition of extravagant dowries.
[112]
legislation against abuses within the system of inheritance, specifically with relation to the epikleros (i.e. a female
who had no brothers to inherit her father's property and who was traditionally required to marry her nearest
paternal relative in order to produce an heir to her father's estate).
[113]
entitlement of any citizen to take legal action on behalf of another.
[114][115]
the disenfranchisement of any citizen who might refuse to take up arms in times of civil strife, a measure that was
intended to counteract dangerous levels of political apathy.
[116][117][118][119][120]
Demosthenes claimed that the city's subsequent golden age included "personal modesty and frugality" among the
Athenian aristocracy.
[121]
PerhapsWikipedia:Avoid weasel words Solon, by both personal example and legislated
reform, established a precedent for this decorum. A heroic sense of civic duty later united Athenians against the
might of the Persians. PerhapsWikipedia:Avoid weasel words this public spirit was instilled in them by Solon and
his reforms. Also see Solon and Athenian sexuality
Solon
57
Aftermath of Solon's reforms
After completing his work of reform, Solon surrendered his extraordinary authority and left the country. According
to Herodotus
[122]
the country was bound by Solon to maintain his reforms for 10 years, whereas according to
Plutarch and the author of Athenaion Politeia
[123]
(reputedly Aristotle) the contracted period was instead 100 years.
A modern scholar
[124]
considers the time-span given by Herodotus to be historically accurate because it fits the 10
years that Solon was said to have been absent from the country.
[125]
Within 4 years of Solon's departure, the old
social rifts re-appeared, but with some new complications. There were irregularities in the new governmental
procedures, elected officials sometimes refused to stand down from their posts and occasionally important posts
were left vacant. It has even been said that some people blamed Solon for their troubles.
[126]
Eventually one of
Solon's relatives, Pisistratus, ended the factionalism by force, thus instituting an unconstitutionally gained tyranny. In
Plutarch's account, Solon accused Athenians of stupidity and cowardice for allowing this to happen.
[127]
Poetry
Solon, depicted as a medieval scholar in the
Nuremberg Chronicle
Solon was the first of the Athenian poets whose work has survived to
the present day. His verses have come down to us in fragmentary
quotations by ancient authors such as Plutarch and Demosthenes
[128]
who used them to illustrate their own arguments. It is possible that
some fragments have been wrongly attributed to him
[129]
and some
scholars have detected interpolations by later authors.
[130]
He was also
the first citizen of Athens to reference the goddess Athena (fr.
4.1-4).
[131]
The literary merit of Solon's verse is generally considered
unexceptional. Solon's poetry can be said to appear 'self-righteous' and
'pompous' at times
[132]
and he once composed an elegy with moral
advice for a more gifted elegiac poet, Mimnermus. Most of the extant
verses show him writing in the role of a political activist determined to
assert personal authority and leadership and they have been described
by the German classicist Wilamowitz as a "versified harangue" (Eine
Volksrede in Versen).
[133]
According to Plutarch
[134]
however, Solon
originally wrote poetry for amusement, discussing pleasure in a
popular rather than philosophical way. Solon's elegiac style is said to
have been influenced by the example of Tyrtaeus.
[135]
He also wrote
iambic and trochaic verses which, according to one modern scholar,
[136]
are more lively and direct than his elegies
and possibly paved the way for the iambics of Athenian drama.
Solon's verses are mainly significant for historical rather than aesthetic reasons, as a personal record of his reforms
and attitudes. However, poetry is not an ideal genre for communicating facts and very little detailed information can
be derived from the surviving fragments.
[137]
According to Solon the poet, Solon the reformer was a voice for
political moderation in Athens at a time when his fellow citizens were increasingly polarized by social and economic
differences:
, :
'
: ,
' .
Some wicked men are rich, some good are poor;
We will not change our virtue for their store:
Solon
58
Virtue's a thing that none can take away,
But money changes owners all the day.
[]
Here translated by the English poet John Dryden, Solon's words define a 'moral high ground' where differences
between rich and poor can be reconciled or maybe just ignored. His poetry indicates that he attempted to use his
extraordinary legislative powers to establish a peaceful settlement between the country's rival factions:
' : ' ' .
Before them both I held my shield of might
And let not either touch the other's right.
His attempts evidently were misunderstood:
' ,
.
Formerly they boasted of me vainly; with averted eyes
Now they look askance upon me; friends no more but enemies.
[138]
Solon gave voice to Athenian 'nationalism', particularly in the city state's struggle with Megara, its neighbour and
rival in the Saronic Gulf. Plutarch professes admiration of Solon's elegy urging Athenians to recapture the island of
Salamis from Megarian control.
[]
The same poem was said by Diogenes Lartius to have stirred Athenians more than
any other verses that Solon wrote:
Let us go to Salamis to fight for the island
We desire, and drive away our bitter shame!
[139]
It is possible that Solon backed up this poetic bravado with true valour on the battlefield.
[]
Solon and Athenian sexuality
As a regulator of Athenian society, Solon, according to some authors, also formalized its sexual mores. According to
a surviving fragment from a work ("Brothers") by the comic playwright Philemon,
[140]
Solon established publicly
funded brothels at Athens in order to "democratize" the availability of sexual pleasure.
[141]
While the veracity of this
comic account is open to doubt, at least one modern author considers it significant that in Classical Athens, three
hundred or so years after the death of Solon, there existed a discourse that associated his reforms with an increased
availability of heterosexual pleasure.
[142]
Ancient authors also say that Solon regulated pederastic relationships in Athens; this has been presented as an
adaptation of custom to the new structure of the polis.
[143][144]
According to various authors, ancient lawgivers (and
therefore Solon by implication) drew up a set of laws that were intended to promote and safeguard the institution of
pederasty and to control abuses against freeborn boys. In particular, the orator Aeschines cites laws excluding slaves
from wrestling halls and forbidding them to enter pederastic relationships with the sons of citizens.
[145]
Accounts of
Solon's laws by 4th Century orators like Aeschines, however, are considered unreliable for a number of
reasons;
[146][147]
Attic pleaders did not hesitate to attribute to him (Solon) any law which suited their case, and later
writers had no criterion by which to distinguish earlier from later works. Nor can any complete and
authentic collection of his statutes have survived for ancient scholars to consult.
[148]
Solon
59
Besides the alleged legislative aspect of Solon's involvement with pederasty, there were also suggestions of personal
involvement. According to some ancient authors Solon had taken the future tyrant Peisistratus as his eromenos.
Aristotle, writing around 330 BC, attempted to refute that belief, claiming that "those are manifestly talking nonsense
who pretend that Solon was the lover of Peisistratus, for their ages do not admit of it," as Solon was about thirty
years older than Peisistratus.
[149]
Nevertheless the tradition persisted. Four centuries later Plutarch ignored Aristotle's
skepticism
[150]
and recorded the following anecdote, supplemented with his own conjectures:
And they say Solon loved [Peisistratus]; and that is the reason, I suppose, that when afterwards they
differed about the government, their enmity never produced any hot and violent passion, they
remembered their old kindnesses, and retained "Still in its embers living the strong fire" of their love and
dear affection.
[151]
A century after Plutarch, Aelian also said that Peisistratus had been Solon's eromenos. Despite its persistence,
however, it is not known whether the account is historical or fabricated. It has been suggested that the tradition
presenting a peaceful and happy coexistence between Solon and Peisistratus was cultivated during the latter's
dominion, in order to legitimize his own rule, as well as that of his sons. Whatever its source, later generations lent
credence to the narrative.
[152]
Solon's presumed pederastic desire was thought in antiquity to have found expression
also in his poetry, which is today represented only in a few surviving fragments.
[153][154]
The authenticity of all the
poetic fragments attributed to Solon is however uncertain - in particular, pederastic aphorisms ascribed by some
ancient sources to Solon have been ascribed by other sources to Theognis instead. (See also Solon the reformer and
poet.)
Notes
[1] Stanton, G.R. Athenian Politics c800500BC: A Sourcebook, Routledge, London (1990), p. 76.
[2] Andrews, A. Greek Society (Penguin 1967) 197
[3] E. Harris, A New Solution to the Riddle of the Seisachtheia, in 'The Development of the Polis in Archaic Greece', eds. L.Mitchell and
P.Rhodes (Routledge 1997) 103
[4] Aristotle Politics 1273b 351274a 21.
[5] Stanton G.R. Athenian Politics c800500 BC: A Sourcebook, Routledge, London (1990), pp. 15.
[6] Aristotle Politics 1273b 351274a 21
[7] V.Ehrenberg, From Solon to Socrates: Greek History and Civilization, Routledge (1973) 71
[8] W.Connor et al. Aspects of Athenian Democracy (Copenhagen, Museum Tusculanam P., 1990) 7199
[9] C.Mosse, Comment s'elabore un mythe politique: Solon Annales ESC XXXIV (1979) 425437
[10] P.Rhodes, The Reforms and Laws of Solon The Wise: an optimistic view in 'Solon of Athens: new historical and philological approaches',
eds. J.Blok and A.Lardinois (Brill, Leiden 2006)
[11] Stanton G.R. Athenian Politics c800500BC: A Sourcebook, Routledge, London (1990), page 2
[12] Solon: Biography of Solon (http:/ / www.sacklunch.net/ biography/ S/ Solon. html)
[13] "Solon" in Magill, Frank N. (ed)., The Ancient World: Dictionary of World Biography (Salem Press/Routledge, 1998), p. 1057.
[14] Diogenes Lartius, The Lives and Opinions of Famous Philosophers, Book 3 "Plato", chapter 1.
[15] Plutarch Solon 1 s:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon#1.
[16] [16] Plutarch, Life of Solon, ch.2
[17] Plutarch Solon 9 s:Lives/Solon#9
[18] SOLON of Athens (http:/ / www. csun. edu/ ~hcfll004/ solon. html)
[19] Plutarch Solon 15 s:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon#15
[20] Herodotus, The Histories, Hdt. 1.29 (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0126:book=1:chapter=29)
[21] Herodotus, The Histories, Hdt. 1.30 (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0126:book=1:chapter=30)
[23] [23] Herodotus 1.30.
[26] [26] Diogenes Laertius 1.62
[27] I. M. Linforth, Solon the Athenian, University of California press (1919), p.308, Google Books link (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=ZwEdAAAAYAAJ& dq=solon+ place+ of+ death& source=gbs_navlinks_s)
[28] Pausanias 10.24.1 (e.g. Jones and Omerod trans. (http:/ / www. theoi. com/ Text/ Pausanias10B. html)).
[29] Stobaeus, III, 29, 58, taken from a lost work of Aelian.
Solon
60
[30] [30] Ammianus Marcellinus 38.4
[32] Plutarch Solon 14.3 s:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon#14
[33] Athenaion Politeia 1.5 (e.g. Kenyon's translation s:Athenian Constitution#5)
[34] Stanton G.R. Athenian Politics c800500BC: A Sourcebook, Routledge, London (1990), p. 36.
[35] Hignett C. A History of the Athenian Constitution to the End of the Fifth Century B.C. (Oxford 1952).
[36] Miller, M. Arethusa 4 (1971) 2547.
[37] Stanton G.R. Athenian Politics c800500BC: A Sourcebook, Routledge, London (1991), pp. 34.
[38] Walters, K.R., Geography and Kinship as Political Infrastructures in Archaic Athens (http:/ / www. uwo. ca/ english/ florilegium/ vol2/
walters. html)
[39] Athenaion Politeia 2.12.3 s:Athenian Constitution#2.
[41] B. Sealey, "Regionalism in Archaic Athens," Historia 9 (1960) 155-180.
[42] D.Lewis, "Cleisthenes and Attica," Historia 12 (1963) 22-40.
[43] P. Rhodes, A Commentary on the Aristotelian Athenian Politeia, Oxford Univ. Press (1981) 186.
[44] P. Rhodes, A History of the Greek City States, Berkeley (1976).
[45] Walters K.R. Geography and Kinship as Political Infrastructures in Archaic Athens (http:/ / www. uwo. ca/ english/ florilegium/ vol2/
walters. html)
[46] [46] Thucydides 2.14 - 2.16.
[47] Andrews, A. Greek Society (Penguin 1967) 118.
[48] Stanton G.R. Athenian Politics c800-500BC: A Sourcebook, Routledge, London (1991), pages 3-4.
[49] Frost, "Tribal Politics and the Civic State," AJAH (1976) 66-75.
[50] Connor, The New Politicians of Fifth Century Athens, Princeton (1971) 11-14.
[51] Cary, Cambridge Ancient History, Cambridge Univ. Press (1925) 3:582-586.
[52] Ellis, J. and Stanton, G., Phoenix 22 (1968) 95-99.
[53] Walters, K.R., Geography and Kinship as Political Infrastructures in Archaic Athens (http:/ / www. uwo. ca/ english/ florilegium/ vol2/
walters. html).
[54] See, for example, J. Bintliff, "Solon's Reforms: an archeological perspective", in Solon of Athens: new historical and philological
approaches, eds. J. Blok and A. Lardinois (Brill, Leiden 2006) (https:/ / openaccess. leidenuniv. nl/ dspace/ bitstream/ 1887/ 8303/ 1/
1_036_145. pdf), and other essays published with it.
[55] V.Ehrenberg, From Solon to Socrates: Greek History and Civilization, Routledge (1973) 7172
[56] Stanton, G.R. Athenian Politics c800500BC: A Sourcebook, Routledge, London (1991), page 52
[58] [58] Oxford Classical Dictionary (1964), 'Draco'
[61] Andrews A. Greek Society (Penguin 1967) 114, 201
[62] Athenaion Politeia 3.6 s:Athenian Constitution#3
[64] Athenaion Politeia 7.1, 55.5 s:Athenian Constitution#7
[66] Stanton, G.R. Athenian Politics c800500BC: A Sourcebook, Routledge, London (1991), page 35, note 2
[68] Aristotle Politics 1274a 3, 1274a 15
[69] Ostwald M. From Popular Sovereignty to the Sovereignty of the Law: Law, Society and Politics in Fifth Century Athens (Berkeley 1986)
912, 35.
[70] Stanton, G.R. Athenian Politics c800500BC: A Sourcebook, Routledge, London (1990), page 67 note 2
[71] Hignett C. A History of the Athenian Constitution to the End of the Fifth Century B.C. (Oxford 1952) pages 117118
[74] Hignett C. A History of the Athenian Constitution to the End of the Fifth Century B.C. (Oxford 1952) 9296
[78] V.Ehrenberg, From Solon to Socrates: Greek History and Civilization, Routledge (1973)
[79] Athenaion Politeia 78 s:Athenian Constitution#7
[80] Oxford Classical Dictionary (3rd edition 1996) Solon
[81] "In all areas then it was the work of Solon which was decisive in establishing the foundations for the development of a full
democracy."Marylin B. Arthur, 'The Origins of the Western Attitude Toward Women', in Women in the Ancient World: The Arethusa Papers,
Solon
61
John Patrick Sullivan (ed.), State University of New York (1984), page 30.
"In making their own evaluation of Solon, the ancient sources concentrated on what were perceived to be the democratic features of the
constitution. But...Solon was given his extraordinary commission by the nobles, who wanted him to eliminate the threat that the position of the
nobles as a whole would be overthrown."Stanton, G.R. Athenian Politics c800500BC: A Sourcebook, Routledge, London (1990), p. 76.
[82] Thucydides 2.142.16
[83] Gallant T. Risk and Survival in Ancient Greece (Stanford, 1991), cited by Morris I. in The Growth of City States in the First Millennium BC
(Stanford, 2005) page 7 (http:/ / www.princeton.edu/ ~pswpc/ pdfs/ morris/ 120509. pdf)
[84] Laurence R. Land Transport in Rural Italy (Parkins and Smith, 1998), cited by Morris I. in The Growth of City States in the First
Millennium BC (Stanford, 2005) (http:/ / www.princeton. edu/ ~pswpc/ pdfs/ morris/ 120509. pdf)
[85] Morris I. The Growth of City States in the First Millennium BC (Stanford, 2005) page 12 (http:/ / www. princeton. edu/ ~pswpc/ pdfs/
morris/ 120509.pdf)
[86] Snodgrass A. Archaic Greece (London, 1980) cited by Morris I. in The Growth of City States in the First Millennium BC (Stanford, 2005)
page 11 (http:/ / www.princeton.edu/ ~pswpc/ pdfs/ morris/ 120509. pdf)
[87] Garnsey P. Famine and Food Supply in Graeco-Roman World (Cambridge, 1988) page 104, cited by Morris I. in The Growth of City States
in the First Millennium BC (Stanford, 2005) (http:/ / www. princeton. edu/ ~pswpc/ pdfs/ morris/ 120509. pdf)
[90] :31. Plutarch Solon 24.1 s:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon#24
[91] V.Ehrenberg, From Solon to Socrates: Greek History and Civilization, Routledge (1973)7374
[94] Plutarch (quoting Androtion) Solon 15.25 s:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon#15
[98] Demosthenes 19 (On the Embassy) 2545
[99] Athenaion Politeia 12.4 (quoting Solon) s:Athenian Constitution#12
[100] Stanton, G.R. Athenian Politics c800500BC: A Sourcebook, Routledge, London (1991), pages 556 notes 3 and 4
[101] Innis H. Empire and Communications (Rowman and Littlefield, 2007) pages 9192
[104] Kirk. G, Historia Vol. 26 (1977) 369370
[105] Woodhouse W. Solon the Liberator: A Study of the Agrarian Problem in Attika in the Seventh Century (Oxford 1938)
[108] Athenaion Politeia 12.4, quoting Solon s:Athenian Constitution#12
[109] Solon quoted in Athenaion Politeia 12.4 s:Athenian Constitution#12
[110] Forrest G. The Oxford History of the Classical World ed Griffin J. and Murray O. (Oxford Uni Press, 1995) page 32
[111] Stanton, G.R. Athenian Politics c800500BC; a Sourcebook Routledge, London (1991) page 57 note 1
[113] Grant, Michael. The Rise of the Greeks. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1988 p. 49
[117] Stanton, G.R. Athenian Politics c800500BC; a Sourcebook Routledge, London (1991) page 72 note 17
[119] Goldstein J. Historia Vol. 21 (1972) 538545.
[120] Develin R. Historia Vol. 26 (1977) 507508.
[121] Demosthenes On Organization (http:/ / www. 4literature. net/ Demosthenes/ Oration_on_the_Regulation_of_the_State/ )
[122] :6. Herodotus 1.29 (e.g. Campbell's translation 2707)
[124] Stanton, G.R. Athenian Politics c80055BC; a Sourcebook Routledge, London (1991) page 84
[128] [128] Demosthenes 19 (On the Embassy) 254-5
[129] K.Hubbard, Homosexuality in Greece and Rome: a sourcebook of basic documents, Uni. California Press, 2003; p.36
[130] A.Lardinois, Have we Solon's verses? and E.Stehle, Solon's self-reflexive political persona and its audience, in 'Solon of Athens: new
historical and philological approaches', eds. J.Blok and A.Lardinois (Brill, Leiden 2006)
Solon
62
[131] Susan Deacy, Gods and Heroes of the Ancient World: Athena (2008) pg. 77
[132] Forrest G., The Oxford History of the Classical World, ed. Boardman J., Griffin J. and Murray O., Oxford Uni. Press (New York, 1995),
page 31
[133] Wilamowitz, Arist. u. Athen, ii 304, cited by Eduard Fraenkel, Horace, Oxford University Press (1957), page 38
[134] Plutarch Solon 3.1-4 s:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon#3
[135] Oxford Classical Dictionary (1964) Solon
[136] David.A.Cambell, Greek Lyric Poetry, Bristol Classical Press 1982, Intro. xxix
[137] Andrews A. Greek Society (Penguin 1981) 114
[139] [139] Solon, quoted in Diogenes Lartius 1.47
[140] [140] Fr. 4
[141] Rachel Adams, David Savran, The Masculinity Studies Reader; Blackwell, 2002; p.74
[142] One Hundred Years of Homosexuality: And Other Essays on Greek Love, p.101
[143] Bernard Sergent, "Paederasty and Political Life in Archaic Greek Cities" in Gay Studies from the French Culture; Harrington Park Press,
Binghamton, NY 1993; pp.153-154
[144] Eros and Greek Athletics By Thomas Francis Scanlon, p.213 "So it is clear that Solon was responsible for institutionalizing pederasty to
some extent at Athens in the early sixth century."
[145] Aeschines, Against Timarchus 6, 25, 26 (http:/ / www. fordham. edu/ halsall/ pwh/ aeschines. html); compare also Plutarch, Solon 1.3.
[146] Kevin Robb, Literacy and Paideia in Ancient Greece, Ox. Uni.Press, 1994; p128,
[147] P.J.Rhodes, The Reforms and Laws of Solon: an Optimistic View, in 'Solon of Athens: new historical and philological approaches', eds.
J.Blok and A.Lardinois (Brill, Leiden 2006)
[148] Kevin Robb, Literacy and Paideia in Ancient Greece, Ox.Uni.Press 1994; p128 (quoting F.E.Adcock)
[149] Aristotle, The Athenian Constitution, 2.17
[150] Homosexuality & Civilization By Louis Crompton, p.25
[151] Plutarch, The Lives "Solon" Tr. John Dryden s:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon
[152] Solon and Early Greek Poetry By Elizabeth Irwin p.272 n.24
[153] Ancient Greece By Matthew Dillon, Lynda Garland, p.475
[154] Nick Fisher, Against Timarchos, Oxford 2001; p.37
References
Literature
A. Andrews, Greek Society, Penguin, 1967
J. Blok and A. Lardinois (eds), Solon of Athens: New Historical and Philological Approaches, Leiden, Brill, 2006
Cary, Cambridge Ancient History, Vol. III, Cambridge Uni. Press, 1925
Connor, The New Politicians of Fifth-Century Athens, Princeton, 1971
W. Connor et al. Aspects of Athenian Democracy, Copenhagen, Museum Tusculanam P., 1990
R. Develin, Historia, Vol. 26, 1977
V. Ehrenberg, From Solon to Socrates: Greek History and Civilization, Routledge, 1973
J. Ellis and G. Stanton, Phoenix, Vol. 22, 1968, 95-99
G. Forrest, 'Greece: The History of the Archaic Period', in The Oxford History of the Classical World, ed.
Boardman J., Griffin J. and Murray O., Oxford Uni. Press, New York, 1995
Frost, 'Tribal Politics and the Civic State', AJAH, 1976
P. Garnsey, Famine and Food Supply in Graeco-Roman World, Cambridge Uni. Press, 1988
J. Goldstein, Historia, Vol. 21, 1972
M. Grant, The Rise of the Greeks. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1988
E. Harris, 'A New Solution to the Riddle of the Seisachtheia', in The Development of the Polis in Archaic Greece,
eds. L. Mitchell and P. Rhodes, Routledge, 1997
C. Hignett, A History of the Athenian Constitution to the End of the Fifth Century B.C., Oxford, 1952
K. Hubbard, Homosexuality in Greece and Rome: a sourcebook of basic documents, Uni. California Press, 2003
H. Innis, Empire and Communications, Rowman and Littlefield, 2007
G. Kirk, Historia, Vol. 26, 1977
Solon
63
D. Lewis, 'Cleisthenes and Attica', Historia, 12, 1963
M. Miller, Arethusa, Vol. 4, 1971
I. Morris, The Growth of City States in the First Millennium BC, Stanford, 2005
C. Mosse, 'Comment s'elabore un mythe politique: Solon', Annales, ESC XXXIV, 1979
M. Ostwald, From Popular Sovereignty to the Sovereignty of the Law: Law, Society and Politics in Fifth-Century
Athens, Berkeley, 1986
P. Rhodes, A History of the Greek City States, Berkeley, 1976
P. Rhodes, A Commentary on the Aristotelian Athenian Politeia, Oxford Uni. Press, 1981
K. Robb, Literacy and Paideia in Ancient Greece, Oxford Uni. Press, 1994
B. Sealey, 'Regionalism in Archaic Athens', Historia, 9, 1960
G. R. Stanton, Athenian Politics c. 800500 BC: A Sourcebook, London, Routledge, 1990
M. L. West (ed.), Iambi et elegi Graeci ante Alexandrum cantati2: Callinus. Mimnermus. Semonides. Solon.
Tyrtaeus. Minora adespota, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972, revised edition, 1992
W. Woodhouse, 'Solon the Liberator: A Study of the Agrarian Problem', in Attika in the Seventh Century, Oxford,
1938
Collections of Solon's surviving verses
Martin Litchfield West, Iambi et elegi Graeci ante Alexandrum cantati2 : Callinus. Mimnermus. Semonides.
Solon. Tyrtaeus. Minora adespota,, Oxonii: e typographeo Clarendoniano 1972, revised edition 1992 x + 246 pp.
T. Hudaon-Williams, Early Greek Elegy: Ekegiac Fragments of Callinus, Archilochus, Mimmermus, Tyrtaeus,
Solon, Xenophanes, and Others, # Taylor and Francis (1926), ISBN 0-8240-7773-3.
Christoph Mlke, Solons politische Elegien und Iamben : (Fr. 1 - 13, 32 - 37 West), Munich (2002), ISBN
3-598-77726-4.
Eberhard Ruschenbusch Nomoi : Die Fragmente d. Solon. Gesetzeswerkes, Wiesbaden : F. Steiner (1966).
H. Miltner Fragmente / Solon, Vienna (1955)
Eberhard Preime, Dichtungen : Smtliche Fragmente / Solon Munich (1940).
External links
Plutarch, Parallel Lives, Solon (http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ solon. html)
Diogenes Lartius, Life of Solon, translated by Robert Drew Hicks (1925).
Poems of Solon (http:/ / demonax. info/ doku. php?id=text:solon_poems)
Publius Valerius Publicola
64
For other people with the same given name, see Publius.
Consul suffectus of the Roman Republic 509 BC
Consul of the Roman Republic 508 BC
Publius Valerius Publicola (or Poplicola, his agnomen meaning "friend of the people") (died 503 BC) was one of
four Roman aristocrats who led the overthrow of the monarchy, and became a Roman consul, the colleague of
Lucius Junius Brutus in 509 BC, traditionally considered the first year of the Roman Republic. The authors of the
Federalist Papers used the pseudonym "Publius" in his honor.
[1]
Early life
According to Livy and Plutarch, Publius Valerius Publicola's family came from the Sabine region. Under the
Valerius name, they had settled at Rome during the kingdom of Titus Tatius (8th century BC) and worked for the
peaceful unification of both regions.
[2]
Publius Valerius Publicola came from a wealthy family. His father was Volesus Valerius and his brothers were
Marcus Valerius Volusus and Manius Valerius Maximus. He was married and Valeria was the name of his daughter.
Before holding Roman public office, Publicola had defended the plebs as a benefactor.
[3]
The revolution
Main article: Overthrow of the Roman monarchy
With Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus, Spurius Lucretius Tricipitinus and Valerius, Lucius Junius Brutus led the Roman
revolution of 509 BC, ending the Roman monarchy and banishing the tyrannical King of Rome, Lucius Tarquinius
Superbus. The Romans instituted the office of Consul, founding the Roman Republic. Brutus and Collatinus were
voted as the first Consuls.
The Tarquins plotted with some disaffected Roman members of the Aquillii and Vitellii, who had benefitted from
the deposed regime to assassinate both consuls. Publicola was informed of the plot by the slave Vindicius. Publicola
investigated personally, sneaking into the Aquillius estate and finding incriminatory evidence. Using this evidence,
both consuls headed a public trial. The conspirators, including Brutus' own children, were found guilty and executed.
During the trial, Publicola had a leading role.
Election as consul, and battle of Silva Arsia, 509 BC
Collatinus worked with Tarquinius Superbus' relatives to restore their properties. After the failed conspiracy,
Collatinus was denounced and left Rome, resigning his office of consul. Valerius was elected to replace him.
[4]
"They annex strange incidents to this battle, --that in the silence of the next night a loud voice was emitted from the Arsian wood; that it was believed to be
the voice of Silvanus: these words were spoken, "that more of the Etrurians by one had fallen in the battle; that the Roman was victorious in the war."
Certainly the Romans departed thence as victors, the Etrurians as vanquished."
The History of Rome. Book 02. Chapter 7, by Titus Livius.
65
The deposed king, Tarquinius Superbus, whose family originated from Tarquinii in Etruria, garnered the support of
that city and also of Veii. The armies of the two cities followed Tarquin against Rome, and the Roman consuls
Brutus and Valerius led the Roman army to meet them at the Battle of Silva Arsia. Valerius commanded the Roman
infantry. Brutus died during the battle, but the Romans were ultimately victorious. Valerius collected the spoils of
the routed Etruscans, and returned to Rome to celebrate a triumph on 1 March 509 BC. Publicola celebrated at
Rome, riding a four horse chariot, which subsequently became a Roman tradition for celebrating victories. Also, he
held a magnificent funeral for Brutus where he made a memorable speech.
[5][6]
Livy writes that later in 509 BC Valerius returned to fight the Veientes. It is unclear whether this was continuing
from the Battle of Silva Arsia, or was some fresh dispute. It is also unclear what happened in this dispute.
[7]
Reforms during first consulship, 509 BC
After the death of Brutus, Publius Valerius Publicola was the lone Roman Consul, which he held without scheduling
new elections. He started to build a magnificent new residence on top of the Velian Hill, which was conspicuously
visible from the Senate building. When people began to comment that he was apparently going to reestablish the
monarchy, Publicola stopped its construction, demolishing it in a single night. Publicola defended himself before an
assembly of the people, having firstly lowered the fasces in the face of the assembly as a mark of respect: "I have just
liberated Rome, bravely, but now I am slandered, like being either an Aquillius or a Vitellian. I am the bitterest
enemy of the former kings, so I shouldn't be accused of wanting to be king." He volunteered to move his house to the
foot rather than the peak of the Velian Hill, so as to diminish any suspicion levelled against him. His house was
constructed at that site, where in later times was built the Temple of Victory.
[8]
Before the impending elections, Publicola repopulated the Senate, which had been severely reduced by the king and
the recent war. Also, he wrote a series of popular laws:
Any Roman could be appointed Consul.
Decisions of the Consuls could be appealed.
Anyone who seized an office without popular vote would suffer execution.
Anyone who attempted to reestablish the monarchy could be executed by any citizen without trial. (This was the
law invoked by the Liberatores as justification for their assassination of Julius Caesar)
Needy Romans were exempt from taxation.
Patricians would be punished more severely than plebs for disobeying a Consul.
Control of the treasury was removed from the Consuls. It was physically moved to the temple of Saturn under the
administration of appointed quaestors.
Publicola removed the ax heads of the traditional fasces as carried in the Pomerium, the sacred inner city of Rome.
Because of these, Publicus Valerius was called the "friend of the people", or Publicola.
Four consulships
Publius Valerius Publicola was elected Roman Consul in 509 BC, 508 BC, 507 BC, and 504 BC. In 509 BC he held
elections after the death of Brutus, and Spurius Lucretius Tricipitinus was chosen as consul suffectus. He died a few
days later, and Marcus Horatius Pulvillus was elected in his place. In 508 BC and 504 BC his consular colleague was
Titus Lucretius Tricipitinus. Marcus Horatius Pulvillus was his colleague again in 507 BC.
[9][10]
War with Clusium
Main article: War between Rome and Clusium
In 508 BC, Lars Porsena, the king of Clusium, attacked Rome at the behest of Tarquinius Superbus. According to
Plutarch, both Publicola and his fellow Consul Titus Lucretius were severely wounded in battle.
66
During the siege, Publicola executed a successful sally, defeating a Clusian raiding party.
[11]
According to Plutarch, Valerius negotiated a peace treaty with Porsena which ended the war. He surrendered
hostages, including his daughter Valeria, and Porsena protected these hostages from the Tarquinii.
War with the Sabines
In 506 BC, the Sabines attacked Rome. While his brother Marcus was Consul, Publicola participated in two Roman
victories which repelled the invasion. The people rewarded Publicola with a house on the Palatine Hill.
In 505 BC, the Latin League and the Sabines threatened Rome with a large army. Although diplomatic negotiations
were halted, Publicola meddled in the inner politics of the Sabines by assisting Attius Clausus. With Publicola's help,
he moved into Rome with 5,000 Sabines. He was made a citizen with the name Appius Claudius, and made founder
of the Claudii. When the Sabines attempted to besiege Rome, Publicola successfully commanded the army,
anticipating their movements and thwarting their plans. Then he was elected consul in 504 BC (for the fourth time)
and conducted war successfully against the Sabines, and celebrated a triumph in May of that year.
Death
Publius Valerius Publicola died in 503 BC, shortly after passing the consular office to his successors, Agrippa
Menenius Lanatus and Publius Postumius Tubertus. Livy records that at the time of his death he was considered "by
universal consent to be the ablest man in Rome, in the arts both of peace and war". He had little money and so he
was buried at the public charge, and was mourned by the Roman matrons as had been done for Lucius Junius Brutus
before him.
[12]
By decree, each citizen contributed a Quadrans for the funeral. The remains of Publicola were buried within Rome,
at the Velian Hill. His death was mourned by the Romans for an entire year. After Publicola, all noted members of
the Valerius family were buried near the same spot."Wikipedia:Citation needed"
Legacy
In a collection of 85 essays promoting the adoption of the United States Constitution, written 17871788 by
Alexander Hamilton, John Jay, and James Madison (collectively referred to as the Federalist Papers), the three
statesmen used the allonym "Publius" in honor of Publicola's role in establishing the Roman Republic.
Following the Spanish American War a piece titled "The Duty of the American People as to the Philippines" was
published under the pseudonym "Publicola".
[13]
The author recommended the development of the Philippines to
improve the lives of the Filipino people as well as to further American trading interests in the Orient.
References
[1] [1] Furtwangler, 51.
[2] Plutarch, Lives. Life of Poplicola. Wikisource
[3] Livy, Ab urbe condita 1:58, 2:20. History of Rome, books 01 and 02 (http:/ / www. gutenberg. org/ files/ 19725/ 19725-h/ 19725-h. htm).
Project Gutenberg
[4] Livy, Ab urbe condita 2.2
[5] Livy, Ab urbe condita, 2.6-7
[6] [6] Fasti Triumphales
[7] Livy, Ab urbe condita 2.8
[8] Livy, Ab urbe condita, 2.7
[9] [9] Fasti Consulares
[13] http:/ / openlibrary. org/ books/ OL23296316M/ The_duty_of_the_American_people_as_to_the_Philippines.
67
This articleincorporates text from a publication now in the public domain:Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911).
Encyclopdia Britannica (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press.
External links
Plutarch, The Lives of the Noble Grecians and Romans, paired with Solon, in "Poplicola" (http:/ / www.
gutenberg. org/ catalog/ world/ readfile?fk_files=106876& pageno=105)
Biography of Poplicola (http:/ / ancienthistory. about. com/ od/ rulersleaderskings/ a/ Poplicola. htm), in
About.com
Livius.org: Publius Valerius Publicola (http:/ / www. livius. org/ va-vh/ valerius/ publicola. html)
Political offices
Precededby
Lucius Iunius Brutus and Lucius Tarquinius
Collatinus
Consul (Suffect) of the
Roman Republic
with Lucius Junius Brutus
then with Spurius Lucretius
Tricipitinus (Suffect)
and then with Marcus Horatius
Pulvillus (Suffect)
509 BC
Succeededby
Publius Valerius Poplicola and Titus
Lucretius Tricipitinus
Precededby
Marcus Horatius Pulvillus (Suffect) and
Publius Valerius Poplicola (Suffect)
Consul of the Roman
Republic
with Titus Lucretius
Tricipitinus
508 BC
Succeededby
Publius Valerius Poplicola and
Marcus Horatius Pulvillus
Precededby
Publius Valerius Poplicola and Titus
Lucretius Tricipitinus
Consul of the Roman
Republic
with Marcus Horatius Pulvillus
507 BC
Succeededby
Spurius Larcius Rufus and Titus
Herminius Aquilinus
Precededby
Marcus Valerius Volusus and Publius
Postumius Tubertus
Consul of the Roman
Republic
with Titus Lucretius
Tricipitinus
504 BC
Succeededby
Agrippa Menenius Lanatus and
Publius Postumius Tubertus
Themistocles
68
Themistocles
For other people named Themistocles, see Themistocles (disambiguation).
Themistocles
Herm of Themistocles
Native name
Born c.524BC
Athens
Died 459BC
Magnesia on the Maeander
Allegiance Athens (to c. 471BC)
Persia (469459BC)
Rank General (Strategos)
Battles/wars First Persian invasion of Greece
Battle of Marathon
Second Persian invasion of Greece
Battle of Artemisium
Battle of Salamis
Themistocles or Themistokles (/mstkliz/; Greek: [temistokls]; "Glory of the Law"; c.
524459BC) was an Athenian politician and general. He was one of a new breed of non-aristocratic politicians who
rose to prominence in the early years of the Athenian democracy. As a politician, Themistocles was a populist,
having the support of lower class Athenians, and generally being at odds with the Athenian nobility. Elected archon
in 493BC, he convinced the polis to increase the naval power of Athens, a recurring theme in his political career.
During the first Persian invasion of Greece, he fought at the Battle of Marathon,
[1]
and was possibly one of the 10
Athenian strategoi (generals) in that battle.
In the years after Marathon, and in the run up to the second Persian invasion he became the most prominent
politician in Athens. He continued to advocate a strong Athenian navy, and in 483 BC he persuaded the Athenians to
build a fleet of 200 triremes; these would prove crucial in the forthcoming conflict with Persia. During the second
invasion, he was in effective command of the Greek allied navy at the battles of Artemisium and Salamis. Due to
subterfuge on the part of Themistocles, the Allies lured the Persian fleet into the Straits of Salamis, and the decisive
Themistocles
69
Greek victory there was the turning point in the invasion, which ended the following year by the defeat of the
Persians at the land Battle of Plataea.
After the conflict ended, Themistocles continued to be pre-eminent amongst Athenian politicians. However, he
aroused the hostility of Sparta by ordering Athens to be re-fortified, and his perceived arrogance began to alienate
him from the Athenians. In 472 or 471BC, he was ostracised, and went into exile in Argos. The Spartans now saw
an opportunity to destroy Themistocles, and implicated him in the treasonous plot of their own general Pausanias.
Themistocles thus fled from Greece, and travelled to Asia Minor, where he entered the service of the Persian king
Artaxerxes I. He was made governor of Magnesia, and lived there for the rest of his life.
Themistocles died in 459BC, probably of natural causes. Themistocles's reputation was posthumously rehabilitated,
and he was re-established as a hero of the Athenian (and indeed Greek) cause. Themistocles can still reasonably be
thought of as "the man most instrumental in achieving the salvation of Greece" from the Persian threat, as Plutarch
describes him. His naval policies would have a lasting impact on Athens as well, since maritime power became the
cornerstone of the Athenian Empire and golden age. It was Thucydides's judgement that Themistocles was "a man
who exhibited the most indubitable signs of genius; indeed, in this particular he has a claim on our admiration quite
extraordinary and unparalleled".
Family
Themistocles was born in Athens around 524BC,
[2]
the son of Neocles, who was, in the words of Plutarch "no very
conspicuous man".
[3]
His mother is more obscure; according to Plutarch, she was either a Thracian woman called
Abrotonon, or Euterpe, a Carian from Halicarnassus. Like many contemporaries, little is known of his early years.
Some authors report that he was unruly as a child and was consequently disowned by his father.
[4][5]
Plutarch
considers this to be false.
[6]
Plutarch indicates that, on account of his mother's background, Themistocles was
considered something of an outsider; furthermore the family appear to have lived in an immigrant district of Athens,
Cynosarges, outside the city walls. However, in an early example of his cunning, Themistocles persuaded
"well-born" children to exercise with him in Cynosarges, thus breaking down the distinction between "alien and
legitimate". Plutarch further reports that Themistocles was preoccupied, even as a child, with preparing for public
life. His teacher is said to have told him:
"My boy, you will be nothing insignificant, but definitely something great, either for good or evil."
Themistocles left three sons by Archippe, daughter to Lysander of Alopece,
[7]
- Archeptolis, Polyeuctus, and
Cleophantus. Plato the philosopher mentions Cleophantus as a most excellent horseman, but otherwise insignificant
person. And Themistocles had two sons older than these three, Neocles and Diocles. Neocles died when he was
young by the bite of a horse, and Diocles was adopted by his grandfather, Lysander. Themistocles had many
daughters, of whom Mnesiptolema, whom he had by a second marriage, was wife to Archeptolis, her brother by
another mother, and became priestess of Cybele; Italia was married to Panthoides, of the island of Chios; Sybaris to
Nicomedes the Athenian. After the death of Themistocles, his nephew, Phrasicles, went to Magnesia, and married,
with her brothers' consent, another daughter, Nicomache, and took charge of her sister Asia, the youngest of all ten
children.
Political and military career
Background
Themistocles grew up in a period of upheaval in Athens. The tyrant Peisistratos had died in 527BC, passing power
to his sons, Hipparchus and Hippias.
[8]
Hipparchus was murdered in 514BC, and in response to this, Hippias became
paranoid and started to rely increasingly on foreign mercenaries to keep a hold on power.
[9]
The head of the
powerful, but exiled (according to Herodotus only - the fragmentary Archon List for 525/4 shows a Cleisthenes, an
Alcmaeonid, holding office in Athens during this period) Alcmaeonid family, Cleisthenes, began to scheme to
Themistocles
70
overthrow Hippias and return to Athens.
[10]
In 510BC, he persuaded the Spartan king Cleomenes I to launch an
attack on Athens, which succeeded in overthrowing Hippias. However, in the aftermath, the other noble ('eupatrid')
families of Athens rejected Cleisthenes, electing Isagoras as archon, with the support of Cleomenes. On a personal
level, Cleisthenes wanted to return to Athens; however, he also probably wanted to prevent Athens becoming a
Spartan client state. Outmaneuvering the other nobles, he proposed to the Athenian people a radical program in
which political power would be invested in the people - a "democracy". The Athenian people thus overthrew
Isagoras, repelled a Spartan attack under Cleomenes, and invited Cleisthenes to return to Athens, to put his plan into
action.
[11]
The establishment of the democracy was to radically change Athens:
"And so it was that the Athenians found themselves suddenly a great power...they gave vivid proof of
what equality and freedom of speech might achieve"
[12]
Early years of the democracy
The new system of government in Athens opened up a wealth of opportunity for men like Themistocles, who
previously would have had no access to power. Moreover, the new institutions of the democracy required skills that
had previously been unimportant in government. Themistocles was to prove himself a master of the new system; "he
could infight, he could network, he could spin...and crucially, he knew how to make himself visible."
[]
Themistocles
moved to the Ceramicus, a down-market part of Athens. This move marked him out as a 'man of the people', and
allowed him to interact more easily with ordinary citizens. He began building up a support base amongst these newly
empowered citizens:
"he wooed the poor; and they, not used to being courted, duly loved him back. Touring the taverns, the
markets, the docks, canvassing where no politician had thought to canvas before, making sure never to
forget a single voter's name, Themistocles had set his eyes on a radical new constituency"
However, he took care to ensure that he did not alienate the nobility of Athens. He began to practice law, the first
person in Athens to prepare for public life in this way. His ability as attorney and arbitrator, used in the service of the
common people, gained him further popularity.
[13]
Archonship
Themistocles probably turned 30 in 494BC, which qualified him to become an archon, the highest magistracies in
Athens. On the back of his popularity, he evidently decided to run for this office and was elected Archon
Eponymous, the highest government office in the following year (493BC). Themistocles's archonship saw the
beginnings of a major theme in his career; the advancement of Athenian sea-power. Under his guidance, the
Athenians began the building of a new port at Piraeus, to replace the existing facilities at Phalerum. Although further
away from Athens, Piraeus offered three natural harbours, and could be easily fortified. Since Athens was to become
an essentially maritime power during the 5th centuryBC, Themistocles's policies were to have huge significance for
the future of Athens, and indeed Greece. In advancing naval power, Themistocles was probably advocating a course
of action he thought essential for the long-term prospects of Athens. However, as Plutarch implies, since naval
power relied on the mass mobilisation of the common citizens (thetes) as rowers, such a policy put more power into
the hands of average Atheniansand thus into Themistocles's own hands.
[]
Rivalry with Aristides
After Marathon, probably in 489, Miltiades, the hero of the battle, was seriously wounded in an abortive attempt to
capture Paros. Taking advantage of his incapacitation, the powerful Alcmaeonid family arranged for him to be
prosecuted.
[14]
The Athenian aristocracy, and indeed Greek aristocrats in general, were loath to see one person
pre-eminent, and such maneuvers were commonplace. Miltiades was given a massive fine for the crime of 'deceiving
the Athenian people', but died weeks later as a result of his wound. In the wake of this prosecution, the Athenian
people chose to use a new institution of the democracy, which had been part of Cleisthenes's reforms, but remained
Themistocles
71
so far unused. This was 'ostracism'each Athenian citizen was required to write on a shard of pottery (ostrakon) the
name of a politician that they wished to see exiled for a period of ten years. This may have been triggered by
Miltiades's prosecution, and used by the Athenians to try and stop such power-games amongst the noble families.
Certainly, in the years (487BC) following, the heads of the prominent families, including the Alcmaeonids, were
exiled. The career of a politician in Athens thus became fraught with more difficulty, since displeasing the
population was likely to result in exile.
Themistocles, with his power-base firmly established amongst the poor, moved naturally to fill the vacuum left by
Miltiades's death, and in that decade became the most influential politician in Athens. However, the support of the
nobility began to coalesce around the man who would become Themistocles's great rival - Aristides. Aristides cast
himself as Themistocles's opposite - virtuous, honest and incorruptible - and his followers called him "the just".
Plutarch suggests that the rivalry between the two had begun when they competed over the love of a boy: "... they
were rivals for the affection of the beautiful Stesilaus of Ceos, and were passionate beyond all moderation."
[15]
A sluicing tank for silver ore, excavated at Laurium, Attica
During the decade, Themistocles continued
to advocate the expansion of Athenian naval
power. The Athenians were certainly aware
throughout this period that the Persian
interest in Greece had not ended; Darius's
son and successor, Xerxes I, had continued
the preparations for the invasion of
Greece.
[16]
Themistocles seems to have
realised that for the Greeks to survive the
coming onslaught required a Greek navy
that could hope to face up to the Persian
navy, and he therefore attempted to
persuade the Athenians to build such a fleet.
Aristides, as champion of the zeugites (the
upper, 'hoplite-class') vigorously opposed
such a policy.
[]
In 483BC, a massive new seam of silver was found in the Athenian mines at Laurium.
[17]
Themistocles proposed
that the silver should be used to build a new fleet of 200 triremes, whilst Aristides suggested it should instead be
distributed amongst the Athenian citizens.
[18]
Themistocles avoided mentioning Persia, deeming that it was too
distant a threat for the Athenians to act on, and instead focused their attention on Aegina. At the time, Athens was
embroiled in a long-running war with the Aeginetans, and building a fleet would allow the Athenians to finally
defeat them at sea. As a result, Themistocles's motion was carried easily, although only 100 warships of the trireme
type were to be built. Aristides refused to countenance this; conversely Themistocles was not pleased that only 100
ships would be built. Tension between the two camps built over the winter, so that the ostracism of 482BC became a
direct contest between Themistocles and Aristides. In what has been characterized as the first referendum, Aristides
was ostracised, and Themistocles's policies were endorsed. Indeed, becoming aware of the Persian preparations for
the coming invasion, the Athenians voted for the construction of more ships than Themistocles had initially asked
for. In the run up to the Persian invasion, Themistocles had thus become the foremost politician in Athens.
Themistocles
72
Second Persian invasion of Greece
Main articles: Second Persian invasion of Greece, Battle of Artemisium and Battle of Salamis
In 481BC, a congress of Greek city-states was held, during which 30 or soWikipedia:Citation needed states agreed
to ally themselves against the forthcoming invasion.
[19]
The Spartans and Athenians were foremost in this alliance,
being sworn enemies of the Persians.
[20]
The Spartans claimed the command of land forces, and since the Greek
(hereafter referred to as "Allied") fleet would be dominated by Athens, Themistocles tried to claim command of the
naval forces. However, the other naval powers, including Corinth and Aegina refused to give command to the
Athenians, and Themistocles pragmatically backed down.
[]
Instead, as a compromise, the Spartans (an insignificant
naval power), in the person of Eurybiades were to command the naval forces.
[21]
It is clear from Herodotus,
however, that Themistocles would be the real leader of the fleet.
The 'congress' met again in the spring of 480BC. A Thessalian delegation suggested that the allies could muster in
the narrow Vale of Tempe, on the borders of Thessaly, and thereby block Xerxes's advance.
[22]
A force of 10,000
hoplites was dispatched under the command of the Spartan polemarch Euenetus and Themistocles to the Vale of
Tempe, which they believed the Persian army would have to pass through. However, once there, Alexander I of
Macedon warned them that the vale could be bypassed by several other passes, and that the army of Xerxes was
overwhelmingly large, and the Greeks retreated.
[23]
Shortly afterwards, they received the news that Xerxes had
crossed the Hellespont.
Themistocles now developed a second strategy. The route to southern Greece (Boeotia, Attica and the Peloponnesus)
would require the army of Xerxes to travel through the very narrow pass of Thermopylae. This could easily be
blocked by the Greek hoplites, despite the overwhelming numbers of Persians; furthermore, to prevent the Persians
bypassing Thermopylae by sea, the Athenian and allied navies could block the straits of Artemisium.
[]
However,
after the Tempe debacle, it was uncertain whether the Spartans would be willing to march out from the Peloponnesus
again.
[24]
To persuade the Spartans to defend Attica, Themistocles had to show them that the Athenians were willing
to do everything necessary for the success of the alliance. In short, the entire Athenian fleet must be dispatched to
Artemisium.
To do this, every able-bodied Athenian male would be required to man the ships. This in turn meant that the
Athenians must prepare to abandon Athens. Persuading the Athenians to take this course was undoubtedly one of the
highlights of Themistocles's career.
[25]
As Holland has it:
"What precise heights of oratory he attained, what stirring and memorable phrases he pronounced, we
have no way of knowing...only by the effect it had on the assembly can we gauge what surely must have
been its electric and vivifying quality - for Themistocles' audacious proposals, when put to the vote,
were ratified. The Athenian people, facing the gravest moment of peril in their history, committed
themselves once and for all to the alien element of the sea, and put their faith in a man whose ambitions
many had long profoundly dreaded."
His proposals accepted, Themistocles issued orders for the women and children of Athens to be sent to the city of
Troezen, safely inside the Peloponnesus.
[26]
He was then able to travel to a meeting of the Allies, at which he
proposed his strategy; with the Athenian fleet fully committed to the defence of Greece, the other Allies accepted his
proposals.
[]
Themistocles
73
Statue of Themistocles, Piraeus.
Battle of Artemisium
Thus, in August 480 BC, when the Persian army was approaching
Thessaly, the Allied fleet sailed to Artemisium, and the Allied army
marched to Thermopylae.
[27]
Themistocles himself took command of
the Athenian contingent of the fleet, and went to Artemisium. When
the Persian fleet finally arrived at Artemisium after a significant delay,
Eurybiades, who both Herodotus and Plutarch suggest was not the
most inspiring commander, wished to sail away without fighting.
[][28]
At this point Themistocles accepted a large bribe from the local people
for the fleet to remain at Artemisium, and used some of it to bribe
Eurybiades to remain, whilst pocketing the rest.
[29]
From this point on, Themistocles appears to have been
more-or-less in charge of the Allied effort at Artemisium. Over three days of battle, the Allies held their own against
the much larger Persian fleet, but sustained significant losses.
[30]
However, the loss of the simultaneous Battle of
Thermopylae to the Persians made their continued presence at Artemisium irrelevant, and the Allies thus
evacuated.
[31]
According to Herodotus, Themistocles left messages at every place where the Persian fleet might stop
for drinking water, asking the Ionians in the Persian fleet to defect, or at least fight badly.
[32]
Even if this did not
work, Themistocles apparently intended that Xerxes would at least begin to suspect the Ionians, thereby sowing
dissension in the Persian ranks.
Battle of Salamis
In the aftermath of Thermopylae, Boeotia fell to the Persians, who then began to advance on Athens.
[33]
The
Peloponnesian Allies prepared to now defend the Isthmus of Corinth, thus abandoning Athens to the Persians.
[34]
From Artemisium, the Allied fleet sailed to the island of Salamis, where the Athenian ships helped with the final
evacuation of Athens. The Peloponnesian contingents wanted to sail to the coast of the Isthmus to concentrate forces
with the army.
[35]
However, Themistocles tried to convince them to remain in the Straits of Salamis, invoking the
lessons of Artemisium; "battle in close conditions works to our advantage". After threatening to sail with the whole
Athenian people into exile in Sicily, he eventually persuaded the other Allies, whose security after all relied on the
Athenian navy, to accept his plan.
[36]
Therefore, even after Athens had fallen to the Persians, and the Persian navy
had arrived off the coast of Salamis, the Allied navy remained in the Straits. Themistocles appears to have been
aiming to fight a battle that would cripple the Persian navy, and thus guarantee the security of the Peloponnesus.
Themistocles
74
Diagram of the approximate events of the Battle of Salamis
To bring about this battle, Themistocles
used a cunning mix of subterfuge and
misinformation, psychologically exploiting
Xerxes's desire to finish the invasion.
Xerxes's actions indicate that he was keen to
finish the conquest of Greece in 480BC,
and to do this, he needed a decisive victory
over the Allied fleet.
[37]
Themistocles sent a
servant, Sicinnus, to Xerxes, with a message
proclaiming that Themistocles was "on
king's side and prefers that your affairs
prevail, not the Hellenes".
[38]
Themistocles
claimed that the Allied commanders were
infighting, that the Peloponnesians were
planning to evacuate that very night, and
that to gain victory all the Persians needed
to do was to block the straits. In performing this subterfuge, Themistocles seems to have been trying to lure the
Persian fleet into the Straits.
[]
The message also had a secondary purpose, namely that in the event of an Allied
defeat, the Athenians would probably receive some degree of mercy from Xerxes (having indicated their readiness to
submit). At any rate, this was exactly the kind of news that Xerxes wanted to hear. Xerxes evidently took the bait,
and the Persian fleet was sent out to effect the block.
[39]
Perhaps overconfident and expecting no resistance, the
Persian navy sailed into the Straits,
[40]
only to find that, far from disintegrating, the Allied navy was ready for
battle.
[41]
According to Herodotus, after the Persian navy began its maneuvers, Aristides arrived at the Allied camp from
Aegina. Aristides had been recalled from exile along with the other ostracised Athenians on the order of
Themistocles, so that Athens might be united against the Persians.
[]
Aristides told Themistocles that the Persian fleet
had encircled the Allies, which greatly pleased Themistocles, as he now knew that the Persians had walked into his
trap.
[42]
The Allied commanders seem to have taken this news rather uncomplainingly, and Holland therefore
suggests that they were party to Themistocles's ruse all along.
[43]
Either way, the Allies prepared for battle, and
Themistocles delivered a speech to the marines before they embarked on the ships.
[44]
In the ensuing battle, the
cramped conditions in the Straits hindered the much larger Persian navy, which became disarrayed, and the Allies
took advantage to win a famous victory.
[45]
Salamis was the turning point in the second Persian invasion, and indeed the Greco-Persian Wars in general.
[46]
Whilst the battle did not end the Persian invasion, it effectively ensured that all Greece would not be conquered, and
allowed the Allies to go on the offensive in 479BC. A number of historians believe that Salamis is one of the most
significant battles in human history.
[47][48][49]
Since Themistocles' long-standing advocacy of Athenian naval power
enabled the Allied fleet to fight, and his stratagem brought about the Battle of Salamis, it is probably not an
exaggeration to say, as Plutarch does, that Themistocles, "...is thought to have been the man most instrumental in
achieving the salvation of Hellas."
Autumn/Winter 480/479BC
The Allied victory at Salamis ended the immediate threat to Greece, and Xerxes now returned to Asia with part of
the army, leaving his general Mardonius to attempt to complete the conquest.
[50]
Mardonius wintered in Boeotia and
Thessaly, and the Athenians were thus able to return to their city, which had been burnt and razed by the Persians,
for the winter.
[51]
For the Athenians, and Themistocles personally, the winter would be a testing one. The
Peloponnesians refused to countenance marching north of the Isthmus to fight the Persian army; the Athenians tried
Themistocles
75
to shame them into doing so, with no success.
[52]
During the winter, the Allies held a meeting at Corinth to celebrate their success, and award prizes for
achievement.
[53]
However, perhaps tired of the Athenians pointing out their role at Salamis, and of their demands for
the Allies to march north, the Allies awarded the prize for civic achievement to Aegina.
[54]
Furthermore, although
the admirals all voted for Themistocles in second place, they all voted for themselves in first place, so that no-one
won the prize for individual achievement. In response, realising the importance of the Athenian fleet to their
security, and probably seeking to massage Themistocles's ego, the Spartans brought Themistocles to Sparta. There,
he was awarded a special prize "for his wisdom and cleverness", and won high praise from all.
[55]
Furthermore,
Plutarch reports that at the next Olympic Games:
"[when] Themistocles entered the stadium, the audience neglected the contestants all day long to gaze
on him, and pointed him out with admiring applause to visiting strangers, so that he too was delighted,
and confessed to his friends that he was now reaping in full measure the harvest of his toils in behalf of
Hellas."
After returning to Athens in the winter, Plutarch reports that Themistocles made a proposal to the city while the
Greek fleet was wintering at Pagasae:
"Themistocles once declared to the people [of Athens] that he had devised a certain measure which
could not be revealed to them, though it would be helpful and salutary for the city, and they ordered that
Aristides alone should hear what it was and pass judgment on it. So Themistocles told Aristides that his
purpose was to burn the naval station of the confederate Hellenes, for that in this way the Athenians
would be greatest, and lords of all. Then Aristides came before the people and said of the deed which
Themistocles purposed to do, that none other could be more advantageous, and none more unjust. On
hearing this, the Athenians ordained that Themistocles cease from his purpose."
[56][57]
Spring/Summer 479BC
However, as happened to many prominent individuals in the Athenian democracy, Themistocles's fellow citizens
grew jealous of his success, and possibly tired of his boasting.
[58]
It is probable that in early 479 BC, Themistocles
was stripped of his command; instead, Xanthippus was to command the Athenian fleet, and Aristides the land
forces.
[59]
Though Themistocles was no doubt politically and militarily active for the rest of the campaign, no
mention of his activities in 479 BC is made in the ancient sources.
[60]
In the summer of that year, after receiving an
Athenian ultimatum, the Peloponnesians finally agreed to assemble an army and march to confront Mardonius, who
had reoccupied Athens in June.
[61]
At the decisive Battle of Plataea, the Allies destroyed the Persian army, whilst
apparently on the same day, the Allied navy destroyed the remnants of the Persian fleet at the Battle of Mycale.
These twin victories completed the Allied triumph, and ended the Persian threat to Greece.
[]
Aftermath of the Persian invasion
Whatever the cause of Themistocles's unpopularity in 479BC, it obviously did not last long. Both Diodorus and
Plutarch suggest he was quickly restored to the favour of the Athenians.
[][62]
Indeed, after 479 BC, he seems to have
enjoyed a relatively long period of popularity.
[63]
In the aftermath of the invasion, the Athenians began rebuilding their city under the guidance of Themistocles. They
wished to restore the fortifications of Athens, but the Spartans objected on the grounds that no place north of the
Isthmus should be left that the Persians could use as a fortress. Themistocles urged the citizens to build the
fortifications as quickly as possible, then went to Sparta as an ambassador to answer the charges levelled by the
Spartans. There, he assured them that no building work was on-going, and urged them to send emissaries to Athens
to see for themselves.
[64]
By the time the ambassadors arrived, the Athenians had finished building, and then
detained the Spartan ambassadors when they complained about the presence of the fortifications. By delaying in this
manner, Themistocles gave the Athenians enough time to fortify the city, and thus ward off any Spartan attack aimed
Themistocles
76
at preventing the re-fortification of Athens. Furthermore, the Spartans were obliged to repatriate Themistocles in
order to free their own ambassadors. However, this episode may be seen as the beginning of the Spartan mistrust of
Themistocles, which would return to haunt him.
Themistocles also now returned to his naval policy, and more ambitious undertakings that would increase the
dominant position of his native state.
[65]
He further extended and fortified the port complex at Piraeus, and "fastened
the city [Athens] to the Piraeus, and the land to the sea". Themistocles probably aimed to make Athens the dominant
naval power in the Aegean. Indeed, Athens would create the Delian League in 478BC, uniting the naval power of
the Aegean Islands and Ionia under Athenian leadership.
[66]
Themistocles introduced tax breaks for merchants and
artisans, to attract both people and trade to the city to make Athens a great mercantile centre.
[67]
He also instructed
the Athenians to build 20 triremes per year, to ensure that their dominance in naval matters continued. Plutarch
reports that Themistocles also secretly proposed to destroy the beached ships of the other Allied navies to ensure
complete naval dominancebut was overruled by Aristides and the council of Athens.
[68]
Fall and exile
Ostracon with inscription: "Themistocles, son of Neocles"
It seems clear that, towards the end of the decade,
Themistocles had begun to accrue enemies, and had become
arrogant; moreover his fellow citizens had become jealous of
his prestige and power. The Rhodian poet Timocreon was
among his most eloquent enemies, composing slanderous
drinking songs.
[69]
Meanwhile the Spartans actively worked
against him, trying to promote Cimon (son of Miltiades) as a
rival to Themistocles. Furthermore, after the treason and
disgrace of the Spartan general Pausanias, the Spartans tried
to implicate Themistocles in the plot; he was, however,
acquitted of these charges. In Athens itself, he lost favour by
building a sanctuary of Artemis, with the epithet Aristoboul
("of good counsel") near his home, a blatant reference to his
own role in delivering Greece from the Persian invasion.
Eventually, in either 472 or 471BC, he was ostracised.
[70]
In
itself, this did not mean that Themistocles had done anything
wrong; ostracism, in the words of Plutarch,
"was not a penalty, but a way of pacifying and alleviating that jealousy which delights to humble the
eminent, breathing out its malice into this disfranchisement."
Themistocles first went to live in exile in Argos.
[71]
However, perceiving that they now had a prime opportunity to
bring Themistocles down for good, the Spartans again levelled accusations of Themistocles's complicity in
Pausanias's treason. They demanded that he be tried by the 'Congress of Greeks', rather than in Athens, although it
seems that in the end he was actually summoned to Athens to stand trial. Perhaps realising he had little hope of
surviving this trial, Themistocles fled, first to Kerkyra, and thence to Admetus, king of Molossia.
[72][73]
Themistocles's flight probably only served to convince his accusers of his guilt, and he was declared a traitor in
Athens, his property to be confiscated.
[74]
It should be noted that both Diodorus and Plutarch considered that the
charges were false, and made solely for the purposes of destroying Themistocles. The Spartans sent ambassadors to
Admetus, threatening that the whole of Greece would go to war with the Molossians unless they surrendered
Themistocles. Admetus, however, allowed Themistocles to escape, giving him a large sum of gold to aid him on his
way. Themistocles then fled from Greece, apparently never to return, thus effectively bringing his political career to
an end.
[75]
Themistocles
77
Later life and death
He stands silently before the King
From Molossia, Themistocles apparently fled to Pydna, from where he
took a ship for Asia Minor. This ship was blown off course by a storm,
and ended up at Naxos, which an Athenian fleet was in the process of
besieging. Desperate to avoid identification, Themistocles pestered the
captain of the ship to continue the journey immediately.
[74]
According
to Thucydides, who wrote within living memory of the events, the ship
eventually landed safely at Ephesus, where Themistocles disembarked.
Plutarch has the ship docking at Cyme in Aeolia,
[76]
and Diodorus has
Themistocles making his way to Asia in an undefined manner.
Diodorus and Plutarch next recount a similar tale, namely that
Themistocles stayed briefly with an acquaintance (Lysitheides or
Nicogenes) who was also acquainted with the Persian king, Artaxerxes
I. Since there was a bounty on Themistocles's head, this acquaintance
devised a plan to safely convey Themistocles to the Persian king in the
type of covered wagon that the King's concubines travelled in. All
three chroniclers agree that Themistocles's next move was to contact
the Persian king; in Thucydides, this is by letter, while Plutarch and
Diodorus have a face-to-face meeting with the king. The spirit is,
however, the same in all three: Themistocles introduces himself to the
king and seeks to enter his service:
[77]
"I, Themistocles, am come to you, who did your house more harm than any of the Hellenes, when I was
compelled to defend myself against your father's invasion - harm, however, far surpassed by the good
that I did him during his retreat, which brought no danger for me but much for him." (Thucydides)
Thucydides and Plutarch say that Themistocles asked for a year's grace to learn the Persian language and customs,
after which he would serve the king, and Artaxerxes granted this.
[78]
Plutarch reports that, as might be imagined,
Artaxerxes was elated that such a dangerous and illustrious foe had come to serve him.
[79]
At some point in his travels, Themistocles's wife and children were extricated from Athens by a friend, and joined
him in exile. His friends also managed to send him many of his belongings, although up to 100 talents worth of his
goods were confiscated by the Athenians. When, after a year, Themistocles returned to the king's court, he appears to
have made an immediate impact, and "he attained...very high consideration there, such as no Hellene has ever
possessed before or since". Plutarch recounts that "honors he enjoyed were far beyond those paid to other foreigners;
nay, he actually took part in the King's hunts and in his household diversions". Themistocles advised the king on his
dealings with the Greeks, although it seems that for a long period, the king was distracted by events elsewhere in the
empire, and thus Themistocles "lived on for a long time without concern".
[80]
He was made governor of the district
of Magnesia on the Maeander River in Asia Minor, and assigned the revenues of three cities: Magnesia (about 50
talents per year - "for bread"); Myus ("for opson"); and Lampsacus ("for wine").
[][81]
Neanthes of Cyzicus and
Phanias add two more, the city of Palaescepsis ("for clothes") and the city of Percote with bedding and furniture for
his house.Wikipedia:Citation needed
Themistocles died at Magnesia in 459BC, at the age of 65, according to Thucydides, from natural causes. However,
perhaps inevitably, there were also rumours surrounding his death; that finding that he could not keep the promises
that he had made to the king, he committed suicide by taking poison, or drinking bull's blood.
[82]
Plutarch provides
the most evocative version of this story:
"But when Egypt revolted with Athenian aid...and Cimon's mastery of the sea forced the King to resist
the efforts of the Hellenes and to hinder their hostile growth...messages came down to Themistocles
Themistocles
78
saying that the King commanded him to make good his promises by applying himself to the Hellenic
problem; then, neither embittered by anything like anger against his former fellow-citizens, nor lifted up
by the great honor and power he was to have in the war, but possibly thinking his task not even
approachable, both because Hellas had other great generals at the time, and especially because Cimon
was so marvelously successful in his campaigns; yet most of all out of regard for the reputation of his
own achievements and the trophies of those early days; having decided that his best course was to put a
fitting end to his life, he made a sacrifice to the gods, then called his friends together, gave them a
farewell clasp of his hand, and, as the current story goes, drank bull's blood, or as some say, took a quick
poison, and so died in Magnesia, in the sixty-fifth year of his life...They say that the King, on learning
the cause and the manner of his death, admired the man yet more, and continued to treat his friends and
kindred with kindness."
After his death, Themistocles's bones were transported to Attica on his request, and buried in his native soil in secret,
it being illegal to bury an Athenian traitor in Attica. The Magnesians built a "splendid tomb" in their market place for
Themistocles, which still stood during the time of Plutarch, and continued to dedicate part of their revenues to the
family of Themistocles. Plutarch indicates that he met in Athens a lineal descendant of Themistocles (also called
Themistocles) who was still being paid these revenues, 600years after the events in question.
[]
Assessments
Character
It is possible to draw some conclusions about Themistocles's character. Perhaps his most evident trait was his
massive ambition; "In his ambition he surpassed all men"; "he hankered after public office rather as a man in
delirium might crave a cure". He was proud and vain, and anxious for recognition of his deeds.
[83]
His relationship
with power was of a particularly personal nature; whilst he undoubtedly desired the best for Athens, many of his
actions also seem to have been made in self-interest. He also appears to have been corrupt (at least by modern
standards), and was known for his fondness of bribes.
Yet, set against these negative traits, was an apparently natural brilliance and talent for leadership:
"Themistocles was a man who exhibited the most indubitable signs of genius; indeed, in this particular he has
a claim on our admiration quite extraordinary and unparalleled. By his own native capacity, alike unformed
and unsupplemented by study, he was at once the best judge in those sudden crises which admit of little or of
no deliberation, and the best prophet of the future, even to its most distant possibilities. An able theoretical
expositor of all that came within the sphere of his practice, he was not without the power of passing an
adequate judgment in matters in which he had no experience. He could also excellently divine the good and
evil which lay hid in the unseen future. In fine, whether we consider the extent of his natural powers, or the
slightness of his application, this extraordinary man must be allowed to have surpassed all others in the faculty
of intuitively meeting an emergency."
Both Herodotus and Plato record variations of an anecdote in which Themistocles responded with subtle sarcasm to
an undistinguished man who complained that the great politician owed his fame merely to the fact that he came from
Athens. As Herodotus tells it:
"Timodemus of Aphidnae, who was one of Themistocles' enemies but not a man of note, was crazed with envy
and spoke bitterly to Themistocles of his visit to Lacedaemon, saying that the honors he had from the
Lacedaemonians were paid him for Athens' sake and not for his own. This he kept saying until Themistocles
replied, 'This is the truth of the matter: if I had been a man of Belbina I would not have been honored in this
way by the Spartans, nor would you, sir, for all you are a man of Athens.' Such was the end of that
business."
[84]
Themistocles
79
As Plato tells it, the heckler hails from the small island of Seriphus; Themistocles retorts that it is true that he would
not have been famous if he had come from that small island, but that the heckler would not have been famous either
if he had been born in Athens.
[85]
Themistocles was undoubtedly intelligent, but also possessed natural cunning; "the workings of his mind [were]
infinitely mobile and serpentine". Themistocles was evidently sociable and appears to have enjoyed strong personal
loyalty from his friends. At any rate, it seems to have been Themistocles's particular mix of virtues and vices that
made him such an effective politician.
Historical reputation
Themistocles died with his reputation in tatters, a traitor to the Athenian people; the "saviour of Greece" had turned
into the enemy of liberty.
[86]
However, his reputation in Athens was rehabilitated by Pericles in the 450sBC, and by
the time Herodotus wrote his history, Themistocles was once again seen as a hero.
[87]
Thucydides evidently held
Themistocles in some esteem, and is uncharacteristically fulsome in his praise for him (see above). Diodorus also
extensively praises Themistocles, going as far as to offer a rationale for the length at which he discusses him: "Now
on the subject of the high merits of Themistocles, even if we have dwelt over-long on the subject in this digression,
we believed it not seemly that we should leave his great ability unrecorded."
[88]
Indeed, Diodorus goes so far as to
say that
"But if any man, putting envy aside, will estimate closely not only the man's natural gifts but also his
achievements, he will find that on both counts Themistocles holds first place among all of whom we
have record. Therefore one may well be amazed that the Athenians were willing to rid themselves of a
man of such genius."
Since Diodorus's history includes such luminaries as Alexander the Great and Hannibal, this is high praise indeed.
Plutarch offers a more nuanced view of Themistocles, with more of a critique of Themistocles's character. He does
not detract from Themistocles's achievements, but also highlights his failings.
Political and military legacy
Map of the Athenian Empire in 431BC
Undoubtedly the greatest achievement of
Themistocles's career was his role in the
defeat of Xerxes's invasion of Greece.
Against overwhelming odds, Greece
survived, and classical Greek culture, so
influential in Western civilization was able
to develop unabated.
[89]
Moreover,
Themistocles's doctrine of Athenian naval
power, and the establishment of Athens as a
major power in the Greek world were of
enormous consequence during the 5th
century BC. In 478BC, the Hellenic
alliance was reconstituted without the
Peloponnesian states, into the Delian
League, in which Athens was the dominant
power.
[90]
This was essentially a maritime
alliance of Athens and her colonies, the
Aegean islands, and the Ionian cities. The Delian league took the war to Persia, eventually invading Persian territory
Themistocles
80
and dominating the Aegean. Under the guidance of Pericles, the Delian league gradually evolved into the Athenian
Empire, the zenith of Athenian power and influence.
[91]
Themistocles seems to have deliberately set Athens up as a
rival to Sparta in the aftermath of Xerxes's invasion, basing this strategy on Athenian naval power (contrasted with
the power of the Spartan army). Tension grew throughout the century between Athens and Sparta, as they competed
to be the leading state in Greece. Finally, in 431BC, this tension erupted into the Peloponnesian War, the first of a
series of conflicts that tore Greece apart for the next century; an unforeseen, if indirect, legacy of Themistocles's.
[]
Diodorus provides a rhetorical summary that reflects on Themistocles's achievements:
"What other man, while Sparta still had the superior strength and the Spartan Eurybiades held the
supreme command of the fleet, could by his single-handed efforts have deprived Sparta of that glory? Of
what other man have we learned from history that by a single act he caused himself to surpass all the
commanders, his city all the other Greek states, and the Greeks the barbarians? In whose term as general
have the resources been more inferior and the dangers they faced greater? Who, facing the united might
of all Asia, has found himself at the side of his city when its inhabitants had been driven from their
homes, and still won the victory?"
In popular culture
The historical novel Farewell Great King by Jill Paton Walsh follows the life, until death, of Themistocles. It is
based primarily upon the Life of Themistocles and Life of Aristides from Plutarch.
Themistocles appears as a major character in, The Ionia Sanction, by Gary Corby.
The historical novel "A victor of Salamis; a tale of the days of Xerxes, Leonidas and Themistocles" by William
Stearns Davis follows the life, until death, of Themistocles.
Temistocle (1772), opera by Johann Christian Bach
Themistocles serves as the protagonist of the 2014 film 300: Rise of an Empire, which presents a
highly-fictionalized account of Themistocles and the Battle of Salamis. In the movie, he is portrayed by Sullivan
Stapleton.
Themistocles is one of the main characters of the 1962 film The 300 Spartans which presents the Battle of
Thermopylae. In this movie, he is portrayed by Ralph Richardson
References
[1] Plutarch Aristides 5.3
[2] Hornblower and Spawforth; entry Themistocles
[3] Plutarch, Themistocles 1 (http:/ / www.perseus.tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0182:text=Them. )
[4] Cornelius Nepos, Themistocles (http:/ / www. tertullian. org/ fathers/ nepos. htm#Themistocles)
[5] Libanius, Declamations 910
[6] Plutarch, Themistocles 1 (http:/ / www.perseus.tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
0182;layout=;query=chapter=#218;loc=Them. 1. 1)
[7] Alopece was a deme of Athens.
[8] [8] Holland, p122
[9] Holland, pp126128
[12] Herodotus V, 78 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0126& layout=& loc=5. 78)
[13] Plutarch, Themistocles, 5 (http:/ / www. perseus.tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
Themistocles
81
[17] Plutarch, Themistocles 4 (http:/ / www. perseus.tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
0182;query=chapter=#220;layout=;loc=Them. 3. 1)
[19] Herodotus VII, 145 (http:/ / www. perseus.tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0126& layout=& loc=7. 145. 1)
[20] Herodotus VII, 161 (http:/ / www. perseus.tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0126& layout=& loc=7. 161. 1)
[21] [21] Holland, p258
[23] Herodotus VII,173 (http:/ / www. perseus.tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0126& layout=& loc=7. 173. 1)
[25] Plutarch, Themistocles, 11 (http:/ / www. perseus.tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
[26] Herodotus VIII, 40 (http:/ / www. perseus.tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0126;query=chapter=#1343;layout=;loc=8.
39. 1)
[27] Holland, p257258
[29] [29] Holland, p276
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0126;query=chapter=#1314;layout=;loc=8. 10. 1)
20. 1)
23. 1)
49. 1)
72. 1)
63. 1)
76. 1)
[39] Herodotus VIII, 76 (http:/ / www. perseus.tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0126& layout=& loc=8. 76)
[40] [40] Lazenby, p255
[41] [41] Holland, p321
79. 1)
[43] [43] Holland, p316
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82. 1)
[45] [45] Lazenby, p190
[46] [46] Lazenby, p197
[47] Hanson, pp1260
[48] Strauss, pp1294
[49] [49] Holland, p399
96. 1)
[52] Holland, p332335
[53] Herodotus VIII, 123 (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0126;query=chapter=#1432;layout=;loc=8.
124. 1)
[55] Herodotus VIII, 124 (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0126;query=chapter=#1433;layout=;loc=8.
123. 1)
[56] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Aristides*. html
[57] http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Themistocles*. html
Themistocles
82
[59] Diodorus XI, 27 (http:/ / www.perseus.tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0084& layout=& loc=11. 27)
[60] [60] Lazenby, p209
[61] Herodotus IX, 69 (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0126;query=chapter=#1465;layout=;loc=9.
10. 1)
[62] Diodorus XI, 39 (http:/ / www.perseus.tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0084;query=chapter=#115;layout=;loc=11. 40.
1)
1)
[64] Diodorus XI, 40 (http:/ / www.perseus.tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0084;layout=;query=chapter=#116;loc=11. 39.
1)
1)
[66] [66] Holland, p360
1)
[69] David Campbell, Greek Lyric Poetry, Bristol Classical Press (1982), page 406
1)
1)
[75] Thucydides I, 137 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0200;query=chapter=#137;layout=;loc=1.
136. 1)
[76] Plutarch, Themistocles 26 (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
[80] Plutarch Themistocles, 31 (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
[81] Diodorus XI, 57 (http:/ / www.perseus.tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0084& layout=& loc=11. 57)
1)
[84] Herodotus, VIII, 125 (http:/ / www. perseus.tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0126:book=8:chapter=125:section=1).
[85] Plato, The Republic, I, 330a (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0168:book=1:section=330a).
[86] [86] Holland, p364
[87] [87] Lazenby, p169
1)
[89] Holland, pp xvixvii
[91] [91] Butler, p195
Themistocles
83
Bibliography
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Cornelius Nepos, Themistocles (http:/ / www. tertullian. org/ fathers/ nepos. htm#Themistocles)
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Modern sources
Butler, Howard (2005). The Story of Athens. Kessinger Publishing. ISBN1-4179-7092-8.
Hanson, Victor Davis (2001). Carnage and Culture: Landmark Battles in the Rise of Western Power. DoubleDay.
ISBN0-385-50052-1.
Frost, Frank J. (1980). Plutarch's Themistocles, An Historical Commentary. Princeton University Press.
Behmel, Albrecht (2000). Themistokles: Sieger von Salamis. Herr von Magnesia. Ibidem. ISBN3-932602-72-2.
Holland, Tom (2005). Persian Fire. Abacus. ISBN978-0-349-11717-1.
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Strauss, Barry (2004). The Battle of Salamis: The Naval Encounter That Saved Greeceand Western
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External links
Media related to Themistocles at Wikimedia Commons
Quotations related to Themistocles at Wikiquote
Livius.org, Themistocles (http:/ / www. livius. org/ th/ themistocles/ themistocles. html) by Jona Lendering
Marcus Furius Camillus
84
Francesco Salviati, Triumph of Furius Camillus, Fresco in the Salone dei Cinquecento,
Palazzo Vecchio, Florence, Italy. Plutarch, Camillus: "Camillus ... assumed more to
himself than became a civil and legal magistrate; among other things, in the pride and
haughtiness of his triumph, driving through Rome in a chariot drawn with four white
horses, which no general either before or since ever did; for the Romans consider such a
mode of conveyance to be sacred, and especially set apart to the king and father of the
gods. This alienated the hearts of his fellow-citizens, who were not accustomed to such
pomp and display."
Marcus Furius Camillus (ca. 446
365 BC) was a Roman soldier and
statesman of patrician descent.
According to Livy and Plutarch,
Camillus triumphed four times, was
five times dictator, and was honoured
with the title of Second Founder of
Rome.
Early life
Marcus Furius Camillus from Guillaume Rouill's
Promptuarii Iconum Insigniorum
Camillus belonged to the lineage of the Furii, whose origin had
been in the Latin city of Tusculum. Although this city had been a
bitter enemy of the Romans in the 490s BC, after both Volsci and
Aequi began to wage war against Rome, Tusculum joined Rome,
unlike most Latin cities. Soon, the Furii integrated into the Roman
society, accumulating a long series of magistrate offices. Thus the
Furii had become an important Roman family by the 450s.
[1]
The father of Camillus was Lucius Furius Medullinus, a patrician
tribune of consular powers. Camillus had more than three brothers:
the eldest one was Lucius junior, who was both Roman Consul
and tribune of consular powers. A younger brother was Spurius.
The cognomen of Camillus was the denomination of the Roman
acolytes of religious rituals. Coincidentally, during Camillus'
infancy, his relative Quintus Furius Paculus was the Roman
Pontifex Maximus.
85
Early career
Camillus had been a noteworthy soldier in the wars with the Aequi and Volsci. Subsequently, Camillus was a
Military Tribune. In 403 BC, he was appointed Roman censor with Marcus Postumius Albinus Regillensis, and, by
means of extensive taxation, took action to solve Roman financial problems, which were the outcome of
uninterrupted military campaigns.
Against Veii
The School-Teacher Punished by the order of
Camillus
In 406, Rome declared war against the rival Etrurian city of Veii.
Powerful Veii was a fortified city on an elevated site, which required
several years of Roman siege. In 401, as the war started to grow
increasingly unpopular in Rome, Camillus was appointed military
tribune of consular power. He assumed command of the Roman Army,
and within a short time he stormed two allies of Veii, Falerii and
Capena, which resisted behind their walls. In 398, Camillus received
consular powers and then looted Capena.
When Rome suffered severe defeats in 396, the tenth year of this war,
the Romans resorted again to Camillus, who was named dictator once
more. After defeating both Falerii and Capena at Nepete, Camillus
commanded the final strike against Veii. He dug the soft ground below
the walls and the Romans infiltrated through the city's sewage system
effectively, defeating the enemy. Not interested in capitulation terms,
but in Veii's complete destruction, the Romans slaughtered the entire
adult male population and made slaves of all the women and children.
The plunder was large. For the battle, Camillus had invoked the
protection of Mater Matuta extensively, and he looted the statue of
Juno for Rome. Back in Rome, Camillus paraded on a quadriga, a
four-horse chariot, and the popular celebrations lasted four days.
Camillus opposed the plebeian plan to populate Veii with half of the Romans. It would have resolved the poverty
issues, but the patricians opposed it. Deliberately, Camillus protracted the project until its abandonment. Camillus
rendered himself controversial in not fulfilling his promise to dedicate a tenth of the loot to Delphi for the god
Apollo. The Roman soothsayers announced that the gods were displeased by this, so the Senate charged the citizens
and the sought amounts of gold were retrieved.
Aftermath
To finish Falerii, which was the last surviving enemy of this war, Camillus was made military tribune again, in 395.
He seized the opportunity to divert the bitter conflict between Roman social classes into a unifying external conflict.
He besieged Falerii and, after he rejected as amoral the proposal of a local school teacher who had surrendered most
of the local children to the Romans, the people of Falerii moved to gratitude, swore peace with Rome.
The entire Italian Peninsula was impressed by the Roman victories of Camillus. Aequi, Volsci, and Capena proposed
peace treaties. Rome increased its territory by seventy percent and some of the land was distributed to needy citizens.
Rome had become the most powerful nation of the central peninsula.
86
Banishment
The Romans were restive because no plunder had been reaped out of Falerii. Furthermore, Camillus rejected both the
land redistribution and the uncontrolled Roman population of Veii. Consequently, he was impeached by his political
adversaries, by an accusation of embezzlement of the Etruscan loot.
To Camillus, his friends explained that, although the condemnation seemed unavoidable, they would help to pay the
fine. Camillus spurned this, opting for the exile. He abandoned Rome with his wife and Lucius, his surviving son,
toward Ardea. In his absence, Camillus was condemned to pay 1,500 denarii.
The Gauls and the Second Foundation of Rome
Clusium was reached by the Gauls, who had invaded most of Etruria already, and its people turned to Rome for help.
However, the Roman embassy provoked a skirmish and, then, the Gauls marched straight for Rome (July, 387 BC).
After the entire Roman army was defeated at the Allia brook (Battle of the Allia), the defenseless Rome was seized
by the invaders. The entire Roman army retreated into the deserted Veii whereas most civilians ended at the Etruscan
Caere. Nonetheless, a surrounded Roman garrison continued to resist on the Capitoline Hill. The Gauls dwelt within
the city, getting their supplies by destroying all nearby towns for plunder.
When the Gauls went for Ardea, the exiled Camillus, who was now a private man, organized the local forces for a
defense. Particularly, he harangued that, always, the Gauls exterminated their defeated enemies. Camillus found that
the Gauls were too distracted, celebrating their latest spoils with much crapulence at their camp. Then, he attacked
during a night, defeating the enemy easily with great bloodshed. Camillus was hailed then by all other Roman exiles
throughout the region. After he refused a makeshift generalship, a Roman messenger sneaked into the Capitol and,
therein, the Senators appointed Camillus dictator for a year with the task of confronting the Gauls. At the Roman
base of Veii, Camillus gathered a 12,000-man army whereas more men joined out of the region.
[2]
The Gauls may have been ill-prepared for the siege, as an epidemic broke out among them as a result of not burying
the dead. Brennus and the Romans negotiated an end to the siege when the Romans agreed to pay one thousand
pounds of gold. According to tradition, to add insult to injury, it was discovered that Brennus was using heavier
weights than standard for weighing the gold. When the Romans complained, Brennus is said to have thrown his
sword and belt on the scales and adding in Latin, "Woe to the vanquished" ("vae victis"), in conclusion (Livy V. 48).
According to some Roman historians, it was in this very moment that Camillus arrived with a Roman army and, after
putting his sword on the scale, replied, "Not gold, but steel redeems the native land" (Non auro, sed ferro,
recuperanda est patria), thus attacking the Gauls. A battle ensued in the streets of Rome, but neither army could
fight effectively in the narrow streets and alleyways. The Gallic and Roman armies left the city and fought the next
day. Camillus' army lived up to his hopes and the Gallic army was routed. The Romans dubbed Camillus a "second
Romulus," a second founder of Rome.
[3]
Camillus sacrificed for the successful return and he ordered the construction of the temple of Aius Locutius. When
plebeian orators again proposed moving to Veii, Camillus ordered a debate in the Senate and argued for staying. The
Senate unanimously approved of Camillus' view and ordered the reconstruction of Rome. As the Senate feared
sedition by plebeians, it refused Camillus's requests to resign his position as dictator before his term was finished.
This made Camillus the longest-reigning of all Roman dicators until Sulla and Caesar.
87
Second regional war
The city's reconstruction extended for an entire year. During that time, Volsci and Aequi invaded the Roman
territory, some Latin nations revolted, and the Etruscans besieged Sutrium, which was a Roman ally. To confront
such a crisis, Camillus, who was military tribune then, was appointed Roman dictator yet again, in 385 BC.
When the enemy besieged Rome, Camillus slew most invaders at the Marcian heights, setting fire to their palisades
during the windy hours of dawn. Subsequently, Camillus defeated Volsci southeastward, in the Battle of Maecium,
not far from Lanuvium (389 BC). Camillus proceeded then, capturing Bola (Aequi's capital) and subjecting Volsci.
However, the Romans lost Satricum and Camillus failed to capture Antium, the capital of the Volsci.
Finally, Camillus arrived at Sutrium where the population had just been expelled by the Etruscans. Camillus
estimated that they would be given to boisterous celebrations in Sutrium, so he rushed to the confrontation; the
Etruscans were so intoxicated that Camillus recaptured Sutrium with ease.
After this campaign, the Roman dictator Camillus celebrated a Triumph in Rome. Through Camillus, the Romans
had proven their military professional strength and offensive readiness.
Further life
Military tribune (381 BC)
In 381 BC, Camillus was military tribune of consular power again. His office was troubled chiefly by the charismatic
Marcus Manlius Capitolinus, who became his greatest detractor and around whom all plebeians had aggregated.
While Capitolinus had kingly dreams even, he attacked Camillus actually with precisely such kinglike accusation.
Nonetheless, Capitolinus was formally judged and executed.
Military tribune (378 BC)
The southern nations were contemptuous against the Romans after their latest expedition. Several cities of Volsci
united, such as Antium, Praeneste, and Velitrae. They liberated Satricum, slaying all Roman inhabitants. Before such
crisis, Camillus was appointed military Tribune of consular power, for the sixth time.
His health was poor but his retirement was refused. Camillus decided then that he would command through his son
Lucius. Thus, Camillus campaigned. At the battlefield, although Camillus helped the military actions safely, from a
distanced camp, Lucius couldn't cope with his duties so Camillus jumped into the battlefield. It was so that the
Romans defeated their enemy. Camillus headed then to Satricus with his youngest men and it was retrieved.
Because many war prisoners were of Tusculum, Camillus headed the Romans thither and the city was bloodlessly
adjoined with the Romans whereas its citizens were endowed with fully Roman rights. Such favorable development
was due to the local relatedness of the Furiis.
After these events, Camillus decided that he would retire definitively.
Roman dictator (368 BC)
Camillus was appointed Roman dictator (368 BC), nominally to attend the war of Velletri. However, at Rome, the
patricians of the Senate were expecting, actually, that Camillus would be their leverage against the agitated plebeians
because the crisis of social classes had worsened by a quite severe economical pass.
For the Roman magistracy, the populists were demanding a dyad of Roman consuls, of whom one should be a
plebeian always. Through a bogus military call, Camillus attempted to trick the plebeian concil so it might not meet
to approve such plans. The enraged assemblymen were about punishing Camillus when he renounced his office of
Dictator.
88
Roman dictator (367 BC)
As the Gauls were, again, marching toward Latium, all Romans reunited despite their severe differences. Camillus
was named Roman dictator for the fifth time then (367 BC). He organized the defense of Rome actively. By the
commands of Camillus, the Roman soldiers were protected particularly against the Gallic main attack, the heavy
blow of their swords. Both smooth iron helmets and brass-rimmed shields were built. Also, long pikes were used, to
keep the enemy's swords far.
The Gauls camped at the Anio river, carrying loads of recently gotten plunder. Near them, at the Alban Hills,
Camillus discovered their disorganization, which was due to unruly celebrations. Before the dawn, then, the light
infantry disarrayed the Gallic defenses and, subsequently, the heavy infantry and the pikemen of the Romans
finished their enemy. After the battle, Velitrae surrendered voluntarily to Rome. Back in Rome, Camillus celebrated
with another Triumph.
Issue of the social classes
At Rome, the plebeians were insistent about the dyad of Consuls. The patricians refused to compromise and again
sought protection behind Camillus' figure. The populists attempted to arrest Camillus but he timely convoked a
Senate session and convinced the Senate to yield to the popular demand, enacted by the plebs as the Lex Licinia
Sextia (367 BC). A new plebeian magistracy, the praetorship, was also created.
The creation of the new magistracy was followed by general celebration. Camillus ordered the construction of the
Temple of Concord, which would be built beside the Roman Forum.
Death
A deadly pestilence struck Rome and it affected most Roman public figures. Camillus was amongst them, passing
away in 365 BC. His death was deeply mourned as he was named "the second founder of Rome."
In popular culture
Marcus Furius Camillus was played by Massimo Serato in the 1963 film Brennus, Enemy of Rome.
References
[1] Plutarch, Lives: Wikisource Life of Camillus.
[2] [2] Livy v.10, vi.4
[3] Livy, History of Rome, Book 5, Chapter 49.
Primary sources
Livy v.10, vi.4
Plutarch, Camillus
Plutarch, The Parallel Lives - The Life of Camillus:
Chicago University (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Camillus*.
html)
Gutenberg Project (http:/ / www. gutenberg. org/ etext/ 14033)
Plutarch, Life of Camillus (http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ camillus. html), Internet Classics Archive
(MIT), retrieved February 4, 2014
For the Gallic retreat, see Polybius ii. 18; T.
Secondary sources
Georges Dumzil, Camillus: A Study of Indo-European Religion as Roman History, ed. Udo Strutynski,
University of California Press, 1980 (reprinted from 1973, 1975)
89
Livius.org: Marcus Furius Camillus (http:/ / www. livius. org/ fo-fz/ furius/ camillus4. html)
Mommsen, Rmische Forschungen, ii. pp.113152 (1879).
Pericles
For other uses of "Pericles", see Pericles (disambiguation).
"Perikles" redirects here. For other uses, see Perikles (disambiguation).
For other persons named Perikles, see Perikles (given name).
Pericles
Bust of Pericles bearing the inscription "Pericles, son of Xanthippus, Athenian". Marble, Roman copy after a Greek original
from ca. 430BC
Born ca. 495 BC
Athens
Died 429 BC
Athens
Allegiance Athens
Battles/wars Battle in Sicyon and Acarnania (454 BC)
Second Sacred War (448 BC)
Expulsion of barbarians from Gallipoli (447 BC)
Samian War (440 BC)
Siege of Byzantium (438 BC)
Peloponnesian War (431429 BC)
Pericles (/prkliz/; Greek: [perikls], Perikls, "surrounded by glory"; c. 495 429 BC) was arguably
the most prominent and influential Greek statesman, orator and general of Athens during the Golden Age
specifically the time between the Persian and Peloponnesian wars. He was descended, through his mother, from the
powerful and historically influential Alcmaeonid family.
Pericles had such a profound influence on Athenian society that Thucydides, a contemporary historian, acclaimed
him as "the first citizen of Athens".
[1]
Pericles turned the Delian League into an Athenian empire, and led his
Pericles
90
countrymen during the first two years of the Peloponnesian War. The period during which he led Athens, roughly
from 461 to 429 BC, is sometimes known as the "Age of Pericles", though the period thus denoted can include times
as early as the Persian Wars, or as late as the next century.
Pericles promoted the arts and literature; it is principally through his efforts that Athens holds the reputation of being
the educational and cultural center of the ancient Greek world. He started an ambitious project that generated most of
the surviving structures on the Acropolis (including the Parthenon). This project beautified and protected the city,
exhibited its glory, and gave work to the people.
[2]
Pericles also fostered Athenian democracy to such an extent that
critics call him a populist.
[3][4]
Early years
Pericles was born c. 495 BC, in the deme of Cholargos just north of Athens.
[]
He was the son of the politician
Xanthippus, who, though ostracized in 485484 BC, returned to Athens to command the Athenian contingent in the
Greek victory at Mycale just five years later. Pericles' mother, Agariste, a member of the powerful and controversial
noble family of the Alcmaeonidae, and her familial connections played a crucial role in kickstarting Xanthippus'
political career. Agariste was the great-granddaughter of the tyrant of Sicyon, Cleisthenes, and the niece of the
Athenian reformer Cleisthenes.
[]
According to Herodotus and Plutarch, Agariste dreamed, a few nights before Pericles' birth, that she had borne a
lion. Interestingly, legends say that the father of Alexander the Great (Phillip of Macedon) had a similar dream
before the birth of his son.
[5][6]
One interpretation of the dream treats the lion as a traditional symbol of greatness,
but the story may also allude to the unusual size of Pericles' skull, which became a popular target of contemporary
comedians (who called him "Squill-head", after the Squill or Sea-Onion).
[7]
(Although Plutarch claims that this
deformity was the reason that Pericles was always depicted wearing a helmet, this is not the case; the helmet was
actually the symbol of his official rank as strategos (general).
[8]
"Our polity does not copy the laws of neighboring states; we are rather a pattern to others than imitators ourselves. It is called a democracy,
because not the few but the many govern. If we look to the laws, they afford equal justice to all in their private differences; if to social
standing, advancement in public life falls to reputation for capacity, class considerations not being allowed to interfere with merit; nor
again does poverty bar the way, if a man is able to serve the state, he is not hindered by the obscurity of his condition."
'Pericles' Funeral Oration as recorded by Thucydides, 2.37
[]
; Thucydides disclaims verbal accuracy
[9]
.
Pericles belonged to the tribe of Acamantis ( ). His early years were quiet; the introverted young
Pericles avoided public appearances, instead preferring to devote his time to his studies.
His family's nobility and wealth allowed him to fully pursue his inclination toward education. He learned music from
the masters of the time (Damon or Pythocleides could have been his teacher)
[10][11]
and he is considered to have
been the first politician to attribute importance to philosophy. He enjoyed the company of the philosophers
Protagoras, Zeno of Elea, and Anaxagoras. Anaxagoras, in particular, became a close friend and influenced him
greatly.
[12]
Pericles' manner of thought and rhetorical charisma may have been in part products of Anaxagoras' emphasis on
emotional calm in the face of trouble and skepticism about divine phenomena. His proverbial calmness and
self-control are also often regarded as products of Anaxagoras' influence.
[13]
Pericles
91
Political career until 431 BC
Entering politics
In the spring of 472 BC, Pericles presented The Persians of Aeschylus at the Greater Dionysia as a liturgy,
demonstrating that he was one of the wealthier men of Athens. Simon Hornblower has argued that Pericles' selection
of this play, which presents a nostalgic picture of Themistocles' famous victory at Salamis, shows that the young
politician was supporting Themistocles against his political opponent Cimon, whose faction succeeded in having
Themistocles ostracized shortly afterwards.
[14]
Plutarch says that Pericles stood first among the Athenians for forty years.
[15]
If this was so, Pericles must have taken
up a position of leadership by the early 460s BC- in his early or mid-thirties. Throughout these years he endeavored
to protect his privacy and to present himself as a model for his fellow citizens. For example, he would often avoid
banquets, trying to be frugal.
[16][17]
In 463 BC, Pericles was the leading prosecutor of Cimon, the leader of the conservative faction who was accused of
neglecting Athens' vital interests in Macedon.
[18]
Although Cimon was acquitted, this confrontation proved that
Pericles' major political opponent was vulnerable.
[19]
Ostracizing Cimon
Around 461 BC, the leadership of the democratic party decided it was time to take aim at the Areopagus, a
traditional council controlled by the Athenian aristocracy, which had once been the most powerful body in the
state.
[20]
The leader of the party and mentor of Pericles, Ephialtes, proposed a reduction of the Areopagus' powers.
The Ecclesia (the Athenian Assembly) adopted Ephialtes' proposal without opposition. This reform signaled the
beginning of a new era of "radical democracy".
The democratic party gradually became dominant in Athenian politics, and Pericles seemed willing to follow a
populist policy in order to cajole the public. According to Aristotle, Pericles' stance can be explained by the fact that
his principal political opponent, Cimon, was both rich and generous, and was able to gain public favor by lavishly
handing out portions of his sizable personal fortune. The historian Loren J. Samons II argues, however, that Pericles
had enough resources to make a political mark by private means, had he so chosen.
[21]
In 461 BC, Pericles achieved the political elimination of this opponent using ostracism. The accusation was that
Cimon betrayed his city by aiding Sparta.
[22]
After Cimon's ostracism, Pericles continued to promote a populist social policy. He first proposed a decree that
permitted the poor to watch theatrical plays without paying, with the state covering the cost of their admission. With
other decrees he lowered the property requirement for the archonship in 458457 BC and bestowed generous wages
on all citizens who served as jurymen in the Heliaia (the supreme court of Athens) some time just after 454BC.
[23]
His most controversial measure, however, was a law of 451 BC limiting Athenian citizenship to those of Athenian
parentage on both sides.
[24]
"Rather, the admiration of the present and succeeding ages will be ours, since we have not left our power without witness, but have shown
it by mighty proofs; and far from needing a Homer for our panegyrist, or other of his craft whose verses might charm for the moment only
for the impression which they gave to melt at the touch of fact, we have forced every sea and land to be the highway of our daring, and
everywhere, whether for evil or for good, have left imperishable monuments behind us."
Pericles' Funeral Oration as recorded by Thucydides ( II, 41
[25]
)
[]
Such measures impelled Pericles' critics to hold him responsible for the gradual degeneration of the Athenian
democracy. Constantine Paparrigopoulos, a major modern Greek historian, argues that Pericles sought for the
expansion and stabilization of all democratic institutions.
[26]
Hence, he enacted legislation granting the lower classes
access to the political system and the public offices, from which they had previously been barred.
[27]
Pericles
92
According to Samons, Pericles believed that it was necessary to raise the demos, in which he saw an untapped source
of Athenian power and the crucial element of Athenian military dominance.
[28]
(The fleet, backbone of Athenian
power since the days of Themistocles, was manned almost entirely by members of the lower classes.
[29]
)
Cimon, on the other hand, apparently believed that no further free space for democratic evolution existed. He was
certain that democracy had reached its peak and Pericles' reforms were leading to the stalemate of populism.
According to Paparrigopoulos, history vindicated Cimon, because Athens, after Pericles' death, sank into the abyss of
political turmoil and demagogy. Paparrigopoulos maintains that an unprecedented regression descended upon the
city, whose glory perished as a result of Pericles' populist policies.
According to another historian, Justin Daniel King, radical democracy benefited people individually, but harmed the
state.
[30]
On the other hand, Donald Kagan asserts that the democratic measures Pericles put into effect provided the
basis for an unassailable political strength.
[31]
After all, Cimon finally accepted the new democracy and did not
oppose the citizenship law, after he returned from exile in 451BC.
[32]
Leading Athens
Ephialtes' murder in 461 BC paved the way for Pericles to consolidate his authority.
[]
Without opposition after the
expulsion of Cimon, the unchallengeable leader of the democratic party became the unchallengeable ruler of Athens.
He remained in power until his death in 429BC.
First Peloponnesian War
Main article: First Peloponnesian War
Phidias Showing the Frieze of the Parthenon to Pericles, Aspasia,
Alcibiades and friends, by Sir Lawrence Alma-Tadema, 1868,
Birmingham Museum & Art Gallery.
Pericles made his first military excursions during the
First Peloponnesian War, which was caused in part by
Athens' alliance with Megara and Argos and the
subsequent reaction of Sparta. In 454 BC he attacked
Sicyon and Acarnania.
[33]
He then unsuccessfully tried
to conquer Oeniadea on the Corinthian gulf, before
returning to Athens.
[34]
In 451 BC, Cimon returned
from exile and negotiated a five years' truce with Sparta
after a proposal of Pericles, an event which indicates a
shift in Pericles' political strategy.
[35]
Pericles may have
realized the importance of Cimon's contribution during
the ongoing conflicts against the Peloponnesians and
the Persians. Anthony J. Podlecki argues, however, that
Pericles' alleged change of position was invented by
ancient writers to support "a tendentious view of Pericles' shiftiness".
[36]
Plutarch states that Cimon struck a power-sharing deal with his opponents, according to which Pericles would carry
through the interior affairs and Cimon would be the leader of the Athenian army, campaigning abroad.
[37]
If it was
actually made, this bargain would constitute a concession on Pericles' part that he was not a great strategist. Kagan
believes that Cimon adapted himself to the new conditions and promoted a political marriage between Periclean
liberals and Cimonian conservatives.
In the mid-450s the Athenians launched an unsuccessful attempt to aid an Egyptian revolt against Persia, which led
to a prolonged siege of a Persian fortress in the Nile Delta. The campaign culminated in disaster; the besieging force
was defeated and destroyed.
[38]
In 451450 BC the Athenians sent troops to Cyprus. Cimon defeated the Persians in
the Battle of Salamis-in-Cyprus, but died of disease in 449BC. Pericles is said to have initiated both expeditions in
Egypt and Cyprus,
[39]
although some researchers, such as Karl Julius Beloch, argue that the dispatch of such a great
fleet conforms with the spirit of Cimon's policy.
[40]
Pericles
93
Complicating the account of this period is the issue of the Peace of Callias, which allegedly ended hostilities between
the Greeks and the Persians. The very existence of the treaty is hotly disputed, and its particulars and negotiation are
ambiguous.
[41]
Ernst Badian believes that a peace between Athens and Persia was first ratified in 463 BC (making
the Athenian interventions in Egypt and Cyprus violations of the peace), and renegotiated at the conclusion of the
campaign in Cyprus, taking force again by 449448BC.
[42]
John Fine, on the other hand, suggests that the first peace between Athens and Persia was concluded in 450449BC,
due to Pericles' calculation that ongoing conflict with Persia was undermining Athens' ability to spread its influence
in Greece and the Aegean. Kagan believes that Pericles used Callias, a brother-in-law of Cimon, as a symbol of unity
and employed him several times to negotiate important agreements.
[43]
In the spring of 449 BC, Pericles proposed the Congress Decree, which led to a meeting ("Congress") of all Greek
states in order to consider the question of rebuilding the temples destroyed by the Persians. The Congress failed
because of Sparta's stance, but Pericles' intentions remain unclear.
[44]
Some historians think that he wanted to prompt
a confederation with the participation of all the Greek cities; others think he wanted to assert Athenian
pre-eminence.
[45]
According to the historian Terry Buckley the objective of the Congress Decree was a new mandate
for the Delian League and for the collection of "phoros" (taxes).
[46]
"Remember, too, that if your country has the greatest name in all the world, it is because she never bent before disaster; because she has
expended more life and effort in war than any other city, and has won for herself a power greater than any hitherto known, the memory of
which will descend to the latest posterity."
Pericles' Third Oration according to Thucydides ( II, 64
[47]
)
[]
During the Second Sacred War Pericles led the Athenian army against Delphi and reinstated Phocis in its sovereign
rights on the oracle.
[48]
In 447 BC Pericles engaged in his most admired excursion, the expulsion of barbarians from
the Thracian peninsula of Gallipoli, in order to establish Athenian colonists in the region.
[49]
At this time, however,
Athens was seriously challenged by a number of revolts among its subjects. In 447 BC the oligarchs of Thebes
conspired against the democratic faction. The Athenians demanded their immediate surrender, but after the Battle of
Coronea, Pericles was forced to concede the loss of Boeotia in order to recover the prisoners taken in that battle.
With Boeotia in hostile hands, Phocis and Locris became untenable and quickly fell under the control of hostile
oligarchs.
[50]
In 446 BC, a more dangerous uprising erupted. Euboea and Megara revolted. Pericles crossed over to Euboea with
his troops, but was forced to return when the Spartan army invaded Attica. Through bribery and negotiations,
Pericles defused the imminent threat, and the Spartans returned home.
[51]
When Pericles was later audited for the
handling of public money, an expenditure of 10 talents was not sufficiently justified, since the official documents
just referred that the money was spent for a "very serious purpose". Nonetheless, the "serious purpose" (namely the
bribery) was so obvious to the auditors that they approved the expenditure without official meddling and without
even investigating the mystery.
[52]
After the Spartan threat had been removed, Pericles crossed back to Euboea to crush the revolt there. He then
punished the landowners of Chalcis, who lost their properties. The residents of Histiaea, meanwhile, who had
butchered the crew of an Athenian trireme, were uprooted and replaced by 2,000 Athenian settlers. The crisis was
brought to an official end by the Thirty Years' Peace (winter of 446445BC), in which Athens relinquished most of
the possessions and interests on the Greek mainland which it had acquired since 460BC, and both Athens and Sparta
agreed not to attempt to win over the other state's allies.
Pericles
94
Final battle with the conservatives
In 444 BC, the conservative and the democratic factions confronted each other in a fierce struggle. The ambitious
new leader of the conservatives, Thucydides (not to be confused with the historian of the same name), accused
Pericles of profligacy, criticizing the way he spent the money for the ongoing building plan. Thucydides managed,
initially, to incite the passions of the ecclesia in his favor, but, when Pericles, the leader of the democrats, took the
floor, he put the conservatives in the shade. Pericles responded resolutely, proposing to reimburse the city for all the
expenses from his private property, under the term that he would make the inscriptions of dedication in his own
name.
[53]
His stance was greeted with applause, and Thucydides suffered an unexpected defeat. In 442BC, the Athenian
public voted to ostracize Thucydides from the city for 10 years and Pericles was once again the unchallenged
suzerain of the Athenian political arena.
Athens' rule over its alliance
Bust of Pericles after Kresilas, Altes
Museum, Berlin
Pericles wanted to stabilize Athens' dominance over its alliance and to enforce its
pre-eminence in Greece. The process by which the Delian League transformed
into an Athenian empire is generally considered to have begun well before
Pericles' time,
[54]
as various allies in the league chose to pay tribute to Athens
instead of manning ships for the league's fleet, but the transformation was
speeded and brought to its conclusion by Pericles.
[55]
The final steps in the shift to empire may have been triggered by Athens' defeat
in Egypt, which challenged the city's dominance in the Aegean and led to the
revolt of several allies, such as Miletus and Erythrae.
[56]
Either because of a
genuine fear for its safety after the defeat in Egypt and the revolts of the allies, or
as a pretext to gain control of the League's finances, Athens transferred the
treasury of the alliance from Delos to Athens in 454453BC.
[57]
By 450449 BC the revolts in Miletus and Erythrae were quelled and Athens
restored its rule over its allies.
[58]
Around 447 BC Clearchus proposed the
Coinage Decree, which imposed Athenian silver coinage, weights and measures
on all of the allies. According to one of the decree's most stringent provisions,
surplus from a minting operation was to go into a special fund, and anyone
proposing to use it otherwise was subject to the death penalty.
[59]
It was from the alliance's treasury that Pericles drew the funds necessary to enable his ambitious building plan,
centered on the "Periclean Acropolis", which included the Propylaea, the Parthenon and the golden statue of Athena,
sculpted by Pericles' friend, Phidias.
[60]
In 449 BC Pericles proposed a decree allowing the use of 9,000 talents to
finance the major rebuilding program of Athenian temples. Angelos Vlachos, a Greek Academician, points out that
the utilization of the alliance's treasury, initiated and executed by Pericles, is one of the largest embezzlements in
human history; this misappropriation financed, however, some of the most marvellous artistic creations of the
ancient world.
[61]
Pericles
95
Samian War
Main article: Samian War
The Samian War was one of the last significant military events before the Peloponnesian War. After Thucydides'
ostracism, Pericles was re-elected yearly to the generalship, the only office he ever officially occupied, although his
influence was so great as to make him the de facto ruler of the state. In 440 BC Samos went to war against Miletus
over control of Priene, an ancient city of Ionia on the foot-hills of Mycale. Worsted in the war, the Milesians came to
Athens to plead their case against the Samians.
[62]
When the Athenians ordered the two sides to stop fighting and submit the case to arbitration in Athens, the Samians
refused.
[63]
In response, Pericles passed a decree dispatching an expedition to Samos, "alleging against its people
that, although they were ordered to break off their war against the Milesians, they were not complying".
[]
In a naval battle the Athenians led by Pericles and nine other generals defeated the forces of Samos and imposed on
the island an Athenian administration. When the Samians revolted against Athenian rule, Pericles compelled the
rebels to capitulate after a tough siege of eight months, which resulted in substantial discontent among the Athenian
sailors.
[64]
Pericles then quelled a revolt in Byzantium and, when he returned to Athens, gave a funeral oration to
honor the soldiers who died in the expedition.
[65]
Between 438-436 BC Pericles led Athens' fleet in Pontus and established friendly relations with the Greek cities of
the region.
[66]
Pericles focused also on internal projects, such as the fortification of Athens (the building of the
"middle wall" about 440BC), and on the creation of new cleruchies, such as Andros, Naxos and Thurii (444BC) as
well as Amphipolis (437436BC).
[67]
Personal attacks
Aspasia of Miletus (c.469 BC c.
406BC), Pericles' companion.
Pericles and his friends were never immune from attack, as preeminence in
democratic Athens was not equivalent to absolute rule.
[68]
Just before the
eruption of the Peloponnesian War, Pericles and two of his closest associates,
Phidias and his companion, Aspasia, faced a series of personal and judicial
attacks.
Phidias, who had been in charge of all building projects, was first accused of
embezzling gold meant for the statue of Athena and then of impiety, because,
when he wrought the battle of the Amazons on the shield of Athena, he carved
out a figure that suggested himself as a bald old man, and also inserted a very
fine likeness of Pericles fighting with an Amazon.
[69]
Aspasia, who was noted for her ability as a conversationalist and adviser, was
accused of corrupting the women of Athens in order to satisfy Pericles'
perversions.
[70][71][72][73]
The accusations against her were probably nothing
more than unproven slanders, but the whole experience was very bitter for
Pericles. Although Aspasia was acquitted thanks to a rare emotional outburst of
Pericles, his friend, Phidias, died in prison and another friend of his, Anaxagoras, was attacked by the ecclesia for his
religious beliefs.
Beyond these initial prosecutions, the ecclesia attacked Pericles himself by asking him to justify his ostensible
profligacy with, and maladministration of, public money. According to Plutarch, Pericles was so afraid of the
oncoming trial that he did not let the Athenians yield to the Lacedaemonians. Beloch also believes that Pericles
deliberately brought on the war to protect his political position at home.
[74]
Thus, at the start of the Peloponnesian
War, Athens found itself in the awkward position of entrusting its future to a leader whose pre-eminence had just
been seriously shaken for the first time in over a decade.
Pericles
96
Peloponnesian War
Main article: Peloponnesian War
The causes of the Peloponnesian War have been much debated, but many ancient historians lay the blame on Pericles
and Athens. Plutarch seems to believe that Pericles and the Athenians incited the war, scrambling to implement their
belligerent tactics "with a sort of arrogance and a love of strife".
[]
Thucydides hints at the same thing, believing the
reason for the war was Sparta's fear of Athenian power and growth. However, as he is generally regarded as an
admirer of Pericles, Thucydides has been criticized for bias towards Sparta.
[]
Prelude to the war
Anaxagoras and Pericles by Augustin-Louis Belle
(17571841)
Pericles was convinced that the war against Sparta, which could not
conceal its envy of Athens' pre-eminence, was inevitable if
unfortunate.
[75]
Therefore he did not hesitate to send troops to Corcyra
to reinforce the Corcyraean fleet, which was fighting against
Corinth.
[76]
In 433 BC the enemy fleets confronted each other at the
Battle of Sybota and a year later the Athenians fought Corinthian
colonists at the Battle of Potidaea; these two events contributed greatly
to Corinth's lasting hatred of Athens. During the same period, Pericles
proposed the Megarian Decree, which resembled a modern trade
embargo. According to the provisions of the decree, Megarian
merchants were excluded from the market of Athens and the ports in
its empire. This ban strangled the Megarian economy and strained the
fragile peace between Athens and Sparta, which was allied with Megara. According to George Cawkwell, a
praelector in ancient history, with this decree Pericles breached the Thirty Years' Peace "but, perhaps, not without the
semblance of an excuse".
[77]
The Athenians' justification was that the Megarians had cultivated the sacred land
consecrated to Demeter and had given refuge to runaway slaves, a behavior which the Athenians considered to be
impious.
[78]
After consultations with its allies, Sparta sent a deputation to Athens demanding certain concessions, such as the
immediate expulsion of the Alcmaeonidae family including Pericles and the retraction of the Megarian Decree,
threatening war if the demands were not met. The obvious purpose of these proposals was the instigation of a
confrontation between Pericles and the people; this event, indeed, would come about a few years later.
[79]
At that
time, the Athenians unhesitatingly followed Pericles' instructions. In the first legendary oration Thucydides puts in
his mouth, Pericles advised the Athenians not to yield to their opponents' demands, since they were militarily
stronger.
[80]
Pericles was not prepared to make unilateral concessions, believing that "if Athens conceded on that
issue, then Sparta was sure to come up with further demands".
[81]
Consequently, Pericles asked the Spartans to offer
a quid pro quo. In exchange for retracting the Megarian Decree, the Athenians demanded from Sparta to abandon
their practice of periodic expulsion of foreigners from their territory (xenelasia) and to recognize the autonomy of its
allied cities, a request implying that Sparta's hegemony was also ruthless.
[82]
The terms were rejected by the
Spartans, and with neither side willing to back down, the two cities prepared for war. According to Athanasios G.
Platias and Constantinos Koliopoulos, professors of strategic studies and international politics, "rather than to submit
to coercive demands, Pericles chose war". Another consideration that may well have influenced Pericles' stance was
the concern that revolts in the empire might spread if Athens showed herself weak.
[83]
Pericles
97
First year of the war (431 BC)
The Parthenon, a masterpiece
prompted by Pericles, from the south
In 431 BC, while peace already was precarious, ArchidamusII, Sparta's king,
sent a new delegation to Athens, demanding that the Athenians submit to Sparta's
demands. This deputation was not allowed to enter Athens, as Pericles had
already passed a resolution according to which no Spartan deputation would be
welcomed if the Spartans had previously initiated any hostile military actions.
The Spartan army was at this time gathered at Corinth, and, citing this as a
hostile action, the Athenians refused to admit their emissaries.
[84]
With his last
attempt at negotiation thus declined, Archidamus invaded Attica, but found no
Athenians there; Pericles, aware that Sparta's strategy would be to invade and
ravage Athenian territory, had previously arranged to evacuate the entire
population of the region to within the walls of Athens.
[85]
No definite record exists of how exactly Pericles managed to convince the
residents of Attica to agree to move into the crowded urban areas. For most, the
move meant abandoning their land and ancestral shrines and completely
changing their lifestyle.
[86]
Therefore, although they agreed to leave, many rural
residents were far from happy with Pericles' decision.
[87]
Pericles also gave his compatriots some advice on their
present affairs and reassured them that, if the enemy did not plunder his farms, he would offer his property to the
city. This promise was prompted by his concern that Archidamus, who was a friend of his, might pass by his estate
without ravaging it, either as a gesture of friendship or as a calculated political move aimed to alienate Pericles from
his constituents.
[88]
"For heroes have the whole earth for their tomb; and in lands far from their own, where the column with its epitaph declares it, there is
enshrined in every breast a record unwritten with no tablet to preserve it, except that of the heart."
Pericles' Funeral Oration as recorded by Thucydides (2.43)
[]
In any case, seeing the pillage of their farms, the Athenians were outraged, and they soon began to indirectly express
their discontent towards their leader, who many of them considered to have drawn them into the war. Even when in
the face of mounting pressure, Pericles did not give in to the demands for immediate action against the enemy or
revise his initial strategy. He also avoided convening the ecclesia, fearing that the populace, outraged by the
unopposed ravaging of their farms, might rashly decide to challenge the vaunted Spartan army in the field.
[89]
As
meetings of the assembly were called at the discretion of its rotating presidents, the "prytanies", Pericles had no
formal control over their scheduling; rather, the respect in which Pericles was held by the prytanies was apparently
sufficient to persuade them to do as he wished.
[90]
While the Spartan army remained in Attica, Pericles sent a fleet of
100 ships to loot the coasts of the Peloponnese and charged the cavalry to guard the ravaged farms close to the walls
of the city.
[91]
When the enemy retired and the pillaging came to an end, Pericles proposed a decree according to
which the authorities of the city should put aside 1,000 talents and 100 ships, in case Athens was attacked by naval
forces. According to the most stringent provision of the decree, even proposing a different use of the money or ships
would entail the penalty of death. During the autumn of 431 BC, Pericles led the Athenian forces that invaded
Megara and a few months later (winter of 431430 BC) he delivered his monumental and emotional Funeral
Oration, honoring the Athenians who died for their city.
[92]
Pericles
98
Last military operations and death
In 430 BC, the army of Sparta looted Attica for a second time, but Pericles was not daunted and refused to revise his
initial strategy.
[93]
Unwilling to engage the Spartan army in battle, he again led a naval expedition to plunder the
coasts of the Peloponnese, this time taking 100 Athenian ships with him.
[94]
According to Plutarch, just before the
sailing of the ships an eclipse of the sun frightened the crews, but Pericles used the astronomical knowledge he had
acquired from Anaxagoras to calm them.
[95]
In the summer of the same year an epidemic broke out and devastated
the Athenians.
[96]
The exact identity of the disease is uncertain, and has been the source of much debate.
[]
In any
case, the city's plight, caused by the epidemic, triggered a new wave of public uproar, and Pericles was forced to
defend himself in an emotional final speech, a rendition of which is presented by Thucydides.
[97]
This is considered
to be a monumental oration, revealing Pericles' virtues but also his bitterness towards his compatriots' ingratitude.
Temporarily, he managed to tame the people's resentment and to ride out the storm, but his internal enemies' final
bid to undermine him came off; they managed to deprive him of the generalship and to fine him at an amount
estimated between 15 and 50 talents. Ancient sources mention Cleon, a rising and dynamic protagonist of the
Athenian political scene during the war, as the public prosecutor in Pericles' trial.
Nevertheless, within just a year, in 429 BC, the Athenians not only forgave Pericles but also re-elected him as
strategos.
[]
He was reinstated in command of the Athenian army and led all its military operations during 429 BC,
having once again under his control the levers of power. In that year, however, Pericles witnessed the death of both
his legitimate sons from his first wife, Paralus and Xanthippus, in the epidemic. His morale undermined, he burst
into tears and not even Aspasia's companionship could console him. He himself died of the plague in the autumn of
429 BC.
Just before his death, Pericles' friends were concentrated around his bed, enumerating his virtues during peace and
underscoring his nine war trophies. Pericles, though moribund, heard them and interrupted them, pointing out that
they forgot to mention his fairest and greatest title to their admiration; "for", said he, "no living Athenian ever put on
mourning because of me".
[98]
Pericles lived during the first two and a half years of the Peloponnesian War and,
according to Thucydides, his death was a disaster for Athens, since his successors were inferior to him; they
preferred to incite all the bad habits of the rabble and followed an unstable policy, endeavoring to be popular rather
than useful.
[1]
With these bitter comments, Thucydides not only laments the loss of a man he admired, but he also
heralds the flickering of Athens' unique glory and grandeur.
Pausanias (c. 150 C.E.) records (I.29) seeing the tomb of Pericles along a road near the Academy.
Personal life
Pericles, following Athenian custom, was first married to one of his closest relatives, with whom he had two sons,
Paralus and Xanthippus, but around 445BC, Pericles divorced his wife. He offered her to another husband, with the
agreement of her male relatives.
[99]
The name of his first wife is not known; the only information about her is that
she was the wife of Hipponicus, before being married to Pericles, and the mother of Callias from this first
marriage.
[100]
"For men can endure to hear others praised only so long as they can severally persuade themselves of their own ability to equal the actions
recounted: when this point is passed, envy comes in and with it incredulity."
'Pericles' Funeral Oration as recorded by Thucydides (2.35)
[]
The woman he really adored was Aspasia of Miletus. She became Pericles' mistress and they began to live together
as if they were married. This relationship aroused many reactions and even Pericles' own son, Xanthippus, who had
political ambitions, did not hesitate to slander his father.
[101]
Nonetheless, these persecutions did not undermine
Pericles' morale, although he had to burst into tears in order to protect his beloved Aspasia when she was accused of
corrupting Athenian society. His greatest personal tragedy was the death of his sister and of both his legitimate sons,
Pericles
99
Xanthippus and Paralus, all affected by the epidemic, a calamity he never managed to overcome. Just before his
death, the Athenians allowed a change in the law of 451 BC that made his half-Athenian son with Aspasia, Pericles
the Younger, a citizen and legitimate heir,
[102]
a decision all the more striking in consideration that Pericles himself
had proposed the law confining citizenship to those of Athenian parentage on both sides.
[103]
Assessments
Pericles marked a whole era and inspired conflicting judgments about his significant decisions. The fact that he was
at the same time a vigorous statesman, general and orator makes more complex the objective assessment of his
actions.
Political leadership
An ostracon with Pericles' name written on it (c.
444443 BC), Museum of the ancient Agora of
Athens
Some contemporary scholars, for example Sarah Ruden, call Pericles a
populist, a demagogue and a hawk,
[104]
while other scholars admire his
charismatic leadership. According to Plutarch, after assuming the
leadership of Athens, "he was no longer the same man as before, nor
alike submissive to the people and ready to yield and give in to the
desires of the multitude as a steersman to the breezes".
[105]
It is told
that when his political opponent, Thucydides, was asked by Sparta's
king, Archidamus, whether he or Pericles was the better fighter,
Thucydides answered without any hesitation that Pericles was better,
because even when he was defeated, he managed to convince the
audience that he had won. In matters of character, Pericles was above
reproach in the eyes of the ancient historians, since "he kept himself
untainted by corruption, although he was not altogether indifferent to
money-making".
Thucydides, an admirer of Pericles, maintains that Athens was "in name a democracy but, in fact, governed by its
first citizen". Through this comment, the historian illustrates what he perceives as Pericles' charisma to lead,
convince and, sometimes, to manipulate. Although Thucydides mentions the fining of Pericles, he does not mention
the accusations against Pericles but instead focuses on Pericles' integrity.
[]
On the other hand, in one of his
dialogues, Plato rejects the glorification of Pericles and quote as saying: "as I know, Pericles made the Athenians
slothful, garrulous and avaricious, by starting the system of public fees".
[106]
Plutarch mentions other criticism of
Pericles' leadership: "many others say that the people were first led on by him into allotments of public lands,
festival-grants, and distributions of fees for public services, thereby falling into bad habits, and becoming luxurious
and wanton under the influence of his public measures, instead of frugal and self-sufficing".
Thucydides argues that Pericles "was not carried away by the people, but he was the one guiding the people". His
judgement is not unquestioned; some 20th-century critics, such as Malcolm F. McGregor and John S. Morrison,
proposed that he may have been a charismatic public face acting as an advocate on the proposals of advisors, or the
people themselves.
[107][108]
According to King, by increasing the power of the people, the Athenians left themselves
with no authoritative leader. During the Peloponnesian War, Pericles' dependence on popular support to govern was
obvious.
Pericles
100
Military achievements
For more than 20 years Pericles led many expeditions, mainly naval ones. Being always cautious, he never
undertook of his own accord a battle involving much uncertainty and peril and he did not accede to the "vain
impulses of the citizens".
[109]
He based his military policy on Themistocles' principle that Athens' predominance
depends on its superior naval power and believed that the Peloponnesians were near-invincible on land.
[110]
Pericles
also tried to minimize the advantages of Sparta by rebuilding the walls of Athens, which, it has been suggested,
radically altered the use of force in Greek international relations.
[111]
"These glories may incur the censure of the slow and unambitious; but in the breast of energy they will awake emulation, and in those who
must remain without them an envious regret. Hatred and unpopularity at the moment have fallen to the lot of all who have aspired to rule
others."
Pericles' Third Oration as recorded by Thucydides (2.64)
[]
During the Peloponnesian War, Pericles initiated a defensive "grand strategy" whose aim was the exhaustion of the
enemy and the preservation of the status quo.
[112]
According to Platias and Koliopoulos, Athens as the strongest
party did not have to beat Sparta in military terms and "chose to foil the Spartan plan for victory". The two basic
principles of the "Periclean Grand Strategy" were the rejection of appeasement (in accordance with which he urged
the Athenians not to revoke the Megarian Decree) and the avoidance of overextension.
[]
According to Kagan,
Pericles' vehement insistence that there should be no diversionary expeditions may well have resulted from the bitter
memory of the Egyptian campaign, which he had allegedly supported.
[113]
His strategy is said to have been
"inherently unpopular", but Pericles managed to persuade the Athenian public to follow it.
[114]
It is for that reason
that Hans Delbrck called him one of the greatest statesmen and military leaders in history.
[115]
Although his
countrymen engaged in several aggressive actions soon after his death,
[116]
Platias and Koliopoulos argue that the
Athenians remained true to the larger Periclean strategy of seeking to preserve, not expand, the empire, and did not
depart from it until the Sicilian Expedition. For his part, Ben X. de Wet concludes his strategy would have succeeded
had he lived longer.
[117]
Critics of Pericles' strategy, however, have been just as numerous as its supporters. A common criticism is that
Pericles was always a better politician and orator than strategist.
[118]
Donald Kagan called the Periclean strategy "a
form of wishful thinking that failed", Barry S. Strauss and Josiah Ober have stated that "as strategist he was a failure
and deserves a share of the blame for Athens' great defeat", and Victor Davis Hanson believes that Pericles had not
worked out a clear strategy for an effective offensive action that could possibly force Thebes or Sparta to stop the
war.
[119][120][121]
Kagan criticizes the Periclean strategy on four counts: first that by rejecting minor concessions it
brought about war; second, that it was unforeseen by the enemy and hence lacked credibility; third, that it was too
feeble to exploit any opportunities; and fourth, that it depended on Pericles for its execution and thus was bound to
be abandoned after his death.
[122]
Kagan estimates Pericles' expenditure on his military strategy in the Peloponnesian
War to be about 2,000 talents annually, and based on this figure concludes that he would only have enough money to
keep the war going for three years. He asserts that since Pericles must have known about these limitations he
probably planned for a much shorter war.
[123][124]
Others, such as Donald W. Knight, conclude that the strategy was
too defensive and would not succeed.
[125]
On the other hand, Platias and Koliopoulos reject these criticisms and state that "the Athenians lost the war only
when they dramatically reversed the Periclean grand strategy that explicitly disdained further conquests".
[126]
Hanson stresses that the Periclean strategy was not innovative, but could lead to a stagnancy in favor of Athens. It is
a popular conclusion that those succeeding him lacked his abilities and character.
[127]
Pericles
101
Oratorical skill
A painting by Hector Leroux (16821740), which portrays Pericles
and Aspasia, admiring the gigantic statue of Athena in Phidias' studio
Modern commentators of Thucydides, with other
modern historians and writers, take varying stances on
the issue of how much of the speeches of Pericles, as
given by this historian, do actually represent Pericles'
own words and how much of them is free literary
creation or paraphrase by Thucydides.
[]
Since
Pericles never wrote down or distributed his
orations,
[]
no historians are able to answer this with
certainty; Thucydides recreated three of them from
memory and, thereby, it cannot be ascertained that he
did not add his own notions and thoughts.
[]
Although Pericles was a main source of his inspiration,
some historians have noted that the passionate and
idealistic literary style of the speeches Thucydides attributes to Pericles is completely at odds with Thucydides' own
cold and analytical writing style.
[]
This might, however, be the result of the incorporation of the genre of rhetoric
into the genre of historiography. That is to say, Thucydides could simply have used two different writing styles for
two different purposes.
Kagan states that Pericles adopted "an elevated mode of speech, free from the vulgar and knavish tricks of
mob-orators" and, according to Diodorus Siculus, he "excelled all his fellow citizens in skill of oratory".
[128]
According to Plutarch, he avoided using gimmicks in his speeches, unlike the passionate Demosthenes, and always
spoke in a calm and tranquil manner.
[129]
The biographer points out, however, that the poet Ion reported that
Pericles' speaking style was "a presumptuous and somewhat arrogant manner of address, and that into his
haughtiness there entered a good deal of disdain and contempt for others".
Gorgias, in Plato's homonymous dialogue, uses Pericles as an example of powerful oratory.
[130]
In Menexenus,
however, Socrates casts aspersions on Pericles' rhetorical fame, claiming ironically that, since Pericles was educated
by Aspasia, a trainer of many orators, he would be superior in rhetoric to someone educated by Antiphon.
[131]
He
also attributes authorship of the Funeral Oration to Aspasia and attacks his contemporaries' veneration of
Pericles.
[132]
Sir Richard C. Jebb concludes that "unique as an Athenian statesman, Pericles must have been in two respects unique
also as an Athenian orator; first, because he occupied such a position of personal ascendancy as no man before or
after him attained; secondly, because his thoughts and his moral force won him such renown for eloquence as no one
else ever got from Athenians".
[133]
Ancient Greek writers call Pericles "Olympian" and extol his talents; referring to him "thundering and lightening and
exciting Greece" and carrying the weapons of Zeus when orating.
[134]
According to Quintilian, Pericles would
always prepare assiduously for his orations and, before going on the rostrum, he would always pray to the Gods, so
as not to utter any improper word.
[135]
Pericles
102
Legacy
Pericles' most visible legacy can be found in the literary and artistic works of the Golden Age, most of which survive
to this day. The Acropolis, though in ruins, still stands and is a symbol of modern Athens. Paparrigopoulos wrote
that these masterpieces are "sufficient to render the name of Greece immortal in our world".
In politics, Victor L. Ehrenberg argues that a basic element of Pericles' legacy is Athenian imperialism, which denies
true democracy and freedom to the people of all but the ruling state.
[136]
The promotion of such an arrogant
imperialism is said to have ruined Athens.
[137]
Pericles and his "expansionary" policies have been at the center of
arguments promoting democracy in oppressed countries.
[138][139]
Other analysts maintain an Athenian humanism illustrated in the Golden Age.
[140]

[141]
The freedom of expression is
regarded as the lasting legacy deriving from this period.
[142]
Pericles is lauded as "the ideal type of the perfect
statesman in ancient Greece" and his Funeral Oration is nowadays synonymous with the struggle for participatory
democracy and civic pride.
[143]
Notes
^:Pericles' date of birth is uncertain; he could not have been born later than 4921 and been of age to present the
Persae in 472. He is not recorded as having taken part in the Persian Wars of 48079; some historians argue from
this that he was unlikely to have been born before 498, but this argument ex silentio has also been dismissed.
[144]

^:Plutarch says "granddaughter" of Cleisthenes, but this is chronologically implausible, and there is consensus
that this should be "niece".
^:Thucydides records several speeches which he attributes to Pericles; however, he acknowledges that: "it was in
all cases difficult to carry them word for word in one's memory, so my habit has been to make the speakers say what
was in my opinion demanded of them by the various occasions, of course adhering as closely as possible to the
general sense of what they really said."
[145]

^:According to Aristotle, Aristodicus of Tanagra killed Ephialtes.
[146]
Plutarch cites an Idomeneus as saying that
Pericles killed Ephialtes, but does not believe himhe finds it to be out of character for Pericles.
^:According to Plutarch, it was thought that Pericles proceeded against the Samians to gratify Aspasia of Miletus.
^:Plutarch describes these allegations without espousing them. Thucydides insists, however, that the Athenian
politician was still powerful.
[147]
Gomme and Vlachos support Thucydides' view.
[148][149]

^:Vlachos maintains that Thucydides' narration gives the impression that Athens' alliance had become an
authoritarian and oppressive empire, while the historian makes no comment for Sparta's equally harsh rule. Vlachos
underlines, however, that the defeat of Athens could entail a much more ruthless Spartan empire, something that did
indeed happen. Hence, the historian's hinted assertion that Greek public opinion espoused Sparta's pledges of
liberating Greece almost uncomplainingly seems tendentious.
[150]
Geoffrey Ernest Maurice de Ste Croix, for his part,
argues that Athens' imperium was welcomed and valuable for the stability of democracy all over Greece.
[151]
According to Fornara and Samons, "any view proposing that popularity or its opposite can be inferred simply from
narrow ideological considerations is superficial".
[152]

^:Taking into consideration its symptoms, most researchers and scientists now believe that it was typhus or
typhoid fever and not cholera, plague or measles.
[153][154]

^:Pericles held the generalship from 444 BC until 430 BC without interruption.
^:Vlachos criticizes the historian for this omission and maintains that Thucydides' admiration for the Athenian
statesman makes him ignore not only the well-grounded accusations against him but also the mere gossips, namely
the allegation that Pericles had corrupted the volatile rabble, so as to assert himself.
[155]

^:According to Platias and Koliopoulos, the "policy mix" of Pericles was guided by five principles: a) Balance
the power of the enemy, b) Exploit competitive advantages and negate those of the enemy, c) Deter the enemy by the
denial of his success and by the skillful use of retaliation, d) Erode the international power base of the enemy, e)
Shape the domestic environment of the adversary to your own benefit.
[156]
Pericles
103
^:According to Vlachos, Thucydides must have been about 30 years old when Pericles delivered his Funeral
Oration and he was probably among the audience.
[157]

^:Vlachos points out that he does not know who wrote the oration, but "these were the words which should have
been spoken at the end of 431 BC". According to Sir Richard C. Jebb, the Thucydidean speeches of Pericles give the
general ideas of Pericles with essential fidelity; it is possible, further, that they may contain recorded sayings of his
"but it is certain that they cannot be taken as giving the form of the statesman's oratory". John F. Dobson believes
that "though the language is that of the historian, some of the thoughts may be those of the statesman".
[158]
C.M.J.
Sicking argues that "we are hearing the voice of real Pericles", while Ioannis T. Kakridis claims that the Funeral
Oration is an almost exclusive creation of Thucydides, since "the real audience does not consist of the Athenians of
the beginning of the war, but of the generation of 400 BC, which suffers under the repercussions of the
defeat".
[159][160]
Gomme disagrees with Kakridis, insisting on his belief to the reliability of Thucydides.
^:That is what Plutarch predicates.
[161]
Nonetheless, according to the 10th century encyclopedia Suda, Pericles
constituted the first orator who systematically wrote down his orations.
[162]
Cicero speaks about Pericles' writings,
but his remarks are not regarded as credible.
[163]
Most probably, other writers used his name.
[164]

^:Ioannis Kalitsounakis argues that "no reader can overlook the sumptuous rythme of the Funeral Oration as a
whole and the singular correlation between the impetuous emotion and the marvellous style, attributes of speech that
Thucydides ascribes to no other orator but Pericles". According to Harvey Ynis, Thucydides created the Pericles'
indistinct rhetorical legacy that has dominated ever since.
[165]
Citations
[1] Thucydides, 2.65
[2] L. de Blois, An Introduction to the Ancient World 99
[3] S. Muhlberger, Periclean Athens (http:/ / www.nipissingu. ca/ department/ history/ MUHLBERGER/ 2055/ L23ANC. HTM).
[4] S. Ruden, Lysistrata, 80.
[5] Herodotus, VI, 131 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Hdt. + 6. 131/ ).
[6] Plutarch, Pericles, III.
[7] V.L. Ehrenberg, From Solon to Socrates, a239.
[8] L. Cunningham & J. Reich, Culture and Values, 73.
[9] http:/ / perseus.mpiwg-berlin. mpg. de/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999. 01. 0200;query=chapter%3D%2322;layout=;loc=1.
21. 1
[10] Plutarch, Pericles, IV
[11] Plato, Alcibiades I, 118c (http:/ / www. perseus.tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Plat. + Alc. + 1+ 118c/ )
[12] M. Mendelson, Many Sides, 1
[13] Plutarch, Pericles, VI and Plato, Phaedrus, 270a (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Plat. + Phaedrus+ 270a/ )
[14] S. Hornblower, The Greek World, 479323 BC, 334
[15] Plutarch, Pericles, XVI
[16] Plutarch, Pericles, VII
[17] Plutarch, Pericles, IX
[18] Aristotle, Constitution of Athens,
[19] Plutarch, Cimon, XV (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0181:text=Cim. :chapter=15:section=1/ )
[20] Fornara-Samons, Athens from Cleisthenes to Pericles, 2425 (http:/ / content. cdlib. org/ xtf/ view?docId=ft2p30058m& chunk.
id=d0e2016& toc.depth=1& toc. id=d0e2016& brand=eschol/ )
[21] L.J. Samons, What's Wrong with Democracy?, 80
[22] Plutarch, Cimon, XVI (http:/ / www. perseus.tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Plut. + Cim. + 16. 2/ )
[23] Fornara-Samons, Athens from Cleisthenes to Pericles, 6773 (http:/ / content. cdlib. org/ xtf/ view?docId=ft2p30058m& chunk.
id=d0e2642& toc.id=& brand=eschol/ )
[24] R. Martin, An Overview of Classical Greek History (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04.
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[25] http:/ / perseus. mpiwg-berlin.mpg. de/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999. 01. 0200& layout=& loc=2. 41
[26] K. Paparrigopoulos, History of the Greek Nation, Ab, 145
[27] Aristotle, Constitution of Athens, and Politics, 1274a (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
0058:book=2:section=1274a)
[28] L.J. Samons, What's Wrong with Democracy?, 65
[29] Fine, The Ancient Greeks, 3778
Pericles
104
[30] J.D. King, , 2425
[31] D. Kagan, The Outbreak of the Peloponnesian War, 79
[34] P.J. Rhodes, A History of the Classical Greek World, 44
[35] Plutarch, Cimon, XVII (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0182& layout=& loc=Cim. + 17. 1)
[36] A.J. Podlecki, Perikles and his Circle, 44
[37] Plutarch, Pericles, X
[38] J. M. Libourel, The Athenian Disaster in Egypt, 60515
[39] H. Aird, Pericles: The Rise and Fall of Athenian Democracy, 52
[40] K.J. Beloch, Griechische Geschichte, II, 205
[41] J. Fine, The Ancient Greeks, 359361.
[42] E. Badian, The Peace of Callias, 139.
[43] D. Kagan, The Outbreak of the Peloponnesian War, 108.
[44] Plutarch, Pericles, XVII
[45] Wade-Grey, The Question of Tribute in 449/8 B. C., 21229.
[46] T. Buckley, Aspects of Greek History 750323 BC, 206.
[47] http:/ / perseus. mpiwg-berlin.mpg. de/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999. 01. 0200& layout=& loc=2. 64
[48] Thucydides, 1.112 and Plutarch, Pericles, XXI
[49] Plutarch, Pericles, XIX
[50] Fine, The Ancient Greeks, 36869.
[51] Thucydides, 2.21 and Aristophanes, The Acharnians, 832 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
0023;query=card=#40;layout=;loc=836)
[52] Plutarch, Pericles, XXIII
[53] Plutarch, Pericles, XIV
[55] H. Butler, The Story of Athens, 195
[58] R. Sealey, A History of the Greek City States, 700338 BC, 275.
[59] S. Hornblower, The Greek World 479323 BC, 120.
[60] J. M. Hurwit, The Acropolis in the Age of Pericles, 87 etc.
[61] A. Vlachos, Thucydides' Bias, 6263.
[63] Plutarch, Pericles, XXV
[64] Plutarch, Pericles, XXVIII
[65] R. Sealey, A History of the Greek City States, 310
[66] C.J. Tuplin, Pontus and the Outside World, 28
[67] Plutarch, Pericles, XI and Plato, Gorgias, 455e (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
0178;query=section=#491;layout=;loc=Gorg. 456a)
[68] Fornara-Samons, Athens from Cleisthenes to Pericles, 31 (http:/ / content. cdlib. org/ xtf/ view?docId=ft2p30058m& chunk. id=d0e2016&
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[69] Plutarch, Pericles, XXXI
[70] Suda, article Aspasia (http:/ / www.stoa. org/ sol-bin/ search. pl?login=guest& enlogin=guest& db=REAL& field=adlerhw_gr&
searchstr=alpha,4202)
[71] Plutarch, Pericles, XXXII
[72] N. Loraux, Aspasie, l'trangre, l'intellectuelle, 133164
[73] M. Henry, Prisoner of History, 138139
[74] K.J. Beloch, Die Attische Politik seit Perikles, 1922
[75] A.J. Podlecki, Perikles and his Circle, 158
[77] G. Cawkwell, Thucydides and the Peloponnesian War, 33
[81] A.G. Platias-C. Koliopoulos, Thucydides on Strategy, 10003.
[82] A. Vlachos, Thucydides' Bias, 20
[83] V.L. Ehrenberg, From Solon to Socrates, 264.
Pericles
105
[86] J. Ober, The Athenian Revolution, 7285
[90] D. Kagan, The Peloponnesian War, 69
[91] Thucydides, 2.18 and Xenophon(?),Constitution of Athens, 2 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
0158;layout=;query=chapter=#2;loc=1. 1)
[95] Plutarch, Pericles, XXXV
[96] Thucydides, 2.48 and 2.56
[98] Plutarch, Pericles, XXXVIII
[99] [99] K. Paparrigopoulos, Aa, 221
[100] Plutarch, Pericles, XXIV
[101] Plutarch, Pericles, XXXVI
[102] Plutarch, Pericles, XXXVII
[103] W. Smith, A History of Greece, 271
[104] S. Ruden, Lysistrata , 80
[105] Plutarch, Pericles, XV
[106] Plato, Gorgias, 515e (http:/ / www.perseus.tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
0178;query=section=#791;layout=;loc=Gorg. 515d/ )
[107] M.F. McGregor, Government in Athens, 12223.
[108] J.S. Morrison-A. W. Gomme, Pericles Monarchos, 7677.
[109] Plutarch, Pericles, XVIII
[110] A.G. Platias-C. Koliopoulos, Thucydides on Strategy, 105
[111] J. Ober, National Ideology and Strategic Defence of the Population, 254
[115] H. Delbrck, History of the Art of War, I, 137
[116] V.L. Ehrenberg, From Solon to Socrates, 278
[117] B. X. de Wet, This So-Called Defensive Policy of Pericles, 10319.
[118] K. Paparrigopoulos, Aa, 24142.
[119] V.D. Hanson, Peloponnesian War, 58
[120] D. Kagan, Athenian Strategy in the Peloponnesian War, 54
[121] S. Strauss-J. Ober, The Anatomy of Error, 47
[122] D. Kagan, The Archidamian War, 28, 41.
[123] V.D. Hanson, Peloponnesian War, 74-75
[124] D. Kagan, The Peloponnesian War, 6162.
[125] D. Knight, Thucydides and the War Strategy of Pericles, 15060.
[126] A.G. Platias-C. Koliopoulos, Thucydides on Strategy, 138
[127] L.J. Samons, What's Wrong with Democracy?, 13132.
[128] Diodorus, XII, 39 (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0084;query=chapter=#207;layout=;loc=12.
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[129] Plutarch, Pericles, V
[130] Plato, Gorgias, 455d (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
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[132] S. Monoson, Plato's Democratic Entanglements, 182186
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[135] Quintilian, Institutiones, XII, 9 (http:/ / www.thelatinlibrary. com/ quintilian/ quintilian. institutio12. shtml)
[136] V. L. Ehrenberg, From Solon to Socrates, 332
Pericles
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[137] C.G. Starr, A History of the Ancient World, 306
[138] V.D. Hanson, Peloponnesian War, 584
[139] L. Miller, My Favorite War (http:/ / query. nytimes.com/ gst/ fullpage. html?res=9F00E0D6123EF932A15750C0A9629C8B63)
[140] E.J. Power, A Legacy of Learning, 52
[141] Karl Popper, The Open Society and Its Enemies
[142] R.A. Katula, A Synoptic History of Classical Rhetoric, 18
[143] K. Mattson, Creating a Democratic Public, 32
[144] J.K. Davies, Athenian propertied families, 600300 BC, 457.
[146] Aristotle, Constitution of Athens,
[148] A. W. Gomme, An Historical Commentary on Thucydides, I, 452
[149] A. Vlachos, Comments on Thucydides, 141
[150] A. Vlachos, Thucydides' bias, 60 etc
[151] Ste Croix, The Character of the Athenian Empire, 141.
[152] Fornara-Samons, Athens from Cleisthenes to Pericles, 77 (http:/ / content. cdlib. org/ view?docId=ft2p30058m& chunk. id=d0e5453/ )
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[154] A. Vlachos, Remarks on Thucydides, 177
[155] A. Vlachos, Thucydides' bias, 62
[156] A.G. Platias-C. Koliopoulos, Thucydides on Strategy, 104 etc.
[157] A. Vlachos, Remarks on Thucydides, 170
[158] J.F. Dobson, The Greek Orators (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04. 0075& query=head=#5/ )
[159] C.M.J. Sicking, Distant Companions, 133
[160] I. Kakridis, Interpretative comments on the Funeral Oration, 6
[161] Plutarch, Pericles, VIII
[162] Suda, article Pericles (http:/ / www. stoa.org/ sol-bin/ search. pl?search_method=QUERY& login=guest& enlogin=guest& page_num=1&
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Pericles
110
Further reading
Abbott, Evelyn (1898). Pericles and the Golden Age of Athens. G. P. Putnam's Sons.
Brock Roger, Hodkinson Stephen (2003). Alternatives to Athens: Varieties of Political Organization and
Community in Ancient Greece. Oxford University Press. ISBN0-19-925810-4.
Gardner, Percy (1902). Ancient Athens.
Grant, Arthur James (1893). Greece in the Age of Pericles. John Murray.
Hesk, John (2000). Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens. Cambridge University Press.
ISBN0-521-64322-8.
Kagan, Donald (1991). Pericles of Athens and the Birth of Democracy. The Free Press. ISBN0-684-86395-2.
Lummis, Douglas C. (1997). Radical Democracy. Cornell University Press. ISBN0-8014-8451-0.
Ober, Josiah (2001). Political Dissent in Democratic Athens: Intellectual Critics of Popular Rule. Princeton
Rhodes, P.J. (2005). A History of the Classical Greek World: 478-323 BC. Blackwell Publishing.
ISBN0-631-22565-X.
Whibley, Leonard (1889). A History of the Classical Greek World: 478-323 BC. University Press.
Gore Vidal, Creation (novel) for a fictional account of Pericles and a Persian view of the wars.
External links
Biographies
Britannica 11th Edition (http:/ / encyclopedia.jrank.org/
PAS_PER/ PERICLES_49o_429_BC_.html/ )
Peck, Harry Thurston (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts.edu/
hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04. 0062:alphabetic+
letter=P:entry+ group=9:entry=pericles-harpers)
Pericles and the Athenian democracy
McConville, Michael. A Critical Analysis of Athenian
Democracy (http:/ / www2. scc-fl. edu/ crobbins/
MikesPaper.htm)
Further assessments about Pericles and his era
Ash, Thomas. From The Delian League To The Athenian Empire (http:/ /
www. bigissueground. com/ history/ ash-athenianempire. shtml)
Jebb, R.C. The Attic Orators from Antiphon to Isaeos (http:/ / www. perseus.
tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04. 0077)
Martin, Thomas R. An Overview of Classical Greek History from Mycenae to
Alexander (Pericles' citizenship law) (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/
text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04. 0009:chapter=9:section=3:subsection=1)
Muhlberger, Steve. Periclean Athens (http:/ / www. nipissingu. ca/ department/
history/ MUHLBERGER/ 2055/ L23ANC. HTM)
The Revolt of Samos (Demo Fragmentary Texts) (http:/ / demo.
fragmentarytexts. org/ en/ revolt-of-samos. html)
Fabius Maximus
111
Fabius Maximus
For other people with similar names, see Fabius#Fabii Maximi.
Roman Dictator Quintus Fabius Maximus
Verrucosus Cunctator
Quintus Fabius Maximus Verrucosus Cunctator (ca. 280 BC 203
BC) was a Roman politician and general, who was born in Rome
around 280 BC and died in Rome in 203 BC. He was a Roman Consul
five times (233 BC, 228 BC, 215 BC, 214 BC and 209 BC) and was
twice appointed Dictator, in 221 and again in 217 BC. He reached the
office of Roman Censor in 230 BC. His agnomen Cunctator (cognate
to the English noun cunctation) means "delayer" in Latin, and refers to
his tactics in deploying the troops during the Second Punic War. He is
widely regarded as the father of guerrilla warfare due to his, at the
time, novel strategy of targeting enemy supply lines in light of being
largely outnumbered. His cognomen Verrucosus means "warty", a
reference to a wart above his upper lip.
Beginnings
Descended from the ancient patrician gens Fabii, he was the son of
Quintus Fabius Maximus Gurges, a grandson of another Quintus
Fabius Maximus Gurges and a great-grandson of Quintus Fabius
Maximus Rullianus, all famous Consuls. According to Fabius'
biographer Plutarch, Fabius possessed a mild temper and slowness in
speaking. As a child, he had difficulties in learning, which was
perceived by other children to be a sign of inferiority. However,
according to Plutarch, these traits proceeded from stability, greatness
of mind, and lion-likeness of temper. According to accounts, by the
time he reached adulthood, his virtues exerted themselves, and his
slowness was revealed to be a symptom of his energy, passion, prudence, and firmness. During his first Consulship,
he was awarded a triumph for his victory over the Ligurians, a tribe of Gauls, whom he had defeated and then driven
into the Alps. He might have participated in the First Punic War, the first of three wars fought between the Roman
Republic and Ancient Carthage, although no details of his role are known. After the end of the war, he rapidly
advanced his political career. He served twice as a Roman Consul and as a Roman Censor. In 218 BC, he took part
in the embassy to Carthage. It was, according to Livy, Fabius himself who formally declared war in the Carthaginian
Senate after the capture of Saguntum by Hannibal. However, it is likely that this is untrue and could very well have
been Fabius Buteo, his kinsman.
[1]
Dictator
When the Consul Gaius Flaminius was killed during the disastrous Roman defeat at the Battle of Lake Trasimene,
panic swept Rome. With Consular armies destroyed in two major battles, and Hannibal approaching Rome's gates,
the Romans feared the imminent destruction of their city. The Roman Senate decided to appoint a Roman Dictator,
and chose Fabius for the role, in part due to his advanced age and experience. As Dictator, he did not get to appoint
his own Master of the Horse; instead, the Romans chose a political enemy, Marcus Minucius. Then Fabius quickly
sought to calm the Roman people by asserting himself as a strong Dictator at the moment of what was perceived to
be the worst crisis in Roman history. He asked the Senate to allow him to ride on horseback, which Dictators were
Fabius Maximus
112
never allowed to do. He then caused himself to be accompanied by the full complement of twenty-four lictors, and
ordered the surviving Consul, Gnaeus Servilius Geminus, to dismiss his lictors (in essence, surrendering his office),
and to present himself before Fabius as a private citizen.
Plutarch tells us that Fabius believed that the disaster at Lake Trasimene was due, in part, to the fact that the gods
had become neglected. Before that battle, a series of omens had been witnessed, including a series of lightning bolts,
which Fabius had believed were warnings from the gods. He had warned Flaminius of this, but Flaminius had
ignored the warnings. And so Fabius, as Dictator, next sought to please the gods. He ordered a massive sacrifice of
the whole product of the next harvest season throughout Italy, in particular that of cows, goats, swine, and sheep. In
addition, he ordered that musical festivities be celebrated, and then told his fellow citizens to each spend a precise
sum of 333 sestertii and 333 denarii. Plutarch isn't sure exactly how Fabius came up with this number, although he
believes it was to honor of the perfection of the number three, as it is the first of the odd numbers, and one of the first
of the prime numbers. It is not known if Fabius truly believed that these actions had won the gods over to the Roman
side, although the actions probably did (as intended) convince the average Roman that the gods had finally been won
over.
Fabian strategy
Main article: Fabian strategy
Fabius was well aware of the Carthaginian military superiority, and so Fabius refused to meet Hannibal in a pitched
battle. Instead, he kept his troops close to Hannibal, hoping to exhaust him in a long war of attrition. Fabius was able
to harass the Carthaginian foraging parties, limiting Hannibal's ability to wreak destruction, while conserving his
own military force. The delaying tactics involved a pincer of not directly engaging Hannibal, while also exercising a
"scorched earth" practice to prevent Hannibal's forces from obtaining grain and other resources.
The Romans were unimpressed with this defensive strategy and at first gave Fabius his epithet Cunctator as an insult.
The strategy was in part ruined because of a lack of unity in the command of the Roman army, since Fabius' Master
of the Horse, Minucius, was a political enemy of Fabius. At one point, Fabius was called by the priests to assist with
certain sacrifices, and as such, Fabius left the command of the army in the hands of Minucius during his absence.
Fabius had told Minucius not to attack Hannibal in his absence, but Minucius disobeyed and attacked anyway. The
attack, though of no strategic value, resulted in the retreat of several enemy units, and so the Roman people,
desperate for good news, believed Minucius to be a hero. On hearing of this, Fabius became enraged, and as
Dictator, he could have ordered Minucius' execution for his disobedience. One of the Plebeian Tribunes (chief
representatives of the people) for the year, Metilius, was a partisan of Minucius, and as such he sought to use his
power to help Minucius. The Plebeian Tribunes were the only magistrates independent of the Dictator, and so with
his protection, Minucius was relatively safe. Plutarch states that Metilius "boldly applied himself to the people in the
behalf of Minucius", and had Minucius granted powers equivalent to those of Fabius. By this, Plutarch probably
means that as a Plebeian Tribune, Metilius had the Plebeian Council, a popular assembly which only Tribunes could
preside over, grant Minucius quasi-dictatorial powers.
Fabius Maximus
113
Hannibal counting the rings of the Roman senators killed
during the Battle of Cannae, statue by Sbastien Slodtz,
1704, Louvre
Fabius did not attempt to fight the promotion of the
overly-ambitious Minucius, but rather decided to wait until
Minucius' rashness caused him to run headlong into some
disaster. He realized what would happen when Minucius was
defeated in battle by Hannibal. Fabius, we are told, reminded
Minucius that it was Hannibal, and not he, who was the
enemy. Minucius proposed that they share the joint control of
the army, with command rotating between the two every other
day. Fabius rejected this, and instead let Minucius command
half of the army, while he commanded the other half.
Minucius openly claimed that Fabius was cowardly because
he failed to confront the Carthaginian forces. Near the
present-day town of Larino in the Molise (then called
Larinum), Hannibal had taken up position in a town called
Gerione. In the valley between Larino and Gerione, Minucius
decided to make a broad frontal attack on Hannibal's troops.
Several thousand men were involved on either side. It
appeared that the Roman troops were winning, but Hannibal
had set a trap. Soon the Roman troops were being
slaughtered. Upon seeing the ambush of Minucius' army,
Fabius cried "O Hercules! how much sooner than I expected,
though later than he seemed to desire, hath Minucius
destroyed himself!" On ordering his army to join the battle
and rescue their fellow Romans, Fabius exclaimed "We must
make haste to rescue Minucius, who is a valiant man, and a
lover of his country."
Fabius rushed to his co-commander's assistance and Hannibal's forces immediately retreated. After the battle, there
was some feeling that there would be conflict between Minucius and Fabius; however, the younger soldier marched
his men to Fabius' encampment and is reported to have said, "My father gave me life. Today you saved my life. You
are my second father. I recognize your superior abilities as a commander."Wikipedia:Citation needed It was only
after Fabius had saved him from an attack by Hannibal that Minucius placed himself under Fabius' command. When
Fabius' term as Dictator ended, Consular government was restored, and Gnaeus Servilius Geminus and Marcus
Atilius Regulus assumed the Consulship for the remainder of the year.
After his dictatorship
Shortly after Fabius had laid down his dictatorship, Gaius Terentius Varro was elected as a Consul. He rallied the
people, through the Roman assemblies, and won their support for his plan to abandon Fabius' strategy, and engage
Hannibal directly. Varro's rashness did not surprise Fabius, but when Fabius learned of the size of the army
(eighty-eight thousand soldiers) that Varro had raised, he became quite concerned. Unlike the losses that had been
suffered by Minucius, a major loss by Varro had the potential to kill so many soldiers that Rome might have had no
further resources with which to continue the war. Fabius had warned the other Consul for the year, Aemilius Paullus,
to make sure that Varro remained unable to directly engage Hannibal. According to Plutarch, Paullus replied to
Fabius that he feared the votes in Rome more than Hannibal's army.
When word reached Rome of the disastrous Roman defeat under Varro and Paullus at the Battle of Cannae, the
Senate and the People of Rome turned to Fabius for guidance. They had believed his strategy to be flawed before,
Fabius Maximus
114
but now they thought him to be as wise as the gods. He walked the streets of Rome, assured as to eventual Roman
victory, in an attempt to comfort his fellow Romans. Without his support, the senate might have remained too
frightened to even meet. He placed guards at the gates of the city to stop the frightened Romans from fleeing, and
regulated mourning activities. He set times and places for this mourning, and ordered that each family perform such
observances within their own private walls, and that the mourning should be complete within a month; following the
completion of these mourning rituals, the entire city was purified of its blood-guilt in the deaths.
[2]
This decree
effectively outlawed competitive outdoor mourning, which could have had a devastating psychological impact on the
survivors.
Honors and death
Cunctator became an honorific title, and his delaying tactic was followed for the rest of the war. Fabius' own military
success was small, aside from the reconquest of Tarentum in 209 BC. For this victory, Plutarch tells us, he was
awarded a second triumph that was even more splendid than the first. When Marcus Livius Macatus, the governor of
Tarentum, claimed the merit of recovering the town, Fabius rejoined, "Certainly, had you not lost it, I would have
never retaken it." After serving as Dictator, he served as a Consul twice more (in 215 BC and 214 BC), and for a
fifth time in 209 BC. He was also Chief Augur (at a very young age) and Pontifex, but never Pontifex Maximus
according to Gaius Stern (citing Livy on Fabius).
[3]
The holding of seats in the two highest colleges was not repeated
until either Julius Caesar or possibly Sulla.
[4]
In the senate, he opposed the young and ambitious Scipio Africanus, who wanted to carry the war to Africa. Fabius
continued to argue that confronting Hannibal directly was too dangerous. Scipio planned to take Roman forces to
Carthage itself and force Hannibal to return to Africa to defend the city. Scipio was eventually given limited
approval, despite continuous opposition from Fabius, who blocked levies and restricted Scipio's access to troops.
Fabius wished to ensure that sufficient forces remained to defend Roman territory if Scipio was defeated. Fabius
became gravely ill and died in 203 BC, shortly after Hannibal's army left Italy, and before the eventual Roman
victory over Hannibal at the Battle of Zama won by Scipio.
Legacy
Later, he became a legendary figure and the model of a tough, courageous Roman, and was bestowed the honorific
title, "The Shield of Rome" (similar to Marcus Claudius Marcellus being named the "Sword of Rome"). According
to Ennius, unus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem "one man, by delaying, restored the state to us." Virgil, in the
Aeneid, has Aeneas' father Anchises mention Fabius Maximus while in Hades as the greatest of the many great
Fabii, quoting the same line. While Hannibal is mentioned in the company of history's greatest generals, military
professionals have bestowed Fabius' name on an entire strategic doctrine known as "Fabian strategy", and George
Washington has been called "the American Fabius."
According to its own ancient legend, the Roman princely family of Massimo descends from Fabius Maximus.
Fabius Maximus
115
References
[1] [1] (Liv. Ab Urbe Cond. xxi. xviii)
[2] [2] Livy, The Histories of Rome, 22.55
[3] [3] Gaius Stern, "Electoral Irregularity and Chicanery during the Second Punic War," CAMWS 2011, citing Liv. 23.21.7, 30.26.10, c.f. 25.5.2-3.
[4] G.J. Szemler The Priests of the Roman Republic, 149 shows only an augurship for Sulla; 131-32, 156 on Julius. On Sulla see Stern, "Electoral
Irregularity and Chicanery during the Second Punic War," CAMWS 2011, citing coinage.
Primary sources
Fabius (http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ fabius. html), by Plutarch
Secondary material
Encyclopaedia Britannica, Fabius Maximus Cunctator (http:/ / www. britannica. com/ eb/ article-9033518/
Quintus-Fabius-Maximus-Cunctator)
Plutarch Makers of Rome translated by Ian Scott-Kilvert 1965, Penguin Books, London, England.
Livy The War with Hannibal translated by Aubrey de Selincourt 1974, Penguin Books, London, England.
Further reading
De Beer, Sir Gavin (1969). Hannibal Challenging Rome's Supremacy. New York: Viking Press.
Lamb, Harold (1958). Hannibal One Man Against Rome. New York: Doubleday.
Scullard, H.H. (1981). Roman politics : 220-150 BC. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. ISBN0-313-23296-2.
Precededby
Lucius Postumius Albinus and Spurius Carvilius
Maximus Ruga
Consul of the Roman
Republic
with Manius Pomponius
Matho
233 BC
Succeededby
Marcus Aemilius Lepidus and Marcus
Publicius Malleolus
Precededby
Lucius Postumius Albinus and Gnaeus Fulvius
Centumalus
Consul of the Roman
Republic
with Spurius Carvilius
Maximus Ruga
228 BC
Succeededby
Publius Valerius L.f. Flaccus and
Marcus Atilius Regulus
Precededby
Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus and Marcus
Claudius Marcellus (Suffect, but abdicated)
Roman Republic
with Tiberius Sempronius
Gracchus
215 BC
Succeededby
Quintus Fabius Maximus Verrucosus
and Marcus Claudius Marcellus
Precededby
Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus and Quintus
Fabius Maximus Verrucosus
Consul of the Roman
Republic
with Marcus Claudius
Marcellus
214 BC
Succeededby
Quintus Fabius Maximus and Tiberius
Sempronius Gracchus
Precededby
Marcus Valerius Laevinus and Marcus Claudius
Marcellus
Consul of the Roman
Republic
with Quintus Fulvius
Flaccus
209 BC
Succeededby
Marcus Claudius Marcellus and Titus
Quinctius Crispinus
Alcibiades
116
Alcibiades
For other uses, see Alcibiades (disambiguation).
Alcibiades
Alkibids
Bust of Alcibiades, original from the 4th century BC. The inscription translates "Alcibiades, son of Cleinias, Athenian".
Born c. 450 BC
Classical Athens
Died 404 BC
Phrygia
Allegiance Athens
(415412 BC Sparta)
(412411 BC Persia)
Battles/wars Battle of Abydos (410 BC)
Battle of Cyzicus (410 BC)
Siege of Byzantium (408 BC)
Alcibiades, son of Cleinias, from the deme of Scambonidae (/lsba.diz/;
[1]
Greek:
, transliterated Alkibids Kleinou Skambnids; c. 450 404 BC), was a prominent Athenian
statesman, orator, and general. He was the last famous member of his mother's aristocratic family, the Alcmaeonidae,
which fell from prominence after the Peloponnesian War. He played a major role in the second half of that conflict
as a strategic advisor, military commander, and politician.
During the course of the Peloponnesian War, Alcibiades changed his political allegiance on several occasions. In his
native Athens in the early 410s BC, he advocated an aggressive foreign policy, and was a prominent proponent of the
Sicilian Expedition, but fled to Sparta after his political enemies brought charges of sacrilege against him. In Sparta,
he served as a strategic adviser, proposing or supervising several major campaigns against Athens. In Sparta too,
however, Alcibiades soon made powerful enemies and was forced to defect to Persia. There he served as an adviser
to the satrap Tissaphernes until his Athenian political allies brought about his recall. He then served as an Athenian
General (Strategos) for several years, but his enemies eventually succeeded in exiling him a second time.
The Sicilian Expedition was Alcibiades' idea, and scholars have argued that, had that expedition been under
Alcibiades' command instead of Nicias', the expedition might not have met its eventual disastrous fate.
[2]
In the years
Alcibiades
117
that he served Sparta, Alcibiades played a significant role in Athens' undoing; the capture of Decelea and the revolts
of several critical Athenian subjects occurred either at his suggestion or under his supervision. Once restored to his
native city, however, he played a crucial role in a string of Athenian victories that eventually brought Sparta to seek
a peace with Athens. He favored unconventional tactics, frequently winning cities over by treachery or negotiation
rather than by siege.
[3]
Alcibiades' military and political talents frequently proved valuable to whichever state
currently held his allegiance, but his propensity for making powerful enemies ensured that he never remained in one
place for long; and, by the end of the war he had helped rekindle in the early 410s, his days of political relevance
were a bygone memory.
Early years
Jean-Lon Grme (18241904): Socrates
seeking Alcibiades in the House of Aspasia,
1861.
Alcibiades was born in ancient Athens. His father was Cleinias. His
mother was Deinomache,the daughter of Megacles, and could trace her
family back to Eurysaces and the Telamonian Ajax.
[4]
Alcibiades
thereby, through his mother, belonged to the powerful and
controversial family of the Alcmaeonidae; the renowned Pericles and
his brother Ariphron were Deinomache's cousins, as her father and
their mother were siblings.
[5]
His maternal grandfather, also named
Alcibiades, was a friend of Cleisthenes, the famous constitutional
reformer of the late 6th century BC. After the death of Cleinias at the
Battle of Coronea (447 BC), Pericles and Ariphron became his
guardians.
[6]
According to Plutarch, Alcibiades had several famous
teachers, including Socrates, and was well trained in the art of Rhetoric.
a[]
He was noted, however, for his unruly
behavior, which was mentioned by ancient Greek and Latin writers on several occasions.
b[]
Alcibiades took part in the Battle of Potidaea in 432 BC, where Socrates was said to have saved his life
[7]
and again
at the Battle of Delium in 424 BC.
c[]
Alcibiades had a particularly close relationship with Socrates, whom he
admired and respected.
[8][9]
According to Plutarch, Alcibiades "feared and reverenced Socrates alone, and despised
the rest of his lovers".
[10]
Alcibiades was married to Hipparete, the daughter of Hipponicus, a wealthy Athenian. According to Plutarch,
Hipparete loved her husband, but she attempted to divorce him because he consorted with courtesans. She lived with
him until her death and gave birth to two children, a daughter and a son, Alcibiades the Younger.
[11]
Political career until 412 BC
Rise to prominence
Alcibiades first rose to prominence when he began advocating aggressive Athenian action after the signing of the
Peace of Nicias. That treaty, an uneasy truce between Sparta and Athens signed midway through the Peloponnesian
War, came at the end of seven years of fighting during which neither side had gained a decisive advantage.
Historians Arnold W. Gomme and Raphael Sealey believe, and Thucydides reports,
[12]
that Alcibiades was offended
that the Spartans had negotiated that treaty through Nicias and Laches, overlooking him on account of his
youth.
[13][14]
Disputes over the interpretation of the treaty led the Spartans to dispatch ambassadors to Athens with full powers to
arrange all unsettled matters. The Athenians initially received these ambassadors well, but Alcibiades met with them
in secret before they were to speak to the ecclesia (the Athenian Assembly) and told them that the Assembly was
haughty and had great ambitions.
[15]
He urged them to renounce their diplomatic authority to represent Sparta, and
instead allow him to assist them through his influence in Athenian politics.
[16]
The representatives agreed and,
Alcibiades
118
impressed with Alcibiades, they alienated themselves from Nicias, who genuinely wanted to reach an agreement
with the Spartans. The next day, during the Assembly, Alcibiades asked them what powers Sparta had granted them
to negotiate and they replied, as agreed, that they had not come with full and independent powers. This was in direct
contradiction to what they had said the day before, and Alcibiades seized on this opportunity to denounce their
character, cast suspicion on their aims, and destroy their credibility. This ploy increased Alcibiades' standing while
embarrassing Nicias, and Alcibiades was subsequently appointed General. He took advantage of his increasing
power to orchestrate the creation of an alliance between Argos, Mantinea, Elis, and other states in the Peloponnese,
threatening Sparta's dominance in the region. According to Gomme, "it was a grandiose scheme for an Athenian
general at the head of a mainly Peloponnesian army to march through the Peloponnese cocking a snook at Sparta
when her reputation was at its lowest".
[17]
This alliance, however, would ultimately be defeated at the Battle of
Mantinea.
[18]
Somewhere in the years 416415 BC, a complex struggle took place between Hyperbolos on one side and Nicias and
Alcibiades on the other. Hyperbolos tried to bring about the ostracism of one of this pair, but Nicias and Alcibiades
combined their influence to induce the people to expel Hyperbolos instead.
[19]
This incident reveals that Nicias and
Alcibiades each commanded a personal following, whose votes were determined by the wishes of the leaders.
Alcibiades was not one of the Generals involved in the capture of Melos in 416415 BC, but Plutarch describes him
as a supporter of the decree by which the grown men of Melos were killed and the women and children enslaved.
[20]
The orator Andocides alleges that Alcibiades had a child by one of these enslaved women.
[21]
Sicilian Expedition
For more details on this topic, see Sicilian Expedition.
In 415 BC, delegates from the Sicilian city of Segesta (Greek: Egesta) arrived at Athens to plead for the support of
the Athenians in their war against Selinus. During the debates on the undertaking, Nicias was vehemently opposed to
Athenian intervention, explaining that the campaign would be very costly and attacking the character and motives of
Alcibiades, who had emerged as the supporter of the expedition. On the other hand, Alcibiades argued that a
campaign in this new theatre would bring riches to the city and expand the empire, just as the Persian Wars had. In
his speech Alcibiades predicted (over-optimistically, in the opinion of most historians) that the Athenians would be
able to recruit allies in the region and impose their rule on Syracuse, the most powerful city of Sicily.
[22]
In spite of
Alcibiades' enthusiastic advocacy for the plan, it was Nicias, not he, who turned a modest undertaking into a massive
campaign and made the conquest of Sicily seem possible and safe.
[23]
It was at his suggestion that the size of the
fleet was significantly increased from 60 ships
[24]
to "140 galleys, 5,100 men at arms, and about 1300 archers,
slingers, and light armed men".
[25]
Philosopher Leo Strauss underscores that the Sicilian expedition surpassed
everything undertaken by Pericles. Almost certainly Nicias' intention was to shock the assembly with his high
estimate of the forces required, but, instead of dissuading his fellow citizens, his analysis made them all the more
eager.
[26]
Against his wishes Nicias was appointed General along with Alcibiades and Lamachus, all three of whom
were given full powers to do whatever was in the best interests of Athens while in Sicily.
[27]
One night during preparations for the expedition, the hermai, heads of the god Hermes on a plinth with a phallus,
were mutilated throughout Athens. This was a religious scandal and was seen as a bad omen for the mission.
Plutarch explains that Androcles, a political leader, used false witnesses who accused Alcibiades and his friends of
mutilating the statues, and of profaning the Eleusinian Mysteries. Later his opponents, chief among them being
Androcles and Thessalus, Cimon's son, enlisted orators to argue that Alcibiades should set sail as planned and stand
trial on his return from the campaign. Alcibiades was suspicious of their intentions, and asked to be allowed to stand
trial immediately, under penalty of death, in order to clear his name.
[28]
This request was denied, and the fleet set sail
soon after, with the charges unresolved.
[29]
Alcibiades
119
"Men do not rest content with parrying the attacks of a superior, but often strike the first blow to prevent the attack being made. And we
cannot fix the exact point at which our empire shall stop; we have reached a position in which we must not be content with retaining but
must scheme to extend it, for, if we cease to rule others, we are in danger of being ruled ourselves. Nor can you look at inaction from the
same point of view as others, unless you are prepared to change your habits and make them like theirs."
Alcibiades' Oration before the Sicilian expedition as recorded by Thucydides, (VI, 18)
d[]
[9]
.
As Alcibiades had suspected, his absence emboldened his enemies, and they began to accuse him of other
sacrilegious actions and comments and even alleged that these actions were connected with a plot against the
democracy.
[30]
According to Thucydides, the Athenians were always in fear and took everything suspiciously.
[31]
When the fleet arrived in Catana, it found the state trireme Salaminia waiting to bring Alcibiades and the others
indicted for mutilating the hermai or profaning the Eleusinian Mysteries back to Athens to stand trial. Alcibiades told
the heralds that he would follow them back to Athens in his ship, but in Thurii he escaped with his crew; in Athens
he was convicted in absentia and condemned to death. His property was confiscated and a reward of one talent was
promised to whoever succeeded in killing any who had fled.
[32]
Meanwhile the Athenian force in Sicily, after a few
early victories, moved against Messina, where the Generals expected their secret allies within the city to betray it to
them. Alcibiades, however, foreseeing that he would be outlawed, gave information to the friends of the Syracusans
in Messina, who succeeded in preventing the admission of the Athenians.
[33]
With the death of Lamachus in battle
some time later, command of the Sicilian Expedition fell into the hands of Nicias, whom modern scholars have
judged to be an inadequate military leader.
Defection to Sparta
After his disappearance at Thurii, Alcibiades quickly contacted the Spartans, "promising to render them aid and
service greater than all the harm he had previously done them as an enemy" if they would offer him sanctuary.
[34]
The Spartans granted this request and received him among them. In the debate at Sparta over whether to send a force
to relieve Syracuse, Alcibiades spoke and instilled fear of Athenian ambition into the Spartan ephors by informing
them that the Athenians hoped to conquer Sicily, Italy, and even Carthage.
[35]
Yale historian Donald Kagan believes
that Alcibiades knowingly exaggerated the plans of the Athenians to convince the Spartans of the benefit they stood
to gain from his help. Kagan asserts that Alcibiades had not yet acquired his "legendary" reputation, and the Spartans
saw him as "a defeated and hunted man" whose policies "produced strategic failures" and brought "no decisive
result". If accurate, this assessment underscores one of Alcibiades' greatest talents, his highly persuasive oratory.
[36]
After making the threat seem imminent, Alcibiades advised the Spartans to send troops and most importantly, a
Spartan commander to discipline and aid the Syracusans.
"Our party was that of the whole people, our creed being to do our part in preserving the form of government under which the city enjoyed
the utmost greatness and freedom, and which we had found existing. As for democracy, the men of sense among us knew what it was, and I
perhaps as well as any, as I have the more cause to complain of it; but there is nothing new to be said of a patent absurdity meanwhile
we did not think it safe to alter it under the pressure of your hostility."
Alcibiades' Speech to the Spartans as recorded by Thucydides, (VI, 89])
d[]
[9]
.
Alcibiades served as a military adviser to Sparta and helped the Spartans secure several crucial successes. He advised
them to build a permanent fort at Decelea, just over ten miles (16km) from Athens and within sight of the city.
[37]
By doing this, the Spartans cut the Athenians off entirely from their homes and crops and the silver mines of
Sunium. This was part of Alcibiades' plan to renew the war with Athens in Attica. The move was devastating to
Athens and forced the citizens to live within the long walls of the city year round, making them entirely dependent
on their seaborne trade for food. Seeing Athens thus beleaguered on a second front, members of the Delian League
began to contemplate revolt. In the wake of Athens' disastrous defeat in Sicily, Alcibiades sailed to Ionia with a
Spartan fleet and succeeded in persuading several critical cities to revolt.
[38][39]
Alcibiades
120
In spite of these valuable contributions to the Spartan cause, Alcibiades fell out of favor with the Spartan government
at around this time, ruled by Agis II. Leotychides, the son born by Agis' wife Timaia shortly after this, was believed
by many to be Alcibiades' son.
[40][41]
Alcibiades' influence was further reduced after the retirement of Endius, the
ephor who was on good terms with him.
[42]
It is alleged that Astiochus, a Spartan Admiral, was sent orders to kill
him, but Alcibiades received warning of this order and defected to the Persian satrap Tissaphernes, who had been
supporting the Peloponnesian forces financially in 412 BC.
[43]
In Asia Minor
Jean-Baptiste Regnault (17541829): Socrates
dragging Alcibiades from the Embrace of Sensual
Pleasure, 1791.
On his arrival in the local Persian court, Alcibiades won the trust of the
powerful satrap and made several policy suggestions which were well
received. According to Thucydides, Alcibiades immediately began to
do all he could with Tissaphernes to injure the Peloponnesian cause. At
his urging, the satrap reduced the payments he was making to the
Peloponnesian fleet and began delivering them irregularly. Alcibiades
next advised Tissaphernes to bribe the Generals of the cities to gain
valuable intelligence on their activities. Lastly, and most importantly,
he told the satrap to be in no hurry to bring the Persian fleet into the
conflict, as the longer the war dragged out the more exhausted the
combatants would become. This would allow the Persians to more
easily conquer the region in the aftermath of the fighting. Alcibiades
tried to convince the satrap that it was in Persia's interest to wear both
Athens and Sparta out at first, "and after docking the Athenian power as much as he could, forthwith to rid the
country of the Peloponnesians".
[44]
Although Alcibiades' advice benefited the Persians, it was merely a means to an
end; Thucydides tells us that his real motive was to use his alleged influence with the Persians to effect his
restoration to Athens.
[45]
Recall to Athens
Negotiations with the Athenian oligarchs
Alcibiades seemed to assume that the "radical democracy" would never agree to his recall to Athens.
[46]
Therefore,
he exchanged messages with the Athenian leaders at Samos and suggested that if they could install an oligarchy
friendly to him he would return to Athens and bring with him Persian money and possibly the Persian fleet of 147
triremes.
[47]
Alcibiades set about winning over the most influential military officers, and achieved his goal by
offering them a threefold plan: the Athenian constitution was to be changed, the recall of Alcibiades was to be voted,
and Alcibiades was to win over Tissaphernes and the King of Persia to the Athenian side. Most of the officers in the
Athenian fleet accepted the plan and welcomed the prospect of a narrower constitution, which would allow them a
greater share in determining policy. According to Thucydides, only one of the Athenian Generals at Samos,
Phrynichus, opposed the plan and argued that Alcibiades cared no more for the proposed oligarchy than for the
traditional democracy.
[48]
The involvement in the plot of another General, Thrasybulus, remains unclear.
e[]
These officers of the Athenian fleet formed a group of conspirators, but were met with opposition from the majority
of the soldiers and sailors; these were eventually calmed down "by the advantageous prospect of the pay from the
king".
[49]
The members of the group assembled and prepared to send Pisander, one of their number, on an embassy
to Athens to treat for the restoration of Alcibiades and the abolition of the democracy in the city, and thus to make
Tissaphernes the friend of the Athenians.
[50]
Phrynichus, fearing that Alcibiades if restored would avenge himself upon him for his opposition, sent a secret letter
to the Spartan Admiral, Astyochus, to tell him that Alcibiades was ruining their cause by making Tissaphernes the
Alcibiades
121
friend of the Athenians, and containing an express revelation of the rest of the intrigue. Astyochus went up to
Alcibiades and Tissaphernes at Magnesia and communicated to them Phrynichus's letter. Alcibiades responded in
kind, sending to the authorities at Samos a letter against Phrynichus, stating what he had done, and requiring that he
should be put to death.
[51]
Phrynichus in desperation wrote again to Astyochus, offering him a chance to destroy the
Athenian fleet at Samos. This also Astyochus revealed to Alcibiades who informed the officers at Samos that they
had been betrayed by Phrynichus. Alcibiades however gained no credit, because Phrynichus had anticipated
Alcibiades' letter and, before the accusations could arrive, told the army that he had received information of an
enemy plan to attack the camp and that they should fortify Samos as quickly as possible.
[52]
Despite these events, Pisander and the other envoys of the conspirators arrived at Athens and made a speech before
the people. Pisander won the argument, putting Alcibiades and his promises at the center. The Ecclesia deposed
Phrynichus and elected Pisander and ten other envoys to negotiate with Tissaphernes and Alcibiades.
[53]
At this point, Alcibiades' scheme encountered a great obstacle. Tissaphernes would not make an agreement on any
terms, wanting to follow his policy of neutrality.
[54]
As Kagan points out, Tissaphernes was a prudent leader and had
recognized the advantages of wearing each side out without direct Persian involvement.
[55]
Alcibiades realized this
and, by presenting the Athenians with stiffer and stiffer demands on Tissaphernes' behalf, attempted to convince
them that he had persuaded Tissaphernes to support them, but that they had not conceded enough to him. Although
the envoys were angered at the audacity of the Persian demands, they nevertheless departed with the impression that
Alcibiades could have brought about an agreement among the powers if he had chosen to do so.
[56]
This fiasco at the
court of Tissaphernes, however, put an end to the negotiations between the conspirators and Alcibiades. The group
was convinced that Alcibiades could not deliver his side of the bargain without demanding exorbitantly high
concessions of them and they accordingly abandoned their plans to restore him to Athens.
Reinstatement as an Athenian General
See also: Athenian coup of 411 BC
In spite of the failure of the negotiations, the conspirators succeeded in overthrowing the democracy and imposing
the oligarchic government of the Four Hundred, among the leaders of which were Phrynichus and Pisander. At
Samos, however, a similar coup instigated by the conspirators did not go forward so smoothly. Samian democrats
learned of the conspiracy and notified four prominent Athenians: the generals Leon and Diomedon, the trierarch
Thrasybulus, and Thrasyllus, at that time a hoplite in the ranks. With the support of these men and the Athenian
soldiers in general, the Samian democrats were able to defeat the 300 Samian oligarchs who attempted to seize
power there.
[57]
Further, the Athenian troops at Samos formed themselves into a political assembly, deposed their
generals, and elected new ones, including Thrasybulus and Thrasyllus. The army, stating that they had not revolted
from the city but that the city had revolted from them, resolved to stand by the democracy while continuing to
prosecute the war against Sparta.
[58]
After a time, Thrasybulus persuaded the assembled troops to vote Alcibiades' recall, a policy that he had supported
since before the coup. Then he sailed to retrieve Alcibiades and returned with him to Samos. The aim of this policy
was to win away Persian support from the Spartans, as it was still believed that Alcibiades had great influence with
Tissaphernes.
[59]
Plutarch claims that the army sent for Alcibiades so as to use his help in putting down the tyrants in
Athens.
[60]
Kagan argues that this reinstatement was a disappointment to Alcibiades, who had hoped for a glorious
return to Athens itself but found himself only restored to the rebellious fleet, where the immunity from prosecution
he had been granted "protected him for the time being but not from a reckoning in the future"; furthermore, the
recall, which Alcibiades had hoped to bring about through his own prestige and perceived influence, was achieved
through the patronage of Thrasybulus.
[61]
At his first speech to the assembled troops, Alcibiades complained bitterly about the circumstances of his exile, but
the greatest part of the speech consisted of boasting about his influence with Tissaphernes. The primary motives of
his speech were to make the oligarchs at Athens afraid of him and to increase his credit with the army at Samos.
Alcibiades
122
Upon hearing his speech the troops immediately elected him General alongside Thrasybulus and the others. In fact,
he roused them so much that they proposed to sail at once for Piraeus and attack the oligarchs in Athens.
[62]
It was
primarily Alcibiades, along with Thrasybulus, who calmed the people and showed them the folly of this proposal,
which would have sparked civil war and led to the immediate defeat of Athens. Shortly after Alcibiades'
reinstatement as an Athenian general, the government of the Four Hundred was overthrown and replaced by a
broader oligarchy, which would eventually give way to democracy.
[63]
Presently Alcibiades sailed to Tissaphernes with a detachment of ships. According to Plutarch, the supposed purpose
of this mission was to stop the Persian fleet from coming to the aid of the Peloponnesians. Thucydides is in
agreement with Plutarch that the Persian fleet was at Aspendus and that Alcibiades told the troops he would bring the
fleet to their side or prevent it from coming at all, but Thucydides further speculates that the real reason was to flaunt
his new position to Tissaphernes and try to gain some real influence over him. According to the historian, Alcibiades
had long known that Tissaphernes never meant to bring the fleet at all.
[64]
Battles of Abydos and Cyzicus
For more details on this topic, see Battle of Abydos and Battle of Cyzicus
The Athenian strategy at Cyzicus. Left:
Alcibiades' decoy force (blue) lures the Spartan
fleet (black) out to sea. Right: Thrasybulus and
Theramenes bring their squadrons in behind the
Spartans to cut off their retreat towards Cyzicus,
while Alcibiades turns to face the pursuing force.
Alcibiades was recalled by the "intermediate regime" of The Five
Thousand, the government which succeeded the Four Hundred in 411,
but it is most likely that he waited until 407 BC to actually return to the
city.
[65]
Plutarch tells us that, although his recall had already been
passed on motion of Critias, a political ally of his, Alcibiades was
resolved to come back with glory.
[66]
While this was certainly his goal,
it was again a means to an end, that end being avoiding prosecution
upon his return to Athens.
The next significant part he would play in the war would occur at the
Battle of Abydos. Alcibiades had remained behind at Samos with a
small force while Thrasybulus and Thrasyllus led the greater part of the
fleet to the Hellespont. During this period, Alcibiades succeeded in raising money from Caria and the neighboring
area, with which he was able to pay the rowers and gain their favor.
[67]
After the Athenian victory at Cynossema,
both fleets summoned all their ships from around the Aegean to join them for what might be a decisive next
engagement. While Alcibiades was still en route, the two fleets clashed at Abydos, where the Peloponnesians had set
up their main naval base. The battle was evenly matched, and raged for a long time, but the balance tipped towards
the Athenians when Alcibiades sailed into the Hellespont with eighteen triremes.
[68]
The Persian satrap Pharnabazus,
who had replaced Tissaphernes as the sponsor of the Peloponnesian fleet, moved his land army to the shore to defend
the ships and sailors who had beached their ships. Only the support of the Persian land army and the coming of night
saved the Peloponnesian fleet from complete destruction.
[69]
Shortly after the battle, Tissaphernes had arrived in the Hellespont and Alcibiades left the fleet at Sestos to meet him,
bringing gifts and hoping to once again try to win over the Persian governor. Evidently Alcibiades had gravely
misjudged his standing with the satrap, and he was arrested on arrival. Within a month he would escape and resume
command.
[70]
It was now obvious, however, that he had no influence with the Persians; from now on his authority
would depend on what he actually could accomplish rather than on what he promised to do.
[71]
After an interlude of several months in which the Peloponnesians constructed new ships and the Athenians besieged
cities and raised money throughout the Aegean, the next major sea battle took place the spring of 410 BC at Cyzicus.
Alcibiades had been forced to flee from Sestos to Cardia to protect his small fleet from the rebuilt Peloponnesian
navy, but as soon as the Athenian fleet was reunited there its commanders led it to Cyzicus, where the Athenians had
intelligence indicating that Pharnabazus and Mindarus, the Peloponnesian fleet commander, were together plotting
their next move. Concealed by storm and darkness, the combined Athenian force reached the vicinity without being
Alcibiades
123
spotted by the Peloponnesians. Here the Athenians devised a plot to draw the enemy into battle. According to
Diodorus Siculus, Alcibiades advanced with a small squadron in order to draw the Spartans out to battle, and, after
he successfully deceived Mindarus with this ploy, the squadrons of Thrasybulus and Theramenes came to join him,
cutting off the Spartans' retreat.
f[][72]
The Spartan fleet suffered losses in the flight and reached the shore with the Athenians in close pursuit. Alcibiades'
troops, leading the Athenian pursuit, landed and attempted to pull the Spartan ships back out to sea. The
Peloponnesians fought to prevent their ships from being towed away, and Pharnabazus's troops came up to support
them.
[73]
Thrasybulus landed his own force to temporarily relieve pressure on Alcibiades, and meanwhile ordered
Theramenes to join up with Athenian land forces nearby and bring them to reinforce the sailors and marines on the
beach. The Spartans and Persians, overwhelmed by the arrival of multiple forces from several directions, were
defeated and driven off, and the Athenians captured all the Spartan ships which were not destroyed.
[74]
A letter
dispatched to Sparta by Hippocrates, vice-admiral under Mindarus, was intercepted and taken to Athens; it ran as
follows: "The ships are lost. Mindarus is dead. The men are starving. We know not what to do". A short time later
Sparta petitioned for peace, but their appeals were ultimately rejected by the Athenians.
[75]
Further military successes
Satellite image of the Thracian Chersonese (now
known as the Gallipoli Peninsula) and
surrounding area. Alcibiades traveled to the
Chersonese in 408 BC and attacked the city of
Selymbria on the north shore of the Propontis.
After their victory, Alcibiades and Thrasybulus began the siege of
Chalcedon in 409 BC with about 190 ships.
[76]
Although unable to
attain a decisive victory or induce the city to surrender, Alcibiades was
able to win a small tactical land battle outside of the city gates and
Theramenes concluded an agreement with the Chalcedonians.
[77]
Afterwards they concluded a temporary alliance with Pharnabazus
which secured some much needed immediate cash for the army, but
despite this Alcibiades was still forced to depart in search for more
booty to pay the soldiers and oarsmen of the fleet.
In pursuit of these funds he traveled to the Thracian Chersonese and
attacked Selymbria. He plotted with a pro-Athenian party within the
city and offered the Selymbrians reasonable terms and imposed strict
discipline to see that they were observed. He did their city no injury
whatsoever, but merely took a sum of money from it, set a garrison in it and left.
[78]
Epigraphical evidence indicates
the Selymbrians surrendered hostages until the treaty was ratified in Athens. His performance is judged as skillful by
historians, since it saved time, resources, and lives and still fully achieved his goal.
[79]
From here Alcibiades joined in the siege of Byzantium along with Theramenes and Thrasyllus. A portion of the
citizens of the city, demoralized and hungry, decided to surrender the city to Alcibiades for similar terms as the
Selymbrians had received. On the designated night the defenders left their posts, and the Athenians attacked the
Peloponnesian garrison in the city and their boats in the harbor. The portion of the citizenry that remained loyal to
the Peloponnesians fought so savagely that Alcibiades issued a statement in the midst of the fighting which
guaranteed their safety and this persuaded the remaining citizens to turn against the Peloponnesian garrison, which
was nearly totally destroyed.
[77]
Alcibiades
124
Return to Athens, dismissal, and death
Return to Athens
It was in the aftermath of these successes that Alcibiades resolved to finally return to Athens in the spring of 407 BC.
Even in the wake of his recent victories, Alcibiades was exceedingly careful in his return, mindful of the changes in
government, the charges still technically hanging over him, and the great injury he had done to Athens. Thus
Alcibiades, instead of going straight home, first went to Samos to pick up 20 ships and proceeded with them to the
Ceramic Gulf where he collected 100 talents. He finally sailed to Gytheion to make inquiries, partly about the
reported preparations of the Spartans there, and partly about the feelings in Athens about his return.
[80]
His inquiries
assured him that the city was kindly disposed towards him and that his closest friends urged him to return.
[81]
Therefore he finally sailed into Piraeus where the crowd had gathered, desiring to see the famous Alcibiades.
[82]
He
entered the harbor full of fear till he saw his cousin and others of his friends and acquaintance, who invited him to
land. Upon arriving on shore he was greeted with a hero's welcome.
[83]
Nevertheless, some saw an evil omen in the
fact that he had returned to Athens on the very day when the ceremony of the Plynteria (the feast where the old
statue of Athena would get cleansed) was being celebrated.
[84]
This was regarded as the unluckiest day of the year to
undertake anything of importance. His enemies took note of this and kept it in mind for a future occasion.
[85]
All the criminal proceedings against him were canceled and the charges of blasphemy were officially withdrawn.
Alcibiades was able to assert his piety and to raise Athenian morale by leading the solemn procession to Eleusis (for
the celebration of the Eleusinian Mysteries) by land for the first time since the Spartans had occupied Decelea.
[86]
The procession had been replaced by a journey by sea, but this year Alcibiades used a detachment of soldiers to
escort the traditional procession.
[87]
His property was restored and the ecclesia elected him supreme commander of
land and sea (strategos autokrator).
[88]
Defeat at Notium
For more details on this topic, see Battle of Notium.
In 406 BC Alcibiades set out from Athens with 1,500 hoplites and a hundred ships. He failed to take Andros and
then he went on to Samos. Later he moved to Notium, closer to the enemy at Ephesus.
[89]
In the meanwhile
Tissaphernes had been replaced by Cyrus the Younger (son of Darius II of Persia) who decided to financially support
the Peloponnesians. This new revenue started to attract Athenian deserters to the Spartan navy. Additionally the
Spartans had replaced Mindarus with Lysander, a very capable Admiral. These factors caused the rapid growth of the
Peloponnesian fleet at the expense of the Athenian. In search of funds and needing to force another decisive battle,
Alcibiades left Notium and sailed to help Thrasybulus in the siege of Phocaea.
[90]
Alcibiades was aware the Spartan
fleet was nearby, so he left nearly eighty ships to watch them under the command of his personal helmsman
Antiochus, who was given express orders not to attack. Antiochus disobeyed this single order and endeavored to
draw Lysander into a fight by imitating the tactics used at Cyzicus. The situation at Notium, however, was radically
different from that at Cyzicus; the Athenians possessed no element of surprise, and Lysander had been well informed
about their fleet by deserters.
[91]
Antiochus's ship was sunk, and he was killed by a sudden Spartan attack; the
remaining ships of the decoy force were then chased headlong back toward Notium, where the main Athenian force
was caught unprepared by the sudden arrival of the whole Spartan fleet. In the ensuing fighting, Lysander gained an
entire victory. Alcibiades soon returned and desperately tried to undo the defeat at Notium by scoring another
victory, but Lysander could not be compelled to attack the fleet again.
[92]
Responsibility for the defeat ultimately fell on Alcibiades, and his enemies used the opportunity to attack him and
have him removed from command, although some modern scholars believe that Alcibiades was unfairly blamed for
Antiochus's mistake.
[93]
Diodorus reports that, in addition to his mistake at Notium, Alcibiades was discharged on
account of false accusations brought against him by his enemies.
[72]
According to Anthony Andrewes, professor of
ancient history, the extravagant hopes that his successes of the previous summer had created were a decisive element
Alcibiades
125
in his downfall. Consequently Alcibiades condemned himself to exile. Never again returning to Athens, he sailed
north to the castles in the Thracian Chersonese, which he had secured during his time in the Hellespont. The
implications of the defeat were severe for Athens. Although the defeat had been minor, it occasioned the removal of
not only Alcibiades but also his allies like Thrasybulus, Theramenes and Critias. These were likely the most capable
commanders Athens had at the time and their removal would help lead to the Athenian surrender only two years later
after their complete defeat at Aegospotami.
[94]
Death
Michele de Napoli (18081892): Morte di
Alcibiade (Death of Alcibiades) (1839 circa),
Naples National Archaeological Museum.
With one exception, Alcibiades' role in the war ended with his
command. Prior to the Battle of Aegospotami, in the last attested fact
of his career,
[95]
Alcibiades recognized that the Athenians were
anchored in a tactically disadvantageous spot and advised them to
move to Sestus where they could benefit from a harbor and a city.
[96]
Diodorus, however, does not mention this advice, arguing instead that
Alcibiades offered the Generals Thracian aid in exchange for a share in
the command.
g[]
In any case, the Generals of the Athenians,
"considering that in case of defeat the blame would attach to them and
that in case of success all men would attribute it to Alcibiades", asked
him to leave and not come near the camp ever again.
[97]
Days later the
fleet would be annihilated by Lysander.
After the Battle of Aegospotami, Alcibiades crossed the Hellespont
and took refuge in Phrygia, with the object of securing the aid of
Artaxerxes against Sparta.
Much about Alcibiades' death is now uncertain, as there are conflicting
accounts. According to the oldest of these, the Spartans and
specifically Lysander were responsible.
[98]
Though many of his details
cannot be independently corroborated, Plutarch's version is this: Lysander sent an envoy to Pharnabazus who then
dispatched his brother to Phrygia where Alcibiades was living with his mistress, Timandra.
h[]
In 404 BC, as he was
about to set out for the Persian court, his residence was surrounded and set on fire. Seeing no chance of escape he
rushed out on his assassins, dagger in hand, and was killed by a shower of arrows.
[99]
According to Aristotle, the site
of Alcibiades' death was Elaphus, a mountain in Phrygia.
[100]
Assessments
Epitaph for Ipparetea, daughter of Alcibiades.
Kerameikos Cemetery (Athens).
Political career
In ancient Greece, Alcibiades was a polarizing figure. According
to Thucydides, Alcibiades, being "exceedingly ambitious",
proposed the expedition in Sicily in order "to gain in wealth and
reputation by means of his successes". Alcibiades is not held
responsible by Thucydides for the destruction of Athens, since "his
habits gave offence to every one, and caused the Athenians to
commit affairs to other hands, and thus before long to ruin the
city".
[101]
Plutarch regards him as "the least scrupulous and most
Alcibiades
126
entirely careless of human beings".
[102]
On the other hand, Diodorus argues that he was "in spirit brilliant and intent
upon great enterprises".
[103]
Sharon Press of Brown University points out that Xenophon emphasizes Alcibiades'
service to the state, rather than the harm he was charged with causing it.
[104][105]
Demosthenes defends Alcibiades's
achievements, saying that he had taken arms in the cause of democracy, displaying his patriotism, not by gifts of
money or by speeches, but by personal service.
[106]
For Demosthenes and other orators, Alcibiades epitomized the
figure of the great man during the glorious days of the Athenian democracy and became a rhetorical symbol.
[107]
One of Isocrates' speeches, delivered by Alcibiades the Younger, argues that the statesman deserved the Athenians'
gratitude for the service he had given them.
[108]
Lysias, on the other hand, argued in one of his orations that the
Athenians should regard Alcibiades as an enemy because of the general tenor of his life, as "he repays with injury the
open assistance of any of his friends".
[109][110]
In the Constitution of the Athenians, Aristotle does not include
Alcibiades in the list of the best Athenian politicians, but in Posterior Analytics he argues that traits of a proud man
like Alcibiades are "equanimity amid the vicissitudes of life and impatience of dishonor".
[111][112]
Alcibiades excited
in his contemporaries a fear for the safety of the political order.
[113]
Therefore, Andocides said of him that "instead
of holding that he ought himself to conform with the laws of the state, he expects you to conform with his own way
of life".
[114]
Central to the depiction of the Athenian statesman is Cornelius Nepos' famous phrase that Alcibiades
"surpassed all the Athenians in grandeur and magnificence of living".
[115]
Even today, Alcibiades divides scholars. For Malcolm F. McGregor, former head of the Department of Classics in
the University of British Columbia, Alcibiades was rather a shrewd gambler than a mere opportunist.
[116]
Evangelos
P. Fotiadis, a prominent Greek philologist, asserts that Alcibiades was "a first class diplomat" and had "huge skills".
Nevertheless his spiritual powers were not counterbalanced with his magnificent mind and he had the hard luck to
lead a people susceptible to demagoguery. K. Paparrigopoulos, a major modern Greek historian, underlines his
"spiritual virtues" and compares him with Themistocles, but he then asserts that all these gifts created a "traitor, an
audacious and impious man".
[117]
Walter Ellis believes that his actions were outrageous, but they were performed
with panache.
[118]
For his part, David Gribble argues that Alcibiades' actions against his city were misunderstood
and believes that "the tension which led to Alcibiades' split with the city was between purely personal and civic
values".
[119]
Russell Meiggs, a British ancient historian, asserts that the Athenian statesman was absolutely
unscrupulous despite his great charm and brilliant abilities. According to Meiggs his actions were dictated by selfish
motives and his feud with Cleon and his successors undermined Athens. The same scholar underscores the fact that
"his example of restless and undisciplined ambition strengthened the charge brought against Socrates". Even more
critically, Athanasios G. Platias and Constantinos Koliopoulos, professors of strategic studies and international
politics, state that Alcibiades' own arguments "should be sufficient to do away with the notion that Alcibiades was a
great statesman, as some people still believe".
[120]
Writing from a different perspective, psychologist Anna C. Salter
cites Alcibiades as exhibiting "all the classic features of psychopathy."
[121]
A similar assessment is made by Hervey
Cleckley at the end of chapter 5 in his The Mask of Sanity.
Military achievements
Alcibiades
127
Pietro Testa (16111650): The Drunken
Alcibiades Interrupting the Symposium (1648).
Flix Auvray (18301833): Alcibiade with the
Courtesans (1833), Museum of Fine Arts of
Valenciennes
Despite his critical comments, Thucydides admits in a short digression
that "publicly his conduct of the war was as good as could be desired".
Diodorus and Demosthenes regard him as a great general. According to
Fotiadis, Alcibiades was an invincible general and, wherever he went,
victory followed him; had he led the army in Sicily, the Athenians
would have avoided disaster and, had his countrymen followed his
advice at Aegospotami, Lysander would have lost and Athens would
have ruled Greece. On the other hand, Paparrigopoulos believes that
the Sicilian Expedition, prompted by Alcibiades, was a strategic
mistake.
[122]
In agreement with Paparrigopoulos, Platias and
Koliopoulos underscore the fact that the Sicilian expedition was a
strategic blunder of the first magnitude, resulting from a "frivolous
attitude and an unbelievable underestimation of the enemy". For his
part, Angelos Vlachos, a Greek Academician, underlines the constant
interest of Athens for Sicily from the beginning of the war.
i[]
According to Vlachos the expedition had nothing of the extravagant or
adventurous and constituted a rational strategic decision based on
traditional Athenian aspirations.
[123]
Vlachos asserts that Alcibiades
had already conceived a broader plan: the conquest of the whole
West.
[124]
He intended to conquer Carthage and Libya, then to attack
Italy and, after winning these, to seize Italy and Peloponnesus.
[125]
The
initial decision of the ecclesia provided however for a reasonable
military force, which later became unreasonably large and costly
because of Nicias' demands. Kagan criticizes Alcibiades for failing to
recognize that the large size of the Athenian expedition undermined the diplomatic scheme on which his strategy
rested.
[126]
Kagan believes that while Alcibiades was a commander of considerable ability, he was no military genius, and his
confidence and ambitions went far beyond his skills. He thus was capable of important errors and serious
miscalculations. Kagan argues that at Notium, Alcibiades committed a serious error in leaving the fleet in the hands
of an inexperienced officer, and that most of the credit for the brilliant victory at Cyzicus must be assigned to
Thrasybulus. In this judgement, Kagan agrees with Cornelius Nepos, who said that the Athenians' extravagant
opinion of Alcibiades' abilities and valor was his chief misfortune.
[127]
Press argues that "though Alcibiades can be considered a good General on the basis of his performance in the
Hellespont, he would not be considered so on the basis of his performance in Sicily", but "the strengths of
Alcibiades' performance as a General outweigh his faults". Professors David McCann and Barry Strauss attempt a
comparison between Alcibiades and Douglas MacArthur, pointing out that "both men stood out as military leaders to
whom a mystique attached itself".
[128]
Skill in oratory
Plutarch asserts that "Alcibiades was a most able speaker in addition to his other gifts", while Theophrastus argues
that Alcibiades was the most capable of discovering and understanding what was required in a given case.
Nevertheless, he would often stumble in the midst of his speech, but then he would resume and proceed with all the
caution in the world.
[129]
Even the lisp he had, which was noticed by Aristophanes, made his talk persuasive and full
of charm.
[130][131]
Eupolis says that he was "prince of talkers, but in speaking most incapable"; which is to say, more
eloquent in his private discourses than when orating before the ecclesia. For his part, Demosthenes underscores the
fact that Alcibiades was regarded as "the ablest speaker of the day". Paparrigopoulos does not accept Demosthenes's
Alcibiades
128
opinion, but acknowledges that the Athenian statesman could sufficiently support his case. Kagan acknowledges his
rhetorical power, whilst Thomas Habinek, professor of Classics at the University of Southern California, believes
that the orator Alcibiades seemed to be whatever his audience needed on any given occasion.
[132][133]
According to
Habinek, in the field of oratory, the people responded to Alcibiades' affection with affection of their own. Therefore,
the orator was "the institution of the city talking to and loving itself". According to Aristophanes, Athens
"yearns for him, and hates him too, but wants him back".
[134]
References in comedy, philosophy, art and literature
For more details on this topic, see Alcibiades (fictional character).
Alcibiades has not been spared by ancient comedy and stories attest to an epic confrontation between Alcibiades and
Eupolis resembling that between Aristophanes and Cleon. He also appears as a character in several Socratic
dialogues (Symposium, Protagoras, Alcibiades I and II, as well as the eponymous dialogues by Aeschines Socraticus
and Antisthenes). Purportedly based on his own personal experience, Antisthenes described Alcibiades'
extraordinary physical strength, courage, and beauty, saying, "If Achilles did not look like this, he was not really
handsome."
[135]
In his trial, Socrates must rebut the attempt to hold him guilty for the crimes of his former students,
including Alcibiades.
[136]
Hence, he declares in Apology: "I have never been anyone's teacher".
[137]
Aristophanes
mocked his heavy lisp in the satirical play, The Wasps, "Look, Thothiath, Theowuth ith twanthformed. He'th a
waven!" He is portrayed as one of Cleon's close friends.
Long after his death, Alcibiades continues to appear in art, both in Medieval and Renaissance works, and in several
significant works of modern literature as well.
[138]
He still fascinates the modern world, doing so most notably as the
main character in historical novels of authors like Anna Bowman Dodd, Gertrude Atherton, Rosemary Sutcliff,
Daniel Chavarria, Steven Pressfield and Peter Green.
[139]
He is also a central character in Paul Levinson's time travel
novel The Plot To Save Socrates (where he has many adventures after the time when history records his death), in
Kurt R. A. Giambastiani's time travel novel Unraveling Time, in Erik Satie's Socrate, a work for voice and small
orchestra (the text is composed of excerpts of Victor Cousin's translation of works by Plato), and in Joel Richards'
Nebula award-nominated short story The Gods Abandon Alcibiades.
[140]
Alcibiades also figures in the satirical
Picture This by Joseph Heller and in William Shakespeare's Timon of Athens. W. C. Fields portrays a talking dog
named Alcibiades in Poppy (1936 film).
Alcibiades is mentioned in observance II of law 44 " Disarm and infuriate with the mirror effect " in Robert Greene's
book The 48 Laws of Power. In it the author writes about Alcibiades ability to mimic the people he is in the presence
of such as the Spartans and then the people of Persia.
In Harry Turtledove's 2002 alternate history story, The Daimon, the point of the departure is that Alcibiades
commands the Sicilian Expedition to a decisive victory before returning to Athens. (Socrates persuades him not to
return to Athens, or even to pretend to, but to stay in Sicily and lead his army to victory - after which he will return
to Athens in a position of strength, not weakness.) Uniting the Greek city-states, the conquest of the Persian Empire
proceeds under the Athenian, Alcibiades, rather than under the Macedonian, Alexander the Great, roughly 80 years
later.
Notes
â:Isocrates asserts that Alcibiades was never a pupil of Socrates.
[141]
Thus he does not agree with Plutarch's
narration.
[142]
According to Isocrates, the purpose of this tradition was to accuse Socrates. The rhetorician makes
Alcibiades wholly the pupil of Pericles.
[143]

^b:According to Plutarch, who is however criticized for using "implausible or unreliable stories" in order to
construct Alcibiades' portrait,
[144]
Alcibiades once wished to see Pericles, but he was told that Pericles could not see
him, because he was studying how to render his accounts to the Athenians. "Were it not better for him," said
Alcibiades
129
Alcibiades, "to study how not to render his accounts to the Athenians?". Plutarch describes how Alcibiades "gave a
box on the ear to Hipponicus, whose birth and wealth made him a person of great influence." This action received
much disapproval, since it was "unprovoked by any passion of quarrel between them". To smooth the incident over,
Alcibiades went to Hipponicus's house and, after stripping naked, "desired him to scourge and chastise him as he
pleased". Hipponicus not only pardoned him but also bestowed upon him the hand of his daughter. Another example
of his flamboyant nature occurred during the Olympic games of 416 where "he entered seven teams in the chariot
race, more than any private citizen had ever put forward, and three of them came in first, second, and fourth".
[145]
According to Andocides, once Alcibiades competed against a man named Taureas as choregos of a chorus of boys
and "Alcibiades drove off Taureas with his fists. The spectators showed their sympathy with Taureas and their hatred
of Alcibiades by applauding the one chorus and refusing to listen to the other at all."
[114]

^c:Plutarch and Plato agree that Alcibiades "served as a soldier in the campaign of Potidaea and had Socrates for
his tentmate and comrade in action" and "when Alcibiades fell wounded, it was Socrates who stood over him and
defended him".
[146]
Nonetheless, Antisthenes insists that Socrates saved Alcibiades at the Battle of Delium.
[147]

^d:Thucydides records several speeches which he attributes to Pericles; but Thucydides acknowledges that: "it was
in all cases difficult to carry them word for word in one's memory, so my habit has been to make the speakers say
what was in my opinion demanded of them by the various occasions, of course adhering as closely as possible to the
general sense of what they really said."
[148]

ê:Kagan has suggested that Thrasybulus was one of the founding members of the scheme and was willing to
support moderate oligarchy, but was alienated by the extreme actions taken by the plotters.
[149]
Robert J. Buck, on
the other hand, maintains that Thrasybulus was probably never involved in the plot, possibly because he was absent
from Samos at the time of its inception.
[150]

^f:In the case of the battle of Cyzicus, Robert J. Littman, professor at Brandeis University, points out the different
accounts given by Xenophon and Diodorus. According to Xenophon, Alcibiades' victory was due to the luck of a
rainstorm, while, according to Diodorus, it was due to a carefully conceived plan. Although most historians prefer
the accounts of Xenophon,
[151]
Jean Hatzfeld remarks that Diodorus' accounts contain many interesting and unique
details.
[152]

^g:Plutarch mentions Alcibiades' advice, writing that "he rode up on horseback and read the generals a lesson. He
said their anchorage was a bad one; the place had no harbor and no city, but they had to get their supplies from
Sestos".
[153][154]
B. Perrin regards Xenophon's testimony as impeachable and prefers Diodorus' account. According
to A. Wolpert, "it would not have required a cynical reader to infer even from Xenophon's account that he
(Alcibiades) was seeking to promote his own interests when he came forward to warn the generals about their
tactical mistakes".
[155]

^h:According to Plutarch, some say that Alcibiades himself provoked his death, because he had seduced a girl
belonging to a well-known family. Thus there are two versions of the story: The assassins were probably either
employed by the Spartans or by the brothers of the lady whom Alcibiades had seduced.
[156]
According to Isocrates,
when the Thirty Tyrants established their rule, all Greece became unsafe for Alcibiades.
[157]

î:Since the beginning of the war, the Athenians had already initiated two expeditions and sent a delegation to
Sicily.
[158]
Plutarch underscores that "on Sicily the Athenians had cast longing eyes even while Pericles was living".
Alcibiades
130
Citations
[1] (listen) (http:/ / cougar. eb.com/ soundc11/ bix/ bixalc02. wav)
[2] A. Vlachos, Thucydides' Bias, 59 &c.
[3] P.B. Kern, Ancient Siege Warfare, 151.
[4] Plato, Alcibiades 1, 121a (http:/ / www. perseus.tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?layout=& doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0176& query=section=#88&
loc=Alc. 1. 120e).
[5] C.A. Cox, Household Interests, 144.
[6] N. Denyer, Commentary of Plato's Alcibiades, 8889.
[7] Plato, Symposium, 220e (http:/ / www.perseus.tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0174& query=section=#726& layout=&
loc=Sym.220d).
[8] I. Sykoutris, Introduction to Symposium, 159180.
[9] Plato, Symposium, 215a222b (http:/ / www. perseus.tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
0174;layout=;query=section=#697;loc=Sym.215b).
[10] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 6 (http:/ / www.perseus.tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
0182;query=chapter=#6;layout=;loc=Alc. 7. 1).
[11] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 8 (http:/ / www.perseus.tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0182& query=chapter=#8& layout=&
loc=Alc. 7. 1).
[12] [12] Thucydides, "The History of the Peloponnesian Wars", 5.43.
[13] A.W. Gomme, A Historical Commentary on Thucydides, 339.
[14] R. Sealey, A History of the Greek City States, 353.
[15] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 14 (http:/ / www. perseus.tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
0182;query=chapter=#14;layout=;loc=Alc.13.1).
[16] Thucydides, V, 45 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Thuc. + 5. 45. 1).
[20] Plutarch, Alcibiades, XVI (http:/ / www. perseus.tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
0182;query=chapter=#16;layout=;loc=Alc.15.1layout=;loc=Alc. 12. 1).
[21] Andocides, Against Alcibiades, 22 (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0018& layout=& loc=4. 22).
[22] Platias-Koliopoulos, Thucydides on Strategy, 23746.
[23] Kagan, The Peloponnesian War, 322
[24] Thucydides History of the Peloponnesian War VII 8 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text. jsp?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04.
0106:book=6:chapter=8)
[26] L. Strauss, The City and Man, 104.
[27] Thucydides, 6.26.
[32] D. Kagan, The Peloponnesian War, 273
[36] D. Kagan, The Peloponnesian War, 2823.
[40] Plutarch, Lysander, 22 (http:/ / www.perseus.tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
[41] Plutarch, Agesilaus, III.
[42] P.J. Rhodes, A History of the Classical Greek World, 144.
Alcibiades
131
[46] T. Buckley, Aspects of Greek History, 411.
[54] D. Kagan, The Fall of the Athenian Empire, 1368.
[55] Kagan, The Peloponnesian War, 366.
[56] Thucydides, The Peloponnesian War, 8.56.
[60] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 26 (http:/ / www. perseus.tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0182& layout=& loc=Alc. + 26. 1).
[65] Cartwright-Warner, A Historical Commentary on Thucydides, 301.
0182;layout=;query=chapter=#27;loc=Alc.26.1).
[68] Xenophon, Hellenica, 1.1. 5 (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0206).
[72] Diodorus, XIII, 501 (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0084& query=chapter=#302& layout=&
loc=13.49. 1).
[73] Xenophon, Hellenica, 1.1. 1723 (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0206).
[75] Diodorus, Library, 523 (http:/ / www.perseus.tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0084& query=chapter=#304&
layout=& loc=13. 51. 1).
[77] Diodorus, Library, xiii, 66. 3 (http:/ / www.perseus.tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0084& query=section=#1488)
[78] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 30 (http:/ / www. perseus.tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0182& query=chapter=#30& layout=&
loc=Alc. 29. 1)
[80] Xenophon, Hellenica, 1, 4, 812 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0206& layout=& loc=1. 4. 1).
[81] B. Due, The Return of Alcibiades, 39
[82] Xenophon, Hellenica, 1, 4, 13 (http:/ / www. perseus.tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0206& layout=& loc=1. 4. 1).
[84] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 34 (http:/ / www. perseus.tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0182& layout=& loc=Alc. + 34. 1).
[85] D Kagan, The Fall of the Athenian Empire, 290.
[86] S. Price, Religions of the Ancient Greeks, 54
[87] Xenophon, Hellenica, 1, 4, 18 (http:/ / www. perseus.tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0206& layout=& loc=1. 4. 1)
[88] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 33 (http:/ / www. perseus.tufts.edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0006:chapter=33:section=2)
[89] A. Andrewes, The Spartan Resurgence, 490
[92] For the accepted account of the battle see Plutarch, Alcibiades, 35 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999.
01. 0182& layout=& loc=Alc. + 35.1) or the Hellenica Oxyrhynchia, 4.
[93] G. Cawkwell, Thucydides and the Peloponnesian War, 143
Alcibiades
132
[95] B. Perrin, The Death of Alcibiades , 2537.
[96] Xenophon, Hellenica, 2.1. 25 (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0206& query=section=#217).
[97] Diodorus, Library, xiii, 105 (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0084& query=chapter=#357&
layout=& loc=13. 104. 1).
[98] Isocrates, Concerning the Team of Horses, 16.40 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0144&
layout=& loc=16. 40)
loc=Alc. 38. 1).
[100] Aristotle, History of Animals, 578b27 (http:/ / www. tcnj. edu/ ~chai2/ literature/ piece/ 151_History-of-Animals--Book-6,-Part-3. htm); cf.
John & William Langhorne, Plutarch's Lives (1819), vol. 2, p. 172, n. 99 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=90FZb4WVFMUC&
pg=RA1-PA172& dq=elaphus+ Phrygia).
[101] Thucydides, VI, 15 (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0200;query=chapter=#631;layout=;loc=6.
14. 1).
[102] Plutarch, The Comparison of Alcibiades with Coriolanus, 6
[103] Diodorus, Library, xiii, 68. 5 (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
0084;query=chapter=#320;layout=;loc=13. 67. 1).
[104] S. Press, Was Alcibiades a Good General? (http:/ / www. brown. edu/ Departments/ Classics/ bcj/ 07-03. html)
[105] Xenophon, Hellenica, 1.4. 18 (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0206& query=chapter=#4&
layout=& loc=1. 3.1).
[106] Demosthenes, Against Meidias, 1445 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?layout=;doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
0074;query=section=#144;loc=21. 145).
[107] D. Gribble, Alcibiades and Athens, 323.
[108] Isocrates, Concerning the Team of Horses, 15 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
0144;query=section=#1750;layout=;loc=16.12).
[109] Lysias, Against Alcibiades 1, 1 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0154:speech=14).
[110] Lysias, Against Alcibiades 2, 10 (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
[111] Aristotle, Constitution of the Athenians, .
[112] Aristotle, Posterior Analytics, ii, 13.
[114] Andocides, Against Alcibiades, 19 (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0018&
query=section=#238).
[115] Cornelius Nepos, Alcibiades, XI (http:/ / www. thelatinlibrary. com/ nepos/ nepos. alc. shtml).
[116] M.F. McGregor, The Genius of Alkibiades, 2750.
[117] . Paparrigopoulos, History of the Greek Nation, , 2648.
[118] W. Ellis, Alcibiades, 18.
[119] D. Gribble, Alcibiades and Athens, 55 &c.
[120] A.G. Platias and C. Koliopoulos, Thucydides on Strategy, 240.
[121] Anna C. Salter, Predators, 128.
[122] . Paparrigopoulos, History of the Greek Nation, , 272.
[125] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 17 (http:/ / www. perseus.tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0182& query=chapter=#17&
layout=& loc=Alc.16.1).
[127] Cornelius Nepos, Alcibiades, VII (http:/ / www.thelatinlibrary. com/ nepos/ nepos. alc. shtml).
[128] D. McCann, B. Strauss, War and Democracy, xxv.
[129] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 10 (http:/ / www. perseus.tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
[130] Aristophanes, Wasps, 44 (http:/ / www.perseus.tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0182:text=Alc. #anch1).
[131] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 1 (http:/ / www. perseus.tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0182:text=Alc. #anch1).
[133] T. Habinek, Ancient Rhetoric and Oratory, 234.
[134] Aristophanes, Frogs, 1425 (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0032& query=sp=#724).
[135] E. Corrigan, Plato's Dialectic at Play, 169; C. Kahn, "Aeschines on Socratic Eros", 90
[136] G.A. Scott, Plato's Socrates as Educator, 19
[137] Plato, Apology, 33a (http:/ / www.perseus.tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0170& layout=& loc=Apol. + 33a)
[138] N. Endres, Alcibiades (http:/ / www. glbtq.com/ social-sciences/ alcibiades,3. html)
Alcibiades
133
[139] T.T.B. Ryder, Alcibiades, 32
[140] J. Richards, The Gods Abandon Alcibiades (http:/ / www. asimovs. com/ Nebulas03/ gods. shtml)
[141] Isocrates, Busiris, 5 (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0144& layout=& loc=11. 5).
loc=Alc. 8. 1).
[143] Y. Lee Too, The Rhetoric of Identity in Isocrates, 216.
[145] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 12 (http:/ / www. perseus.tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
[146] Plato, Symposium, 221a (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0174& query=section=#727&
layout=& loc=Sym. 220e).
[147] I. Sykoutris, Symposium of Plato (Comments), 225.
[149] Donald Kagan, The Peloponnesian War, 385.
[150] R.J. Buck, Thrasybulus and the Athenian Democracy, 278.
[151] R.J. Littman, The Strategy of the Battle of Cyzicus, 271.
[152] J. Hatzfeld, Alcibiade, 271
[153] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 36 (http:/ / www. perseus.tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0182& query=chapter=#36&
layout=& loc=Alc.37.1).
[154] Plutarch, Comparison with Coriolanus, 2
[155] A. Wolpert, Remembering Defeat, 5.
[156] H.T. Peck, Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04.
0062:id=alcibiades) and W. Smith, New Classical Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography, 39.
[157] Isocrates, Concerning the Team of Horses, 40 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
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Further reading
Atherton, Gertrude (2004). The Jealous Gods. Kessinger Publishing Co. ISBN1-4179-2807-7.
Benson, E.F. (1929). The Life of Alcibiades: The Idol of Athens. New York: D. Appleton Co.
ISBN1-4563-0333-3.
Bury, J.B.; Meiggs, Russell (1975). A History of Greece (4th ed.). New York: St. Martin's Press.
Bury, J.B.; Cook, S.A.; Adcock, F.E., eds. (1927). The Cambridge Ancient History 5. New York: Macmillan.
Chavarria, Daniel (2005). The Eye Of Cybele. Akashic Books. ISBN1-888451-67-X.
Forde, Steven (1989). The Ambition to Rule Alcibiades and the Politics of Imperialism in Thucydides. Ithaca, NY:
Cornell University Press.
Green, Peter (1967). Achilles his Armour. Doubleday.
Henderson, Bernard W. (1927). The Great War Between Athens and Sparta: A Companion to the Military History
of Thucydides. London: Macmillan.
Hughes-Hallett, Lucy. Heroes: A History of Hero Worship. Alfred A. Knopf, New York, New York, 2004. ISBN
1-4000-4399-9.
Meiggs, Russell (1972). The Athenian Empire. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Pressfield, Steven. Tides of War: A Novel of Alcibiades and the Peloponnesian War. Doubleday, New York, New
York, 2000. ISBN 0-385-49252-9.
Robinson, Cyril Edward (1916). The Days of Alkibiades. E. Arnold.
Romilly de, Jacqueline (1997). Alcibiade, ou, Les Dangers de l'Ambition (in French). LGF. ISBN2-253-14196-8.
Sutcliff, Rosemary (1971). Flowers of Adonis. Hodder & Stoughton Ltd. ISBN0-340-15090-4.
External links
Biographical
"Alcibiades was an Athenian general in the Peloponnesian War" (http:/ / ancienthistory. about. com/ cs/ people/ a/
alcibiades. htm). Bingley.
"Alcibiades" (http:/ / www. glbtq. com/ social-sciences/ alcibiades. html). Endres, Nikolai. Archived (http:/ / web.
archive. org/ web/ 20060905000755/ http:/ / www. glbtq. com/ social-sciences/ alcibiades. html) from the original
on 5 September 2006. Retrieved 22 September 2006.
"Alcibiades: Aristocratic Ideal or Antisocial Personality Disorder" (http:/ / h06. cgpublisher. com/ proposals/ 41/
index_html). Evans, Kathleen. Archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20060828185600/ http:/ / h06.
cgpublisher. com/ proposals/ 41/ index_html) from the original on 28 August 2006. Retrieved 5 August 2006.
"Alcibiades" (http:/ / concise. britannica. com/ ebc/ article-9005499/ Alcibiades). Meiggs, Russell. Retrieved 5
August 2006.
"Alcibiades" (http:/ / www. livius. org/ aj-al/ alcibiades/ alcibiades. html). Prins, Marco-Lendering, Jona.
Archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20060831114947/ http:/ / www. livius. org/ aj-al/ alcibiades/ alcibiades.
html) from the original on 31 August 2006. Retrieved 5 August 2006.
"Alcibiades" (http:/ / www. bartleby. com/ 65/ al/ Alcibiad. html). The Columbia Encyclopedia, Sixth Edition.
200105. Retrieved 5 August 2006.
Texts and analyses
"Good Man, Bad Man, Traitor: Aspects of Alcibiades" (http:/ / faculty. ccc. edu/ colleges/ wright/ greatbooks/
Program/ Symposm/ Issue1/ Arcan. htm). Arcan, Gabriela. Archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/
20060911133925/ http:/ / faculty. ccc. edu/ colleges/ wright/ greatbooks/ Program/ Symposm/ Issue1/ Arcan. htm)
from the original on 11 September 2006. Retrieved 5 August 2006.
"Thucydides and Civil War: the Case of Alcibiades" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20070705050328/ http:/ /
www. prio. no/ files/ file46395_robert_faulkner_7final-thuccivil_war. doc). Faulkner, Robert. Retrieved 5 August
2006.
Alcibiades
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"Survie d'un lion : Alcibiade" (http:/ / bcs. fltr. ucl. ac. be/ FE/ 10/ Lion/ Lion2. html). Loicq-Berger,
Marie-Paule. Archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20060827081434/ http:/ / bcs. fltr. ucl. ac. be/ FE/ 10/
Lion/ Lion2. html) from the original on 27 August 2006. Retrieved 22 September 2006.
"Alcibiades and the Sicilian Expedition" (http:/ / www. bitsofnews. com/ content/ view/ 3686/ 42/ ). Rubio,
Alexander G. Retrieved 5 August 2006.
"Plato, Thucydides, and Alcibiades" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20070705050414/ http:/ / www. prio. no/
files/ file46404_thucydides_draft_henrik_syse. doc). Syse, Henrik. Retrieved 5 August 2006.
"Alcibiades, Athens, and the Human Condition in Thucydides' History" (http:/ / www. apaclassics. org/
AnnualMeeting/ 03mtg/ abstracts/ warren. html). Warren, Brian. Archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/
20060819192700/ http:/ / www. apaclassics. org/ AnnualMeeting/ 03mtg/ abstracts/ warren. html) from the
original on 19 August 2006. Retrieved 5 August 2006.
Gaius Marcius Coriolanus
Veturia at the Feet of Coriolanus by Gaspare Landi (Photo courtesy
The VRoma Project
[1]
)
Gaius Marcius (Caius Martius) Coriolanus
(/krilens, kr-/) was a Roman general who is
said to have lived in the 5th century BC. He received
his toponymic cognomen "Coriolanus" because of his
exceptional valor in a Roman siege of the Volscian city
of Corioli. He was subsequently exiled from Rome, and
led troops of Rome's enemy the Volsci to besiege
Rome.
In later ancient times, it was generally accepted by
historians that Coriolanus was a real historical
individual, and a consensus narrative story of his life
appeared, retold by leading historians such as Livy,
Plutarch, and Dionysius of Halicarnassus. More recent
scholarship has cast doubt on the historicity of
Coriolanus, portraying him as either a wholly legendary
figure or at least disputing the accuracy of the
conventional story of his life or the timing of the events.
According to Plutarch, his ancestors included prominent patricians such as Censorinus and even an early King of
Rome.
The story is the basis for the tragedy of Coriolanus, written by William Shakespeare, and a number of other works,
including Beethoven's Coriolan Overture.
138
The consensus biography
The Mother of Coriolanus pleads for her son
The siege of Corioli
Coriolanus came to fame as a young man serving in the army of the
consul Postumus Cominius Auruncus in 493 BC during the siege of the
Volscian town of Corioli. Whilst the Romans were focused on the
siege, another Volscian force arrived from Antium and attacked the
Romans, and at the same time the soldiers of Corioli launched a sally.
Marcius held watch at the time of the Volscian attack. He quickly
gathered a small force of Roman soldiers to fight against the Volscians
who had sallied forth from Corioli. Not only did he repel the enemy,
but he also charged through the town gates and then began setting fire
to some of the houses bordering the town wall. The citizens of Corioli
cried out, and the whole Volscian force was dispirited and was
defeated by the Romans. The town was captured, and Marcius gained
the cognomen Coriolanus.
[2]
Conflict and exile
After defeating the Volscians and winning support from the patricians
of the Roman Senate, Coriolanus argued against the democratic
inclinations of the plebeians, holding the grain dole hostage until the plebeians restored the powers of the patricians
won through their secession, thereby making many personal enemies. The general was charged with
misappropriation of public funds, convicted, and permanently banished from Rome by the tribunes.
[3]
Defection to the Volsci
As a result of this ingratitude, the exiled general turned against Rome and declared allegiance to the same Volscians
he had once fought against. Plutarch's account of his defection tells that Coriolanus donned a disguise and entered
the home of a wealthy Volscian noble, Tullus Aufidius. The unmasked Coriolanus appealed to Aufidius as a
supplicant. Coriolanus and Aufidius then persuaded the Volscians to break their truce with Rome and raise an army
to invade. When Coriolanus's Volscian troops threatened the city, Roman matrons, including his wife and mother,
were sent to persuade him to call off the attack.
At the sight of his mother Veturia (known as Volumnia in Shakespeare's play), wife Virgilia and children throwing
themselves at his feet in supplication, Coriolanus relented, withdrew his troops from the border of Rome, and retired
to Aufidius's home city of Antium. Coriolanus had thus committed acts of disloyalty to both Rome and the
Volscians. Aufidius then raised support to have Coriolanus first put on trial by the Volscians, and then assassinated
before the trial had ended.
The tale of Coriolanus's appeal to Aufidius is quite similar to a tale from the life of Themistocles, a leader of the
Athenian democracy who was a contemporary of Coriolanus. During Themistocles' exile from Athens, he traveled to
the home of Admetus, King of the Molossians, a man who was his personal enemy. Themistocles came to Admetus
in disguise and appealed to him as a fugitive, just as Coriolanus appealed to Aufidius. Themistocles, however, never
attempted military retaliation against Athens.
139
Modern scepticism
Act V, Scene III of Shakespeare's Coriolanus.
Engraved by James Caldwell from a painting by
Gavin Hamilton.
Coriolanus's story is today deemed legendary by some modern
scholars. Whether or not Coriolanus himself is a historical figure
and note that neither he nor any of the other leading figures in his tale
can be confirmed by the consular Fasti the saga preserves a genuine
popular memory of the dark, unhappy decades of the early 5th century
BC when the Volscians overran Latium and threatened the very
existence of Rome.
Cultural references
Shakespeare's Coriolanus is the last of his "Roman plays". Its portrayal
of the hero has led to a long tradition of political interpretation of
Coriolanus as an anti-populist, or even proto-fascist leader. Bertolt
Brecht's version of Coriolanus (1951) stresses this aspect.
[4]
Suzanne Collins also references the anti-populist
interpretation in The Hunger Games trilogy with her character President Coriolanus Snow, a totalitarian dictator who
preserves order in the degenerate society of the books, though this character has little in common with the figure
Coriolanus. Shakespeare's play also forms the basis of the 2011 motion picture Coriolanus, starring and directed by
Ralph Fiennes, in which Coriolanus is the protagonist.
Heinrich Joseph von Collin's 1804 play Coriolan portrayed him in the context of German romantic ideas of the tragic
hero. Beethoven's Coriolan Overture was written for a production of the von Collin play.
Steven Saylor's Roma presents Coriolanus as a plebeian, the child of a patrician mother and plebeian father. His
attitudes toward the changes occurring in Rome during his lifetime are reflective of what has been described. He
achieves Senatorial status thanks to his military valor and connections. When he calls for the abolition of the office
of Tribune, he becomes a target of the plebeians and their representatives. He flees before the trial which would ruin
him and his family socially and financially, and seeks the alliance with the Volsci described above. His military
campaign against Rome is successful and his forces are approaching the walls of the city until the appeal of the
Roman women, including his patrician mother and his wife. When he orders his troops to withdraw, he is killed by
them.
References
[1] http:/ / www. vroma.org
[3] Livy, 2.3435
[4] Willett, John, The Theatre of Bertolt Brecht: A Study from Eight Aspects, London: Methuen, 1959, p.63.
External links
From Plutarch's Parallel Lives :
The Life of Coriolanus (http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ coriolan. html) Full text of 17th-century English
translation by John Dryden (HTML)
The Life of Coriolanus (http:/ / www. gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 0/ 3/ 14033/ 14033-h/ 14033-h.
htm#LIFE_OF_CAIUS_MARCIUS_CORIOLANUS) Full text of 19th-century English translation by Aubrey
Stewart and George Long (multiple formats for download)
Coriolanus (http:/ / tech. mit. edu/ Shakespeare/ coriolanus/ full. html) Full text of Shakespeare's play based on
Plutarch (HTML)
140
Coriolanus (http:/ / www. iainfisher. com/ berkoff/ berkoff-study-coriolanus-essay. html) Article on Steven
Berkoff's production of Shakespeare's play
Livius.org (http:/ / www. livius. org/ man-md/ marcius/ coriolanus. html) Article on Coriolanus
Royal Shakespeare Company (http:/ / www. rscshakespeare. co. uk/ coriolanus. html) RSC page on the play
"Coriolanus". The American Cyclopdia. 1879.
Timoleon
For the racehorse, see Timoleon (horse).
Timoleon from "Promptuarii Iconum Insigniorum"
Timoleon (Greek: ), son of Timodemus, of Corinth
(c. 411337 BCE) was a Greek statesman and general.
As the champion of Greece against Carthage he is closely
connected with the history of Sicily, especially Syracuse.
Early life
When his brother Timophanes, whose life he had saved in
battle, took possession of the acropolis of Corinth and made
himself master of the city, Timoleon, after an ineffectual
protest, tacitly acquiesced while the friends who accompanied
him put Timophanes to death. Public opinion approved his
conduct as patriotic; but the curses of his mother and the
indignation of some of his kinsfolk drove him into retirement
for twenty years.
Sicily
Sicily 431 BCE
Because of the political problems of
Syracuse and the threat from Sparta, a
group of Syracusans sent an appeal for
help to Corinth which reached Corinth
in 344 BCE.
[1]
Corinth could not
refuse help, though her chief citizens
declined the responsibility of
attempting to establish a settled
government in factious and turbulent
Syracuse.
Timoleon, being named by an
unknown voice in the popular
assembly, was chosen by a unanimous vote to undertake the mission, and set sail for Sicily with a few of the leading
citizens of Corinth and a small troop of Greek mercenaries. He eluded a Carthaginian squadron and landed at
Tauromenium (now Taormina), where he met with a friendly reception. At this time Hicetas, tyrant of Leontini, was
Timoleon
141
master of Syracuse, with the exception of the island of Ortygia, which was occupied by Dionysius, still nominally
tyrant.
Hicetas was defeated at Adranum, an inland town, and driven back to Syracuse. In 343 Dionysius surrendered
Ortygia on condition of being granted a safe conduct to Corinth. Hicetas now received help from Carthage (60,000
men), but ill-success roused mutual suspicion; the Carthaginians abandoned Hicetas, who was besieged in Leontini,
and who was then compelled to surrender. Timoleon was thus master of Syracuse.
He at once began the work of restoration, bringing new settlers from the mother-city and from Greece generally, and
establishing a popular government on the basis of the democratic laws of Diocles. The citadel was razed to the
ground, and a court of justice erected on its site. The amphi-polos, or priest of Olympian Zeus, who was annually
chosen by lot out of three clans, was invested with the chief magistracy. The impress of Timoleon's reforms seems to
have lasted to the days of Augustus.
Hicetas again induced Carthage to send (340339) a great army (70,000), which landed at Lilybaeum (now Marsala).
With a miscellaneous levy of about 12,000 men, most of them mercenaries, Timoleon marched westwards across the
island into the neighbourhood of Selinus and won a great and decisive victory on the Crimissus. The general himself
led his infantry, and the enemy's discomfiture was completed by a blinding storm of rain and hail. This victory gave
the Greeks of Sicily many years of peace and safety from Carthage.
Carthage made, however, one more effort and despatched some mercenaries to prolong the conflict between
Timoleon and the tyrants. But it ended in the defeat of Hicetas, who was taken prisoner and put to death. Carthage
then agreed to a treaty in 338 BCE by which, in Sicily, Carthage was confined to the west of the Halycus (Platani)
and undertook to give no further help to tyrants.
[2]
Retirement
Timoleon then retired into private life without assuming any title or office, though he remained practically supreme,
not only at Syracuse, but throughout the island. Notwithstanding the many elements of discord Sicily seems to have
been during Timoleon's lifetime tranquil and contented. He became blind some time before his death, but when
important issues were under discussion he was carried to the assembly to give his opinion, which was usually
accepted.
[3]
He was buried at the cost of the citizens of Syracuse, who erected a monument to his memory in their
market-place, afterwards surrounded with porticoes, and a gymnasium called Timoleonteum.
Tyrant or democrat?
The ancient historian Timaeus gave Timoleon high accolades in his work; however, Polybius criticized Timaeus for
bias in favor of Timoleon and many modern historians have sided with Polybius.
[4]
Peter Green shares this
skepticism but thinks it has gone too far. While he concedes that Timoleon tended to play the democrat while using
the methods of a tyrant (albeit benevolent), he did make an effort to maintain the outward forms of democracy.
Further, he reformed Syracuse in a democratic direction and demolished the stronghold of the island that had been so
useful to tyrants in the past.
[5]
Timoleon
142
Notes
[1] History of Greece, George Grote, vol. 7 pp. 575-6.
[2] [2] Historians History of the World, Editor: Henry Smith Williams vol 4 p207
[3] [3] Historians History of the World, Editor: Henry Smith Williams vol 4 p207
[4] Peter Green, Alexander to Actium p. 219.
[5] Peter Green, Alexander to Actium, pp. 219-20.
External links
Primary sources
Plutarch, Life of Timoleon (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/
Timoleon*. html).
Cornelius Nepos, Timoleon (http:/ / www. tertullian. org/ fathers/ nepos. htm#Timoleon).
Diod. Sic., Historical Library, xvi.6590.
Further reading
Westlake, H.D. Timoleon and His Relations With Tyrants. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1952
(hardcover, ISBN 0-7190-1217-1).
Bicknell, P.J. "The Date of Timoleon's Crossing to Italy and the Comet of 361B.C.", The Classical Quarterly,
New Series, Vol.34, No.1. (1984), pp.130134.
Talbert, R.J.A. Timoleon and the Revival of Greek Sicily, 344317 B.C. (Cambridge Classical Studies). New
York: Cambridge University Press, 1975 (hardcover, ISBN 0-521-20419-4); 2008 (paperback, ISBN
0-521-03413-2).
References
Preceded by:
Dionysius the Younger
Tyrant of
Syracuse
345 BC 337 BC
Succeeded by:
oligarchy
position next held by
Agathocles in 317 BC
Lucius Aemilius Paullus Macedonicus
143
This article is about the general who won the Battle of Pydna in 168 BC. For other men with this name, see Lucius
Aemilius Paullus.
The Triumph of Aemilius Paulus (detail) by Carle
Vernet, 1789.
Lucius Aemilius Paullus Macedonicus (c. 229 BC 160 BC)
was a two-time consul of the Roman Republic and a noted general
who conquered Macedon putting an end to the Antigonid dynasty.
Velleius Paterculus reported the general praise that he was both
"the author and admirer of liberal studies" and "competent in both
war and studies".
[1]
Family
His father was Lucius Aemilius Paullus, the consul defeated and
killed in the battle of Cannae. Lucius Aemilius was, in his time,
the head of his branch of the Aemilii Paulii, an old and aristocratic
patrician family. Their influence was immense, particularly due to their fortune and alliance with the Cornelii
Scipiones. He was father to Scipio Aemilianus Africanus.
Early career
After the fulfilment of his military service, and being elected military tribune, Paullus was elected curule aedile in
193 BC. The next step of his cursus honorum was the election as praetor in 191 BC. At the term of this office he
went to the Hispania provinces, where he campaigned against the Lusitanians between 191 and 189 BC. However,
he failed to be elected consul for several years. Paullus was elected consul for the first time in 182 BC, with Gnaeus
Baebius Tamphilus as junior partner. His next military command, with proconsular imperium, was in the next year,
against the Ingauni of Liguria.
Paullus and Macedonia
The Third Macedonian War broke out in 171 BC, when king Perseus of Macedon defeated a Roman army led by the
consul Publius Licinius Crassus in the battle of Callinicus. After two years of results indecisive for either side,
Paullus was elected consul again in 168 BC (with Gaius Licinius Crassus as colleague). As consul, he was appointed
by the senate to deal with the Macedonian war. Shortly afterwards, on June 22, he won the decisive battle of Pydna.
Perseus of Macedonia was made prisoner and the Third Macedonian War ended.
To set an example, Paullus ordered the killing of 500 prominent Macedonians known for their opposition to Rome.
He also exiled many more to Italy and confiscated their belongings in the name of Rome but, according to Plutarch,
kept too much to himself. Other sources report that he kept for himself only the extensive royal library,
[2]
in which
act he set an example for later Roman generals, such as Lucullus. On setting out on the return to Rome in 167 BC,
his legions were displeased with their share of the plunder. To keep them happy, Paullus decided on a stop in Epirus,
a kingdom suspected of sympathizing with the Macedonian cause. The region had been already pacified, but Paullus
ordered the sacking of seventy of its towns. 150,000 people were enslaved and the region was left to bankruptcy.
Paullus' return to Rome was glorious. With the immense plunder collected in Macedonia and Epirus, he celebrated a
spectacular triumph, featuring no less than the captured king of Macedonia himself, and his sons, putting an end to
the dynasty. As a gesture of acknowledgment, the senate awarded him the surname (cognomen) Macedonicus. This
was the peak of his career. In 164 BC he was elected censor. He fell ill, appeared to be recovering, but relapsed
within three days and died during his term of office in 160 BC.
144
Family life and descendants
His father Lucius Aemilius Paullus died in battle in 216 BC in the Battle of Cannae, when Aemilius Paullus was still
a boy. The Aemilii Paulli were connected by marriage and political interests to the Scipios, but their role in his
subsequent upbringing is not clear.
He had been married first to Papiria Masonis (or Papiria Masonia), daughter of the consul Gaius Papirius Maso
(consul in 231 BC), whom he divorced, according to Plutarch, for no particular reason. From this marriage, four
children were born: two sons and two daughters, the elder Aemilia Paulla Prima apparently married
[3]
to the son of
Marcus Porcius Cato, and the younger Aemilia Paulla Secunda to Aelius Tubero, a rich man of a plebeian family. He
divorced his wife while his younger son was still a baby, according to Roman historians; thus the divorce probably
took place around 183 BC-182 BC. Nevertheless, he was elected consul in 182 BC.
Paullus Macedonicus then married a second time (this wife's name is unknown) and had two more sons, the elder
born around 181 BC and the younger born around 176 BC. He also apparently had another daughter (Aemilia
Tertia), who was a small girl when her father was chosen consul for the second time.
[4]
Since four boys were too many for a father to support through the cursus honorum, Paullus decided to give the oldest
two boys up for adoption, probably between 175 BC and 170 BC. The elder was taken by a Quintus Fabius Maximus
and became Quintus Fabius Maximus Aemilianus, thus joining his fortunes to the house of a national hero. The
younger, possibly named Lucius, was adopted by his own cousin
[5]
Publius Cornelius Scipio, elder son and heir of
Scipio Africanus, and became Publius Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus, thus falling heir to the legacy of Rome's most
influential political dynasty.
With the eldest sons safely adopted by two of the most powerful patrician houses, Paullus Macedonicus counted on
the two younger ones to continue his own name. This was not to happen. Both of them died young, one shortly after
the other, at the same time that Paullus celebrated his triumph. The elder of the two remaining sons was 14 and the
younger 9, according to Polybius. Their names are unknown to us. The successes of his political and military career
were thus not accompanied by a happy family life.
At his death, his sons Quintus Fabius Maximus Aemilianus and Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus Aemilianus
received his property by his will, even though they were legally no longer Aemilii Paulli; Scipio gave his share to his
older brother who was less wealthy. Paullus's second wife (whose name is unknown to us) received her dowry back
from the sale of some of her late husband's property. (Livy and Polybius both claim that Paullus died relatively poor,
and that he had kept little for himself from the successful Macedonian campaign). His married daughters had
presumably received dowries from their father; Aemilia Paulla Prima is known to have married in or around 164 BC.
With the death of Macedonicus, the Aemilii Paulli became extinct, even though he had two living sons. His elder
surviving son Fabius Aemilianus eventually became consul and fathered at least one son, who in turn became consul
as Fabius Allobrigicus in 121 BC. This man, in turn, may have been the ancestor of later Fabii who tied their
fortunes to Julius Caesar and Augustus.
[6]
The younger surviving son was more famous as Scipio Aemilianus but
died leaving no known issue. Of the daughters, the elder was ancestor of at least two consuls of no particular
distinction. The younger was mother of a consul Quintus Aelius Tubero.
His first and former wife Papiria Masonia survived her ex-husband and lived to enjoy her former sister-in-law's
property presented to her by her younger son (per Polybius). At her death, her property was divided between her
sons, but Scipio gave it to his sisters.
145
Paullus's immediate surviving descendants
1. Quintus Fabius Maximus Aemilianus, apparently father of
1. Quintus Fabius Maximus Allobrogicus, consul 121 BC
1. Quintus Fabius Maximus, who was allegedly deprived of his inheritance by a Roman magistrate
1. Fabia, Chief Vestal
[7]
(fl. 50 BC), who married (div) Publius Cornelius Dolabella (c. 70 BC or
earlier
[8]
-43 BC), consul in 44 BC, as his first wife, and had a son (see below). Dolabella then was
adopted (illegally, without the consent of the Pontifex Maximus, i.e. Caesar) into the plebeian ranks, and
then married 50 BC Tullia, only daughter of Cicero).
[9][10][11]
According to some sources, Fabia was the
elder half-sister of Tullia's mother Terentia.
[12]
1. Publius Cornelius Dolabella, consul in 10 AD with C. Junius Silanus.
[13]
1. Publius Cornelius Dolabella was proconsul of Africa in the reign of Tiberius, 23-24 AD. Smith
reports: "In the course of the administration of his province he gained a complete victory over the
Numidian Tacfarinas ; but although he had formerly been a very great flatterer of Tiberius, yet he
did not obtain the ornaments of a triumph, in order that his predecessor in the province of Africa,
Junius Blaesius, an uncle of Sejanus, might not be thrown into the shade. In AD 27, he joined
Domitius Afer in the accusation against his own relative, Quintilius Varus, (Tac. Ann. iii. 47, 68,
iv. 23, &c. 66.)"
[14]
2. 2. another son, mentioned occasionally in sources, possibly the same as Allobrogicus, who was quaestor to his
better-known blood uncle (below) in Spain.
2. Scipio Aemilianus (died 129 BC)
3. 3. Aemilia Paulla Prima, mother of
1. 1. Gaius Porcius Cato
4. 4. Aemilia Paulla Secunda, mother of
1. Quintus Aelius Tubero, consul 117 BC
Notes
[1] inter arma ac studia versatus (Velleius Paterculus, i.13.3, quoted in Yun Lee Too, The Idea of the Library in the Ancient World, 2010:
Introduction.
[2] Elizabeth Rawson called it "the first great Greek library", preceding the library of Alexandria; at the very end of Antiquity Isidore of Seville's
sources spurred him to assert Romam primus librorum copiam advexit Aemilius Paulus, "Aemilius Paullus was the first who brought a store of
books to Rome" (Etymologiae vi.5.1).
[3] [3] There is some confusion about her name, because some sources claim that she was another Aemilia Tertia. However, she could not have been
the Aemilia Tertia described as a small child or a little girl in 167 BC; she would have been too young to marry in 164 BC. Furthermore, it is
known that the younger Cato was married to Scipio Aemilianus's full sister because Aemilianus gave his sisters his share of his mother's
property.
[4] [4] Aemilia Tertia's fate is unknown. It is known that her older sisters married, and that her full brothers died in 167 BC. She may have died by
160 BC because Polybius makes no further reference to her. Nor do any Roman historians mention any other brother-in-law of Scipio
Aemilianus.
[5] Publius Cornelius Scipio the younger was a flamen dialis and later a praetor, whose ill-health prevented him from pursuing a military career.
His mother was Aemilia Paulla or Aemilia Tertia, the sister of Paullus.
[6] [6] These would include the consul of 45 BC and the consuls Paullus Fabius Maximus and Africanus Fabius Maximus.
[7] Leila Celestia Walker "The Women Who Influenced the Lives of Caesar, Cicero, and Virgil (http:/ / hfppa. com/ scaevola/ romanwomen.
html#Fabia and Pomponia), unpublished BA Thesis, Department of Ancient Languages, University of South Carolina, 1935
[8] [8] Since he was consul in 44 BC after Caesar's assassination, it is more likely that he was born around 90 BC or earlier
[9] Author not available, DOLABELLA. (http:/ / www.encyclopedia. com/ doc/ 1E1-Dolabell. html), The Columbia Encyclopedia, Sixth Edition
2007
[10] John H. Collins, "Tullia's Engagement and Marriage to Dolabella" (http:/ / links. jstor. org/
sici?sici=0009-8353(195202)47:5<164:TEAMTD>2. 0. CO;2-K) The Classical Journal, Vol. 47, No. 5 (February 1952), pp. 164-168+186
[11] Wiliam Smith (ed). "Tullia" (http:/ / www.ancientlibrary. com/ smith-bio/ 3515. html) and "Dolabella" (http:/ / www. ancientlibrary. com/
smith-bio/ 1064. html) Smith, Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology > v. 1, page 1058-1060
146
[12] David Noy. "Seminar 1: Terentia and Tullia" notes (http:/ / www. lamp. ac. uk/ noy/ romanse1. htm)
[13] (http:/ / www. ancientlibrary.com/ smith-bio/ 1066.html) Smith, Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology > v. 1, page
1060
[14] [14] Ibid.
References
Livy, History of Rome XLIV, 17 XLVI, 41.
Plutarch, Aemilius Paulus. (http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ paulus. html)
Polybius, Histories, XXXII, 8. (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Plb. + 32. 8)
Further reading
BARZAN, Alberto: Biografia pagana come agiografia. Il caso della vita plutarchea di Lucio Emilio Paolo, in:
RIL 128 (1994), 403424.
HOLLAND, Lora: Plutarchs Aemilius Paullus and the Model of the Philosopher Statesman, in: L. de Blois et al.
(eds.): The Statesman in Plutarchs Works. Proceedings of the Sixth International Conference of the International
Plutarch Society, vol. II: The Statesman in Plutarchs Greek and Roman Lives, Leiden 2005, 269279.
REITER, William: Aemilius Paullus. Conqueror of Greece, London 1988.
TRSTER, Manuel: Una especie de hagiografa? Plutarco y la tradici-n hist-rica en la Vida de Emilio Paulo, in:
Geri-n 28.1 (2010), 193206.
TRSTER, Manuel: Plutarch and Mos Maiorum in the Life of Aemilius Paullus, in: Ancient Society 42 (2012),
219-254.
VIANOLI, Rosanna: Carattere e tendenza della tradizione su L. Emilio Paolo, in: M. Sordi (ed.): Contributi
dellIstituto di storia antica, vol. I, Milano 1972, 7890.
Precededby
Quintus Fabius Labeo and Marcus
Claudius Marcellus
Consul of the Roman
Republic
with Gnaeus Baebius
Tamphilus
182 BC
Succeededby
Publius Cornelius Cethegus and Marcus
Baebius Tamphilus
Precededby
Quintus Marcius Philippus and Gnaeus
Servilius Caepio
Consul of the Roman
Republic
with Gaius Licinius
Crassus
168 BC
Succeededby
Quintus Aelius Paetus and Marcus Junius
Pennus
Pelopidas
147
Pelopidas
For the genus of grass skipper butterflies, see Pelopidas (skipper).
Death of Pelopidas, by Andrey Ivanov, 1805-1806
Pelopidas (/plpds/; died 364 BC) was
an important Theban statesman and general
in Greece.
Biography
Athlete and warrior
He was a member of a distinguished family,
and possessed great wealth which he
expended on his friends, while content to
lead the life of an athlete. In 384 he served
in a Theban contingent sent to the support of
the Spartans at Mantineia, where he was
saved, when dangerously wounded, by the
Arcadians.
According to Plutarch's Life of Pelopidas
(paired with the Life of Marcellus), he ruined his inherited estate by showing constant care for the deserving poor of
Thebes, taking pleasure in simple clothing, a spare diet, and the constant hardships of military life. People said that
he was ashamed to spend more on himself than the lowest of the Thebans spent on himself. Once, when friends
argued that he needed to care for his finances since he had a wife and children, and that money was a necessary
thing, Pelopidas pointed to a blind, crippled pauper named Nicodemus and said, "Yes, necessary for Nicodemus."
Upon the seizure of the Theban citadel by the Spartans (383 or 382) he fled to Athens, and took the lead in a
conspiracy to liberate Thebes. Spartans had kingship in their home and were supportive of oligarchic governments in
other cities, and vice versa, cities with oligarchic and not democratic political system supported Sparta. In 379 his
party (the democratic) surprised and killed their chief political opponents in Thebes (members of the aristocratic
party that supported the Spartans), and roused the people against the Spartan garrison, which surrendered to an army
gathered by Pelopidas.
Pelopidas
148
Boeotarch
Charon placed his only son in the arms of
Pelopidas
In this and subsequent years he was elected boeotarch, and about 375
he routed a much larger Spartan force at the battle of Tegyra (near
Orchomenus). This victory he owed mainly to the valour of the Sacred
Band, an elite corps of 300 seasoned soldiers. At the battle of Leuctra
(371 BC) he contributed greatly to the success of Epaminondas's new
tactics by the rapidity with which he made the Sacred Band close with
the Spartans. Epaminondas, an intuitive and genius general, used at
Leuctra for the first time the oblique order in which a local superiority
of numbers can be used to defeat a superior force. Then, by winning in
detail, one can hope to win in the whole. After the battle at Leuctra
Thebes became the strongest city of Greece and Sparta withdrew as a
leading city.
In 370 BC he accompanied his close friend Epaminondas as boeotarch
into Peloponnesus in order to humiliate Sparta even more. On their
return, both generals were accused, unsuccessfully, of having retained
their command beyond the legal term. In fact, the democrats and some
aristocrats of Thebes acknowledged that Pelopidas and Epaminondas
were the two most capable and important personalities of their city.
Both were trying to establish a state that would unite Greece under the
Theban hegemony.
Thessalian campaign and death
In 369, in response to a petition of the Thessalians, Pelopidas was sent with an army against Alexander of Pherae.
After driving Alexander out, he passed into Macedon and arbitrated between two claimants to the throne. In order to
secure the influence of Thebes, he brought home hostages, including the king's brother, afterwards Philip II. Philip
learned there many tactics of the southern Greeks, both in politics and in war.
Next year Pelopidas was again called upon to interfere in Macedonia, but, being deserted by his mercenaries, was
compelled to make an agreement with Ptolemy of Aloros. On his return through Thessaly he was seized by
Alexander of Pherae, and two expeditions from Thebes were needed to secure his release.
In 367 BC Pelopidas went on an embassy to the Persian king and induced him to prescribe a settlement of Greece
according to the wishes of the Thebans. In 364 BC he received another appeal from the Thessalian towns against
Alexander of Pherae. Though an eclipse of the sun prevented his bringing with him more than a handful of troops, he
overthrew the tyrant's far superior force on the ridge of Cynoscephalae. However, wishing to slay Alexander with his
own hand, he rushed forward too eagerly and was cut down by the tyrants guards.
References
Marcus Claudius Marcellus
149
For other men with the same name, see List of Romans named Marcus Claudius Marcellus.
Marcus Claudius Marcellus (ca. 268208 BC), five times elected as consul of the Roman Republic, was an
important Roman military leader during the Gallic War of 225 BC and the Second Punic War. Marcellus gained the
most prestigious award a Roman general could earn, the spolia opima, for killing the Gallic military leader and king
Viridomarus in hand-to-hand combat in 222 BC at the battle of Clastidium. Furthermore, he is noted for having
conquered the fortified city of Syracuse in a protracted siege during which Archimedes, the famous inventor, was
killed. Marcus Claudius Marcellus died in battle in 208 BC, leaving behind a legacy of military conquests and a
reinvigorated Roman legend of the spolia opima.
Early life: distinguished soldier and politician
Little is known of Marcus Claudius Marcellus early years since the majority of biographical information pertains to
his military expeditions. The fullest account of Marcellus life was written by Plutarch, a Roman historian. Plutarchs
collection, titled "Life of Marcellus," focuses on Marcellus military campaigns and political life, rather than being a
full-life biography, as one might surmise from the title.
[1]
Plutarch supplies some general information about
Marcellus youth. Marcellus exact birth date is unknown, yet scholars are certain he was born prior to 268BC
because he earned his fifth and final Roman consulship in 208BC, after he was60. Marcellus was said to have been
the first in his family to take on the cognomen of Marcellus; yet there are genealogical records of his family line
tracing the cognomen all the way back to 331 BC.
[2]
According to Plutarch, Marcellus was a skilled fighter in his
youth and was raised with the purpose of entering military service. Marcellus general education may have been
lacking. In his youth, Marcellus quickly distinguished himself as an ambitious warrior, known for his skill in
hand-to-hand combat. He is noted to having saved the life of his brother, Otacilius, when the two were surrounded
by enemy soldiers in Italy.
As a young man in the Roman army, Marcellus was praised by his superiors for his skill and valor. As a result of his
fine service, in 226BC, he was appointed to the position of curule aedile in the Roman Republic. The position of
curule aedile was quite prestigious for a man like Marcellus. An aedile was an overseer of public buildings and
festivals and an enforcer of public order. This is generally the first position one might take in seeking a high political
career. The title of curule is quite peculiar because this distinction signifies that a person is a patrician, or upper
classman, rather than a plebeian, or commoner. Marcellus was so highly regarded by his superiors that he was
distinguished as a patrician, though technically his family was of the plebeian class. Around the same time that he
became an aedile, Marcellus was also awarded the position of augur, which Plutarch describes as being an interpreter
of omens. By about the age of40, Marcellus had already become an acclaimed soldier and public official. Marcellus
early career came to a close in 222BC, at which time he achieved greater historical importance upon his election as
consul of the Roman Republicthe highest political office and military position in ancient Rome.
Middle life: the spolia opima
Following the end of the First Punic War, in which Marcellus fought as a soldier, the Gauls of northern Italy
declared war on Rome in 225 BC. In the fourth and final year of the war, Marcellus was appointed as one of the two
consuls, his colleague being Cn. Cornelius Scipio Calvus. The previous consuls had defeated the Insubrians, the
primary Gallic tribe involved, all the way up to the Po River. Following such terrible defeats, the Insubrians
surrendered, but Marcellus, not yet consul, persuaded the two acting consuls not to accept the terms of peace. As
Marcellus and his colleague were ushered into office as the new consuls, the Insubrians mustered 30,000 of their
Gallic allies, the Gaesatae, to fight the Romans. Marcellus invaded Insubrian lands up to the Po River, just as the
previous consuls had done. From here, the Gauls sent 10,000 men across the Po and attacked Clastidium, a Roman
150
stronghold, to divert the Roman attacks. This battlefield was the stage for Marcellus confrontation with the Gallic
king, Viridomarus, which cemented his place in history.
The confrontation, as told by Plutarch, is so heavy in detail that one might question the veracity of his narration.
Plutarch recounts that, prior to the battle, Viridomarus spotted Marcellus, who wore commander's insignia on his
armor, and rode out to meet him. Across the battlefield, Marcellus viewed the beautiful armor on the back of the
enemy riding toward him. Marcellus concluded that this was the nicest armor, which he had previously prayed would
be given by him to the gods. The two engaged in combat whereupon, Marcellus, by a thrust of his spear which
pierced his adversary's breastplate, and by the impact of his horse in full career, threw him, still living, upon the
ground, where, with a second and third blow, he promptly killed him. Marcellus extracted the armor from his fallen
foe, upon which he pronounced it as the spolia opima. The spolia opima, meaning "ultimate spoil," is known in
Roman history as the most prestigious and honorable prize that a general can earn. Only a general who kills the
leader of the opposing army prior to a battle may be honored with taking a spolia opima.
After he had slain the formidable warrior, whom he later learned was the king, Marcellus dedicated the armor, or
spolia opima, to Jupiter Feretrius, as he had promised before the battle. Herein lies a wrinkle in Plutarchs retelling of
the event. When Marcellus first saw the finely dressed warrior, he did not recognize him as a king, but merely a man
with the nicest armor. But immediately following the battle, Marcellus prayed to Jupiter Feretrius, saying that he had
killed a king or ruler.
[3]
This inconsistency indicates that Plutarchs story may have been exaggerated for dramatic
effect, causing discrepancies. Furthermore, Plutarch had probably written the account to glorify Marcellus as a hero
of Rome, instead of as a record of history.
Following the battle between Marcellus and the king of the Gauls, the outnumbered Romans broke the siege of
Clastidium, won the battle and proceeded to push the Gallic army all the way back to their primary headquarters of
Mediolanum. Here, the Romans defeated the Gauls, who surrendered themselves to the Romans. The terms between
the Romans and Gauls were accepted and the Gallic war ended. Polybius, a historian of the 2nd century BC and
client to the Scipiones, states that much of the overall success in the Gallic War belongs to Marcellus colleague,
Scipio, but because Marcellus had won the spolia opima, Marcellus was celebrated triumphantly. Following the
Gallic wars, Marcellus seems to drift from the historical radar until the year 216 BC, ushering in the latter part of his
life.
Later life: Second Punic War
Marcus Claudius Marcellus re-emerged onto both the political and military scene during the Second Punic War, in
which he took part in important battles. In 216 BC, the third year of the Second Punic War, Marcellus was elected as
a praetor. A praetor served either as an elected magistrate or as the commander of an army, the latter of which duties
Marcellus was selected to fulfil in Sicily. Unfortunately, as Marcellus and his men were preparing to ship to Sicily,
his army was recalled to Rome owing to the devastating losses at Cannae, one of the worst disasters in the long
history of Rome.
[4]
By the orders of the Senate, Marcellus was forced to dispatch 1,500 of his men to Rome to
protect the city after the terrible defeat by Hannibal of Carthage. With his remaining army, along with remnants of
the army from Cannae, (who were considered to have been disgraced by the defeat and by surviving it), Marcellus
camped near Suessula, a city in the region of Campania in Southern Italy. At this point, part of the Carthaginian
army began to make a move for the city of Nola. Marcellus repelled the attacks and managed to keep the city from
the grasp of Hannibal. Although the battle at Nola was rather unimportant in regards to the Second Punic War as a
whole, the victory was important from its moral effect, as the first check, however slight, that Hannibal had yet
received.
Then, in 215 BC, Marcellus was summoned to Rome by the Dictator M. Junius Pera, who wanted to consult with
him about the future conduct of the war. After this meeting, Marcellus earned the title of proconsul. In the same year,
when the consul L. Postumius Albinus was killed in battle, Marcellus was unanimously chosen by the Roman people
to be his successor. Unfortunately, because the other consul was also a plebeian, the senate would not allow
151
Marcellus to hold the position. Apparently, the senate found bad omens in two plebeian consuls. Marcellus therefore
returned to his job as a proconsul, whereupon, he defended the city of Nola, once again, from the rear guard of
Hannibals army. The following year, 214 BC, Marcellus was elected consul yet again, his colleague being Fabius
Maximus. For a third time, Marcellus defended Nola from Hannibal and even captured the small but significant town
of Casilinum.
Sicily and Syracuse
Main article: Siege of Syracuse (214212 BC)
Following his triumph at Casilinum, Marcellus was sent to Sicily, which Hannibal had set his sights upon. Upon
arrival, Marcellus found the island in disarray. Hieronymus, the new ruler of the Rome-allied Kingdom of Syracuse,
had recently come to the throne on his grandfather's death and fallen under the influence of the Carthaginian agents
Hippocrates and Epicydes. He then declared war against the Romans after the Carthaginian victory at the Battle of
Cannae. However, Hieronymus was soon deposed; the new Syracusean leaders attempted a reconciliation with
Rome, but could not quell their suspicions and then aligned themselves with the Carthaginians. In 214 BC, the same
year that he was sent to Sicily, Marcellus attacked the city of Leontini, where the two Syracusean rulers were
residing. After successfully storming the city, Marcellus had 2,000 Roman deserters (who had been hiding in the
city) killed, and moved to lay siege to Syracuse itself. At this point, several cities in the province of Sicily rose in
rebellion against Roman rule. The siege lasted for two long years, with the Roman effort being thwarted in part by
the military machines created by the famous inventor Archimedes. Meanwhile, leaving the bulk of the Roman legion
in the command of Appius Claudius at Syracuse, Marcellus and a small army roamed Sicily, conquering opponents
and taking such rebellious cities as Helorus, Megara, and Herbessus.
After Marcellus returned and continued the siege, the Carthaginians attempted to relieve the city, but were driven
back. Overcoming formidable resistance and the ingenious devices of Archimedes, the Romans finally took the city
in the summer of 212 BC. Plutarch wrote that Marcellus, when he had previously entered the city for a diplomatic
meeting with the Syracusans, had noticed a weak point in its fortifications. He made his attack at this fragile spot,
using a night attack by a small group of hand-picked soldiers to storm the walls and open the gates. During the
attack, Archimedes was killed, an act Marcellus regretted. Plutarch writes that the Romans rampaged through the
city, taking much of the plunder and artwork they could find. This has significance because Syracuse was a Greek
city filled with Greek culture, art and architecture. Much of this Greek art was taken to Rome, where it was one of
the first major impacts of Greek influence on Roman culture.
Following his victory at Syracuse, Marcellus remained in Sicily, where he defeated more Carthaginian and rebel
foes. The important city of Agrigentum was still under Carthaginian control, though there was now little the
Carthaginian leadership could do to support it, as the campaigns against the Romans in Spain and Italy now took
precedence. At the end of 211 BC, Marcellus resigned from command of the Sicilian province, thereby putting the
praetor of the region, M. Cornelius, in charge. On his return to Rome, Marcellus did not receive the triumphal
honours that would be expected for such a feat, as his political enemies objected that he had not fully eradicated the
threats in Sicily.
Death in battle
The final period of Marcus Claudius Marcellus life began with his fourth election to Roman consul in 210 BC.
Marcellus election to office sparked much controversy and resentment towards Marcellus because of accusations by
political opponents that his actions in Sicily were excessively brutal. Representatives of Sicilian cities presented
themselves before the senate to complain about Marcellus' past actions. The complaints prevailed and Marcellus was
forced to switch control of provinces with his colleague, so that Marcellus was not the consul in control of Sicily. On
switching provinces, Marcellus took command of the Roman army in Apulia, leading it to many decisive victories
against the Carthaginians. First, Marcellus took the city of Salapia and then continued along his way by conquering
152
two cities in the region of Samnium. Next, when the army of Cn. Fulvius, another Roman general, was completely
dismantled by Hannibal, Marcellus and his army stepped in to check the progress of the Carthaginian leader. Then
Marcellus and Hannibal fought a battle at Numistro, where a clear victory could not be decided, although Rome
claimed a victory. Following this battle, Marcellus continued to keep Hannibal in check, yet the two armies never
met in a decisive battle.
In 209 BC, Marcellus was named as a proconsul and retained control of his army. During that year, the Roman Army
under Marcellus faced Hannibal's forces in a series of skirmishes and raids, without being drawn into open battle.
Marcellus defended his actions and tactics in front of the senate and he was named a consul for the fifth time for the
year 208 BC. After entering his fifth consulship Marcellus, re-entered the field and took command of the army at
Venusia. While on a reconnaissance mission with his colleague, T. Quinctius Crispinus, and a small band of 220
horsemen, the group was ambushed and nearly completely slaughtered by a much larger Carthaginian force of
Numidian horsemen. Marcellus was impaled by a spear and died on the field. In the following days, Crispinus died
of his wounds.
In the year 23 BC, Emperor Augustus recounted that Hannibal had allowed Marcellus a proper funeral and even sent
the ashes back to Marcellus son. The loss of both consuls was a major blow to Roman morale, as the Republic had
lost its two senior military commanders in a single battle, while the formidable Carthaginian army was still at large
in Italy.
Historical significance
Marcus Claudius Marcellus' winning of the spolia opima earned him great fame in his lifetime. The spolia opima
was one of the highest honors that could be bestowed on a Roman general. Plutarch informs how the spolia opima
was acquired. He stated that, only those spoils are opima which are taken first, in a pitched battle, where general
slays general. Only two others in Roman history, Romulus, the founder of Rome, and Aulus Cornelius Cossus, were
allegedly honored with this prize. Marcellus is the only one of the three whose achievement has been historically
confirmed. In terms of the history of the spolia opima, Marcellus holds great significance because he reinvigorated
the meaning of the honored prize. Prior to Marcellus, the spolia opima was not of special importance in the minds of
Romans because it had happened only twice before, if at all. Furthermore, the actual ritual of the spolia opima was
not confirmed until Marcellus made it customary to dedicate the armor to Jupiter Feretrius. No one else
accomplished the same feat to continue the tradition. In this way, Marcellus publicized the winning of the spolia
opima and turned it into a legend.
Marcellus was an important general during the Second Punic War and his five time election as a consul has its place
in Roman history. His decisive victories in Sicily were of history altering proportions, while his campaigns in Italy
itself gave Hannibal himself pause and reinvigorated the Roman Senate. But it is Marcellus triumph as a warrior and
winner of a spolia opima that confirmed his place in ancient Roman history. Due to all of this, he is known as the
Sword of Rome.
[5]
153
References
[1] Plutarch "Life of Marcellus", The Parallel Lives, 30 Apr. 2008, 26 Nov. 2008.
[2] Smith, William, Sir, ed. "M. Claudius M. F M. N. Marcellus", A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology (Boston: Little,
1867) 927; Plutarch "The Life of Marcellus", The Parallel Lives, 30 Apr. 2008, 26 Nov. 2008
[3] Flower, Harriet I. "The Tradition of the Spolia Opima: M. Claudius Marcellus and Augustus", Classical Antiquity, Apr. 2000: 37.
[4] Lendering, Jona. "Marcus Claudius Marcellus", Livius: Articles on Ancient History, 26 Nov. 2008.
[5] Marcellus By Plutarch (http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ marcellu. html)
Bibliography
Flower, Harriet I., "The Tradition of the Spolia Opima: M. Claudius Marcellus and Augustus", Classical
Antiquity, Apr. 2000: 37.
Lendering, Jona. "Marcus Claudius Marcellus", Livius: Articles on Ancient History (http:/ / www. livius. org/
cg-cm/ claudius/ marcellus. html), 26 Nov. 2008.
Plutarch's "Life of Marcellus", The Parallel Lives (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/
Plutarch/ Lives/ Marcellus*. html), 30 Apr. 2008, 26 Nov. 2008 ( Plutarch's "Life of Marcellus" (http:/ / classics.
mit. edu/ Plutarch/ marcellu. html) Mirror at Massachusetts Institute of Technology)
This articleincorporates text from a publication now in the public domain:Smith, William, ed. (1870). "
article
name needed
". Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology.
Precededby
Gaius Flaminius and Publius Furius
Philus
Consul of the Roman
Republic
with Gnaeus Cornelius
Scipio Calvus
222 BC
Succeededby
Publius Cornelius Scipio Asina and Marcus
Minucius Rufus and Marcus Aemilius Lepidus
(Suffect)
Precededby
Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus and
Lucius Postumius Albinus
Roman Republic
with Tiberius
Sempronius Gracchus,
abdicated
215 BC
Succeededby
Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus and Quintus
Fabius Maximus Verrucosus (Suffect)
Precededby
Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus and
Quintus Fabius Maximus Verrucosus
(Suffect)
Consul of the Roman
Republic
with Quintus Fabius
Maximus Verrucosus
214 BC
Succeededby
Quintus Fabius Maximus and Tiberius
Sempronius Gracchus
Precededby
Publius Sulpicius Galba Maximus and
Gnaeus Fulvius Centumalus Maximus
Consul of the Roman
Republic
with Marcus Valerius
Laevinus
210 BC
Succeededby
Quintus Fabius Maximus Verrucosus and
Quintus Fulvius Flaccus
Precededby
Quintus Fabius Maximus Verrucosus and
Quintus Fulvius Flaccus
Consul of the Roman
Republic
with Titus Quinctius
Crispinus
208 BC
Succeededby
Gaius Claudius Nero and Marcus Livius
Salinator
Aristides
154
Aristides
An ostrakon bearing the name of Aristeides,
displayed in the Ancient Agora Museum in
Athens.
For other people named Aristides, see Aristides (disambiguation).
Aristides (/rstadiz/; Greek: , Aristeides; 530 BC
468 BC) was an ancient Athenian statesman. Nicknamed "the Just", he
flourished in the early quarter of Athens' Classical period and is
remembered for his generalship in the Persian War. The ancient
historian Herodotus cited him as "the best and most honourable man in
Athens",
[1]
and he received similarly reverent treatment in the writing
of the philosopher Plato.
Biography
Aristides was the son of Lysimachus, and a member of a family of moderate fortune. Of his early life, it is only told
that he became a follower of the statesman Cleisthenes and sided with the aristocratic party in Athenian politics. He
first came to notice as strategos in command of his native tribe Antiochis at the Battle of Marathon, and it was no
doubt in consequence of the distinction which he then achieved that he was elected archon for the ensuing year
(489488). In pursuance of a conservative policy which aimed at maintaining Athens as a land power, he was one
of the chief opponents of the naval policy proposed by Themistocles.
The conflict between the two leaders ended in the ostracism of Aristides at a date variously given between 485 and
482. It is said that, on this occasion, an illiterate voter, who did not know him, came up to him, and giving him his
voting shard, desired him to write upon it the name of Aristides. The latter asked if Aristides had wronged him.
"No," was the reply, "and I do not even know him, but it irritates me to hear him everywhere called 'the Just'."
Aristides then wrote his own name on the ballot.
[2]
Early in 480, Aristides profited by the decree recalling exiles to help in the defence of Athens against Persian
invaders, and was elected strategos for the year 480479. In the Battle of Salamis, he gave loyal support to
Themistocles, and crowned the victory by landing Athenian infantry on the island of Psyttaleia and annihilating the
Persian garrison stationed there.
In 479, he was re-elected strategos, and given special powers as commander of the Athenian forces at the Battle of
Plataea; he is also said to have suppressed a conspiracy among some oligarchic malcontents in the army. He so won
the confidence of the Ionian allies that, after revolting from the Spartan admiral Pausanias, they gave him the chief
command and left him with absolute discretion in fixing the contributions of the newly formed confederacy, the
Delian League. His assessment was universally accepted as equitable, and continued as the basis of taxation for the
greater part of the leagues duration.
He continued to hold a predominant position in Athens. At first he seems to have remained on good terms with
Themistocles, whom he is said to have helped in outwitting the Spartans over the rebuilding of the walls of Athens.
He is said by some authorities to have died at Athens, by others on a journey to the Black Sea. The date of his death
is given by Nepos as 468; at any rate, he lived to witness the ostracism of Themistocles, towards whom he always
displayed generosity, but he died before the rise of Pericles. His estate seems to have suffered severely from the
Persian invasions, for apparently he did not leave enough money to defray the expenses of his burial, and it is known
that his descendants even in the 4th century received state pensions.
Aristides
155
Authorities
Herodotus is practically the only trustworthy authority. But Plutarch, though writing during the Roman Empire, had
at his disposal a range of historical sources that no longer survive, and he was a conscientious scholar who weighed
his evidence carefully. Aristides is praised by Socrates in Plato's dialogues Gorgias and Meno as an exceptional
instance of good leadership.
[3][4]
However it should be noted that in Plato's dialogue Theaetetus, Socrates refers to Aristides less positively, bringing
him as an example of a student who leaves his care too soon and realises later that he is a fool.
Notes
[1] Herodotus, Histories, 8.79
[2] Plutarch. Life of Aristeides, VII, 5-6.
[3] Plato, Gorgias, 526a-b
[4] Plato, Meno, 94a1
References
Cato the Elder
156
Cato the Elder
Marcus Porcius Cato
The Patrician Torlonia bust of Cato the Elder
Consul of the Roman Republic
Incumbent
Assumed office
195 BC
Preceded by Lucius Furius Purpuero and Marcus Claudius Marcellus
Succeeded by Tiberius Semprionius Longus and Scipio Africanus
Personal details
Born 234 BCE
Tusculum, Roman Republic
Died 149 BCE (age 85)
Roman Republic
Spouse(s) Licinia
Salonia
Children Marcus Licinianus
Cato Salonianus
Religion Ancient Roman religion
Military service
Allegiance
Roman Republic
Rank General
Battles/wars Second Punic War
Roman-Syrian War
Marcus Porcius Cato
[1]
(/keto/; 234 BC 149 BC) was a Roman statesman, commonly referred to as Cato
Censorius (the Censor), Cato Sapiens (the Wise), Cato Priscus (the Ancient), Cato Major, or Cato the Elder (to
distinguish him from his great-grandson, Cato the Younger); known for his conservatism and opposition to
Hellenization.
Cato the Elder
157
He came of an ancient Plebeian family who all were noted for some military service but not for the discharge of the
higher civil offices. He was bred, after the manner of his Latin forefathers, to agriculture, to which he devoted
himself when not engaged in military service. But, having attracted the notice of Lucius Valerius Flaccus, he was
brought to Rome, and successively held the offices of Cursus Honorum: Military tribune (214 BC), Quaestor (204
BC), Aedile (199 BC), Praetor (198 BC), in which capacity he expelled the usurers from Sardinia, Consul (195 BC)
together with his old patron, and finally Censor (184 BC). In the latter office he tried to preserve the mos majorum
(ancestral custom) and combat "degenerate" Hellenistic influences.
Biography
The theatre at Tusculum
Cato the Elder was born in Tusculum, a municipal town of Latium, to
which his ancestors had belonged for some generations. His father had
earned the reputation of a brave soldier, and his great-grandfather had
received a reward from the state for five horses killed under him in
battle. However the Tusculan Porcii had never obtained the privileges
of the Roman magistracy. Cato the Elder, their famous descendant, at
the beginning of his career in Rome, was regarded as a novus homo
(new man), and the feeling of his unsatisfactory position, working
along with the belief of his inherent superiority, aggravated and drove
his ambition. Early in life, he so far exceeded the previous deeds of his
predecessors that he is frequently spoken of, not only as the leader, but as the founder, of the Porcia Gens.
Cognomen Cato
His ancestors for three generations had been named Marcus Porcius, and it is said by Plutarch that at first he was
known by the additional cognomen Priscus, but was afterwards called Catoa word indicating that practical
wisdom which is the result of natural sagacity, combined with experience of civil and political affairs.
[2]
Priscus, like
Major," may have been merely an epithet used to distinguish him from the later Cato of Utica. There is no precise
information as to when he first received the title of Cato, which may have been given in childhood as a symbol of
distinction. The qualities implied in the word Cato were acknowledged by the plainer and less outdated title of
Sapiens, by which he was so well known in his old age, that Cicero says, it became his virtual cognomen.
[3]
From the
number and eloquence of his speeches, he was styled orator,
[4][5]
but Cato the Censor (Cato Censorius), and Cato
the Elder are now his most common, as well as his most characteristic names, since he carried out the office of
Censor with extraordinary standing, and was the only Cato who ever accomplished it.
Deducing the year of birth
In order to determine the date of Cato's birth, we consider the records as to his age at the time of his death, which is
known to have happened in 149 BC. According to the coherent chronology of Cicero, Cato was born in 234 BC, in
the year before the first Consulship of Quintus Fabius Maximus Verrucosus, and died at the age of 85, in the
consulship of Lucius Marcius Censorinus and Manius Manilius. Pliny
[6]
agrees with Cicero. Other authors
exaggerate the age of Cato. According to Valerius Maximus
[7]
he survived his 86th year; according to Livy
[8]
and
Plutarch
[9]
he was 90 years old when he died. The exaggerated age, however, is inconsistent with a statement
recorded by Plutarch
[10]
on the asserted authority of Cato himself.
Cato is represented to have said, that he served his first campaign in his 17th year, when Hannibal was overrunning
Italy. Plutarch, who had the works of Cato before him, but was careless in dates, did not observe that the estimation
of Livy would take back Cato's 17th year to 222, when there was not a Carthaginian in Italy, whereas the
computation of Cicero would make the truth of Cato's statement in harmony with the date of Hannibal's first
invasion.
Cato the Elder
158
Youth
On the Punic Wars
Hannibal and his men crossing the Alps
When Cato was a very young man, the death of his father put him
in possession of a small hereditary property in the Sabine territory,
at a distance from his native town. It was here that he passed the
greater part of his childhood, hardening his body by healthful
exercise, overseeing and sharing the operations of the farm,
learning the way in which business was conducted, and studying
the rules of rural economy. Near his lands was a modest hut which
had been inhabited, after three triumphs, by its owner Manius
Curius Dentatus, whose military feats and rigidly simple character
were fresh in the memory of the old, and were often talked of with
admiration in the neighborhood. The memory of this hero inspired
Cato, who decided to imitate the character, and hoped to match the
glory of Dentatus. Soon an opportunity came for a military
campaign in 217 BC, during the Second Punic War against
Hannibal Barca. There is some discrepancy among experts as to
the events of Cato's early military life. In 214 BC he served at
Capua, and the historian Wilhelm Drumann
[11]
imagines that
already, at the age of 20, he was a military tribune. Quintus Fabius Maximus Verrucosus had the command in
Campania, during the year of his fourth consulship, and admitted the young soldier to the honour of intimate
friendship. While Fabius communicated the valued results of military experience, he opted not to inculcate his own
personal and political partialities and dislikes into the ear of his attached follower. At the siege of Tarentum, 209 BC,
Cato was again at the side of Fabius. Two years later, Cato was one of the select group who went with the consul
Claudius Nero on his northern march from Lucania to check the progress of Hasdrubal Barca. It is recorded that the
services of Cato contributed to the decisive victory of Sena on the Metaurus, where Hasdrubal was slain. He later
gave several vehement speeches which he frequently ended by saying "Carthago delenda est", or "Carthage must be
destroyed".
[12]
Between the wars
In the pauses between campaigns Cato returned to his Sabine farm, where he dressed simply, working and behaving
like his laborers. Young as he was, the neighboring farmers liked his tough mode of living, enjoyed his old-fashioned
and concise proverbs, and had a high regard for his abilities. His own active personality made him willing and eager
to employ his powers in the service of his neighbors. He was selected to act, sometimes as an arbitrator of disputes,
and sometimes as a supporter in local causes, which were probably tried in front of recuperatores (the judges for
causes of great public interest). Consequently he was enabled to strengthen by practice his oratorical abilities, to gain
self-confidence, to observe the manners of men, to analyze the diversity of human nature, to apply the rules of law,
and practically to investigate the principles of justice.
Follower of the old Roman strictness
In the surrounding area of Cato's Sabine farm were the lands of Lucius Valerius Flaccus, a young nobleman of
significant influence, and high patrician family. Flaccus could not help remarking the energy of Cato, his military
talent, his eloquence, his frugal and simple life, and his traditional principles. Flaccus himself was member of that
purist faction who displayed their adherence to the stricter virtues of the ancient Roman character. Within the Roman
society there was a transition in progress: from Samnite rusticity to Grecian civilization and oriental voluptuousness.
Cato the Elder
159
The chief magistracies of the state had become almost the patrimony of a few distinguished families, whose wealth
was correspondent with their upper-class birth. Popular by acts of graceful but corrupting generosity, by charming
manners, and by the appeal of hereditary honours - they collected the material power granted by a multitude of
clients and followers, and the intellectual power provided by the monopoly of philosophical education; their taste in
the fine arts, and their knowledge of stylish literature. Nevertheless, the reaction to them was strong. The less
fortunate nobles, jealous of this exclusive oligarchy, and openly watchful of the decadence and disorder associated
with luxury, placed themselves at the head of a party which showed its determination to rely on purer models and to
attach much importance to the ancient ways. In their eyes, rusticity, austerity, and asceticism were the marks of
Sabine robustness and religion, and of the old Roman inflexible integrity and love of order. Marcus Claudius
Marcellus, Scipio Africanus and his family, and Titus Quinctius Flamininus, may be taken as instances of the new
civilization; Cato's friends, Fabius and Flaccus, were the leading men in the faction defending the old plainness.
Path to magistracies
Part of the Roman Forum. The arch was erected
by Septimius Severus.
Flaccus was a perceptive politician who looked for young and
emergent men to support him. He had observed Cato's martial spirit
and eloquent tongue. He knew how much courage and persuasiveness
were valued at Rome. He also knew that the merits of the battlefield
opened the way to achievements in the higher civil offices. Finally,
Flaccus knew too that for a stranger like Cato, the only way to the
magisterial honors was success in the Roman Forum.
[13]
For that
reason, he suggested to Cato that he shift his ambition to the fruitful
field of Roman politics. The advice was keenly followed. Invited to the
townhouse of Flaccus, and ratified by his support, Cato began to
distinguish himself in the forum, and became a candidate for assuming
a post in the magistracy.
Early military career
Quaestor
In 205 BC, Cato was appointed Quaestor, and in the next year (204 BC) he entered upon the duties of his place of
work, following Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus Major to Sicily. When Scipio, after much opposition, obtained
from the senate permission to transport armed forces from Sicily to Africa, Cato and Gaius Laelius were appointed to
escort the baggage ships. There was not the friendliness of cooperation between Cato and Scipio which ought to exist
between a quaestor and his proconsul.
Fabius had opposed the permission given to Scipio to carry out the attack into the enemy's home, and Cato, whose
appointment was intended to monitor Scipio's behavior, adopted the views of his friend. It is reported by Plutarch,
that the lenient discipline of the troops under Scipio's command, and the exaggerated expense incurred by the
general, provoked the protest of Cato; that Scipio immediately afterwards replied angrily, saying he would give an
account of victories, not of money; that Cato left his place of duty after the dispute with Scipio about his alleged
extravagance, and returning to Rome, condemned the uneconomical activities of his general to the senate; and that,
at the joint request of Cato and Fabius, a commission of tribunes was sent to Sicily to examine the behavior of
Scipio, who was found not guilty upon the view of his extensive and careful arrangements for the transport of the
troops.
[14]
This version is barely consistent with the narrative of Livy, and would seem to attribute to Cato the
wrongdoing of quitting his post before his time. If Livy is correct, the commission was sent because of the
complaints of the inhabitants of Locri, who had been harshly oppressed by Quintus Pleminius, the legate of Scipio.
Livy says not a word of Cato's interference in this matter, but mentions the bitterness with which Fabius blamed
Scipio of corrupting military discipline and of having illegally left his province to take the town of Locri.
[15]
Cato the Elder
160
The author of the abridged life of Cato which is commonly considered as the work of Cornelius Nepos, asserts that
Cato, after his return from Africa, put in at Sardinia, and brought the poet Quintus Ennius in his own ship from the
island to Italy; but Sardinia was rather out of the line of the trip to Rome, and it is more likely that the first contact of
Ennius and Cato happened at a later date, when the latter was Praetor in Sardinia.
[16]
Aedile and praetor
In 199 BC Cato was chosen aedile, and with his colleague Helvius, restored the Plebeian Games, and gave upon that
occasion a banquet in honor of Jupiter. In 198 BC he was made praetor, and obtained Sardinia as his province, with
the command of 3,000 infantry and 200 cavalry. Here he took the earliest opportunity to demonstrate his main
beliefs by practicing his strict public morality. He reduced official operating costs, walked his trips with a single
assistant, and, by the studied lack of ceremony, placed his own frugality in striking contrast with the oppressive
opulence of provincial magistrates. The rites of religion were celebrated with reasonable thrift; justice was
administered with strict impartiality; usury was controlled with deep severity, and the usurers were banished.
Sardinia had been for some time completely calmed, but if we are to believe the improbable and unsupported
testimony of Aurelius Victor, a revolt in the island was subdued by Cato, during his Praetorship.
Consul
Repeal of the Oppian law
In 195 BC he was elected Consul with his old friend and patron Flaccus. Cato was thirty-nine years old. During his
Consulship an odd scene took place, noticeably expounding of Roman manners. In 215 BC, at the height of the
Second Punic War, a law the Oppian Law, (Lex Oppia) had been passed at the request of the tribune of the
plebs Gaius Oppius, to restrict luxury and extravagance on the part of women. The law specified that no woman
should own more than half an ounce of gold, nor wear a garment of several colours, nor drive a carriage with horses
at less distance than a mile from the city, except for the purpose of attending the public celebration of religious rites.
With Hannibal defeated and Rome resplendent with Carthaginian wealth, there was no longer any need for women to
contribute towards the exigencies of an impoverished treasury the savings spared from their ornaments and
pleasures. Consequently, the Tribunes Marcus Fundanius and Lucius Valerius thought it was time to propose the
abolition of the Oppian law; but they were opposed by their colleagues, Tribunes Marcus Junius Brutus and Titus
Junius Brutus. Curiously, this particular challenge spawned far more interest than the most important affairs of state.
The middle-aged married women of Rome crowded the streets, denied access to every avenue to the forum, and
intercepted their husbands as they approached, demanding them to restore the ancient ornaments of the Roman
matrons. Even more, they had the boldness to approach and beg the Praetors, Consuls and other magistrates. Even
Flaccus hesitated, but his colleague Cato was inflexible, and made an impolite and characteristic speech, the
substance of which, remodelled and modernized, is given by Livy.
[17]
Finally, the women got what they wanted.
Tired of the women's persistent demanding, the dissenting tribunes withdrew their opposition. The hated law was
repealed by the vote of all the tribes, and the women made clear their joy and success by going in procession through
the streets and the forum, dressed up with their then legitimate finery.
[18]
Just had this important affair been concluded when Cato, who had maintained during its progress a severe and
determined firmness without, perhaps, any very serious damage to his popularity, set sail for his appointed province,
Hispania Citerior.
Cato the Elder
161
Post in Hispania Citerior
In his campaign in Hispania, Cato behaved in keeping with his reputation of untiring hard work and alertness. He
lived soberly, sharing the food and the labours of the common soldier. Wherever it was possible, he personally
superintended the execution of his requisite orders. His movements were reported as bold and rapid, and he never
was negligent in pushing the advantages of victory. The sequence of his operations and their combination in
agreement with the schemes of other generals in other parts of Hispania appear to have been carefully designed. His
stratagems and manoeuvres were accounted as original, talented, and successful; and the plans of his battles were
arranged with expert skill. He managed to set tribe against tribe, benefited himself of native deceitfulness, and took
native mercenaries into his pay.
Hispania in 197 BC
The details of the campaign, as related by Livy,
[19]
and
illustrated by the incidental anecdotes of Plutarch, are
full of horror and they make clear that Cato reduced
Hispania Citerior to subjection with great speed and
little mercy. We read of multitudes who, after they had
been stripped of all their arms, put themselves to death
because of the dishonour; of extensive massacres of
surrendered victims, and the frequent execution of
harsh plunders. The phrase bellum se ipsum alet - the
war feeds itself - was coined by Cato during this
period. His proceedings in Hispania were not at
discrepancy with the received idea of the fine old
Roman soldier, or with his own firm and over-assertive
temper. He claimed to have destroyed more towns in Hispania than he had spent days in that country.
His Roman triumph
When he had reduced the whole area of land between the River Iberus and the Pyrenees to a hollow, resentful, and
temporary obedience, he turned his attention to administrative reforms, and increased the revenues of the province
by improvements in the working of the iron and silver mines. On account of his achievements in Hispania, the senate
decreed a thanksgiving ceremony of three days. In the course of the year, 194 BC, he returned to Rome, and was
rewarded with the honor of a Roman triumph, at which he exhibited an extraordinary quantity of captured brass,
silver, and gold, both coin and lingots. In the distribution of the monetary prize to his soldiery, he was more liberal
than might have been expected from him, a so vigorous professor of parsimonious economy.
[20]
End of his consulship
The return of Cato seems to have accelerated the enmity of Scipio Africanus, who was Consul, 194 BC and is said to
have desired the command of the province in which Cato was harvesting notoriety. There is some disagreement
between Nepos (or the pseudo-Nepos), and Plutarch,
[21]
in their accounts of this topic. The former asserts that Scipio
was unsuccessful in his effort to obtain the province, and, offended by the rejection, remained after the end of his
consulship, in a private capacity at Rome. The latter relates that Scipio, who was disgusted by Cato's severity, was
actually appointed to succeed him, but, not being able to secure from the senate a vote of censure upon the
administration of his rival, passed the time of his command in total inactivity. From the statement in Livy,
[22]
that in
194 BC, Sextus Digitius was appointed to the province of Hispania Citerior, it is probable that Plutarch was mistaken
in assigning that province to Scipio Africanus. The notion that Africanus was appointed successor to Cato in
Hispania may have arisen from a double confusion of name and place, due to the fact that Publius Cornelius Scipio
Nasica was chosen, 194 BC, to the province of Hispania Ulterior.
Cato the Elder
162
However true the facts may be, Cato successfully proved himself by his eloquence, and by the production of detailed
financial accounts, against the attacks made on his behavior while consul; and the existing fragments of the speeches,
(or the same speech under different names), made after his return, attest the strength and boldness of his arguments.
Plutarch
[23]
affirms that, after his Consulship, Cato accompanied Tiberius Sempronius Longus as legatus to Thrace,
but here there seems to be a mistake, for though Scipio Africanus was of opinion that one of the Consuls should have
Macedonia, we soon find Sempronius in Cisalpine Gaul,
[24]
and in 193 BC, we find Cato at Rome dedicating to
Victoria Virgo a small temple which he had vowed two years before.
[25]
Late military career
Battle of Thermopylae
The military career of Cato was not yet ended. In 191 BC, he was appointed military tribune (some affirm legate
[26]
),
under the Consul Manius Acilius Glabrio, who was dispatched to Greece to oppose the invasion of Antiochus III the
Great, King of the Seleucid Empire. In the decisive Battle of Thermopylae (191 BC), which led to the downfall of
Antiochus, Cato behaved with his usual valor, and enjoyed good fortune. By a daring and difficult advance, he
surprised and removed a body of the enemy's Aetolian auxiliaries, who were posted upon the Callidromus, the
highest peak of the range of Mount Oeta. He then began a sudden descent from the hills above the royal camp, and
the panic caused by this unexpected movement promptly turned the day in favor of the Romans, and signaled the end
of the Seleucid invasion of Greece. After the action, the General hugged Cato with the greatest warmness, and
attributed to him the whole credit of the victory. This fact rests on the authority of Cato himself, who, like Cicero,
often indulged in the habit, offensive to modern taste, of sounding his own praises. After an interval spent in the
pursuit of Antiochus and the pacification of Greece, Cato was sent to Rome by the Consul Glabrio to announce the
successful outcome of the campaign, and he performed his journey with such celerity that he had started his report in
the senate before the arrival of Lucius Cornelius Scipio Asiaticus, the later conqueror of Antiochus, who had been
sent off from Greece a few days before him.
[27]
A doubtful visit to Athens
It was during the campaign in Greece under Glabrio, and, as it would appear from the account of Plutarch, (rejected
by the historian Wilhelm Drumann) before the Battle of Thermopylae, that Cato was chosen to keep Corinth, Patrae,
and Aegium, from siding with Antiochus. It was then too that he visited Athens, and, to prevent the Athenians from
listening to the propositions of the Seleucid king, addressed them in a Latin speech, which was explained to them by
an interpreter. Already perhaps he had a basic knowledge of Greek, for, it is said by Plutarch, that, while at Tarentum
in his youth, he became in close friendship with Nearchus, a Greek philosopher, and it is said by Aurelius Victor that
while praetor in Sardinia, he received instruction in Greek from Ennius. It was not so much, possibly, taking into
account his still confessed disdain for everything Greek. Nevertheless because his speech was an affair of state, it is
probable that he used the Latin language, in compliance with the Roman norm, which was observed as a diplomatic
mark of Roman dignity.
[28]
Influence in Rome
His reputation as a soldier was now established; henceforth he preferred to serve the state at home, scrutinizing the
conduct of the candidates for public honours and of generals in the field. If he was not personally engaged in the
prosecution of the Scipiones (Africanus and Asiaticus) for corruption, it was his spirit that animated the attack upon
them. Even Scipio Africanus, who refused to reply to the charge, saying only, "Romans, this is the day on which I
conquered Hannibal," and was absolved by acclamation, found it necessary to retire, self-banished, to his villa at
Liternum. Cato's enmity dated from the African campaign when he quarrelled with Scipio for his lavish distribution
of the spoil amongst the troops, and his general luxury and extravagance.
Cato the Elder
163
Cato was also opposed to the spread of Hellenic culture, which he believed threatened to destroy the rugged
simplicity of the conventional Roman type. It was in the discharge of the censorship that this determination was most
strongly exhibited, and hence that he derived the title (the Censor) by which he is most generally distinguished. He
revised with unsparing severity the lists of Senators and Knights, ejecting from either order the men whom he judged
unworthy of it, either on moral grounds or from their want of the prescribed means. The expulsion of L. Quinctius
Flamininus for wanton cruelty was an example of his rigid justice.
His regulations against luxury were very stringent. He imposed a heavy tax upon dress and personal adornment,
especially of women, and upon young slaves purchased as favourites. In 181 BC he supported the lex Orchia
(according to others, he first opposed its introduction, and subsequently its repeal), which prescribed a limit to the
number of guests at an entertainment, and in 169 BC the lex Voconia, one of the provisions of which was intended to
check the accumulation of an undue proportion of wealth in the hands of women.
Public works
Amongst other things he repaired the aqueducts, cleansed the sewers, and prevented private persons drawing off
public water for their own use. The Aqua Appia was the first aqueduct of Rome. It was constructed in 312 BC by
Appius Claudius Caecus, the same Roman censor who also built the important Via Appia. Unauthorised plumbing
into Rome's aqueducts was always a problem, as Frontinus records much later. Cato also ordered the demolition of
houses which encroached on the public way, and built the first basilica in the Forum near the Curia (Livy, History,
39.44; Plutarch, Marcus Cato, 19). He raised the amount paid by the publicani for the right of farming the taxes, and
at the same time diminished the contract prices for the construction of public works.
Later years
From the date of his Censorship (184 BC) to his death in 149 BC, Cato held no public office, but continued to
distinguish himself in the senate as the persistent opponent of the new ideas. He was struck with horror, along with
many other Romans of the graver stamp, at the licence of the Bacchanalian mysteries, which he attributed to the
influence of Greek manners; and he vehemently urged the dismissal of the philosophers (Carneades, Diogenes, and
Critolaus), who came as ambassadors from Athens, on account of the dangerous nature of the views expressed by
them.
He had a horror of physicians, who were chiefly Greeks. He procured the release of Polybius, the historian, and his
fellow prisoners, contemptuously asking whether the Senate had nothing more important to do than discuss whether
a few Greeks should die at Rome or in their own land. It was not till his eightieth year that he made his first
acquaintance with Greek literature, though some think after examining his writings that he may have had a
knowledge of Greek works for much of his life.
In his last years he was known for strenuously urging his countrymen to the Third Punic War and the destruction of
Carthage. In 157 BC he was one of the deputies sent to Carthage to arbitrate between the Carthaginians and
Massinissa, king of Numidia. The mission was unsuccessful and the commissioners returned home. But Cato was so
struck by the evidences of Carthaginian prosperity that he was convinced that the security of Rome depended on the
annihilation of Carthage. From this time, in season and out of season, he kept repeating the cry: "Ceterum censeo
Carthaginem esse delendam." (Moreover, I advise that Carthage must be destroyed.
[29]
) (The expression was also at
times phrased more compactly "Carthago delenda est" or "delenda Carthago"). He was known for saying this at the
conclusion of each of his speeches, regardless of the topic. His position towards Carthage is also depicted by Cicero
in his dialogue De Senectute.
[30]
To Cato the individual life was a continual discipline, and public life was the discipline of the many. He regarded the
individual householder as the germ of the family, the family as the germ of the state. By strict economy of time he
accomplished an immense amount of work; he exacted similar application from his dependents, and proved himself a
hard husband, a strict father, a severe and cruel master. There was little difference apparently, in the esteem in which
Cato the Elder
164
he held his wife and his slaves; his pride alone induced him to take a warmer interest in his sons, Marcus Porcius
Cato Licinianus and Marcus Porcius Cato Salonianus.
To the Romans themselves there was little in this behaviour which seemed worthy of censure; it was respected rather
as a traditional example of the old Roman manners. In the remarkable passage (xxxix. 40
[31]
) in which Livy
describes the character of Cato, there is no word of blame for the rigid discipline of his household.
Cato's writings
Cato is famous not only as statesman or soldier, but also as author. He was a historian, the first Latin prose writer of
any importance, and the first author of a history of Italy in Latin. Some have argued that if it were not for the impact
of Cato's writing, Latin might have been supplanted by Greek as the literary language of Rome. He was also one of
the very few early Latin authors who could claim Latin as a native language.
His manual on running a farm (De Agri Cultura or "On Agriculture") is his only work that survives completely. It
is a miscellaneous collection of rules of husbandry and management, including sidelights on country life in the
2nd century BC. Adopted by many as a textbook at a time when Romans were expanding their agricultural
activities into larger scale and more specialized business ventures geared towards profitability, De Agri Cultura
assumes a farm run and staffed by slaves. Cato advises on hiring gangs for the olive harvest,
[32]
and was noted for
his chilling advice on keeping slaves continually at work, on reducing rations for slaves when sick, and on selling
slaves that are old or sickly.
[33]
Intended for reading aloud and discussing with farm workers, De Agri Cultura
was widely read and much quoted (sometimes inaccurately) by later Latin authors.
Probably Cato's most important work, Origines, in seven books, related the history of the Italian towns, with
special attention to Rome, from their legendary or historical foundation to his own day. The text as a whole is
lost, but substantial fragments survive in quotations by later authors.
Under the Roman Empire a collection of about 150 political speeches by Cato existed. In these he pursued his
political policies, fought verbal vendettas, and opposed what he saw as Rome's moral decline. Not even the titles
of all of these speeches are now known, but fragments of some of them are preserved. The first to which we can
give a date was On the Improper Election of the Aediles, delivered in 202 BC. The collection included several
speeches from the year of his consulship, followed by a self-justifying retrospect On His Consulship and by
numerous speeches delivered when he was Censor. It is not clear whether Cato allowed others to read and copy
his written texts (in other words, whether he "published" the speeches) or whether their circulation in written form
began after his death.
[34]
On Soldiery was perhaps a practical manual comparable to On Farming.
On the Law Relating to Priests and Augurs was a topic that would follow naturally from some of the sections of
On Farming. Only one brief extract from this work is known.
Praecepta ad Filium, "Maxims addressed to his son", from which the following extract survives:
In due course, my son Marcus, I shall explain what I found out in Athens about these Greeks, and demonstrate
what advantage there may be in looking into their writings (while not taking them too seriously). They are a
worthless and unruly tribe. Take this as a prophecy: when those folk give us their writings they will corrupt
everything. All the more if they send their doctors here. They have sworn to kill all barbarians with
medicineand they charge a fee for doing it, in order to be trusted and to work more easily. They call us
barbarians, too, of course, and Opici, a dirtier name than the rest. I have forbidden you to deal with doctors.
Quoted by Pliny the Elder, Naturalis Historia 29.1314.
A history of Rome from which Cato taught his son to read.
Carmen de moribus ("Poem on morality"), apparently in prose in spite of the title.
A collection of Sayings, some of them translated from Greek.
Cato the Elder
165
The two surviving collections of proverbs known as Distichs of Cato and Monosticha Catonis, in hexameter verse,
probably belong to the 4th century AD. They are not really by Cato.
Legacy
The wrinkle ridge system Dorsa Cato on the Moon is named after him.
The comune of Monte Porzio Catone, one of the Castelli Romani and close to the ruins of Tusculum, is named in
honor of the Porcius Cato family.
Notes
[1] Properly, Marcus Porcius Marci filius Cato - Marcus Porcius Cato, son of Marcus
[2] Plutarch, Life of Cato the Elder, 1.
[3] Cicero, Laelius On Friendship, 2.
[4] Justinus, xxxiii. 2
[5] Gellius, xvii. 21.
[6] Pliny, Natural History, xxix. 8.
[7] [7] Valerius Maximus, viii. 7. 1.
[8] Livy, History of Rome, xxxix. 40.
[11] Wilhelm Drumann, Geschichte Roms (History of Rome), v. p. 99, 6 Bde. Knigsberg 1834-1844.
[13] Compare that conception with the opinion stated by Montesquieu about the subsequent corruption of Rome (referring to the Roman
Republican civil wars between Lucius Cornelius Sulla's supporters and Gaius Marius' forces): "But, in general, the Romans knew only the art
of war, which was the sole path to magistracies and honors. Thus, the martial virtues remained after all the others were lost." (from
Considerations on the Causes of the Greatness of the Romans and their Decline, chapter X, 1734.)
[15] Livy, History of Rome, xxix. 19, etc.
[16] Aurelius Victor, On famous Roman men, 47.
[17] [17] Livy, History of Rome, xxxiv. 1, 8.
[18] Valerius Maximus, ix. 1. 3.
[19] Livy, History of Rome, book xxxiv.
[20] Livy, History of Rome, xxxiv. 46.
[22] Livy, History of Rome, xxxiv. 43.
[23] Plutarch, Cato the Elder, 12.
[24] Livy, History of Rome, xxxiv. 43, 46.
[25] Livy, History of Rome, xxxv. 9.
[26] Livy, History of Rome, xxxvi. 17, 21.
[27] Livy, History of Rome, xxxvi. 21.
[28] [28] Valerius Maximus, ii, 2. 2.
[29] Plutarch, Life of Cato (http:/ / penelope.uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Cato_Major*. html)
[30] At Senatui quae sint gerenda praescribo et quo modo, Carthagini male iam diu cogitanti bellum multo ante denuntio, de qua vereri non ante
desinam, quam illam excissam esse cognovero. Cicero, Marcus Tullius: De senectute. English translation and comments by William
Armistead Falconer. Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1923, page 26. ISBN 0-674-99170-2
[31] http:/ / etext. lib. virginia. edu/ etcbin/ toccer-new2?id=Liv5His. sgm& images=images/ modeng& data=/ texts/ english/ modeng/ parsed&
tag=public& part=367& division=div2
[32] Cato, De Agri Cultura ch. 64-68.
[33] Cato, De Agri Cultura ch. 2.
[34] [34] ; .
Cato the Elder
166
References
Astin, A. E. (1978), Cato the Censor, Oxford: Clarendon Press
Chassignet, M. (1986), Caton: Les Origines. Fragments, Paris: Collection Bud, Les Belles Lettres
Dalby, Andrew (1998), Cato: On Farming, Totnes: Prospect Books, ISBN0-907325-80-7
Malcovati, H. (1955), Oratorum romanorum fragmenta liberae rei publicae, Turin: Paravia
This entry incorporates public domain text originally from: William Smith (ed.), Dictionary of Greek and Roman
Biography and Mythology, 1870.
Further reading
Forde, Nels W. (1975). Cato the Censor. New York: Twayne.
Scullard, H. H. (1973). Roman Politics, 220-150 BC (2nd ed.). Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Smith, R. E. (1940). "Cato Censorius". Greece and Rome 9: 150165. doi: 10.1017/s0017383500006987 (http:/ /
dx. doi. org/ 10. 1017/ s0017383500006987).
External links
Cato's De Agricultura (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Cato/ De_Agricultura/ home.
html): Latin text, English translation, information on the manuscripts, prefatory material.
Political offices
Precededby
Lucius Furius Purpureo and Marcus
Claudius Marcellus
Consul of the Roman
Republic
with Lucius Valerius
Flaccus
195 BC
Succeededby
Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus and Tiberius
Sempronius Longus
Philopoemen
167
Philopoemen
Philopoemen, hurt by David d'Angers, 1837, Louvre
Relevant geographical locations, during Philopoemen's
life.
Philopoemen (Greek: , Philopoimen; 253 BC,
Megalopolis 183 BC, Messene) was a skilled Greek general
and statesman, who was Achaean strategos on eight occasions.
From the time he was appointed as strategos in 209 BC,
Philopoemen helped turn the Achaean League into an important
military power in Greece. He was called "the last of the Greeks"
by an anonymous Roman.
Early life
The son of Craugis of Megalopolis, his father died early in his
life. He was then adopted by an important citizen of
Megalopolis, Cleander.
Philopoemen was educated by academic philosophers Ecdemus
and Demophanes.
[1]
Both were Megapolitans, who had helped
to depose previous tyrants of Megalopolis, Sicyon and Cyrene.
Thus, he was inculcated with notions of freedom and
democracy. Philopoemen strove to emulate the 4th-century BC
Theban general and statesman, Epaminondas. Philopoemen
believed that as a public servant, personal virtue was at all
times a necessary condition. So Philopoemen wore humble
garments for the rest of his life, spurning any expensive
adornments.
Battle of Megalopolis
Philopoemen first came to the attention of key Greek politicians
when he helped defend Megalopolis against the Spartan king
Cleomenes III in 223 BC. Cleomenes III had seized
Megalopolis. Philopoemen was amongst the first defending the
city. During the battle, Philopoemen lost his horse and he was
wounded. Nevertheless he remained involved in the battle until
the end. His actions helped give the citizens of Megalopolis
enough time to evacuate the city.
[1]
Battle of Sellasia
The king of Macedonia, Antigonus III Doson was keen to
restore Macedonian influence in the Peloponnese for the first
time in almost two decades. In 224 BC, he signed an alliance with the Achaeans, Boeotians, Thessalians and the
Acarnanians. With his rear secured by treaties, Antigonus invaded the Peloponnese and drove the Spartans out of
Argos, taking Orchomenus and Mantineia in the process.
When he advanced against Laconia, however, Antigonus found that Cleomenes had blocked all the mountain passes
except for one. It was there, near Sellasia, that Cleomenes waited with his army.
Philopoemen
168
Philopoemen commanded a cavalry force, which included soldiers from Megalopolis. He was supported by Illyrian
infantry. When the latter entered into the battle, they were surrounded by the enemy. So Philopoemen launched his
own attack. While his forces suffered many casualties, the surprised Spartan forces fled. In the encounter,
Philopoemen's horse fell and he was wounded by a javelin. Yet he continued to fight behind the enemy's lines.
In the end the Spartan forces were massacred by the Macedonians and their allies and Cleomenes was forced to flee
to Egypt. As the leader of the Achaeans, Philopoemens actions impressed Antigonus III.
Cavalry commander
He subsequently spent 10 years from 221 BC in Crete as a mercenary captain. Returning to Greece in 210 BC,
Philopoemen was appointed commander of the cavalry in the Achaean League.
[1]
In the same year, in one of the battles associated with the First Macedonian War between Macedonia and the Roman
Republic, Philopoemen faced Damophantus, whose army was composed of Aetolians and Eleans, near the Larissa
river (on the border of Elis). During the battle, Damophantus charged directly against Philopoemen with his spear.
Bravely, Philopoemen didn't retreat, but waited with his lance, which he mortally thrust into Damophantus' chest.
Immediately, the enemy fled from the battlefield. By this action, Philopoemens fame increased across Greece.
The Battle of Mantinea
Philopoemen was appointed strategos of the Achaean League in 209 BC. Philopoemen used his position to
modernise and increase the size of the Achaean army and updated the soldiers equipment and battle tactics.
His efforts to make the Achaeans an effective fighting force bore fruit a couple of years later.
In the years following the defeat of the Spartan king Cleomenes III at the Battle of Sellasia, Sparta experienced a
power vacuum that eventually led to the Spartan kingship being bestowed on a child, Pelops, for whom Machanidas
ruled as regent.
The Battle of Mantinea was fought in 207 BC between the Spartans led by Machanidas and the Achaean League,
whose forces were led by Philopoemen. The Achaeans defeated the Spartans. In the battle, Philopoemen defeated
and killed the Spartan ruler Machanidas in one-on-one combat. Afterward, the Achaeans erected at Delphi a bronze
statue which captured the fight between Machanidas and Philopoemen.
With his victory at Mantinea, Philopoemen was able to go on to capture Tegea, and then move with his army as far
as the Eurotas River.
The rise of Nabis of Sparta
Following Machanidas' death, Nabis, a Syrian sold into slavery, rose to power in Sparta and became the new regent
for Pelops. Nabis soon overthrew Pelops. Under Nabis, Sparta continued to trouble the Peloponnese.
In 205 BC, Philip V of Macedon made a temporary peace (the Peace of Phoenice) with Rome on favourable terms
for Macedonia thus ending the First Macedonian War. After the Peace, Nabis went to war against the Achaean
League. However, Philopoemen was able to expel Nabis from Messene.
Philopoemen was appointed strategos for the Achaean League between 201 and 199 BC.
In 201 BC, Nabis invaded and captured Messene. However, the Spartans were forced to retreat when the Achaean
League army under Philopoemen intervened. Nabis' forces were decisively defeated at Tegea by Philopoemen and
Nabis was forced to check his expansionist ambitions for the time being.
Philopoemen
169
Philopoemen returns to Crete
The Cretan city of Gortyna then asked for Philopoemens help. So in 199 BC Philopoemen returned to Crete again as
a mercenary leader. Philopoemen had to change his tactics as the fighting on the island was more in the style of
guerrilla warfare. Nonetheless, with Philopoemens experience, he was able to defeat his enemies. Philopoemen
spent six years in Crete.
In the meantime, Nabis took advantage of Philopoemen's absence, laying siege to Megalopolis for a lengthy period.
Nabis also acquired the important city of Argos from Philip V of Macedon, as the price of his alliance with the
Macedonians. Nabis then defected to the Romans in the expectation of being able to hold on to his conquest.
In 196 BC, Roman general and pro-consul Titus Quinctius Flamininus accused the Spartan ruler, Nabis, of tyranny,
took Gythium in Laconia and forced Nabis to surrender Argos. After checking the ambitions of the Spartan tyrant,
Nabis, the Roman forces under Flamininus withdraw in 194 BC from Greece. With the Romans no longer having a
military presence in Greece, the dominant powers in the region were the kingdom of Macedon, the Aetolians, the
strengthened Achaean League and a weakened Sparta. The Aetolians, who had opposed the Roman intervention in
Greek affairs, incited the Spartan leader, Nabis, to retake his former territories and regain his influence in Greek
affairs.
Philopoemens return as Achaean League strategos
Returning to the Greek mainland as strategos in 193 BC, Philopoemen was appointed strategos for a second time to
lead the fight against Nabis.
In 192 BC, Nabis attempted to recapture the Laconian coastline. The Achaeans responded to Spartas renewed
interest in recovering lost territory by sending an envoy to Rome with a request for help. In response, the Roman
Senate sent the praetor Atilius with a navy, as well as an embassy headed by Flamininus.
Not waiting for the Roman fleet to arrive, the Achaean army and navy headed towards Gythium under the command
of Philopoemen. The Achaean fleet under Tiso was defeated by the Spartan fleet. On land, the Achaeans were unable
to defeat the Spartan forces outside Gythium and Philopoemen retreated to Tegea.
When Philopoemen re-entered Laconia for a second attempt, his forces were ambushed by Nabis, but nevertheless
Philopoemen managed to gain a victory over the Spartan forces. Philopoemens plans for capturing Sparta itself were
put on hold at the request of the Roman envoy, Flaminius, after his arrival in Greece. In return, Nabis decided, for
the moment, to accept the status quo.
The subjugation of Sparta
Nabis then appealed to the Aetolians for help. They sent 1,000 cavalry to Sparta under the command of Alexamenus.
However, the Aetolians murdered Nabis and temporarily occupied Sparta. The Aetolian troops seized the palace and
set about looting the city, but the inhabitants of Sparta were able to rally and forced them leave the city.
But Philopoemen took advantage of the Aetolian treachery and entered Sparta with his Achaean army. Now in full
control of Sparta, Philopoemen forced Sparta to become a member state of the Achaean League.
Sparta's entry into the league raised the problem of how to deal with all of the Spartans exiled by the
social-revolutionary regimes that had dominated Sparta for a number of years. Philopoemen wanted to restore only
those Spartans who were willing to support the league. This meant that he adopted an uncompromising hostility to
traditional Spartan concerns.
In 188 BC, Philopoemen entered northern Laconia with his army and a group of Spartan exiles. His army
demolished the wall that the former tyrant of Sparta, Nabis, had built around Sparta. Philopoemen then restored
Spartan citizenship to the exiles and abolished Spartan law and its education system, introducing Achaean law and
institutions in their place. Sparta's role as a major power in Greece ended, while the Achaean League became the
Philopoemen
170
dominant power throughout the Peloponnese.
Philopoemen's final years
These actions provoked opposition even from Philopoemens supporters in Sparta. As a result, his opponents in
Sparta appealed directly to the Roman Senate, which repeatedly suggested solutions to the disagreements, all of
which Philopoemen and his supporters rejected. In fact, Philopoemen and his supporters refused to recognise any
Roman role in Achaean internal affairs as they argued that Rome had previously recognised the Achaean Leagues
independence through a formal treaty.
This aggressive attitude towards Sparta and towards Rome split Achaean politics. However, Philopoemen died
before these matters were resolved.
In 183 BC, Dinocrates, who strongly opposed Philopoemen, encouraged Messene to revolt against the League. After
Dinocrates announced that he would capture Colonis, Philopoemen decided that he needed to subdue the rebellion.
In the ensuing battle, Philopoemen found himself behind the enemy's lines and was captured by the Messeneans after
his horse threw him. He was then invited to drink poison to allow him to have what was then regarded as an
honourable death.
On hearing of his death, the members of the Achaean League joined forces to capture Messene.
With his death, Philopoemen's body was cremated. At his public funeral, the historian Polybius carried the urn with
Philopoemen's ashes and later wrote a biography and defended his memory in his Histories. Pausanias wrote that
after Philopoemen's death, 'Greece ceased to bear good men'.
[2]
References
[1] [1] Chisholm 1911.
[2] Pausanias, Description of Greece, 8.52
Attribution
Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Philopoemen". Encyclopdia Britannica (11th ed.). Cambridge University
Press.
Sources
Polybius' Histories (xxxiii) is the chief authority on the life of Philopoemen. These and a special treatise on
Philopoemen (now lost) were used by Plutarch "Philopoemen", Pausanias (viii. 49SI), Livy (xxxixxxviii), and
indirectly by Justin (xxxxxxiv).
Plutarch, The Lives, "Philopoemen"
Polybius, The Histories of Polybius, Books XXXXIII (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/
Texts/ Polybius/ home. html)
Junianus Justinus, Marcus Junianus Justinus, Epitome of the Philippic History of Pompeius Trogus, Books
XXXXXXIV (http:/ / www. forumromanum. org/ literature/ justin/ english/ index. html)
The Oxford Classical Dictionary (1964)
The Oxford History of the Classical World (1995)
The Oxford Who's Who in the Classical World (2000)
Philopoemen
171
External links
ancienthistory.about.com (http:/ / ancienthistory. about. com/ cs/ people/ a/ philopoemen. htm)
Tarantine Cavalry (http:/ / www. ne. jp/ asahi/ luke/ ueda-sarson/ Tarantines. html)
Plutarch's Lives
Precededby
Cycliadas
Strategos of the Achaean
League
209 BC 208 BC
Succeededby
Cycliadas
Precededby
Aristaenos of Megalopolis
League
193 BC 192 BC
Succeededby
Diophanes
Precededby
Diophanes
League
191 BC 186 BC
Succeededby
Aristaenos of Megalopolis
Precededby
Archon
League
183 BC 182 BC
Succeededby
Lykortas of Megalopolis
Titus Quinctius Flamininus
Coin of Titus Quinctius Flamininus. British
Museum.
Flamininus restoring Liberty to Greece at the
Isthmian Games.
Titus Quinctius Flamininus (c. 229 BC c. 174 BC) was a Roman
politician and general instrumental in the Roman conquest of Greece.
A member of the patrician gens Quinctia, and brother to Lucius
Quinctius Flamininus, he served as a military tribune in the Second
Punic war and in 205 BC he was appointed propraetor in Tarentum. He
was a curule aedile in Rome in 203 BC and a quaestor in 199 BC. He
became consul in 198 BC, despite being only about thirty years old,
younger than the constitutional age required to serve in that position.
As Livy records, two tribunes, Marcus Fulvius and Manius Curius
publicly opposed his candidacy for consulship, as he was just a
quaestor, but the Senate overrode the opposition and he was elected
along with Sextus Aelius Paulus.
After his election to the consulship he was chosen to replace Publius
Sulpicius Galba who was consul with Gaius Aurelius in 200 BC,
according to Livy, as general during the Second Macedonian War. He
chased Philip V of Macedon out of most of Greece, except for a few
fortresses, defeating him at the Battle of the Aous, but as his term as
consul was coming to an end he attempted to establish a peace with the
Macedonian king. During the negotiations, Flamininus was made
proconsul, giving him the authority to continue the war rather than
finishing the negotiations. In 197 BC he defeated Philip at the Battle of
Cynoscephalae in Thessaly, the Roman legions making the
Macedonian phalanx obsolete in the process. Philip was forced to
surrender, give up all the Greek cities he had conquered, and pay Rome
Titus Quinctius Flamininus
172
1,000 talents, but his kingdom was left intact to serve as a buffer state between Greece and Illyria. This displeased
the Achaean League, Rome's allies in Greece, who wanted Macedon to be dismantled completely.
In 198 BC he occupied Anticyra in Phokis and made it his naval yard and his main provisioning port.
[1]
During the
period from 197 to 194 BC, from his seat in Elateia, Flamininus directed the political affairs of the Greek states. In
196 BC Flamininus appeared at the Isthmian Games in Corinth and proclaimed the freedom of the Greek states. He
was fluent in Greek and was a great admirer of Greek culture, and the Greeks hailed him as their liberator; they
minted coins with his portrait, and in some cities he was deified.
[2]
According to Livy, this was the act of an
unselfish Hellenophile, although it seems more likely that Flamininus understood freedom as liberty for the
aristocracy of Greece, who would then become clients of Rome, as opposed to being subjected to Macedonian
hegemony. With his Greek allies, Flamininus plundered Sparta, before returning to Rome in triumph along with
thousands of freed slaves, 1200 of which were freed from Achaea, who had been taken captive and sold in Greece
during the Second Punic War.
Meanwhile, Eumenes II of Pergamum appealed to Rome for help against the Seleucid king Antiochus III.
Flamininus was sent to negotiate with him in 192 BC, and warned him not to interfere with the Greek states.
Antiochus did not believe Flamininus had the authority to speak for the Greeks, and promised to leave Greece alone
only if the Romans did the same. These negotiations came to nothing and Rome was soon at war with Antiochus.
Flamininus was present at the Battle of Thermopylae in 191 BC, in which Antiochus was defeated.
In 189 BC he was elected censor along with Marcus Claudius Marcellus, defeating among others Cato the Elder.
In 183 BC he was sent to negotiate with Prusias I of Bithynia in an attempt to capture Hannibal, who had been exiled
there from Carthage, but Hannibal committed suicide to avoid being taken prisoner. Although nothing is known of
him after this, Flamininus seems to have died around 174.
Notes
[1] [1] Polybius XVIII 28, 45.7, XXVII 14, 16.6.
[2] Plutarch, Flamininus, 16, gives selected text from a Chalcidian hymn to Zeus, dea Roma and Flamininus: available online at Bill Thayer's
website (http:/ / penelope.uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Flamininus*. html) (accessed 13 July 2009)
External links
Plutarch's parallel lives Flamininus (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/
Flamininus*. html) Loeb edn. at Bill Thayer's website (accessed 13 July 2009)
Livy's History of Rome (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Liv. + 1. 1)
Precededby
Lucius Cornelius Lentulus and Publius
Villius Tappulus
Consul of the Roman
Republic
with Sextus Aelius Paetus
Catus
198 BC
Succeededby
Gaius Cornelius Cethegus and Quintus
Minucius Rufus
Pyrrhus of Epirus
173
Pyrrhus of Epirus
This article is about the Greek general. For other uses, see Pyrrhus.
Pyrrhus of Epirus
Bust of Pyrrhus, National Archaeological Museum of Naples
King of Epirus (first time)
Reign 306 302 BC
Predecessor Alcetas II
Successor Neoptolemus II
King of Epirus (second time)
Reign 297 272 BC
Predecessor Neoptolemus II
Successor Alexander II
King of Macedon with Lysimachus (first time)
Reign 288 285 BC
Predecessor Demetrius I Poliorcetes
Successor Antigonus II Gonatas
King of Macedon (second time)
Reign 274 272 BC
Predecessor Antigonus II Gonatas
Successor Antigonus II Gonatas
Consort Antigone (m. c. 298 - 295)
Lanassa (m. 295 - 291)
Bircenna (m. c. 292 - 272)
Issue
Olympias
Ptolemy
Alexander
Helenus
House Aeacidae
Father Aeacides of Epirus
Mother Phthia
Born 319/318 BC
Epirus
Died 272 BC (aged 47/46)
Argos, Peloponnese, Greece
Burial Temple of Demeter, Argos
Pyrrhus (/prs/; AncientGreek: , Pyrrhos; 319/318272 BC) was a Greek general and statesman of the
Hellenistic era.
[1][2]
He was king of the Greek tribe of Molossians, of the royal Aeacid house (from c. 297 BC),
[3]
and later he became king of Epirus (r. 306302, 297272 BC) and Macedon (r. 288284, 273272 BC). He was one
of the strongest opponents of early Rome. Some of his battles, though successful, cost him heavy losses, from which
Pyrrhus of Epirus
174
the term Pyrrhic victory was coined. He is the subject of one of Plutarch's Parallel Lives (Greek: ).
Early life
Pyrrhus was the son of Aeacides and Phthia, a Thessalian woman, and a second cousin of Alexander the Great (via
Alexander's mother, Olympias). He had two sisters: Deidamia and Troias. Pyrrhus was only two years old when his
father was dethroned, in 317 BC, his family taking refuge with Glaukias, king of the Taulantians, one of the largest
Illyrian tribes. Pyrrhus was raised by Beroea, Glaukias's wife and a Molossian of the Aeacidae dynasty.
Glaukias restored Pyrrhus to the throne in 306 BC until the latter was banished again, four years later, by his enemy,
Cassander. Thus, he went on to serve as an officer, in the wars of the Diadochi, under his brother-in-law Demetrius
Poliorcetes who married Deidamia. In 298 BC, Pyrrhus was taken hostage to Alexandria, under the terms of a peace
treaty made between Demetrius and Ptolemy I Soter. There, he married Ptolemy I's stepdaughter Antigone (a
daughter of Berenice I of Egypt from her first husband Philip, Ptolemy I's wife and a Macedonian noble) and
restored his kingdom in Epirus in 297 BC with financial and military aid from Ptolemy I. Pyrrhus had his co-ruler
Neoptolemus II of Epirus murdered. In 295 BC, Pyrrhus transferred the capital of his kingdom to Ambrakia (modern
Arta). Next, he went to war against his former ally and brother-in-law Demetrius and in 292 BC he invaded Thessaly
while Demetrius was besieging Thebes but was repulsed. By 286 BC, Pyrrhus had taken control over the kingdom of
Macedon, but was driven out of Macedon by Lysimachus in 284 BC.
Struggle with Rome
Routes taken against Rome in the Pyrrhic War (280275 BC).
In 281 BC, the Greek city of Tarentum, in southern Italy,
fell out with Rome and was faced with a Roman attack
and certain defeat. Rome had already made itself into a
major power, and was poised to subdue all the Greek
cities in Magna Graecia. The Tarentines asked Pyrrhus to
lead their war against the Romans.
Pyrrhus was encouraged to aid the Tarentines by the
oracle of Delphi. His goals were not, however, selfless.
He recognized the possibility of carving out an empire for
himself in Italy. He made an alliance with Ptolemy
Ceraunus, King of Macedon and his most powerful
neighbor, and arrived in Italy in 280 BC.
Pyrrhus of Epirus
175
Pyrrhus and his Elephants
Tribes of Epirus in antiquity.
He entered Italy with an army consisting of 3,000 cavalry, 2,000
archers, 500 slingers, 20,000 infantry and 20 war elephants in a
bid to subdue the Romans. The elephants had been loaned to him
by Ptolemy II, who had also promised 9,000 soldiers and a further
50 elephants to defend Epirus while Pyrrhus and his army were
away.
Due to his superior cavalry and his elephants, he defeated the
Romans, led by Consul Publius Valerius Laevinus, in the Battle of
Heraclea in 280 BC.
[4]
There are conflicting sources about
casualties. Hieronymus of Cardia reports the Romans lost about
7,000 while Pyrrhus lost 3,000 soldiers, including many of his
best. Dionysius gives a bloodier view of 15,000 Roman dead and
13,000 Greek. Several tribes, including the Lucani, Bruttii,
Messapians, and the Greek cities of Croton and Locri, joined
Pyrrhus. He then offered the Romans a peace treaty which was
eventually rejected. Pyrrhus spent the winter in Campania.
When Pyrrhus invaded Apulia (279 BC), the two armies met in the Battle of Asculum where Pyrrhus won a very
costly victory. The consul Publius Decius Mus was the Roman commander, and while his able force was ultimately
defeated, they managed to break the back of Pyrrhus' Hellenistic army, which guaranteed the security of the city
itself. In the end, the Romans had lost 6,000 men and Pyrrhus 3,500 including many officers. Pyrrhus later famously
commented on his victory at Asculum, stating, "If we are victorious in one more battle with the Romans, we shall be
utterly ruined".
[5][6]
It is from reports of this semi-legendary event that the term Pyrrhic victory originates.
Pyrrhus of Epirus
176
Ruler of Sicily
Coin of Pyrrhus minted at Syracuse, 278 BC.
Obverse: Veiled head of Phtia with oak wreath,
IA (of Phtia). Reverse: Thunderbolt,
BAIE O (of King Pyrrhus).
In 278 BC, Pyrrhus received two offers simultaneously. The Greek
cities in Sicily asked him to come and drive out Carthage, which along
with Rome was one of the two great powers of the Western
Mediterranean. At the same time, the Macedonians, whose King
Ptolemy Keraunos had been killed by invading Gauls, asked Pyrrhus to
ascend the throne of Macedon. Pyrrhus decided that Sicily offered him
a greater opportunity, and transferred his army there.
Pyrrhus was proclaimed king of Sicily. He was already making plans
for his son Helenus to inherit the kingdom of Sicily and his other son
Alexander to be given Italy. In 277 BC, Pyrrhus captured Eryx, the
strongest Carthaginian fortress in Sicily. This prompted the rest of the Carthaginian-controlled cities to defect to
Pyrrhus.
In 276 BC, Pyrrhus negotiated with the Carthaginians. Although they were inclined to come to terms with Pyrrhus,
supply him money and send him ships once friendly relations were established, he demanded that Carthage abandon
all of Sicily and make the Libyan Sea a boundary between themselves and the Greeks. The Greek cities of Sicily
opposed making peace with Carthage because the Carthaginians still controlled the powerful fortress of Lilybaeum,
on the western end of the island. Pyrrhus eventually gave in to their proposals and broke off the peace negotiations.
Pyrrhus' army then began besieging Lilybaeum. For two months he launched unsuccessful assaults on the city, until
finally he realised he could not mount an effective siege without blockading it from the sea as well. Pyrrhus then
requested manpower and money from the Sicilians in order to construct a powerful fleet. When the Sicilians became
unhappy about these contributions he had to resort to compulsory contributions and force to keep them in line. These
measures culminated in him proclaiming a military dictatorship of Sicily and installing military garrisons in Sicilian
cities.
These actions were deeply unpopular and soon Sicilian opinion became inflamed against him. Pyrrhus had so
alienated the Sicilian Greeks that they were willing to make common cause with the Carthaginians. The
Carthaginians took heart from this and sent another army against him. This army was promptly defeated. In spite of
this victory Sicily continued to grow increasingly hostile to Pyrrhus, who began to consider abandoning Sicily. At
this point, Samnite and Tarentine envoys reached Pyrrhus and informed him that of all the Greek cities in Italy only
Tarentum had not been conquered by Rome. Pyrrhus made his decision and departed from Sicily. As his ship left the
island, he turned and, foreshadowing the Punic Wars, said to his companions: "What a wrestling ground we are
leaving, my friends, for the Carthaginians and the Romans."
[7]
Retreat from Italy
While Pyrrhus had been campaigning against the Carthaginians, the Romans rebuilt their army by calling up
thousands of fresh recruits. When Pyrrhus returned from Sicily, he found himself vastly outnumbered against a
superior Roman army. After the inconclusive Battle of Beneventum in 275 BC, Pyrrhus decided to end his campaign
in Italy and return to Epirus which resulted in the loss of all his Italian holdings. Before leaving Italy Pyrrhus sent
requests for military and financial assistance to southern Greece and Macedon, as well as to the Hellenistic empires
of the Ptolemaic and Seleucid dynasties. These appeals were all in vain.
Pyrrhus of Epirus
177
Last wars and death
The Siege of Sparta, by Jean-Baptiste Topino-Lebrun.
Though his western campaign had taken a heavy toll on his army
as well as his treasury, Pyrrhus went to war yet again. Attacking
King Antigonus II Gonatas (r. 277239 BC), he won an easy
victory at the Battle of the Aous and seized the Macedonian
throne.
In 272 BC, Cleonymus, a Spartan of royal blood who was hated
among fellow Spartans, asked Pyrrhus to attack Sparta and place
him in power. Pyrrhus agreed to the plan, intending to win control
of the Peloponnese for himself, but unexpected strong resistance
thwarted his assault on Sparta. On the retreat he lost his firstborn
son Ptolemy, who had been in command of the rearguard.
Pyrrhus had little time to mourn, as he was immediately offered an opportunity to intervene in a civic dispute in
Argos. Since Antigonus Gonatas was approaching too, he hastened to enter the city with his army by stealth, only to
find the place crowded with hostile troops. During the confused battle in the narrow city streets Pyrrhus was trapped,
when an old Argead woman watching from a rooftop threw a tile which stunned him, allowing an Argive soldier to
behead him.
Antigonus had him cremated with all honours and sent his surviving son Helenus back to Epirus. The same year,
upon hearing the news of Pyrrhus's death, the Tarentinians surrendered to Rome.
Legacy
Coin of Pyrrhus, Kingdom of Epirus (inscription
in Greek: - Basiles
Pyrrhou, i.e. "(of) King Pyrrhus").
While he was a mercurial and often restless leader, and not always a
wise king, he was considered one of the greatest military commanders
of his time. Plutarch records that Hannibal ranked Pyrrhus as the
greatest commander the world had ever seen, though Appian gives a
different version of the story, in which Hannibal placed him second
after Alexander the Great.
[8]
Pyrrhus was also known to be very benevolent. As a general, Pyrrhus's
greatest political weaknesses were his failures to maintain focus and to
maintain a strong treasury at home (many of his soldiers were costly
mercenaries).
His name is famous for the term "Pyrrhic victory" which refers to an exchange at the Battle of Asculum. In response
to congratulations for winning a costly victory over the Romans, he is reported to have said:
" , "
"If we are victorious in one more battle with the Romans, we shall be utterly ruined".
Pyrrhus and his campaign in Italy was effectively the only chance for Greece to check the advance of Rome towards
domination of the Mediterranean world. Rather than banding together, the various Hellenistic powers continued to
fight among themselves, sapping the
Pyrrhus of Epirus
178
A statue of Pyrrhus in Ioannina, Greece
financial and military strength of Greece and to a lesser extent,
Macedon and the greater Hellenistic world. By 197 BC, Macedonia
and many southern Greek city-states became Roman client states; in
188 BC, the Seleucid Empire was forced to cede most of Asia Minor to
Rome's ally Pergamon (Pergamum). Rome inherited that state, and
most of Asia Minor in 133 BC. Total Roman domination over Greece
proper was marked by the destruction of Corinth in 146 BC; Greece
would then form an integral part of the Roman world leading into the
Byzantine period.
Pyrrhus wrote memoirs and several books on the art of war. These
have since been lost, although, according to Plutarch, Hannibal was
influenced by them, and they received praise from Cicero.
Pyrrhus was married five times: his first wife Antigone bore him a
daughter called Olympias and a son named Ptolemy in honour of her
stepfather. She died in 295 BC, possibly in childbirth, since that was
the same year her son was born. His second wife was Lanassa,
daughter of King Agathocles of Syracuse (r. 317289 BC), whom he
married in about 295 BC and the couple had two sons Alexander and
Helenus; Lanassa left Pyrrhus. His third wife was the daughter of Audoleon, King of Paeonia; his fourth wife was
the Illyrian princess Bircenna, who was the daughter of King Bardylis II (r. c. 295290 BC); and his fifth wife was
the daughter of Ptolemy Keraunos, whom he married in 281/280 BC.
References
Citations
[1] [1] ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; .
[2] Plutarch. Parallel Lives, " Pyrrhus (http:/ / classics.mit. edu/ Plutarch/ pyrrhus. html)".
[3] [3] ; ; .
[4] "History of Liberty: The Ancient Romans" Page 6, 1853 (http:/ / www. mocavo. com/ History-of-Liberty-the-Ancient-Romans-Volume-2/
105987/ 37)
[5] Plutarch, Life of Pyrrhus, 21:9 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Pyrrhus*. html#21).
[6] Available online at the Perseus Project.
[7] [7] At the Perseus Project.
[8] Appian. History of the Syrian Wars, 10 (http:/ / www. livius. org/ ap-ark/ appian/ appian_syriaca_02. html) and 11 (http:/ / www. livius.
org/ ap-ark/ appian/ appian_syriaca_03.html).
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books?id=ZGkvAQAAIAAJ). American Numismatic Society.
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/ books. google. com/ books?id=t4luVpw3NOIC). New York, New York: HarperCollins. ISBN0-06-467123-2.
Bennett, Chris (20012010). "Antigone (Egyptian Royal Genealogy - The Ptolemaic Dynasty)" (http:/ / www.
tyndalehouse. com/ egypt/ ptolemies/ antigone_fr. htm). Tyndale House.
Borza, Eugene N. (1992). In the Shadow of Olympus: The Emergence of Macedon (Revised Edition) (http:/ /
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Daly, Gregory (2003). Cannae: The Experience of Battle in the Second Punic War (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=XzkY6voGtHgC). New York, New York and London, United Kingdom: Routledge (Taylor & Francis).
ISBN0-203-98750-0.
Chamoux, Franois (2003). Hellenistic Civilization (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=nafU9ADpCwcC).
Oxford, United Kingdom: Blackwell Publishing. ISBN0-631-22242-1.
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Epirus). Encyclopdia Britannica, Inc. Retrieved 1 July 2013.
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485118/ Pyrrhus). Encyclopdia Britannica, Inc. Retrieved 1 July 2013.
Garouphalias, Petros (1979). Pyrrhus: King of Epirus (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=d2cJAQAAIAAJ).
London, United Kingdom: Stacey International. ISBN0-905743-13-X.
Grant, R. G. (2010). Commanders: History's Greatest Military Leaders (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=tFQcwH2StsMC). New York, New York: DK Publishing. ISBN0-7566-7341-0.
Greene, Robert (2008). The 33 Strategies of War (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=l3GD2EgazCkC).
London, United Kingdom: Penguin Books Limited. ISBN0-14-311278-3.
Hackens, Tony (1992). The Age of Pyrrhus: Papers Delivered at the International Conference, Brown University,
8-10 April, 1988 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=NIsiAQAAIAAJ). Providence, Rhode Island: Center for
Old World Archaeology and Art, Brown University.
Jones, Christopher Prestige (1999). Kinship Diplomacy in the Ancient World (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=zDm7315nUk0C). Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. ISBN0-674-50527-1.
Kishlansky, Mark A.; Geary, Patrick; O'Brien, Patricia (2005). Civilization in the West (Volume 1, Parts 1-12)
(http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=9xKUDDmbp18C). London, United Kingdom: Pearson Longman.
ISBN0-321-23621-1.
Richard, Carl J. (2003). Twelve Greeks and Romans who Changed the World (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=FRnR1_Hc_BQC). Oxford, United Kingdom: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, Incorporated.
ISBN0-7425-2791-3.
Saylor, Steven (2007). Roma: The Novel of Ancient Rome (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=bp58sxv6JJkC).
New York, New York: St. Martin's Press. ISBN0-312-32831-1.
Sekunda, Nick; Northwood, Simon; Hook, Richard (1995). Early Roman Armies (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=LlO_YS_UilYC). Oxford, United Kingdom: Osprey Publishing. ISBN1-85532-513-6.
Tinsley, Barbara Sher (2006). Reconstructing Western Civilization: Irreverent Essays on Antiquity (http:/ / books.
google. com/ books?id=xwrC2CC_QBsC). Selingsgrove, Pennsylvania: Susquehanna University Press.
ISBN1-57591-095-0.
Wilkes, John (1995) [1992]. The Illyrians (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=4Nv6SPRKqs8C). Oxford,
United Kingdom: Blackwell Publishers Limited. ISBN0-631-19807-5.
Further reading
Ross Cowan, Roman Conquests: Italy (Barnsley 2009), 103-147.
Ross Cowan, For the Glory of Rome: A History of Warriors and Warfare (London 2007), 15-77.
P.R. Franke, 'Pyrrhus' in The Cambridge Ancient History VII.2 (Cambridge 1989), 456-485.
P. Leveque, Pyrrhos (Paris 1957).
Abbott, Jacob (1901). Makers of History: Pyrrhus (http:/ / www. gutenberg. org/ etext/ 27240). New York, New
York and London, United Kingdom: Harper & Brothers Publishers.
Winkes, Rolf (1992). "The Pyrrhus Portrait". The Age of Pyrrhus, Proceedings of an International Conference
held at Brown University April 810, 1988 (Archaeologia Transatlantica XI) (Providence): 175188.
Pyrrhus of Epirus
180
External links
Livius.org Pyrrhus of Epirus (http:/ / www. livius. org/ ps-pz/ pyrrhus/ pyrrhus01. html)
"Pyrrhus". Encyclopdia Britannica (11th ed.). 1911.
Precededby
Alcetas II
King of Epirus
307302 BC
Succeededby
Neoptolemus II
Precededby
Neoptolemus II
King of Epirus
297272 BC
Succeededby
Alexander II
Precededby
Demetrius I Poliorcetes
King of
Macedon
with Lysimachus
288285 BC
Succeededby
Antigonus II Gonatas
Precededby
King of
Macedon
274272 BC
Succeededby
Gaius Marius
This article is about the Roman statesman who reorganized the army, and was seven times Consul. For other people
with the name Marius, see Marius.
Gaius Marius
Bust of Gaius Marius at Munich Glyptothek
In office
107 BC, 104100 BC, 1 Jan 13, 86 BC
Preceded by Marcus Aurelius Scaurus
Succeeded by Quintus Servilius Caepio and Gaius Atilius Serranus
Personal details
Born ca. 157 BC
Arpinum, Roman Republic
Gaius Marius
181
Died January 13, 86 BC (aged 70)
Rome, Roman Republic
Political party populares
Spouse(s) Julia (paternal aunt of Julius Caesar)
Children Young Marius
Religion Roman Paganism
Gaius Marius
[1]
(157 BC January 13, 86 BC) was a Roman general and statesman. He held the office of consul an
unprecedented seven times during his career. He was also noted for his important reforms of Roman armies,
authorizing recruitment of landless citizens, eliminating the manipular military formations, and reorganizing the
structure of the legions into separate cohorts. Marius defeated the invading Germanic tribes (the Teutones,
Ambrones, and the Cimbri), for which he was called "the third founder of Rome." His life and career were
significant in Rome's transformation from Republic to Empire.
Life
Early career
Marius was born in 157 BC in the town of Arpinum in southern Latium. The town had been conquered by the
Romans in the late 4th century BC and was given Roman citizenship without voting rights. Only in 188 BC did the
town receive full citizenship. Although Plutarch claims that Marius' father was a labourer, this is almost certainly
false since Marius had connections with the nobility in Rome, he ran for local office in Arpinum, and he had
marriage relations with the local nobility in Arpinum, which all combine to indicate that he was born into a locally
important family of equestrian status. The problems he faced in his early career in Rome show the difficulties that
faced a "new man" (novus homo).
There is a legend that Marius, as a teenager, found an eagle's nest with seven chicks in it eagle clutches hardly ever
have more than 3 eggs; even if two females used the same nest, finding 7 offspring in a single nest would be
exceptionally rare. Since eagles were considered sacred animals of Jupiter, the supreme god of the Romans, it was
later seen as an omen predicting his election to the consulship seven times. Later, as consul, he decreed
Wikipedia:Citation needed that the eagle would be the symbol of the Senate and People of Rome.
In 134 BC, he was serving with the army at Numantia and his good services brought him to the attention of Publius
Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus Africanus. Whether he arrived with Scipio Aemilianus or was already serving in the
demoralized army that Scipio Aemilianus took over at Numantia is not clear. According to Plutarch, during a
conversation after dinner, when the conversation turned to generals, someone asked Scipio Aemilianus where the
Roman people would find a worthy successor to him. Aemilianus then gently tapped on Marius' shoulder, saying:
"Perhaps this is the man." It would seem that even at this early stage in his army career, Marius had ambitions for a
political career in Rome. He ran for election as one of the twenty-four special military tribunes of the first four
legions who were elected (the rest were appointed by the magistrate who raised the legion). Sallust tells us that he
was unknown by sight to the electors but was returned by all the tribes on the basis of his accomplishments.
Next, he ran for the quaestorship after losing an election for local office in Arpinum. The military tribunate shows
that he was already interested in Roman politics before the quaestorship. Perhaps he simply ran for local office as a
means of gaining support back home, and lost to some other local worthy. Nothing is known of his actions while
quaestor.
Gaius Marius
182
"Marius Amid the Ruins of Carthage" by John
Vanderlyn
In 120 BC, Marius was returned as plebeian tribune for the following
year. He won with the support of Quintus Caecilius Metellus (later
known as Metellus Numidicus), who was an inherited patronus. The
Metelli, though neither ancient nor patrician, were one of the most
powerful families in Rome at this time. During his tribunate, Marius
pursued a populares line. He passed a law that restricted the
interference of the wealthy in elections. In the 130s voting by ballot
had been introduced in elections for choosing magistrates, passing laws
and deciding legal cases, replacing the earlier system of oral voting.
The wealthy continued to try to influence the voting by inspecting
ballots and Marius passed a law narrowing the passages down which
voters passed to cast their votes in order to prevent outsiders from
harassing the electors. In the passage of this law, Marius alienated the
Metelli, who opposed it.
Soon thereafter, Marius ran for the aedileship and lost. This loss was at
least in part due to the enmity of the Metelli. In 116 BC he barely won
election as praetor for the following year (presumably coming in sixth)
and was promptly accused of ambitus (electoral corruption).
[2]
He barely won acquittal on this charge, and spent an
uneventful year as praetor in Rome (as Urban Praetor, Peregrine Praetor or President of the extortion court). In 114
BC, Marius' imperium was prorogued and he was sent to govern Lusitania, where he engaged in some sort of minor
military operation: according to Plutarch, he cleared away the robbers whilst robbery was still considered a noble
occupation by the local people.
[3]
During this period in Roman history governors seem regularly to have served two
years in Hispania, so he was probably replaced in 113 BC.
He received no triumph on his return and did not apparently run for the consulship, but he did marry Julia, the aunt
of Julius Caesar. The Julii Caesares were a patrician family, but at this period seem to have found it hard to advance
above the praetorship. (Only once in the 2nd century in 157 BC did a member of the family become consul.) To
judge by this marriage, Marius had apparently achieved some substantial political or financial influence by this point
(possibly from his governship in Hispania).
Subordinate to Metellus
The Marii were the inherited clients of the Caecilii Metelli and a Caecilius Metellus had aided Marius' campaign for
the tribunate. Although he seems to have had a break with the Metelli as a result of the laws he passed while tribune,
the rupture was not permanent, since in 109 BC Quintus Caecilius Metellus took Marius with him as his legate on his
campaign against Jugurtha. Legates (legati) were originally simply envoys sent by the Senate, but men appointed as
legates by the Senate were used by generals as subordinate commanders, usually becoming the general's most trusted
lieutenant. Hence, Metellus had to have asked the Senate to appoint Marius as legate to allow him to serve as
Metellus' subordinate. In Sallust's long account of Metellus' campaign no other legates are mentioned, so it is
assumed that Marius was Metellus's senior subordinate and right-hand man. Thus Metellus was using Marius'
military experience, while Marius was strengthening his position to run for the consulship. The rupture in 119 BC
may have been exaggerated after the fact in light of his later and much more serious disagreement with Metellus
about Numidia.
Gaius Marius
183
Run for the consulship
By 108 BC, Marius conceived the desire to run for the consulship. Despite lack of approval from Metellus (brought
on by Marius' status as a novus homo) who instead advised Marius to wait and run with Metellus' son (who was only
twenty, which would signify a campaign 20 years in the future) Marius began to campaign for the consulship. Sallust
claims that this was catalyzed, in part, by a fortune-teller who "told him that great and wonderful things were
presaged to him that he might therefore pursue whatever designs he had formed trusting to the gods for success, and
that he might try fortune as often as he pleased for that all his undertakings would prosper." Marius soon earned the
respect of the troops by his conduct towards them, eating his meals with them and proving he was not afraid to share
in any of their labours.
[4]
He also won over the Italian traders by claiming that he could capture Jugurtha in a few
days with half Metellus' troops. Both groups wrote home in praise of him, suggesting that he could end the war
quickly unlike Metellus, who was pursuing a policy of methodically subduing the countryside. Eventually Metellus
gave in, realizing that it was counterproductive to have a resentful subordinate.
Under these circumstances, later that year, Marius was triumphantly elected consul for 107 BC. He was campaigning
against Metellus's apparent lack of swift action against Jugurtha. Because of the repeated military debacles from 113
BC to 109 BC and the accusations that the oligarchy was open to flagrant bribery, it became easier for the virtuous
new man who had worked with difficulty up the ladder of offices to be elected as an alternative to the inept or
corrupt nobility. The Senate had a trick up its sleeve, however. In accordance with the provisions of the Lex
Sempronia on Consular provinces, which dictated that the Senate in a given year was to determine the Consular
provinces for the next year at the end of year before the elections, the Senate decided not to make the war against
Jugurtha one of the provinces and to prorogue Metellus in Numidia. Marius got around this through a ploy that had
been used in 131 BC. In that year there was a dispute as to who should command the war against Aristonicus in
Asia, and a tribune had passed a law authorizing an election to select the commander (there was precedent for this
procedure from the Second Punic War). A similar law was passed in 108 BC and Marius was voted the command by
the People in this special election. Metellus shed bitter tears when he learned of the decision. Upon returning home,
he avoided meeting Marius, and was granted a Triumph and the agnomen Numidicus (conqueror of Numidia).
Recruitment
Main article: Marian reforms
The most dramatic and influential changes Marius made to the Roman army were named the Marian Reforms. In 107
BC, shortly after being elected as Consul, Marius, fearing Barbarian invasion, saw the dire need for an increase in
troop numbers. Until this time, the standard requirements to become a Roman soldier were very strict. To be
considered a soldier in the service of the republic, an individual was required to provide his own arms and uniform
for combat. Marius relaxed the recruitment policies by removing the necessity to own land, and allowed all Roman
citizens entry, regardless of social class.
[5]
The benefits to the army were numerous, with the unemployed masses
enlisting for military service alongside the more fortunate citizens. Poorer citizens were drawn to lifelong service, as
they were rewarded with the prospect of settlement in conquered land. This also 'Romanized' the population in newly
subjugated provinces, thus reducing unrest and lowering the chance of revolt against the Roman Republic. The new
Roman army, its numbers vastly bolstered by lower class citizens whose future was tied to their permanent career,
was always able to provide reserves in times of disaster. In addition, the growth of the army ensured continued
military success due to the high number of recruits available for each campaign. Even though the army increased in
size considerably, Marius also sought to improve organization among his troops.
Marius needed more troops, and to this effect he made a change in procedure used for recruiting troops, probably
unaware of the momentous implications of this change. All of the Gracchian agrarian reforms had been premised on
the traditional Roman levy, which excluded from service those whose property qualification fell below the minimum
property qualification for the fifth census class. The Gracchi had tried to restore the smallholders who would
constitute the majority of those qualified to serve. The end of the Gracchian land legislation did nothing to change
Gaius Marius
184
the military crisis that gave rise to that legislation. It seems that the minimum qualification for the fifth census class
(the lowest one eligible for military service) was lowered from 11,000 to 3000 sesterces of property, and already in
109 BC the consuls had had to seek suspension of Gaius Gracchus' restrictions on the levy. In 107 BC Marius
decided to ignore the census qualification altogether and recruited with no inquiry into the property of the potential
soldier. From now on Rome's legions would largely consist of poor citizens (the "capite censi" or "head count")
whose future after service could only be assured if their general could somehow bring about a land distribution on
their behalf. Thus the soldiers had a very strong personal interest in supporting their general against the Senate (i.e.,
the oligarchy) and the "public interest" that was often equated with the Senate. Marius did not avail himself of this
potential source of support, but in less than two decades Marius' ex-quaestor Sulla would use it against the Senate
and Marius.
War in Numidia
Marius found that it wasn't as easy to end the war as he had claimed. He arrived comparatively late in 107 BC and in
that year and the next he forced Jugurtha to the south and west toward Mauretania. Marius' quaestor in 107 BC had
been Lucius Cornelius Sulla Felix, the son of a patrician family that had fallen on hard times. Marius was supposedly
unhappy at receiving the dissolute youth as his subordinate, but Sulla proved a competent military leader. By 105 the
king of Mauretania, Bocchus I, who was also Jugurtha's father-in-law and reluctant ally, was worried about the
approaching Romans. After receiving word that an accommodation with them was possible, Bocchus insisted that
Sulla make the hazardous journey to his capital, where Sulla induced Bocchus to betray Jugurtha, who was duly
handed over to Sulla, thus ending the war. Since Marius held the imperium and Sulla was acting as his subordinate,
the honor of capturing Jugurtha belonged strictly to Marius, but Sulla had clearly been immediately responsible and
had a signet ring made for himself commemorating the event. Sulla would later claim that the credit for ending the
war was his. Meanwhile, Marius was the hero of the hour, and his services would be needed in another emergency.
Cimbri and Teutones
Main article: Cimbrian War
The arrival of the Cimbri in Gaul in 109 BC and their complete defeat of Marcus Junius Silanus had resulted in
unrest among the Celtic tribes recently conquered by the Romans in southern Gaul. In 107 the consul Lucius Cassius
Longinus was completely defeated by the Tigurini clan, and the senior surviving officer (Gaius Popillius Laenas, son
of the consul of 132) had saved what was left only by surrendering half the baggage and suffering the humiliation of
having his army "march under the yoke." The next year (106 BC) another consul, Quintus Servilius Caepio, marched
to Gaul and captured the disloyal community of Tolosa (Toulouse), where a huge sum of money (the Gold of
Tolosa), was taken from shrines. The larger part of it mysteriously vanished when being transported to Massilia
(Marseille). Caepio was prorogued into the next year, when one of the new consuls, Gnaeus Mallius Maximus, also
operated in southern Gaul. Mallius was a new man like Marius, and he and the noble Caepio found it impossible to
co-operate.
The Cimbri and the Teutones (both migrating Germanic tribes) appeared on the Rhne, and while Caepio was on the
west bank he refused to come to the aid of Mallius on the left. Eventually the Senate got Caepio's reluctant
agreement to co-operate, but even when he crossed the river to help the threatened Mallius, he refused to join forces
and kept his own at a fair distance. First the Germans routed Caepio and then destroyed Mallius's army on October 6,
105 BC at Arausio. Since the Romans fought with the river at their back, flight was not possible and reportedly
80,000 were killed. The losses in the preceding decade had been bad enough, but this defeat, apparently caused by
the arrogance of the nobility and its refusal to co-operate with talented non-nobles, was the last straw. Not only had
huge numbers of Romans lost their lives but Italy itself was now exposed to invasion from barbarian hordes. The
failure to deal with this threat marked the start of a period when dissatisfaction with the oligarchy (and thus, conflict
between the optimates and the populares) was becoming increasingly, and dangerously, bitter. Sometime during this
Gaius Marius
185
war Marius participated in the Trial of Trebonius.
As consul
In late 105 BC Marius was elected consul again while still in Africa. Election in absentia was unusual enough, but at
some time after 152 BC a law had been passed dictating a ten-year interval between consulships, and there is even
some evidence to indicate that by 135 BC a law had been passed that prohibited second consulships altogether.
Nonetheless by this time news of a new advancing tribe known as the Cimbri had reached Rome and in the
emergency Marius was again chosen consul. The law was either repealed or set aside under the circumstances of
emergency, as Marius was then elected to an unprecedented five successive consulships (104 BC100 BC). He
returned to Rome by January 1, 104 BC, when he celebrated his triumph over Jugurtha, who was first led in the
procession, then killed in the public prison.
The Cimbri conveniently marched into Hispania and the Teutoni milled around in northern Gaul, leaving Marius to
prepare his army. One of his legates was his old quaestor, Sulla, which shows that at this time there was no ill-will
between them. In 104 BC, Marius was returned as consul again for 103 BC. Though he could have continued to
operate as proconsul, it seems that the position as consul would make his position as commander unassailable and
avoid any problems with the consuls if he was only a proconsul. Marius seems to have been able to get exactly what
he wanted, and it even seems that his support determined whom the people would elect as his colleagues (his choice
was apparently determined, on several occasions, on the basis of their malleability: only Catulus in 102 BC, and
Flaccus in 100 BC, would have been serious candidates in their own right without his support, and even Flaccus was
described as more servant than partner in the office.) In 103 BC, the Germans still did not emerge from Hispania,
and conveniently Marius's colleague (L. Aurelius Orestes, son of C. Gracchus's commander in Sardinia in 126
BC124 BC) died, so Marius had to return to Rome to oversee the elections, being re-elected for 102 BC.
Battle with the Germanic tribes
Main articles: Battle of Aquae Sextiae and Battle of Vercellae
In 102 BC the Cimbri returned from Hispania into Gaul and together with the Teutones decided to invade Italy. The
Teutones were to head south and advance toward Italy along the Mediterranean coast; the Cimbri were to attempt to
cross the Alps into Italy from the northwest by the Brenner Pass; and the Tigurini (the allied Celtic tribe who had
defeated Longinus in 107) were to cross the Alps from the northeast. This decision proved fatally flawed. The
Germanic soldiers divided their forces, making each contingent manageable, and the Romans could use their shorter
lines of communication and supply to concentrate their forces at will.
First, Marius had to deal with the Teutones, who were in the province of Narbonensis marching toward the Alps. He
refused to give them a battle where they wanted, and withdrew to Aquae Sextiae (a settlement founded by Gaius
Sextius Calvinus in 124 BC), which blocked their path. The leading contingent of the Germanic warriors, the
Ambrones, foolishly attacked the Roman position without waiting for reinforcements and 30,000 were killed. Marius
then hid 3,000 troops in ambush, so when the main Germanic contingent finally attacked, the hidden Roman troops
could fall on them from behind. In the ensuing defeat, the Teutones were completely annihilated, to the number of
something over 100,000.
Marius' colleague Quintus Lutatius Catulus in 102 BC did not have as much luck. He botched the holding of the
Brenner Pass, allowing the Cimbri to advance into northern Italy by late 102 BC. Marius was in Rome, and after
becoming elected consul for 101 BC and deferring his Triumph over the Teutones, he marched north to join Catulus,
whose command was prorogued into 101. Finally, in the summer of that year a battle was fought at Vercellae in
Cisalpine Gaul. Once again, Roman discipline overcame a larger barbarian force. At least 65,000 were killed
(perhaps as many as 100,000 again) and all the remainder enslaved. The Tigurini gave up their efforts to enter Italy
from the northeast and went home. Catulus and Marius celebrated a joint Triumph, but in popular thinking all the
credit went to Marius, who was praised as "the third founder of Rome." Catulus became alienated from Marius and
Gaius Marius
186
would later become one of his chief opponents. As a sort of reward (the danger was now gone) Marius was returned
as consul for 100 BC. This year would not go at all well for Marius.
Sixth consulship
During this year Lucius Appuleius Saturninus was tribune for the second time (having apparently had Marius's
support on both this occasion and the previous one), and advocated reforms like those earlier put forth by the
Gracchi. He pushed for a bill that gave colonial lands to the veterans of the recent war and offered to lower the price
of wheat distributed by the state. The Senate, however, opposed these measures and violence broke out. The Senate
then ordered Marius, as consul, to put down the revolt. Marius, although he was generally allied with the radicals,
complied with the request and put down the revolt in the interest of public order. He then went to the east and into
retirement.
What is important in this incident is that instead of seizing the opportunity to establish himself as supreme ruler and
reformer of the state, Marius showed the senate, who had always been suspicious of his motives, that he was one of
them instead of the outsider that Quintus Metellus said he was in 108 BC. Marius' overall concern, for his part, was
how to maintain the Senate's esteem.
Social War
Main article: Social War (9188 BC)
While Marius was away and after he returned, Rome had several years of relative peace. But in 95 BC, Rome passed
a decree expelling from the city all residents who were not Roman citizens. In 91 BC Marcus Livius Drusus was
elected tribune and proposed a greater division of state lands, the enlargement of the Senate, and a conferral of
Roman citizenship upon all freemen of Italy. But Drusus was assassinated, and many of the Italian states then
revolted against Rome in the Social War of 9188 BC. Marius took command (following the deaths of the consul,
Publius Rutilius Lupus, and the praetor Quintus Servilius Caepio) and fought along with Sulla against the rebel
cities, but retired from the war in its early stages probably due to poor health (it has been suggested that he
suffered a stroke.)
Sulla and the First Civil War
After the Social War, King Mithridates of Pontus began his bid to conquer Rome's eastern provinces and invaded
Greece. In 88 BC, Lucius Cornelius Sulla was elected consul. The choice before the Senate was to put either Marius
or Sulla in command of an army which would aid Rome's Greek allies and defeat Mithridates. The Senate chose
Sulla, but soon the Assembly appointed Marius. In this unsavory episode of low politics, he was helped by the
unscrupulous actions of Publius Sulpicius Rufus, whose debts Marius had promised to erase. Sulla refused to
acknowledge the validity of the Assembly's action.
Sulla left Rome and travelled to the army waiting in Nola, the army that the Senate had asked him to lead against
Mithridates. Sulla urged his legions to defy the Assembly's orders and accept him as their rightful leader. Sulla was
successful and the legions stoned the representatives from the Assembly. Sulla then commanded six legions to march
with him to Rome and institute a civil war. This was a momentous event, and was unforeseen by Marius, as no
Roman army had ever marched upon Romeit was forbidden by law and ancient tradition.
Gaius Marius
187
Marius sitting in exile among the ruins of
Carthage
Once it became obvious that Sulla was going to defy the law and seize
Rome by force, Marius attempted to organize a defense of the city
using gladiators. Unsurprisingly Marius' ad-hoc force was no match for
Sulla's legions. Marius was defeated and fled Rome. Marius narrowly
escaped capture and death on several occasions and eventually found
safety in Africa. Sulla and his supporters in the Senate passed a death
sentence on Marius, Sulpicius and a few other allies of Marius. A few
men were executed but (according to Plutarch), many Romans
disapproved of Sulla's actions; some who opposed Sulla were actually
elected to office in 87 BC. (Gnaeus Octavius, a supporter of Sulla, and
Lucius Cornelius Cinna, a supporter of Marius, were elected consul).
Regardless, Sulla was confirmed again as the commander of the
campaign against Mithridates, so he took his legions out of Rome and
marched east to the war.
Seventh consulship and death
While Sulla was on campaign in Greece, fighting broke out between
the conservative supporters of Sulla, led by Octavius, and the popular
supporters of Cinna. Marius along with his son then returned from exile in Africa with an army he had raised there
and combined with Cinna to oust Octavius. This time it was the army of Marius that entered Rome.
Some of the soldiers went through Rome killing the leading supporters of Sulla, including Octavius. Their heads
were exhibited in the Forum. All told some dozen Roman nobles had been murdered. The Senate passed a law
exiling Sulla, and Marius was appointed the new commander in the eastern war. Cinna was chosen for his second
consulship and Marius to his seventh consulship. After five days, Cinna and the populares general Quintus Sertorius
ordered their more disciplined troops to kill the rampaging soldiers.
In his Life of Marius, Plutarch writes that Marius's return to power was a particularly brutal and bloody one, saying
that the consul's "anger increased day by day and thirsted for blood, kept on killing all whom he held in any
suspicion whatsoever." Among these included former consul Q. Lutatius Catulus and the orator Marcus Antonius,
grandfather of Mark Antony. Plutarch writes that "whenever anybody else greeted Marius and got no salutation or
greeting in return, this of itself was a signal for the man's slaughter in the very street, so that even the friends of
Marius, to a man, were full of anguish and horror whenever they drew near to greet him."
[6]
Plutarch relates several opinions on the end of C. Marius: one, from Posidonius, holds that Marius contracted
pleurisy; Gaius Piso has it that Marius walked with his friends and discussed all of his accomplishments with them,
adding that no intelligent man ought leave himself to Fortune.
[7]
Plutarch then anonymously relates that Marius,
having gone into a fit of passion in which he announced a delusion that he was in command of the Mithridatic War,
began to act as he would have on the field of battle; finally, ever an ambitious man, Marius lamented, on his death
bed, that he had not achieved all of which he was capable, despite his having acquired great wealth and having been
chosen consul more times than any man before him.
Marius died on January 13, 86 BC, just seventeen days into his seventh consulship.
[8]
Gaius Marius
188
Legacy
Marius was a successful Roman general and military reformer, but also known as a harsh, ambitious man harboring
contempt for the nobility (who occupied the Senate). He played a critical role in the destruction of the Roman
Republic, and the birth of the Roman Empire. Plutarch says of him
just as Plato was wont to say often to Xenocrates the philosopher, who had the reputation of being rather
morose in his disposition, "My good Xenocrates, sacrifice to the Graces," so if Marius could have been
persuaded to sacrifice to the Greek Muses and Graces, he would not have put the ugliest possible crown
upon a most illustrious career in field and forum, nor have been driven by the blasts of passion, ill-timed
ambition, and insatiable greed upon the shore of a most cruel and savage old age.
His improvements to the structure and organization of the Roman legion were profound and effective. However he
was, in part, responsible for the breakdown in relations with Sulla which led to Sulla's march on Rome. He himself
had broken with tradition on previous occasions and his effort to reverse the Senate's appointment of Sulla as
commander of the Mithridatic War was highly questionable under Roman constitutional tradition. The five days of
terror upon his return to Rome saw many hundreds slaughtered in his name.
The Marian reforms to the legions, recruiting among un-propertied urban citizens, was a pivotal step leading in short
order to the collapse of the Republic. Marius set the precedent of recruiting among the poor and then granting these
veterans land upon the conclusion of the campaign. Thus the legions became more loyal to their generals than to the
state. The loyalty of such legions is what allowed Marius himself, Sulla, and about 40 years later Marius' nephew
Julius Caesar to march on Rome itself.
The struggle between Marius and Sulla led to the deaths of numerous distinguished Roman senators, equestrians and
unknown thousands of Roman soldiers and citizens. It set a precedent for the civil wars to come that led ultimately to
the destruction of the Republican form of government and thus to the establishment of the principate system of the
Empire.
Consulships
Political offices
Precededby
Servius Sulpicius Galba and Marcus
Aurelius Scaurus
Consul of the Roman
Republic
with Lucius Cassius
Longinus
107 BC
Succeededby
Quintus Servilius Caepio and Gaius Atilius
Serranus
Precededby
Gnaeus Mallius Maximus and Publius
Rutilius Rufus
Consul of the Roman
Republic
with Gaius Flavius
Fimbria
104 BC
Succeededby
Lucius Aurelius Orestes and Gaius Marius
Precededby
Gaius Flavius Fimbria and Gaius Marius
Consul of the Roman
Republic
with Lucius Aurelius
Orestes
103 BC
Succeededby
Quintus Lutatius Catulus and Gaius Marius
Precededby
Lucius Aurelius Orestes and Gaius Marius
Consul of the Roman
Republic
with Quintus Lutatius
Catulus
102 BC
Succeededby
Manius Aquillius and Gaius Marius
Gaius Marius
189
Precededby
Quintus Lutatius Catulus and Gaius
Marius
Consul of the Roman
Republic
with Manius Aquillius
101 BC
Succeededby
Lucius Valerius Flaccus and Gaius Marius
Precededby
Manius Aquillius and Gaius Marius
Consul of the Roman
Republic
with Lucius Valerius
Flaccus
100 BC
Succeededby
Aulus Postumius Albinus and Marcus
Antonius Orator
Precededby
Gnaeus Octavius and Lucius Cornelius
Cinna
(Suffect: Lucius Cornelius Merula)
Consul of the Roman
Republic
with Lucius Cornelius
Cinna
86 BC
Succeededby
Lucius Valerius Flaccus (Suffect.)
In fiction
The historical novel The First Man in Rome and The Grass Crown, by Colleen McCullough, largely focus on the rise
and fall of Gaius Marius and his lengthy career.
Notes and references
[1] CMARIVSCFCN is how Marius was termed in official state inscriptions in Latin: "Gaius Marius, son of Gaius, grandson of Gaius"
[2] http:/ / penelope. uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Marius*. html
[3] [3] Plutarch. Life of Marius, 6.
[4] Plutarch, Life of Marius, 7
[5] [5] Plutarch, The Life of Marius
[6] [6] Plutarch, Life of Marius, 43.
[7] [7] Plutarch, Life of Marius, 45.
[8] Plutarch, Life of Marius, 45 & 46.
Further reading
Carney, Thomas Francis. A Biography of C. Marius. Chicago: Argonaut, 1970 (hardcover, ISBN 0-8244-0023-2).
D'Arms, John H. "The Campanian Villas of C. Marius and the Sullan Confiscations", The Classical Quarterly,
Vol.18, No.1. (1968), pp.185188.
Evans, Richard J. Gaius Marius: A Political Biography. Pretoria: University of South Africa, 1994 (hardcover,
ISBN 0-86981-850-3).
Reviewed by John Carter in The Classical Review, Vol.46, No.2. (1996), pp.313315.
Farrand, Michael J. The Man Who Saved History, narrative poem based on the life of Caius Marius found in
Plutarch's Lives (originally Parallel Lives) by the Greek historian Plutarch.
Frank, Elfrieda. "Marius and the Roman Nobility", The Classical Journal, Vol.50, No.4. (1955), pp.149152.
Gilbert, C.D. "Marius and Fortuna", The Classical Quarterly, Vol.23, No.1. (1973), pp.104107.
Hildinger, Erik, Swords Against the Senate: The Rise of the Roman Army and the Fall of the Republic, Da Capo
Press, 2002 (softcover ISBN 978-0-306-81279-8).
Kildahl, Phillip Andrew. Caius Marius. New York: Irvington Publishers, 1968 (hardcover, ISBN 0-8290-1756-9).
Weinrib, Ernest Joseph. The Spaniards in Rome: From Marius to Domitian. London: Taylor & Francis Books,
1990 (hardcover, ISBN 0-8240-3308-6).
Ancient Warfare magazine, Vol. V, Issue 1 (Feb/Mar, 2011), was devoted to "Gaius Marius: The 'new man' who
saved Rome", with articles by Alberto Prez, Michael J. Taylor, Christopher A. Matthew, Sean Hussmann, and
Duncan B. Campbell.
Gaius Marius
190
External links
Life of Marius by Plutarch (http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ c_marius. html)
Marius and Sulla (http:/ / janusquirinus. org/ essays/ Apollo/ Background/ MS1. html)
Vancea, Oscar. The Military Reforms of Caius Marius (http:/ / cliojournal. wikispaces. com/ The+ Military+
Reforms+ of+ Caius+ Marius), Clio History Journal, 2007.
The Roman Army After Marius' Reforms (http:/ / romans. etrusia. co. uk/ roman_army_intro. php)An
introduction.
Lysander
For other uses, see Lysander (disambiguation).
Lysander as a Renaissance duke, engraved 1553.
Lysander (/lasndr/ or /lasndr/; died 395 BC, Greek:
, Lsandros) was a Spartan admiral who
commanded the Spartan fleet in the Hellespont which
defeated the Athenians at Aegospotami in 405 BC. The
following year, he was able to force the Athenians to
capitulate, bringing the Peloponnesian War to an end; he
organized the dominion of Sparta over Greece in the last
decade of his life.
Early life
Little is known of Lysander's early life. Lysander's father was
Aristocleitus, who was a member of the Spartan Heracleidae;
that is, like most Dorian men of good family, he claimed
descent from Heracles. Nevertheless, Lysander was a mothax:
his family was poor and when he was young he needed
sponsorship to be able to participate in the Spartan training to be a soldier.
Lysander
191
The Battle of Notium
Main article: Battle of Notium
Most important geographical sites, during the life of Lysander
Lysander was appointed Spartan
navarch (admiral) for the Aegean Sea in
407 BC. It was during this period that
he gained the friendship and support of
Cyrus the Younger, a son of Darius II
of Persia and Parysatis.
Lysander then undertook the major
project of creating a strong Spartan fleet
based at Ephesus which could take on
the Athenians and their allies.
[1][2]
Alcibiades was appointed
commander-in-chief with autocratic
powers of the Athenian forces and left
for Samos to rejoin his fleet and try and
engage Lysander in battle. The Spartan
navarch Lysander refused to be lured
out of Ephesus to do battle with
Alcibiades. However, while Alcibiades
was away seeking supplies, the
Athenian squadron was placed under
the command of Antiochus, his
helmsman. During this time Lysander managed to engage the Athenian fleet and they were routed by the Spartan
fleet (with the help of the Persians under Cyrus) at the Battle of Notium in 406 BC. This defeat by Lysander gave the
enemies of Alcibiades the excuse they needed to strip him of his command. He never returned again to Athens. He
sailed north to the land he owned in the Thracian Chersonese.
Lysander out of office
However, Lysander ceased to be the Spartan navarch after this victory and, in accordance with the Spartan law, was
replaced by Callicratidas. Callicratidas' ability to continue the war at sea was neatly sabotaged when Lysander
returned all the cash in hand to Cyrus when he left office.
[3]
In 406 BC, Callicratidas assembled a fleet and sailed to Methymna, Lesbos, which he then besieged. This move
threatened the Athenian grain supply. Athens sent their admiral, Conon, to relieve the siege. When Callicratidas
attacked him, Conon retreated to Mytilene, where he was blockaded by Callicratidas Spartan fleet.
To relieve Conon, the Athenians assembled a new fleet composed largely of newly constructed ships manned by
inexperienced crews. While this fleet was inferior to the Spartans, the Athenians employed new and unorthodox
tactics, which allowed them to secure a dramatic and unexpected victory in the Battle of Arginusae, near Lesbos. The
blockade of Conon by the Spartans was broken, the Spartan force was soundly defeated and Callicratidas was killed
during the battle.
Lysander
192
Lysander returns to command
The latitue saluted him with loud acclamations
After Sparta was severely defeated at the Battle of Arginusae and with
the death of the Spartan navarch, Callicratides, Sparta's allies sought to
have Lysander reappointed as navarch. However, Spartan law did not
allow the reappointment of a previous navarch, so Aracus was
appointed as navarch with Lysander as his deputy. Nonetheless,
Lysander was effectively the commander of the Spartan fleet. Cyrus,
being especially pleased, once again started to supply the Spartan fleet
with cash - even allowing Lysander to run his satrapy in his absence.
[4]
Once back in command, Lysander directed the Spartan fleet towards
the Hellespont. The Athenian fleet followed him there. In 404 BC, the
Athenians gathered their remaining ships at Aegospotami (near the
Thracian Chersonese). The Athenian fleet under Admiral Conon was
then destroyed by the Spartans under Lysander in the Battle of
Aegospotami. Conon withdrew to Cyprus.
Then, Lysander's forces went to the Bosporus and captured both
Byzantium and Chalcedon. They expelled the Athenians living in those
States. Lysander also captured Lesbos Island.
The defeat of Athens
Following the victory at Aegospotami, the Spartans were in a position to finally force Athens to capitulate. The
Spartan king, Pausanias, laid siege to Athens while Lysander's fleet blockaded the port city of Piraeus. This action
effectively closed the grain route to Athens through the Hellespont, thereby starving Athens. Realising the
seriousness of the situation, Theramenes started negotiations with Lysander. These negotiations took three months,
but in the end Lysander agreed to terms at Piraeus. An agreement was reached for the capitulation of Athens and the
cessation of the Peloponnesian War in 404 BC.
The Spartans required the Athenians to raze the walls of Piraeus as well as the Long Walls which connected Athens
and Piraeus; that the Athenians should abandon their colonies, and that Athens should surrender all but twelve of
their ships to the Spartans. However, Theramenes did secure terms that saved the city of Athens from destruction.
Greek towns across the Aegean Sea in Ionia were again to be subject to the Achaemenid Empire.
Lysander in Command in Athens
Lysander then put in place a puppet government in Athens with the establishment of the oligarchy of the Thirty
Tyrants under Critias which included Theramenes as a leading member. The puppet government executed a number
of citizens and deprived all but a few of their former rights as citizens of Athens. Many of Athens' former allies were
now ruled by boards of ten (decarchy), often reinforced with garrisons under a Spartan commander (called a
harmost). The practice started the period of Spartan hegemony.
After storming and seizing Samos, Lysander returned to Sparta. Alcibiades, the former Athenian leader, emerged
after the Spartan victory at Aegospotami and took refuge in Phrygia, northwestern Asia Minor with Pharnabazus, its
Persian satrap. He sought Persian assistance for the Athenians. However, the Spartans decided that Alcibiades must
be removed and Lysander, with the help of Pharnabazus, arranged the assassination of Alcibiades.
Lysander was able to gain a huge fortune from his victories against the Athenians and their allies. Nonetheless, in
accord with Spartan tradition, he wished to transfer this fortune to the ephors at Sparta. Lysander commanded the
Lysander
193
Spartan general Gylippus to undertake this task. However, Gylippus could not resist the temptation to enrich himself
and stole a significant amount. When it was discovered what had happened, Gylippus went into exile and was
condemned to death in his absence.
Resistance by Athens
The Athenian general Thrasybulus, who had been exiled from Athens by the Spartans' puppet government, led the
democratic resistance to the new oligarchic government. In 403 BC, he commanded a small force of exiles that
invaded Attica and, in successive battles, defeated first a Spartan garrison and then the forces of the oligarchic
government (which included the Spartan general, Lysander) in the Battle of Munychia. The leader of the Thirty
Tyrants, Critias, was killed in the battle.
The Battle of Piraeus was then fought between Athenian exiles who had defeated the government of the Thirty
Tyrants and occupied Piraeus and a Spartan force sent to combat them. In the battle, the Spartans narrowly defeated
the exiles, with both sides suffering large numbers of casualties. Despite opposition from Lysander, after the battle
Pausanias the Agiad King of Sparta, arranged a settlement between the two parties which allowed the reunification
of Athens and Piraeus, and the re-establishment of democratic government in Athens. The remaining oligarchic
Thirty Tyrants were allowed to flee to Eleusis. Thrasybulus restored democratic institutions to Athens and granted
amnesties to all except the oligarchic extremists.
Involvement in Cyrus' revolt against the Persian King Artaxerxes II
During 401 BC Lysander still had a continuing influence in Sparta despite his setbacks in Athens. He was able to
persuade the Spartans to select Agesilaus II as the new Eurypontid Spartan king following the death of Agis II. He
was also able to persuade the Spartans to support Cyrus the Younger in his unsuccessful rebellion against his older
brother, Artaxerxes II of Persia.
Cyrus started out with about 20,000 men, of whom around 10,000 were Greek mercenaries, including Spartans.
When he reached the Euphrates River at Thapsacus, he announced that he was marching against Artaxerxes II. He
advanced unopposed into Babylonia; but Artaxerxes II, warned at the last moment by Tissaphernes, hastily gathered
an army.
The two forces met at the Battle of Cunaxa, north of Babylon, where Cyrus was slain. The Greek mercenaries
fighting for Cyrus were left stranded after Cyrus defeat. They fought their way north through hostile Persians,
Armenians, and Medians to Trapezus, on the coast of the Black Sea under Xenophon. Xenophon was an Athenian
who became their leader when Tissaphernes, Persian satrap of Caria and Lydia, had Clearchus of Sparta and the
other senior Greek captains captured and executed by Artaxerxes.
Xenophon's men made their way back to Greece, with most of the men enlisting with the Spartan Army. Xenophon's
successful march through the Achaemenid Empire encouraged Sparta to turn on the Persians and begin a series of
wars against the Persians in Asia Minor.
Lysander's final years
Hoping to restore the juntas of oligarchic partisans that he had put in place after the defeat of the Athenians in 404
BC, Lysander arranged for Agesilaus II, the Eurypontid Spartan king, to take command of the Greeks against Persia
in 396 BC. The Spartans had been called on by the Ionians to assist them against the Persian King Artaxerxes II.
Lysander was arguably hoping to receive command of the Spartan forces not joining the campaign. However,
Agesilaus II had become resentful of Lysander's power and influence. So Agesilaus II frustrated the plans of his
former mentor and left Lysander in command of the troops in the Hellespont, far from Sparta and mainland Greece.
Back in Sparta by 395 BC, Lysander was instrumental in starting a war with Thebes and other Greek cities, which
came to be known as the Corinthian War. The Spartans prepared to send out an army against this new alliance of
Lysander
194
Athens, Thebes, Corinth and Argos (with the backing of the Achaemenid Empire) and ordered Agesilaus II to return
to Greece. Agesilaus set out for Sparta with his troops, crossing the Hellespont and marching west through Thrace.
Death
Main article: Battle of Haliartus
The Spartans arranged for two armies, one under Lysander and the other under Pausanias of Sparta, to rendezvous at
and attack the city of Haliartus, Boeotia. Lysander arrived before Pausanias and persuaded the city of Orchomenus to
revolt from the Boeotian confederacy. He then advanced to Haliartus with his troops. In the Battle of Haliartus,
Lysander was killed after bringing his forces too near the walls of the city.
Following his death, an abortive scheme by Lysander to increase his power by making the Spartan kingships
collective and that the Spartan king should not automatically be given the leadership of the army, was "discovered"
by Agesilaus II.
[5]
There is argument amongst historians as to whether this was an invention to discredit Lysander after his death.
However in the view of Nigel Kennell, the plot fits with what we know of Lysander.
[6]
Lysander remains an ambiguous figure. While the Roman biographer Cornelius Nepos charges him with "cruelty and
perfidy", Lysander according to Xenophon nonetheless spared the population of captured Greek poleis such as
Lampsacus, perhaps in order to gain a useful reputation for mildness.
Cult
According to Duris of Samos, Lysander was the first Greek to whom the cities erected altars and sacrificed to him as
to a god and the Samians voted that their festival of Hera should be called Lysandreia.
[7]
Notes and references
[1] Plutarch, Lives. Life of Lysander. ( University of Massachusetts (http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ lysander. html)/Wikisource)
[2] Xenophon, Hellenica. (Wikisource/ Gutenberg Project (http:/ / www. gutenberg. org/ etext/ 1174))
[3] [3] "Spartans, a new history", Nigel Kennell, 2010, p126
[5] Cornelius Nepos, Life of Eminent Greeks . (http:/ / www. tertullian. org/ fathers/ nepos. htm)
[7] The Hellenistic World by Frank William Walbank Page 213 ISBN 0-674-38726-0
Further reading
Bommelaer, Jean-Franois (1981). Lysandre de Sparte. Histoire et traditions (http:/ / cefael. efa. gr/ detail.
php?site_id=1& actionID=page& serie_id=BefarA& volume_number=240& issue_number=0) (in French). Paris:
De Boccard.
External links
Ancient/classical history (Lysander) (http:/ / ancienthistory. about. com/ cs/ people/ a/ lysander. htm)
About.com
Lysander by Plutarch (http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ lysander. html) The Internet Classics Archive on MIT
Lucius Cornelius Sulla
195
This article is about the Roman dictator Sulla. For the flower, see Hedysarum coronarium. For the Celtic goddess
sometimes called Sulla, see Sulis.
So-called bust of Sulla in the Munich Glyptothek
Dictator of the Roman Republic
In office
82 or 81 BC 81 BC
Preceded by Gaius Servilius Geminus in 202 BC
Succeeded by Gaius Julius Caesar in 49 BC
In office
88 BC 88 BC
Preceded by Gnaeus Pompeius Strabo and Lucius Porcius Cato
Succeeded by Lucius Cornelius Cinna and Gnaeus Octavius
In office
80 BC 80 BC
Preceded by Gnaeus Cornelius Dolabella and Marcus Tullius Decula
Succeeded by Appius Claudius Pulcher and Publius Servilius Vatia
Personal details
Born c. 138 BC
Died 78 BC (aged c. 60)
Puteoli, Roman Republic
Political party Optimate
Spouse(s) first wife Julia Caesaris, second wife Aelia, third wife Cloelia, fourth wife Caecilia Metella, fifth wife Valeria
Children Pompeia, Lucius Cornelius Sulla, Cornelia, Faustus Cornelius Sulla, Cornelia Fausta, Cornelia Postuma
196
Religion Roman polytheism
Lucius Cornelius Sulla Felix
[1]
(/sl/; c. 138 BC 78 BC), known commonly as Sulla, was a Roman general and
statesman. He had the distinction of holding the office of consul twice, as well as reviving the dictatorship. Sulla was
awarded a grass crown, the most prestigious and rarest Roman military honor, during the Social War. His life was
habitually included in the ancient biographical collections of leading generals and politicians, originating in the
biographical compendium of famous Romans, published by Marcus Terentius Varro. In Plutarch's Parallel Lives
Sulla is paired with the Spartan general and strategist Lysander.
Sulla's dictatorship came during a high point in the struggle between optimates and populares. The former sought a
conservative approach to maintain the traditional oligarchic structure of power in the Republic, while the latter
challenged the existing order with the avowed aim of increasing the influence of the plebs. Sulla was a gifted and
skillful general and won many victories against barbarians as well as fellow Romans and Italians. One of his rivals,
Gnaeus Papirius Carbo, described Sulla as having the cunning of a fox and the courage of a lion. This mixture was
later referred to by Machiavelli in his description of the ideal characteristics of a ruler.
[2]
In a series of constitutional crises, Sulla used his armies to march on Rome twice, and after the second time he
revived the office of dictator, which had not been used since the Second Punic War over a century before. He used
his powers to enact a series of reforms to the Roman constitution, meant to restore the balance of power between the
Senate and the tribunes. Already in poor health, he stunned the world (and posterity) by resigning his near-absolute
powers, restoring constitutional government in late 81 BC. After seeking election to and holding a second
consulship, he retired to private life and died shortly after.
Early years
Sulla was born into a branch of the patrician gens Cornelia, but his family had fallen to an impoverished condition at
the time of his birth. Lacking ready money, Sulla spent his youth amongst Romes comics, actors, lute-players, and
dancers. Sulla retained an attachment to the debauched nature of his youth until the end of his life; Plutarch mentions
that during his last marriage to Valeria he still kept company with "actresses, musicians, and dancers, drinking
with them on couches night and day".
[3]
It seems certain that Sulla received a good education. Sallust declares him well-read and intelligent, and he was
fluent in Greek, which was a sign of education in Rome. The means by which Sulla attained the fortune which later
would enable him to ascend the ladder of Roman politics, the Cursus honorum, are not clear, although Plutarch
refers to two inheritances; one from his stepmother and the other from a low-born, but rich, unmarried lady.
[4]
In older sources, his name may be found as Sylla. This is a Hellenism, like sylva for classical Latin silva, reinforced
by the fact that our two major sources, Plutarch and Appian, wrote in Greek, and call him .
[5]
Capture of Jugurtha
The Jugurthine War had started in 112 BC when Jugurtha, grandson of Massinissa of Numidia, claimed the entire
kingdom of Numidia in defiance of Roman decrees and divided it between several members of the royal family.
Rome declared war on Jugurtha in 111 BC, but for five years Roman legions under Quintus Caecilius Metellus were
unsuccessful. Gaius Marius, a lieutenant of Metellus, saw an opportunity to usurp his commander and fed rumors of
incompetence and delay to the publicani (tax gatherers) in the region. These machinations caused calls for Metellus's
removal; despite delaying tactics by Metellus, in 107 BC Marius returned to Rome to stand for the consulship.
Marius was elected consul and took over the campaign while Sulla was nominated quaestor to him.
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AR Denarius (3.80 g, 5h). Rome mint. Front: Diana wearing
cruciform earring and double necklace of pearls and pendants, and
jewels in hair pulled into a knot; crescent above, lituus behind.
Reverse: Sulla seated on a raised sea with a bound Jugurtha kneeling
beside him; before him kneels Bocchus, offering an olive-branch.
The coin portrays Sulla's first great victory, in which he ended the
Jugurthine War.
Under Marius, the Roman forces followed a very
similar plan as under Metellus and ultimately defeated
the Numidians in 106 BC, thanks in large part to Sulla's
initiative in capturing the Numidian king. He had
persuaded Jugurtha's father-in-law, King Bocchus I of
Mauretania (a nearby kingdom), to betray Jugurtha who
had fled to Mauretania for refuge. It was a dangerous
operation from the first, with King Bocchus weighing
up the advantages of handing Jugurtha over to Sulla or
Sulla over to Jugurtha.
[6]
The publicity attracted by this
feat boosted Sulla's political career. Much to the
annoyance of Marius, a gilded equestrian statue of
Sulla donated by King Bocchus was erected in the
Forum to commemorate his accomplishment. Sulla was
acclaimed for the bloodless end of the war, gaining his first victory and the eternal enmity of Marius.
Cimbri and the Teutones
Main article: Cimbrian War
The migrations of Cimbri and Teutones.
Cimbri and Teutons defeats.
Cimbri and Teutons victories.
In 104 BC, the migrating Germanic-Celtic
alliance headed by the Cimbri and the
Teutones seemed to be heading for Italy. As
Marius was the best general Rome had, the
Senate allowed him to lead the campaign
against them. Sulla served on Marius' staff
as tribunus militum during the first half of
this campaign. Finally, with those of his
colleague, proconsul Quintus Lutatius
Catulus, Marius' forces faced the enemy
tribes at the Battle of Vercellae in 101 BC.
Sulla had by this time transferred to the
army of Catulus to serve as his legatus, and
is credited as being the prime mover in the
defeat of the tribes (Catulus being a
hopeless general and quite incapable of
cooperating with Marius). Victorious at
Vercellae, Marius and Catulus were both
granted triumphs as the co-commanding
generals.
Cilician governorship
Returning to Rome, Sulla was Praetor urbanus for 97 BC.
[7]
The next year he was appointed pro consule to the
province of Cilicia (in Anatolia). While in the East, Sulla was the first Roman magistrate to meet a Parthian
ambassador, Orobazus, and by taking the seat between the Parthian ambassador and the ambassador from Pontus
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(the centre seat being the place of honour), he sealed, perhaps unintentionally, the Parthian ambassador's fate.
Orobazus was executed upon his return to Parthia for allowing Sulla to outmanoeuvre him. It was at this meeting he
was told by a Chaldean seer that he would die at the height of his fame and fortune. This prophecy was to have a
powerful hold on Sulla throughout his lifetime. In 96 BC Sulla repulsed Tigranes the Great of Armenia from
Cappadocia. Later in 96 BC Sulla left the East and returned to Rome, where he aligned himself with the Optimates in
opposition to Gaius Marius.
Social War
The Social War (9188 BC) resulted from Rome's intransigence regarding the civil liberties of the Socii, Rome's
Italian allies. The Socii were old enemies of Rome that submitted, (such as the Samnites) whereas the Latins were
confederates of longer standing with Rome; therefore the Latins were given more respect and better treatment.
[8]
Subjects of the Roman Republic, these Italian provincials might be called to arms in its defence or might be
subjected to extraordinary taxes, but they had no say in the expenditure of these taxes or in the uses of the armies that
might be raised in their territories. The Social War was, in part, caused by the continued rebuttal of those who sought
to extend Roman citizenship to the Socii and to address various injustices inherent in the Roman system. The
Gracchi, Tiberius and Gaius, were successively killed by optimate supporters who sought to maintain the status quo.
The assassination of Marcus Livius Drusus the Younger, whose reforms were intended not only to strengthen the
position of the Senate but also to grant Roman Citizenship to the allies, greatly angered the Socii. In consequence,
most allied against Rome, leading to the outbreak of the Social War.
At the beginning of the Social War, the Roman aristocracy and Senate were beginning to fear Gaius Marius's
ambition, which had already given him 6 consulships (including 5 in a row, from 104 BC to 100 BC). They were
determined that he should not have overall command of the war in Italy. In this last rebellion of the Italian allies,
Sulla outshone both Marius and the consul Gnaeus Pompeius Strabo (the father of Pompey). In 89 BC Sulla captured
Aeclanum, the chief town of the Hirpini, by setting the wooden breastwork on fire. As a result of his success in
bringing the Social War to a successful conclusion, he was elected consul for the first time in 88 BC, with Quintus
Pompeius Rufus (soon his daughter's father-in-law) as his colleague.
Sulla served exceptionally as a general during the Social War. At Nola he was awarded a Corona Obsidionalis
(Obsidional or Blockade Crown), also known as a Corona Graminea (Grass Crown). This was the highest Roman
military honour, awarded for personal bravery to a commander who saves a Roman legion or army in the field.
Unlike all other Roman military honours, it was awarded by acclamation of the soldiers of the rescued army, and
consequently very few were ever awarded. The crown, by tradition, was woven from grasses and other plants taken
from the actual battlefield.
First march on Rome
Further information: Sulla's first civil war
As consul, Sulla prepared to depart once more for the East, to fight the first Mithridatic War, by the appointment of
the Senate. But he would leave trouble behind him. Marius was now an old man, but he still wanted to lead the
Roman armies against King Mithridates VI of Pontus. Before leaving for the East, Sulla and his colleague Quintus
Pompeius Rufus blocked legislation of the tribune Publius Sulpicius Rufus to ensure the rapid organisation of the
Italian Allies within the Roman citizenship. When Sulpicius found an ally in Marius who would support the bill, he
had his supporters riot. Sulla returned to Rome from the siege at Nola to meet with Pompeius Rufus; however,
Sulpicius' followers attacked the meeting, forcing Sulla to take refuge in Marius' house, who then forced him to
support Sulpicius' pro-Italian legislation. Sulla's own son-in-law was killed in those riots. After Sulla left Rome again
for Nola, Sulpicius (after receiving a promise from Marius to wipe out his enormous debts) called an assembly to
reverse the Senate's decision on Sulla's command, transferring it to Marius. Sulpicius also used the assemblies to
eject Senators from the Roman Senate until there were not enough senators to form a quorum. Violence in the Forum
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ensued, some nobles tried to lynch Sulpicius (as had been done to the brothers Gracchi, and to Saturninus) but failed
in the face of his bodyguard of gladiators.
Sulla received news of this at the camp of his victorious Social War veterans, waiting in the south of Italy to cross to
Greece. He announced the measures that had been taken against him, and his soldiers stoned the envoys of the
assemblies who came to announce that the command of the Mithridatic War had been transferred to Marius. Sulla
then took six of his most loyal legions and marched on Rome. This was an unprecedented event. No general before
him had ever crossed the city limits, the pomoerium, with his army. Most of his commanders (with the exception of
his kinsman through marriage Lucullus) refused to accompany him. Sulla justified his actions on the grounds that the
Senate had been neutered and the mos maiorum ("the way of the elders"/"the traditional way", which amounted to a
Roman constitution though none of it was codified as such) had been offended by the Senate's negation of the rights
of the year's consuls to fight the year's wars. Armed gladiators were unable to resist organized Roman soldiers; and
although Marius offered freedom to any slave that would fight with him against Sulla (an offer which Plutarch says
only three slaves accepted)
[9]
he and his followers were forced to flee the city.
Sulla consolidated his position, declared Marius and his allies hostes (enemies of the state), and addressed the Senate
in harsh tones, portraying himself as a victim, presumably to justify his violent entrance into the city. After
restructuring the city's politics and strengthening the Senate's power, Sulla returned to his camp and proceeded with
the original plan of fighting Mithridates in Pontus.
Sulpicius was betrayed and killed by one of his slaves, whom Sulla subsequently freed and then executed (being
freed for the information leading to Sulpicius' death, but sentenced to death for betraying his master). Marius,
however, fled to safety in Africa. With Sulla out of Rome, Marius plotted his return. During his period of exile
Marius became determined that he would hold a seventh consulship, as foretold by the Sibyl decades earlier. By the
end of 87 BC Marius returned to Rome with the support of Lucius Cornelius Cinna and, in Sulla's absence, took
control of the city. Marius declared Sulla's reforms and laws invalid and officially exiled Sulla. Marius and Cinna
were elected consuls for the year 86 BC. Marius died a fortnight after, and Cinna was left in sole control of Rome.
First Mithridatic War
Main article: First Mithridatic War
Asia Minor just before the First Mithridatic War
In the spring of 87 BC Sulla landed at
Dyrrachium, in Illyria. Asia was
occupied by the forces of Mithridates
under the command of Archelaus.
Sullas first target was Athens, ruled by
a Mithridatic puppet; the tyrant
Aristion. Sulla moved southeast,
picking up supplies and reinforcements
as he went. Sullas chief of staff was
Lucullus, who went ahead of him to
scout the way and negotiate with
Bruttius Sura, the existing Roman
commander in Greece. After speaking
with Lucullus, Sura handed over the command of his troops to Sulla. At Chaeronea, ambassadors from all the major
cities of Greece (except Athens) met with Sulla, who impressed on them Rome's determination to drive Mithridates
from Greece and Asia Province. Sulla then advanced on Athens.
200
Siege of Athens
On arrival, Sulla threw up siege works encompassing not only Athens but also the port of Piraeus. At the time
Archelaus had command of the sea, so Sulla sent Lucullus to raise a fleet from the remaining Roman allies in the
eastern Mediterranean. His first objective was Piraeus, as without it Athens could not be re-supplied. Huge
earthworks were raised, isolating Athens and its port from the land side. Sulla needed wood, so he cut down
everything, including the sacred groves of Greece, up to 100 miles from Athens. When more money was needed he
took from temples and Sibyls alike. The currency minted from this treasure was to remain in circulation for centuries
and was prized for its quality.
Despite the complete encirclement of Athens and its port, and several attempts by Archelaus to raise the siege, a
stalemate seemed to have developed. Sulla, however, patiently bided his time. Soon Sulla's camp was to fill with
refugees from Rome, fleeing the massacres of Marius and Cinna. These also included his wife and children, as well
as those of the Optimate party who had not been killed.
Athens by now was starving, and grain was at famine levels in price. Inside the city, the population was reduced to
eating shoe leather and grass. A delegation from Athens was sent to treat with Sulla, but instead of serious
negotiations they expounded on the glory of their city. Sulla sent them away saying: I was sent to Athens, not to
take lessons, but to reduce rebels to obedience.
His spies then informed him that Aristion was neglecting the Heptachalcum (part of the city wall). Sulla immediately
sent sappers to undermine the wall. Nine hundred feet of wall was brought down between the Sacred and Piraeic
gates on the southwest side of the city. A midnight sack of Athens began, and after the taunts of Aristion, Sulla was
not in a mood to be magnanimous. Blood was said to have literally flowed in the streets, it was only after the
entreaties of a couple of his Greek friends (Midias and Calliphon) and the pleas of the Roman Senators in his camp
that Sulla decided enough was enough. He then concentrated his forces on the Port of Piraeus, and Archelaus, seeing
his hopeless situation, withdrew to the citadel and then abandoned the port to join up with his forces under the
command of Taxiles. Sulla, as yet not having a fleet, was powerless to prevent Archelaus escape. Before leaving
Athens, he burnt the port to the ground. Sulla then advanced into Boeotia to take on Archelaus's armies and remove
them from Greece.
Battle of Chaeronea
Main article: Battle of Chaeronea (86 BC)
Sulla lost no time in intercepting the Pontic army, occupying a hill called Philoboetus that branched off Mount
Parnassus, overlooking the Elatean plain, with plentiful supplies of wood and water. The army of Archelaus,
presently commanded by Taxiles, had to approach from the north and proceed along the valley towards Chaeronea.
Over 120,000 strong, it outnumbered Sulla's forces by at least 3 to 1. Archelaus was in favour of a policy of attrition
with the Roman forces, but Taxiles had orders from Mithridates to attack at once. Sulla got his men digging, and
occupied the ruined city of Parapotamii, which was impregnable and commanded the fords on the road to Chaeronea.
He then made a move that looked to Archelaus like a retreat. He abandoned the fords and moved in behind an
entrenched palisade. Behind the palisade were the field artillery from the siege of Athens.
Archelaus advanced across the fords and tried to outflank Sullas men, only to have his right wing hurled back,
causing great confusion in the Pontic army. Archelauss chariots then charged the Roman centre, only to be
destroyed on the palisades. Next came the phalanxes: they too found the palisades impassable, and received
withering fire from the Roman field artillery. Then Archelaus flung his right wing at the Roman left; Sulla, seeing
the danger of this manoeuvre, raced over from the Roman right wing to help. Sulla stabilized the situation, at which
point Archelaus flung in more troops from his right flank. This destabilized the Pontic army, slewing it towards its
right flank. Sulla dashed back to his own right wing and ordered the general advance. The legions, supported by
cavalry, dashed forward and Archelaus army folded in on itself, like closing a pack of cards. The slaughter was
terrible, and some reports estimate that only 10,000 men of Mithridates' original army survived. Sulla had defeated a
201
vastly superior force in terms of numbers.
Battle of Orchomenus
Main article: Battle of Orchomenus
The government of Rome (i.e., Cinna) then sent out Lucius Valerius Flaccus with an army to relieve Sulla of
command in the east. Flaccus' second in command was Gaius Flavius Fimbria, who had few virtues. (He was to
eventually agitate against his commanding officer and incite the troops to murder Flaccus). The two Roman armies
camped next to each other; and Sulla, not for the first time, encouraged his soldiers to spread dissension among
Flaccus army. Many deserted to Sulla before Flaccus packed up and moved on north to threaten Mithridates
northern dominions. In the meantime, Sulla moved to intercept the new Pontic army.
He chose the site of the battle to come Orchomenus, a town in Boeotia that allowed a smaller army to meet a
much larger one, due to its natural defences, and was ideal terrain for Sulla's innovative use of entrenchment. This
time the Pontic army was in excess of 150,000, and it encamped itself in front of the busy Roman army, next to a
large lake. It soon dawned on Archelaus what Sulla was up to. Sulla had not only been digging trenches but also
dikes, and before long he had the Pontic army in deep trouble. Desperate sallies by the Pontic forces were repulsed
by the Romans and the dikes moved onward.
On the second day, Archelaus made a determined effort to escape Sullas web of dikesthe entire Pontic army was
hurled at the Romansbut the Roman legionaries were pressed together so tightly that their short swords were like
an impenetrable barrier, through which the enemy could not escape. The battle turned into a rout, with slaughter on
an immense scale. Plutarch notes that two hundred years later, armour and weapons from the battle were still being
found. The battle of Orchomenus was another of the world's decisive battles. It determined that the fate of Asia
Minor lay with Rome and her successors for the next millennium.
Sulla's Victory and settlement
In 86 BC, after Sulla's victory in Orchomenos, he initially spent some time re-establishing Roman authority. His
legate soon arrived with the fleet he was sent to gather, and Sulla was ready to recapture lost Greek islands before
crossing into Asia Minor. The second Roman army under the command of Flaccus meanwhile moved through
Macedonia and into Asia Minor. After the capture of Philippi, remaining Mithridatic forces crossed the Hellespont to
get away from the Romans. The Romans under Fimbria were encouraged to loot and create general havoc as it went,
creating problems between Flaccus and Fimbria. Flaccus was a fairly strict disciplinarian and the behaviour of his
lieutenant led to discord between the two.
At some point as this army crossed the Hellespont while giving chase to Mithridates' forces, Fimbria seems to have
started a rebellion against Flaccus. While seemingly minor enough to not cause immediate repercussions in the field,
Fimbria was relieved of his duty and ordered back to Rome. The return trip included a stop at the port city of
Byzantium, however, and here Fimbria took command of the garrison, rather than continue home. Flaccus, hearing
of this, marched his army to Byzantium to put a stop to the rebellion, but walked right into his own undoing. The
army preferred Fimbria (not surprising considering his leniency in regard to plunder) and a general revolt ensued.
Flaccus attempted to flee, but was captured shortly after and the Consular commander was executed. With Flaccus
out of the way, Fimbria took complete command.
The following year (85 BC) Fimbria took the fight to Mithridates while Sulla continued to operate in the Greek
Islands of the Aegean. Fimbria quickly won a decisive victory over remaining Mithridatic forces and moved on the
capital of Pergamum. With all vestige of hope crumbling for Mithridates, he fled Pergamum to the coastal city of
Pitane. Fimbria, in pursuit, laid siege to the town, but had no fleet to prevent Mithridates' escape by sea. Fimbria
called upon Sulla's legate, Lucullus to bring his fleet around to block Mithridates in, but it seems that Sulla had other
plans.
202
Sulla apparently had been in private negotiation with Mithridates to end the war. He wanted to develop easy terms
and get the ordeal over as quickly as possible. The quicker it was dealt with, the faster he would be able to settle
political matters in Rome. With this in mind, Lucullus and his navy refused to help Fimbria, and Mithridates
'escaped' to Lesbos. Later at Dardanus, Sulla and Mithridates met personally to negotiate terms. With Fimbria
re-establishing Roman hegemony over the cities of Asia Minor, Mithridates position was completely untenable. Yet
Sulla, with his eyes on Rome, offered uncharacteristically mild terms. Mithridates was forced to give up all his
conquests (which Sulla and Fimbria had already managed to take back by force), surrender any Roman prisoners,
provide a 70 ship fleet to Sulla along with supplies, and pay a tribute of 2,000 to 3,000 gold talents. In exchange,
Mithridates was able to keep his original kingdom and territory and regain his title of "friend of the Roman people."
But things in the east weren't yet settled. Fimbria was enjoying free rein in the province of Asia and led a cruel
oppression of both those who were involved against Romans, and those who were now in support of Sulla. Unable to
leave a potentially dangerous army in his rear, Sulla crossed into Asia. He pursued Fimbria to his camp at Thyatira
where Fimbria was confident in his ability to repulse an attack. Fimbria, however, soon found that his men wanted
nothing to do with opposing Sulla and many deserted or refused to fight in the coming battle. Sensing all was lost,
Fimbria took his own life, while his army went over to Sulla.
To ensure the loyalty of both Fimbria's troops and his own veterans, who weren't happy about the easy treatment of
their enemy, Mithridates, Sulla now started to penalize the province of Asia. His veterans were scattered throughout
the province and allowed to extort the wealth of local communities. Large fines were placed on the province for lost
taxes during their rebellion and the cost of the war.
As the year 84 BC began, Cinna, still Consul in Rome, was faced with minor disturbances among Illyrian tribes.
Perhaps in an attempt to gain experience for an army to act as a counter to Sulla's forces, or to show Sulla that the
Senate also had some strength of its own, Cinna raised an army to deal with this Illyrian problem. Conveniently the
source of the disturbance was located directly between Sulla and another march on Rome. Cinna pushed his men
hard to move to position in Illyria and forced marches through snow covered mountains did little to endear Cinna to
his army. A short time after departing Rome, Cinna was stoned to death by his own men. Hearing of Cinna's death,
and the ensuing power gap in Rome, Sulla gathered his forces and prepared for a second march on the capital.
Second march on Rome
Further information: Sulla's second civil war
In 83 BC Sulla prepared his 5 legions and left the 2 originally under Fimbria to maintain peace in Asia Minor. In the
spring of that year, Sulla crossed the Adriatic with a large fleet from Patrae, west of Corinth, to Brundisium and
Tarentum in the heel of Italy. Landing uncontested, he had ample opportunity to prepare for the coming war.
In Rome the newly elected consuls, L. Cornelius Scipio Asiaticus (Asiagenus) and C. Norbanus levied and prepared
armies of their own to stop Sulla and protect the Republican government. Norbanus marched first with the intention
of blocking a Sullan advance at Canusium. Seriously defeated, Norbanus was forced to retreat to Capua where there
was no respite. Sulla followed his defeated adversary and won another victory in a very short time. Meanwhile
Asiagenus was also on the march south with an army of his own. Asiagenus or his army, however, seemed to have
little motivation to fight. At the town of Teanum Sidicinum, Sulla and Asiagenus met face to face to negotiate and
Asiagenus surrendered without a fight. The army sent to stop Sulla wavered in the face of battle against experienced
veterans, and certainly along with the prodding of Sulla's operatives, gave up the cause, going over to Sulla's side as
a result. Left without an army, Asiagenus had little choice but to cooperate and later writings of Cicero suggest that
the two men actually discussed many matters regarding Roman government and the Constitution.
Sulla let Asiagenus leave the camp, firmly believing him to be a supporter. He was possibly expected to deliver
terms to the Senate, but immediately rescinded any thought of supporting Sulla upon being set free. Sulla later made
it publicly known that not only would Asiagenus suffer for opposing him, but that any man who continued to oppose
him after this betrayal would suffer bitter consequences. With Sulla's three quick victories, though, the situation
203
began to rapidly turn in his favour. Many of those in a position of power, who had not yet taken a clear side, now
chose to support Sulla. The first of these was Q. Caecilius Metellus Pius who governed Africa. The old enemy of
Marius, and assuredly of Cinna as well, led an open revolt against the Marian forces in Africa. Additional help came
from Picenum and Spain. Two of the three future triumvirs joined Sulla's cause in his bid to take control. Marcus
Licinius Crassus marched with an army from Spain, and would later play a pivotal role at the Colline Gates. The
young son of Pompeius Strabo (the butcher of Asculum during the Social War), Pompey, raised an army of his own
from among his father's veterans and threw his lot in with Sulla. At the age of 23, and never having held a senatorial
office, Pompey forced himself into the political scene with an army at his back.
Regardless, the war would continue on with Asiagenus raising another army in defence. This time he moved after
Pompey, but once again, his army abandoned him and went over to the enemy. As a result, desperation followed in
Rome as the year 83 came to a close. The Senate re-elected Cinna's old co-Consul, Papirius Carbo, to his third term,
and Gaius Marius the Younger, the 26-year-old son of the dead consul, to his first. Hoping to inspire Marian
supporters throughout the Roman world, recruiting began in earnest among the Italian tribes who had always been
loyal to Marius. In addition, possible Sullan supporters were murdered. The urban praetor L. Junius Brutus
Damasippus led a slaughter of those senators who seemed to lean towards the invading forces, yet one more incident
of murder in a growing spiral of violence as a political tool in the late Republic.
As the campaign year of 82 BC opened, Carbo took his forces to the north to oppose Pompey while Marius moved
against Sulla in the south. Attempts to defeat Pompey failed and Metellus with his African forces along with Pompey
secured northern Italy for Sulla. In the South, young Marius gathered a large host of Samnites who assuredly would
lose influence with the anti-popular Sulla in charge of Rome. Marius met Sulla at Sacriportus and the two forces
engaged in a long and desperate battle. In the end, many of Marius' men switched sides over to Sulla and he had no
choice but to retreat to Praeneste. Sulla followed the son of his arch-rival and laid siege to the town, leaving a
subordinate in command. Sulla himself moved north to push Carbo, who had withdrawn to Etruria to stand between
Rome and the forces of Pompey and Metellus.
Indecisive battles were fought between Carbo and Sulla's forces but Carbo knew that his cause was lost. News
arrived of a defeat by Norbanus in Gaul, and that he also switched sides to Sulla. Carbo, caught between three enemy
armies and with no hope of relief, fled to Africa. It was not yet the end of the resistance however, those remaining
Marian forces gathered together and attempted several times to relieve young Marius at Praeneste. A Samnite force
under Pontius Telesinus joined in the relief effort but the combined armies were still unable to break Sulla. Rather
than continue trying to rescue Marius, Telesinus moved north to threaten Rome.
On November 1 of 82 BC, the two forces met at the battle of the Colline Gate, just outside of Rome. The battle was a
huge and desperate final struggle with both sides certainly believing their own victory would save Rome. Sulla was
pushed hard on his left flank with the situation so dangerous that he and his men were pushed right up against the
city walls. Crassus' forces, fighting on Sulla's right however, managed to turn the opposition's flank and drive them
back. The Samnites and the Marian forces were folded up and broke. In the end, over 50,000 combatants lost their
lives and Sulla stood alone as the master of Rome.
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Dictatorship and Constitutional Reforms
Main article: Constitutional Reforms of Lucius Cornelius Sulla
Lucius Cornelius Sulla - a denarius portrait issued
by his grandson.
At the end of 82 BC or the beginning of 81 BC, the Senate appointed
Sulla dictator legibus faciendis et reipublicae constituendae causa
("dictator for the making of laws and for the settling of the
constitution"). The decision was subsequently ratified by the
"Assembly of the People", with no limit set on his time in office. Sulla
had total control of the city and republic of Rome, except for Hispania
(which Marius's general Quintus Sertorius had established as an
independent state). This unusual appointment (used hitherto only in
times of extreme danger to the city, such as the Second Punic War, and
then only for 6-month periods) represented an exception to Rome's
policy of not giving total power to a single individual. Sulla can be
seen as setting the precedent for Julius Caesar's dictatorship, and the
eventual end of the Republic under Augustus.
In total control of the city and its affairs, Sulla instituted a program of executing those whom he perceived to be
enemies of the state. Plutarch describes in Life of Sulla (XXXI) "Sulla now began to make blood flow, and he filled
the city with deaths without number or limit" further alleging that many of the murdered victims had nothing to do
with Sulla, though Sulla killed them to "please his adherents".
"Sulla immediately proscribed eighty persons without communicating with any magistrate. As this caused a general
murmur, he let one day pass, and then proscribed two hundred and twenty more, and again on the third day as many.
In an harangue to the people, he said, with reference to these measures, that he had proscribed all he could think of,
and as to those who now escaped his memory, he would proscribe them at some future time." -Plutarch, Life of Sulla
(XXXI)
The proscriptions are widely perceived as a response to similar killings which Marius and Cinna had implemented
while they were in control of the Republic during Sulla's absence. Proscribing or outlawing every one of those whom
he perceived to have acted against the best interests of the Republic while he was in the east, Sulla ordered some
1,500 nobles (i.e., senators and equites) executed, although it is estimated that as many as 9,000 people were
killed.
[10]
The purge went on for several months. Helping or sheltering a person who was proscribed was also
punishable by death. The State confiscated the wealth of the outlawed and then auctioned it off, making Sulla and his
supporters vastly rich. The sons and grandsons of the proscribed were banned from future political office, a
restriction not removed for over 30 years.
The young Caesar, as Cinna's son-in-law, was one of Sulla's targets and fled the city. He was saved through the
efforts of his relatives, many of whom were Sulla's supporters, but Sulla noted in his memoirs that he regretted
sparing Caesar's life, because of the young man's notorious ambition. The historian Suetonius records that when
agreeing to spare Caesar, Sulla warned those who were pleading his case that he would become a danger to them in
the future, saying "In this Caesar there are many Mariuses."
[11][12]
Sulla, who opposed the Grachian popularis reforms, was an Optimate; though his coming to the side of the
traditional Senate, originally could be described as more reactionary when dealing with the Tribunate and legislative
bodies, while more visionary when reforming the court system, governorships and membership of the Senate.
[13]
As
such, he sought to strengthen the aristocracy, and thus the Senate. Sulla retained his earlier reforms, which required
senatorial approval before any bill could be submitted to the Plebeian Council (the principal popular assembly), and
which had also restored the older, more aristocratic "Servian" organization to the Century Assembly (assembly of
soldiers).
[14]
Sulla, himself a Patrician and thus ineligible for election to the office of Plebeian Tribune, thoroughly
205
disliked the office. As Sulla viewed the office, the Tribunate was especially dangerous and his intention was to not
only deprive the Tribunate of power, but also of prestige. Sulla himself had been officially deprived of his eastern
command through the underhand activities of a tribune. Over the previous three hundred years, the tribunes directly
challenged the Patrician class and attempted to deprive it of power in favor of the Plebeian class. Through his
reforms to the Plebeian Council, tribunes lost the power to initiate legislation. Sulla then prohibited ex-tribunes from
ever holding any other office, so ambitious individuals would no longer seek election to the Tribunate, since such an
election would end their political career.
[15]
Finally, Sulla revoked the power of the tribunes to veto acts of the
Senate, although he left intact the tribunes' power to protect individual Roman citizens.
Sulla then increased the number of magistrates who were elected in any given year, and required that all newly
elected quaestors be given automatic membership in the Senate. These two reforms were enacted primarily to allow
Sulla to increase the size of the Senate from 300 to 600 senators. This also removed the need for the censor to draw
up a list of senators, since there were always more than enough former magistrates to fill the senate. To further
solidify the prestige and authority of the Senate, Sulla transferred the control of the courts from the equites, who had
held control since the Gracchi reforms, to the senators. This, along with the increase in the number of courts, further
added to the power that was already held by the senators. He also codified, and thus established definitively, the
cursus honorum, which required an individual to reach a certain age and level of experience before running for any
particular office. Sulla also wanted to reduce the risk that a future general might attempt to seize power, as he
himself had done. To reduce this risk, he reaffirmed the requirement that any individual wait for ten years before
being reelected to any office. Sulla then established a system where all consuls and praetors served in Rome during
their year in office, and then commanded a provincial army as a governor for the year after they left office.
Finally, in a demonstration of his absolute power, he expanded the "Pomerium", the sacred boundary of Rome,
untouched since the time of the kings.
[16]
Many of Sulla's reforms looked to the past (often re-passing former laws),
but he also regulated for the future, particularly in his redefinition of maiestas (treason) laws and his reformation of
the Senate.
Near the end of 81 BC, Sulla, true to his traditionalist sentiments, resigned his dictatorship, disbanded his legions
and re-established normal consular government. He also stood for (with Metellus Pius) and was elected consul for
the following year, 80 BC. He dismissed his lictors and walked unguarded in the Forum, offering to give account of
his actions to any citizen.
[17][18]
In a manner that the historian Suetonius thought arrogant, Julius Caesar would later
mock Sulla for resigning the Dictatorship.
[19]
Retirement and death
After his second consulship, he withdrew to his country villa near Puteoli to be with family. Plutarch states in his
"Life of Sulla" that he retired with his wife, and his long-time male lover, Metrobius. Plutarch mentions that
"although Metrobius was past the age of youthful bloom, Sulla remained to the end of his life in love with him, and
made no secret of the fact". From this distance, Sulla remained out of the day-to-day political activities in Rome,
intervening only a few times when his policies were involved (e.g., The Granius episodeWikipedia:Citation needed).
Sulla's goal now was to write his memoirs, which he finished in 78 BC, just before his death. They are now largely
lost, although fragments from them exist as quotations in later writers. Ancient accounts of Sulla's death indicate that
he died from liver failure or a ruptured gastric ulcer (symptomised by a sudden haemorrhage from his mouth
followed by a fever from which he never recovered) possibly caused by chronic alcohol abuse.
[20][21]
His funeral in
Rome (at Roman Forum, in the presence of the whole city) was on a scale unmatched until that of Augustus in AD
14. His epitaph reads "No friend ever served me, and no enemy ever wronged me, whom I have not repaid in
full".
[22]
206
Sulla's legacy
Even though Sulla's laws concerning qualification for admittance to the Senate, reform of the legal system and
regulations of governorships, among others, remained on Rome's statutes long into the Principate, some of his
legislation was repealed less than a decade after his death. The veto power of the tribunes and their legislating
authority were soon reinstated, ironically during the consulships of Pompey and Crassus. However, Sulla failed to
frame a settlement whereby the army (following the Marian reforms allowing non-landowning soldiery) remained
loyal to the Senate rather than to generals such as himself. That he tried shows he was well aware of the danger. He
did pass laws to limit the actions of generals in their provinces (laws that remained in effect well into the imperial
period). They did not, however, prevent determined generals such as Pompey and Julius Caesar from using their
armies for personal ambition against the Senate. This highlighted the weakness of the Senate in the late republican
period and its inability to control its most ambitious members.
Sulla is generally seen to have provided the example that led Caesar to cross the Rubicon, and also provided the
inspiration for Caesar's eventual Dictatorship. Cicero comments that Pompey once said "If Sulla could, why can't I?".
Sulla's example proved that it could be done, and therefore inspired others to attempt it; and in this respect, he has
been seen as another step in the Republic's fall.
Sulla's descendants continued to be prominent in Roman politics into the imperial period. His son, Faustus Cornelius
Sulla, issued denarii bearing the name of the dictator, as did a grandson, Quintus Pompeius Rufus. His descendants
among the Cornelii Sullae would hold four consulships during the imperial period: Lucius Cornelius Sulla in 5 BC,
Faustus Cornelius Sulla in AD 31, Lucius Cornelius Sulla Felix in AD 33, and Faustus Cornelius Sulla Felix (the son
of the consul of 31) in AD 52. The latter was the husband of Claudia Antonia, daughter of the emperor Claudius. His
execution in AD 62 on the orders of emperor Nero would make him the last of the Cornelii Sullae.
Cultural references
The dictator is the subject of four Italian operas,two of which take considerable liberties with history: Lucio Silla
by Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart and the Silla by George Frideric Handel. In each he is portrayed as a bloody,
womanizing, ruthless tyrant who eventually repents his ways and steps down from the throne of Rome.Also wrote
operas on this subject Pasquale Anfossi and Johann Christian Bach.
Sulla is an important character in the first three Masters of Rome novels of Colleen McCullough. Sulla is depicted
as ruthless and amoral, very self-assured, personally brave, and charming, especially with women. His charm and
ruthlessness make him a valuable aide to Gaius Marius. Sullas desire to move out of the shadow of aging Marius
eventually leads to civil war. Sulla softened considerably after the birth of his son and was devastated when he
died at a young age. The novels depict Sulla full of regrets about having had to put aside his homosexual
relationship with a Greek actor to take up his public career.
Sulla is played by Richard Harris in the 2002 miniseries Julius Caesar.
Lucius Cornelius Sulla is also a character in the first book of the Emperor novels by Conn Iggulden, which are
centred around the lives of Gaius Julius Caesar and Marcus Brutus.
Sulla is a major character in Roman Blood, the first of the Roma Sub Rosa mystery novels by Steven Saylor.
Empire Earth, a computer game/RTS based somewhat on historical accounts, has battles depicting the second
march on Rome. In this game Sulla loses.
207
Marriages and children
First wife, "Ilia" (according to Plutarch). If Plutarch's text is to be amended to "Julia", then she is likely to have
been one of the Julias related to Julius Caesar, most likely Julia Caesaris, Caesar's first-cousin once-removed.
[23]
Cornelia, married first Quintus Pompeius Rufus the Younger and later Mamercus Aemilius Lepidus Livianus;
mother of Pompeia (second wife of Julius Caesar) with the former.
Lucius Cornelius Sulla, died young
Second wife, Aelia.
Third wife, Cloelia. Sulla divorced her due to sterility.
Fourth wife, Caecilia Metella
Faustus Cornelius Sulla
Cornelia Fausta, married first to Gaius Memmius (praetor in 58 BC), then later to Titus Annius Milo (praetor
in 54 BC). Mother of Gaius Memmius, suffect consul in 34 BC.
Fifth wife, Valeria
Cornelia Postuma (born after Sulla's death)
Appearance
Sulla was blond, blue-eyed, and had a white face covered with red marks.
[24]
Plutarch, the ancient historian, notes
that Sulla considered that "his golden head of hair gave him a singular appearance."
Chronology
c. 138 BC Born in Rome
107-05 BC Quaestor and pro quaestore to Gaius Marius in the war with Jugurtha in Numidia
106 BC End of Jugurthine War
104 BC legatus to Marius cos.II in Gallia Transalpina
103 BC tribunus militum in army of Marius cos.III in Gallia Transalpina
102-01 BC legatus to Quintus Lutatius Catulus consul and pro consule in Gallia Cisalpina
101 BC took part in the defeat of the Cimbri at the battle of Vercellae
97 BC Praetor urbanus
96 BC Commander of Cilicia province pro consule
90-89 BC senior officer in the Social War as legatus pro praetore
88 BC
Holds the consulship (for the first time) with Quintus Pompeius Rufus as colleague
Invades Rome and outlaws Gaius Marius
87 BC Command of Roman armies to fight King Mithridates of Pontus
86 BC Sack of Athens, Battle of Chaeronea, Battle of Orchomenus
85 BC Liberation of Macedonia, Asia and Cilicia provinces from Pontic occupation
84 BC Reorganization of Asia province
83 BC Returns to Italy and undertakes civil war against the factional Marian government
83-82 BC War with the followers of Gaius Marius the Younger and Cinna
82 BC Victory at the Battle of the Colline Gate
82/1 BC Appointed "dictator legibus faciendis et rei publicae constituendae causa"
81 BC Resigns the dictatorship before the end of the year
80 BC Holds the consulship (for the second time) with Quintus Caecilius Metellus Pius as colleague
79 BC Retires from political life, refusing the post consulatum provincial command of Gallia Cisalpina he was
allotted as consul, but retaining the curatio for the reconstruction of the temples on the Capitoline Hill
208
78 BC Dies, perhaps of an intestinal ulcer. Funeral held in Rome
Notes
[1] LCORNELIVSLFPNSVLLAFELIX in Latin inscriptions, the meaning in English is "Lucius Cornelius Sulla, son of Lucius, grandson
of Publius, the Fortunate." His agnomen Felix the fortunate was attained later in life, as the Latin equivalent of the Greek nickname he
had acquired during his campaigns, epaphroditos, beloved-of-Aphrodite or (to Romans who read Sulla's Greek title) Venus
due to his skill and luck as a general.
[2] cf. The Prince, chapter XVIII
[3] [3] Plutarch: Sulla.
[4] [4] Plutarch: Sulla, Sect 2.
[5] Buck, Comparative grammar of Greek and Latin; Latin spelling in the late Republic is variable. He is generally known as Silla in Italian.
[6] [6] Plutarch: Sulla, Sect 3
[7] [7] Keaveney, p. 30.
[8] [8] Plutarch: "Sulla"
[9] Plutarch,[Life of] Sulla, c.35
[10] Cicero, Anthony Everitt, p.41
[11] Suetonius, The Life of Julius Caesar, 1 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Suetonius/ 12Caesars/ Julius*. html#1)
[12] Plutarch, The Life of Caesar , 1 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Caesar*. html)
[13] [13] Abbott, 104
[14] [14] Abbott, 103
[15] [15] Abbott, 105
[16] LacusCurtius, Pomerium (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Gazetteer/ Places/ Europe/ Italy/ Lazio/ Roma/ Rome/ _Texts/
PLATOP*/ Pomerium.html)
[17] Plutarch, Sulla, 34
[18] Arthur Keaveney, Sulla: The Last Republican, p. 165 (http:/ / books. google. bg/ books?id=Z0Ykf4G40EMC& pg=PA165& lpg=PA165&
dq=sulla+ dismissed+ his+ lictors& source=bl& ots=OfUOGC46Yx& sig=KPnuWvERxa_X2w_z2GgCd3U8r-M& hl=bg& sa=X&
ei=Q0VOT4T8Lq_O4QS9gOn-Ag& ved=0CB4Q6AEwAA#v=onepage& q=sulla dismissed his lictors& f=false)
[19] Suetonius, Julius 77 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Suetonius/ 12Caesars/ Julius*. html#77). "...No less
arrogant were his public utterances, which Titus Ampius records: that the state was nothing, a mere name without body or form; that Sulla did
not know his A. B. C. when he laid down his dictatorship; that men ought now to be more circumspect in addressing him, and to regard his
word as law. So far did he go in his presumption, that when a soothsayer once reported direful inwards without a heart, he said: "They will be
more favourable when I wish it; it should not be regarded as a portent, if a beast has no heart..."
[20] Pliny the elder, (N'H, VII,XLIV) says that "was not the close of his life more horrible than the sufferings which had been experienced by any
of those who had been proscribed by him? His very flesh eating into itself, and so engendering his own punishment."
[21] [21] Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds and Sayings IX.3.8; Plutarch, Sulla 36-37; Appian, Civil Wars I.12.105; A. Keaveney (2005) Sulla:
the Last Republican (2nd edition) p.175.
[22] [22] Heroes of History : A Brief History of Civilization from Ancient Times to the Dawn of the Modern Age (2001) by Will Durant
[23] [23] Keaveney, p. 8
[24] Erik Hildinger, Swords Against the Senate: The Rise of the Roman Army and the Fall of the Republic, Da Capo Press, 2003, p.99
References
Keaveney, Arthur, Sulla: The Last Republican, Routledge; 2 edition (June 23, 2005). ISBN 978-0-415-33660-4.
Further reading
Sulla the Fortunate: Roman general and dictator by G.P. Baker (1927,2001: ISBN 0815411472)
External links
Plutarch's Life of Sulla (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Sulla*. html)
JanusQuirinus.org (http:/ / janusquirinus. org/ essays/ Apollo/ Background/ MS1. html) research site
LuciusCorneliusSylla.fr (http:/ / www. luciuscorneliussylla. fr) research site (French)
209
Political offices
Precededby
Gnaeus Pompeius Strabo
Lucius Porcius Cato
88 BC
With: Quintus Pompeius Rufus
Succeededby
Lucius Cornelius Cinna
Gnaeus Octavius
(Suffect: Lucius Cornelius Merula)
In abeyance
Title last held by
Gaius Servilius Geminus
In 202 BC
82 or 81 BC 81 BC
In abeyance
Title next held by
Julius Caesar
In 49 BC
Precededby
Gnaeus Cornelius
Dolabella
Marcus Tullius Decula
80 BC
With: Quintus Caecilius Metellus Pius
Succeededby
Appius Claudius Pulcher
Publius Servilius Vatia
Cimon
210
Cimon
For other uses, see Cimon (disambiguation).
Cimon
Bust of Cimon in Larnaca, Cyprus
Born c. 510
Athens
Died 450 BC
Citium, Cyprus
Allegiance Athens
Rank Strategos (=general)
Battles/wars Battle of Salamis
Battle of Salamis (in
Cyprus)
Persian Wars
Most important geographical locations during Cimon's life.
Cimon (in Greek, Kimn)
(510, Athens 450 BC, Citium,
Cyprus), was an Athenian statesman
and strategos in mid-5th century BC
Greece, the son of Miltiades, and
victor of the Battle of Marathon.
Cimon played a key role in creating the
powerful Athenian maritime empire
following the failure of the Persian
invasion of Greece by Xerxes I in
480-479 BC. Cimon became a
celebrated military hero and was
elevated to the rank of admiral after fighting in the Battle of Salamis.
Cimon
211
Timeline
One of Cimons greatest exploits was his destruction of a Persian fleet and army at the
Battle of the Eurymedon river in 466 BC. In 462 BC, he led an unsuccessful expedition
to support the Spartans during the helot uprisings. As a result, he was dismissed and
ostracized from Athens in 461 BC; however, he was recalled from his exile before the
end of his ten-year ostracism to broker a five-year peace treaty in 451 BC between Sparta
and Athens. For this participation in pro-Spartan policy, he has often been called a
laconist. Cimon also led the Athenian aristocratic party against Pericles and opposed the
democratic revolution of Ephialtes seeking to retain aristocratic party control over
Athenian institutions.
Early years
Cimon was born into Athenian nobility in 510 BC. He was a member of the Philaidae clan, from the deme of
Laciadae (Lakiadai). His father was the celebrated Athenian general Miltiades and his mother was Hegesipyle,
daughter of the Thracian king Olorus and a relative of the historian Thucydides.
While Cimon was a young man, his father was fined 50 talents after an accusation of treason by the Athenian state.
As Miltiades could not afford to pay this amount, he was put in jail, where he died in 489 BC. Cimon inherited this
debt and had to look after his sister Elpinice. According to Plutarch, the wealthy Callias took advantage of this
situation by proposing to pay the sum if Elpinice would marry him, to which Cimon agreed.
[1][2][3]
Marriage
Cimon later married Isodice, Megacles' granddaughter and a member of the Alcmaeonidae family. Their first
children were twin boys named Lacedaemonius (who would become an Athenian commander) and Eleus. Their third
son was Thessalus (who would become a politician).
Military career
During the Battle of Salamis, Cimon distinguished himself by his bravery. He is mentioned as being a member of an
embassy sent to Sparta in 479 BC.
Between 478 BC and 476 BC, a number of Greek maritime cities around the Aegean Sea did not wish to submit to
Persian control again and offered their allegiance to Athens through Aristides at Delos. There, they formed the
Delian League (also known as the Confederacy of Delos), and it was agreed that Cimon would be their principal
commander.
[4]
As strategos, Cimon commanded most of the Leagues operations until 463 BC. During this period,
he and Aristides drove the Spartans under Pausanias out of Byzantium.
Cimon also captured Eion on the Strymon from the Persian general Boges and established an Athenian colony
nearby called Amphipolis with 10,000 settlers.Wikipedia:Citation needed He also conquered Scyros and drove out
the pirates who were based there.
[5]
On his return, he brought the bones of the mythological Theseus back to
Athens. To celebrate this achievement, three Herma statues were erected around Athens.
Cimon
212
Battle of the Eurymedon
Around 466 BC, Cimon carried the war against Persia into Asia Minor and decisively defeated the Persians at the
Battle of the Eurymedon on the Eurymedon River in Pamphylia. Cimon's land and sea forces captured the Persian
camp and destroyed or captured the entire Persian fleet of 200 triremes manned by Phoenicians. Many new allies of
Athens were then recruited into the Delian League, such as the trading city of Phaselis on the Lycian-Pamphylian
border.
There is a view amongst some historians that while in Asia Minor, Cimon negotiated a peace between the League
and the Persians after his victory at the Battle of the Eurymedon. This may help to explain why the Peace of Callias
negotiated by his brother-in-law in 450 BC is sometimes called the Peace of Cimon as Callias efforts may have led
to a renewal of Cimons earlier treaty. He had served Athens well during the Persian Wars and according to Plutarch:
"In all the qualities that war demands he was fully the equal of Themistocles and his own father Miltiades".
Thracian Chersonesus
After his successes in Asia Minor, Cimon moved to the Thracian colony Chersonesus. There he subdued the local
tribes and ended the revolt of the Thasians between 465 BC and 463 BC. Thasos had revolted from the Delian
League over a trade rivalry with the Thracian hinterland and, in particular, over the ownership of a gold mine.
Athens under Cimon laid siege to Thasos after the Athenian fleet defeated the Thasos fleet. These actions earned him
the enmity of Stesimbrotus of Thasos (a source used by Plutarch in his writings about this period in Greek history).
Trial for Bribery
Despite these successes, Cimon was prosecuted by Pericles for allegedly accepting bribes from Alexander I of
Macedon. During the trial, Cimon said: "Never have I been an Athenian envoy, to any rich kingdom. Instead, I was
proud, attending to the Spartans, whose frugal culture I have always imitated. This proves that I don't desire personal
wealth. Rather, I love enriching our nation, with the booty of our victories." As a result, Elpinice convinced Pericles
not to be too harsh in his criticism of her brother. Cimon was in the end acquitted.
Helot Revolt in Sparta
Cimon was Sparta's Proxenos at Athens, he strongly advocated a policy of cooperation between the two states. He
was known to be so fond of Sparta that he named one of his sons Lacedaemonius.
[6][7]
In 462 BC, Cimon sought the
support of Athens citizens to provide help to Sparta. Although Ephialtes maintained that Sparta was Athens' rival for
power and should be left to fend for itself, Cimon's view prevailed. Cimon then led 4,000 hoplites to Mt. Ithome to
help the Spartan aristocracy deal with a major revolt by its helots. However, this expedition ended in humiliation for
Cimon and for Athens when, after an attempt to storm Mt. Ithome failedWikipedia:Please clarify, the Spartans
expelled Cimon and his army on suspicion of revolutionary tendencies.
Cimon
213
Exile
Pieces of broken pottery (Ostracon) as voting tokens
for ostracism. The persons nominated are Pericles,
Cimon and Aristides, each with his patronymic (top
to bottom).
This insulting rebuff caused the collapse of Cimon's popularity in
Athens. As a result, he was ostracised from Athens for ten years
beginning in 461 BC. The reformer Ephialtes then took the lead in
running Athens and, with the support of Pericles, reduced the power
of the Athenian Council of the Areopagus (filled with ex-archons
and so a stronghold of oligarchy).
Power was transferred to the people, i.e. the Council of Five
Hundred, the Assembly, and the popular law courts. Some of
Cimons policies were reversed including his pro-Spartan policy and
his attempts at peace with Persia. Many ostraka bearing his name
survive; one bearing the spiteful inscription: "Cimon, son of
Miltiades, and Elpinice too" (his haughty sister).
In 458 BC, Cimon sought to return to Athens to assist its fight
against Sparta at Tanagra, but was rebuffed.
Return to Athens
Eventually, around 451 BC, Cimon returned to Athens. Although he
was not allowed to return to the level of power he once enjoyed, he
was able to negotiate on Athens behalf a five-year truce with the
Spartans. Later, with a Persian fleet moving against a rebellious
Cyprus, Cimon proposed an expedition to fight the Persians. He
gained Pericles' support and sailed to Cyprus with two hundred
triremes of the Delian League. From there, he sent sixty ships to
Egypt to help the Egyptians under Amyrtaeus, in the Nile Delta.
Cimon used the remaining ships to aid the uprising of the Cypriot
Greek city-states.
Rebuilding Athens
From his many military exploits, and money gained through the Delian League, Cimon funded many construction
projects throughout Athens. These projects were greatly needed in order to rebuild Athens after its destruction by the
Persians. He ordered: the expanding of the Acropolis, fortifying and expanding the walls around Athens,
construction of public roads,construction of public gardens, and the construction of many political buildings.
Cimon
214
Cyprus and Death of Cimon
Cimon laid siege to the Persian stronghold of Citium on the southwest coast of Cyprus; however, the siege failed and
Cyprus remained under Phoenician (and Persian) control. It was during this siege that Cimon either died or was
killed. He was later buried in Athens where a monument was erected in his memory.
Notes
[1] Plutarch, Lives. Life of Cimon.( University of Calgary (http:/ / www. ucalgary. ca/ ~vandersp/ Courses/ texts/ plutarch/ plutcimo.
html)/Wikisource)
[2] Cornelius Nepos, Lives of Eminent Commanders (http:/ / www. tertullian. org/ fathers/ nepos. htm)
[3] Plutarch, Lives. Life of Themistocles. ( University of Massachusetts (http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ themisto. html)/Wikisource)
[4] Thucydides, The History of the Peloponnesian War. (http:/ / www. gutenberg. org/ etext/ 7142)
[5] Herodotus, The History of Herodotus. (http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ etext/ 2456)
[6] The History of the Peloponnesian War by Thucydides, Donald Lateiner, Richard Crawley page 33 ISBN 0-486-43762-0
[7] [7] Who's who in the Greek world By John Hazel Page 56 ISBN 0-415-12497-2
Further reading
Burn, A. R. (1948). Pericles and Athens. London: English Universities Press.
Kagan, Donald (1969). The outbreak of the Peloponnesian war. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.
ISBN0-8014-0501-7.
Laistner, M. L. W. (1957). A History of the Greek World from 479 to 323 BC. London: Methuen.
McGregor, Malcolm F. (1987). The Athenians and their empire. Vancouver: University of British Columbia
Press. ISBN0-7748-0269-3.
Meiggs, Russell (1973). The Athenian empire. Oxford: Clarendon Press. ISBN0-19-814296-X.
Plutarch (1989). Life of Kimon. A. Blamire, trans. London: Institute of Classical Studies, Univ. of London.
ISBN0-900587-57-1.
Plutarch (1960). The Rise and Fall of Athens: Nine Greek Lives. Ian Scott-Kilvert, trans. Baltimore: Penguin
Books.
Sealey, Raphael (1976). A History of the Greek City States, c 700-338 BC. Berkeley: University of California
Press.
Thucydides (1971). Rex Warner, ed. History of the Peloponnesian War. Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin
Books. ISBN0-14-044039-9.
External links
Cimon of Athens (http:/ / ancienthistory. about. com/ cs/ people/ a/ uc_cimon. htm?terms=cimon), in About.com.
Lucullus
215
Lucullus
Engraving of a marble bust traditionally
[1]
said
to be Lucullus (Hermitage Museum)
For his grandfather and namesake, see Lucius Licinius Lucullus.
Lucius Licinius Lucullus (/lukls/; 118 57/56 BC)
[2]
was an
optimate politician of the late Roman Republic, closely connected with
Sulla Felix. In the culmination of over twenty years of almost
continuous military and government service, he became the main
conqueror of the eastern kingdoms in the course of the Third
Mithridatic War, exhibiting extraordinary generalship in diverse
situations, most famously during the siege of Cyzicus, 73-2 BC, and at
the Battle of Tigranocerta in Armenian Arzanene, 69 BC. His
command style received unusually favourable attention from ancient
military experts, and his campaigns appear to have been studied as
examples of skillful generalship.
[3]
Lucullus returned to Rome from the east with so much captured booty
that the whole could not be fully accounted, and poured enormous
sums into private building, husbandry and even aquaculture projects
which shocked and amazed his contemporaries by their magnitude. He
also patronized the arts and sciences lavishly, transforming his
hereditary estate in the highlands of Tusculum into a hotel-and-library
complex for scholars and philosophers. He built the horti Lucullani,
the famous Gardens of Lucullus, on the Pincian Hill in Rome, and in general became a cultural innovator in the
deployment of imperial wealth. He died during the winter of 57-56 BC.
[4]
and was buried at the family estate near
Tusculum.
The conquest agnomen of Ponticus is sometimes falsely appended to his name in modern texts. In ancient sources it
is only ever attributed to his consular colleague Marcus Aurelius Cotta after the latter's capture and brutal destruction
of Heraclea Pontica during the Third Mithridatic War. His rival Pompey half-jokingly called him "Xerxes in a
toga."
[5]
The sources
Lucullus was one of the great men of Roman history, included in the biographical collections of leading generals and
politicians, originating in the biographical compendium of famous Romans published by his contemporary Marcus
Terentius Varro. Two biographies of Lucullus survive today, Plutarch's Lucullus in the famous series of Parallel
Lives, in which Lucullus is paired with the Athenian aristocratic politician and Strategos Cimon, and # 74 in the
slender Latin Liber de viris illustribus, of late and unknown authorship, the main sources for which appear to go
back to Varro and his most significant successor in the genre, Gaius Julius Hyginus.
Lucullus
216
Family and early career
Lucullus was a member of the prominent gens Licinia, and of the family, or stirps of the Luculli, which may have
been descended from the ancient nobility of Tusculum. He was grandson of Lucius Licinius Lucullus (Consul c.151),
and son of Lucius Lucullus (Praetor c.104), who was convicted for embezzlement in 102/1 from his Sicilian
command of 103-2.
The family of his mother Caecilia Metella (born c.137 BC) was one of the most powerful of the plebeian nobilitas,
and was at the height of its success and influence in the last quarter of the 2nd century BC when Lucullus was born.
She was the youngest child of Lucius Caecilius Metellus Calvus (Consul 142 and Censor 115-14), and half-sister of
two of the most important members of the Optimates of their time, Quintus Caecilius Metellus Numidicus (Cons.
109, Censor 102), and Lucius Caecilius Metellus Dalmaticus (Cons. 119 and Pontifex Maximus), who was the father
of Sulla's third wife Caecilia Metella.
[6]
His first known military service was as tribune of soldiers serving in Sulla's army in Campania during the bellum
Italicum (Social War (9188 BC)),
[7]
when he is said to have distinguished himself for daring and intelligence.
[8]
The longest Quaestura, 88-80 B.C.
Lucullus was elected Quaestor in winter 89-88 at the same elections in which Sulla was returned as Consul with his
friend Quintus Pompeius Rufus, whose son was married to Sulla's eldest daughter, Cornelia. Lucullus was probably
the Quaestor mentioned as the sole officer in Sulla's army who could stomach accompanying the Consul when he
marched on Rome.
[9]
In autumn of the same year Sulla sent Lucullus ahead of him to Greece to take over the command of the Mithridatic
War in his name.
The naval venture, 86-85
As the Roman siege of Athens was drawing towards a successful conclusion, Sulla's strategic attention began to
focus more widely on subsequent operations against the main Pontic forces, and combating Mithradates' control of
the sea lanes. He sent Lucullus to collect such a fleet as may be possible from Rome's allies along the eastern
Mediterranean seaboard, first to the important but currently disturbed states of Cyrene and Ptolemaic Egypt.
[10]
Lucullus set out from the Piraeus in mid winter 87-6 BC with three Greek yachts (myoparones) and three light
Rhodian biremes, hoping to evade the prevailing sea power of the Pontic fleets and their piratic allies by speed and
taking advantage of the worst sailing conditions.
[11]
He initially made Crete, and is said to have won over the cities
to the Roman side. From there he crossed to Cyrene where the famous Hellenic colony in Africa was in dire
condition following a vicious and exhausting civil war of nearly seven years' duration. Lucullus' arrival seems to
have put a belated end to this terrible conflict, as the first official Roman presence there since the departure of the
proconsul Caius Claudius Pulcher, who presided over its initial administrative incorporation into the Roman empire
in 94 BC.
After Lucullus had defeated the Mithridatic admiral Neoptolemus in the Battle of Tenedos, he helped Sulla cross the
Aegean to Asia. After a peace had been agreed, Lucullus stayed in Asia and collected the financial penalty Sulla
imposed upon the province for its revolt. Lucullus, however, tried to lessen the burden that these impositions
created.
[12]
Lucullus
217
Return to Rome and the west, 80-74 B.C.
Lucullus returned in 80 BC and was elected curule aedile for 79, along with his brother Marcus Terentius Varro
Lucullus, and gave splendid games.
[13]
The most obscure part of Lucullus' public career is the year he spent as Praetor in Rome, followed by his command
of Roman Africa, which probably lasted the usual two-year span for this province in the post-Sullan period.
Plutarch's biography entirely ignores this period, 78 BC to 75 BC, jumping from Sulla's death to Lucullus' consulate.
However Cicero briefly mentions his praetorship followed by the African command,
[14]
while the surviving Latin
biography, far briefer but more even as biography than Plutarch, comments that he "ruled Africa with the highest
degree of justice".
[15]
This command is significant in showing Lucullus performing the regular, less glamorous,
administrative duties of a public career in the customary sequence and, given his renown as a Philhellene, for the
regard he showed for subject peoples who were not Greek.
In these respects his early career demonstrates a generous and just nature, but also his political traditionalism in
contrast to contemporaries such as Cicero and Pompey, the former of whom was always eager to avoid
administrative responsibilities of any sort in the provinces, while Pompey rejected every aspect of a normal career,
seeking great military commands at every opportunity which suited him, while refusing to undertake normal duties
in peaceful provinces.
Two other notable transactions took place in 76 or 75 BC following Lucullus' return from Africa, his marriage to
Claudia the youngest daughter of Appius Claudius Pulcher, and his purchase of the Marian hill top villa at Cape
Misenum from Sulla's eldest daughter Cornelia.
Consulship
Sulla dedicated his memoirs to Lucullus, and upon his death made him guardian of his son Faustus, preferring
Lucullus over Pompey.
[16]
Shortly after this, in 74, he became consul (along with Marcus Aurelius Cotta, Julius
Caesar's uncle),
[17]
and defended Sulla's constitution from the efforts of Lucius Quinctius.
Initially, he drew Cisalpine Gaul in the lots at the start of his consulship as his proconsular command after his year as
consul was done, but he got himself appointed governor of Cilicia after its governor died, so as to also receive the
command against Mithridates VI in the Third Mithridatic War.
[18]
The Eastern Wars, 73-67 B.C.
On arrival, Lucullus set out from his province to relieve the besieged Cotta in Bithynia.
[19]
He harried the army of
Mithridates and killed many of his soldiers. He then turned to the sea and raised a fleet amongst the Greek cities of
Asia. With this fleet he defeated the enemy's fleet off Ilium and then off Lemnos. Turning back to the land, he drove
Mithridates back into Pontus. He was wary of drawing into a direct engagement with Mithridates, due to the latter's
superior cavalry. But after several small battles, Lucullus finally defeated him at the Battle of Cabira. He did not
pursue Mithridates immediately, but instead he finished conquering the kingdom of Pontus and setting the affairs of
Asia into order. His attempts to reform the rapacious Roman administration in Asia made him increasingly
unpopular among the powerful publicani back in Rome.
Mithridates had fled to Armenia and in 71 BC Lucullus sent his brother-in-law Appius Claudius Pulcher (later consul
54 B.C.) as envoy to the Armenian King of Kings Tigranes II to demand the surrender of the Pontic king. In the
letter conveyed by Appius, Lucullus addressed Tigranes simply as "king" (basileus), something received as an insult,
and probably intended as such in order to provoke the proud Armenian monarch to war. Keaveney denies such an
interpretation, arguing that Lucullus was acting as a typical philhellene with no empathy towards the sensibilities of
non-Greeks.
[20]
But this is refuted by Lucullus' conduct during his administration of Africa province (c.77-75 B.C.,
see above), the period of his career most conspicuously missing from the Greek biography by Plutarch.
Lucullus
218
In 69 BC Lucullus invaded Armenia. He began a siege of the new Armenian imperial capital of Tigranocerta in the
Arzenene district. Tigranes returned from mopping up a Seleucid rebellion in Syria with an experienced army which
Lucullus nonetheless annihilated at the Battle of Tigranocerta. This battle was fought on the same (pre-Julian)
calendar date as the Roman disaster at Arausio 36 years earlier, the day before the Nones of October according to the
reckoning of the time (or October 6),
[21]
which is Julian October 16, 69 BC.
[22]
Tigranes retired to the northern
regions of his kingdom to gather another army and defend his hereditary capital of Artaxata, while Lucullus moved
off south-eastwards to the kingdom of the Kurds (Korduene) on the frontiers of the Armenian and Parthian empires.
During the winter of 69-68 BC both sides opened negotiations with the Parthian king, Arsakes XVI, who was
presently defending himself against a major onslaught from his rival Frahates III coming from Bactria and the far
east.
In the summer of 68 BC Lucullus resumed the war against Tigranes, crossing the Anti-Taurus Range in a long march
through very difficult mountain country directed at the old Armenian capital Artaxata. A major battle took place near
the River Arsanias, where Lucullus once again routed the Armenian royal army. But he had misjudged the time
needed for a campaign so far into the Armenian Tablelands, where the good weather was unusually short lived, and
when the first snows fell around the time of the autumn equinox his army mutinied and refused to advance any
further. Lucullus led them back south to the warmer climes of northern Mesopotamia and had no trouble from his
troops there despite setting them the difficult task of capturing the great Armenian fortress of Nisibis, which was
quickly stormed and made the Roman base for the winter of 68-7 B.C.
That winter Lucullus left his army at Nisibis and taking a small, but apparently highly mobile, escort journeyed to
Syria in an attempt to permanently exclude Tigranes from all his southern possessions. Syria had been an Armenian
province since 83 B.C. About a decade later the dispossessed Seleucid princes had spent two years in Rome
(probably from Lucullus' consulate in 74 B.C.) lobbying the Senate and Roman aristocracy to make them (as
legitimate Seleucids with a Ptolemaic mother) kings of Egypt in place of the illegitimate Ptolemy XII Auletes.
Though these brothers left Rome empty handed in about 72 B.C., their plight was not forgotten and Lucullus now
elevated one of them as Syrian king : Antiochus XIII known as Asiaticus owing to the time he had spent living in
Roman Asia province. Lucullus' old friend Antiochos of Askalon accompanied him on this journey and died at
Antioch. However in his absence his authority over his army at Nisibis was seriously undermined by the youngest
and wildest of the Claudian brothers, Publius Clodius Pulcher, apparently acting in the interests of Pompey, who was
eager to succeed Lucullus in the Mithridatic War command. Although a brother-in-law of Lucullus, Clodius was also
frater in some form (whether a first cousin frater consobrinus or uterine brother) of Pompey's wife Mucia Tertia.
The long campaigning and hardships that Lucullus' troops had endured for years, combined with a perceived lack of
reward in the form of plunder, had caused increasing insubordination. The more daring and ruthless veterans had
probably been further encouraged by Lucullus' relatively mild acceptance of their first open mutiny in the Tablelands
the previous autumn : especially the so-called Fimbrian legions who had murdered their commander Lucius Valerius
Flaccus at Gaius Flavius Fimbria's instigation eighteen years earlier in the winter of 86-5 B.C. Instigated by Clodius
a series of demonstrations against the commander took place in his absence and by the time of his return he had
largely lost control of his army, especially for any further offensive operations. In addition Mithridates had been sent
back to Pontus by Tigranes during the same winter, and made some headway against the garrison force Lucullus had
left there under his legates Sornatius Barba and Fabius Hadrianus. Lucullus was left with no choice but to retreat to
Pontus and Cappadocia and did so in the spring of 67 B.C.
Despite his continuous success in battle, Lucullus had still not captured either one of the monarchs. In 66 BC with
the majority of Lucullus' troops now openly refusing to obey his commands, but agreeing to defend Roman positions
from attack, the senate sent Pompey to take over Lucullus' command at which point Lucullus returned to Rome.
Lucullus
219
Final years, 66-57 BC
See also: Gardens of Lucullus
The opposition to him continued on his return. In his absence Pompey had shamefully usurped control over Sulla's
children, contrary to the father's testament, and now in Pompeius' absence the latter's intimate and hereditary political
ally Gaius Memmius
[23]
co-ordinated the opposition to Lucullus' claim to a triumph. Memmius delivered at least four
speeches de triumpho Luculli Asiatico,
[24]
and the antagonism towards Lucullus aroused by the Pompeians proved so
effective that the enabling law (lex curiata) required to hold a triumph was delayed for three years. In this period
Lucullus was forced to reside outside the pomerium, which curtailed his involvement in day to day politics centred
on the Forum. Instead of returning fully to political life (although, as a friend of Cicero, he did act in some
issues,
[25]
) he mostly retired to extravagant leisure, or, in Plutarch's words,:
quitted and abandoned public affairs, either because he saw that they were already beyond proper control and diseased, or, as some say,
because he had his fill of glory, and felt that the unfortunate issue of his many struggles and toils entitled him to fall back upon a life of ease
and luxury...[for] in the life of Lucullus, as in an ancient comedy, one reads in the first part of political measures and military commands, and
in the latter part of drinking bouts, and banquets, and what might pass for revel-routs, and torch-races, and all manner of frivolity.
[26]
He used the vast treasure he amassed during his wars in the East to live a life of luxury. He had splendid gardens
outside the city of Rome, as well as villas around Tusculum and Neapolis. The one near Neapolis included fish
ponds and man-made extensions into the sea,
[27]
and was only one of many elite senators' villas around the Bay of
Naples. Pompey is said by Pliny to have referred often to Lucullus as "Xerxes in a toga".
[28]
He finally triumphed in 63 BC thanks in small part to the political maneuveuring of both Cato and Cicero. His
triumph was remembered mostly due to him covering the Circus Flaminius with the arms of the Enemies he had
faced during the campaign.
[29]
Gastronome
So famous did Lucullus become for his banqueting that the word lucullan now means lavish, luxurious and gourmet.
Once, Cicero and Pompey succeeded in inviting themselves to dinner with Lucullus, but, curious to see what sort of
meal Lucullus ate when alone, forbade him to communicate with his slaves regarding any preparation of the meal for
his guests. However, Lucullus outsmarted them, and succeeded in getting Pompey and Cicero to allow that he
specify which room he would be dining in. He ordered that his slaves serve him in the Apollo Room, knowing that
his service staff was schooled ahead of time as to the specific details of service he expected for each of his particular
dining rooms: as the standard amount specified to be outlaid for any given dinner in the Apollo room was the large
sum of 50,000 drachmas,
[30]
Cicero and Pompey found themselves a short time later dining upon a most
unexpectedly luxurious meal.
On another occasion, the tale runs that his steward, hearing that he would have no guests for dinner, served only one
not especially impressive course. Lucullus reprimanded him saying, "What, did not you know, then, that today
Lucullus dines with Lucullus?"
[31]
Among Lucullus' other contributions to fine dining, he was also responsible for bringing (a species of) the sweet
cherry and the apricot to Rome, developing major facilities for aquaculture, and being the only person in Rome with
the ability to provide thrushes for gastronomic purposes in every season, having his own fattening coops.
And, among the various edible plants associated with Lucullus is a cultivar of the vegetable Swiss chard (Beta
vulgaris); which is named "Lucullus" in his honor.
Lucullus
220
Lucullus and higher learning
Lucullus was extremely well educated in Latin and Greek, and showed a keen interest in literature and philosophy
from earliest adulthood. He established lifelong friendships with the Greek poet Archias of (Syrian) Antioch, who
migrated to Rome around 102 BC, and with one of the leading Academic philosophers of the time, Antiochus of
Ascalon.
During his long delay in the royal palace at Alexandria in the summer of 86 BC Lucullus witnessed the beginning of
the major schism in the Platonic Academy in the 1st century, the so-called Sosos Affair. His friend and companion
Antiochus of Ascalon received, evidently from the Great Library, a copy of a work by the scholarch of the Academy,
Philo of Larissa, so radical in its sceptical stance that Antiochos was sufficiently disturbed to doubt the attribution of
authorship to his old teacher. But more recent pupils of Philo, chiefly Herakleitos of Tyre, were able to assure him of
the book's authenticity. Antiochos and Herakleitos dissected it at length in Lucullus' presence, and in the ensuing
weeks while the Roman party continued to await the arrival of the king from the south, Antiochos composed a
vigorous polemic against Philo entitled Sosos, which marked his definitive break with Philo's so-called "Sceptical
Academy", and the beginning of the separate, more conservative, school eventually called the Old Academy.
[32]
Decline and death
Plutarch reports that Lucullus lost his mind at towards the end of his life, intermittently developing symptoms of
mental insanity as he aged: Plutarch, however, seems to be somewhat ambivalent as to whether the apparent madness
was truly the result administration of a purported love potion or other explicable cause, hinting that his alleged
precipitous mental decline (and his concomitant withdrawal from public affairs) may have been at least in part
conveniently feigned in self-protection against the rising surge to power of his political opponents in the Roman
state, such as the rise of the popular party, which brought numerous of his potential adversaries to power, during a
time in which the political stakes were often life and death.
[33]
Lucullus' brother Marcus oversaw his funeral.
Marriages
Clodia Luculli whom he married as her first husband, but divorced about the year 66, on his return to Rome after
friction in Asia with her brother, Publius Clodius.
Servilia Caepionis Minor, the younger sister of Servilia Caepionis, also notorious for her loose morals, but mother
of Lucullus's only son.
Plutarch writes:
After his divorce from Clodia, who was a licentious and base woman, he married Servilia, a sister of Cato, but this, too, was an unfortunate
marriage. For it lacked none of the evils which Clodia had brought in her train except one, namely, the scandal about her brothers. In all other
respects Servilia was equally vile and abandoned, and yet Lucullus forced himself to tolerate her, out of regard for Cato. At last, however, he
put her away.
[34]
Lucullus
221
References
[1] "The bust in the Hermitage, No. 77, published in Arch. Zeit. 1875, PI. Ill, is not a portrait of L. Licinius Lucullus or even of an admiral, but of
a lictor. The relief at the base represents a lictor's axe, and the costume is that of the lictors on the Arch of Trajan at Beneventum," observed G.
Hauser, in Jahrbuch der Oesterreichisches Archiv I. 10 1907, pp 153-56, reported in American Journal of Archaeology 12 1908, p 236.
[2] [2] The only comprehensive discussion of his birthdate is that of Sumner 1973, pp. 113-14, who settles on 118 B.C. as much the most likely year,
with 117 a marginal possibility.
[3] Cassius Dio XXXVI. In captured correspondence of Mithradates VI Eupator, Lucullus was rated as the outstanding general since Alexander
(Cicero Acad.Pr.II)
[4] [4] Bennett 1972, p.314
[5] Velleius Paterculus 2.33.4: haud infacete Magnus Pompeius Xerxen togatum vocare adsueverat; Pliny the Elder, Natural History 9.80 (170).
Plutarch, Life of Lucullus 39.3 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Lucullus*. html#39. 3), attributes
the quip to L.Tubero the Stoic.
[6] Plutarch, Lucullus 1.1-6
[7] ILS 60, Plut.Luc.2.1
[8] Plut.Luc.2.1
[9] Appian R.Em. I, 57 records the bare facts without giving names. The suggestion that this quaestor was Lucullus was first made by E. Badian,
and has found wide acceptance.
[10] Plut.Luc.2.2
[11] Plut.Luc.2.3
[12] Plutarch, Life of Lucullus, 2.1-4.5
[13] Plut.Luc.1.6, Granius Licinianus 32F
[14] Acad.Prior II 1
[15] Liber de viris illustribus 74.3
[16] Plutarch, Life of Lucullus, 4.5
[19] Plutarch, Life of Lucullus, 7.1-36.7 - an account of his whole governorship, by far the bulk of Plutarch's Life
[20] A. Keaveney, Lucullus. A Life, pp. 99-102
[21] Plutarch Camillus 19.11, Lucullus 27.8-9
[22] See Roman calendar, sub-heading Conversion of pre-Julian dates)
[23] [23] That is, C. Memmius L. f. (tr.pl.66, pr.58) a notable orator and patron of the "modern" poets. He had married Sulla's daughter Fausta c.70
B.C., while his homonymous first-cousin C. Memmius had been the husband of Pompey's sister until killed in battle in Spain in 75.
[24] [24] Servius, ad Aeneid I.161, quotes from a written version of the fourth. There may have been more.
[28] Pliny Natural History: Book IX pg 279
[29] Plutarach Life of Lucullus pg 37
[30] [30] According to Plutarch's "Life of Lucullus". Plutarch goes on to say that Pompey and Cicero were less impressed about the total amount of
the expense for the meal than that Lucullus could and would drop such a sum in such a quick and easy routine manner.
[31] Plutarch, Life of Lucullus, 41.1-6
[32] Cic.Acad.Pr.II, cf. Barnes 1981:205
[33] [33] Plutarch, "Life of Lucullus".
Ancient sources
Plutarch, Lucullus (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Lucullus*. html),
also the lives of Kimon, Sulla, Pompeius, Cicero, Cato
Ziegler, Konrat (ed.) Plutarchi Vitae Parallelae, Vol.I, Fasc.1 (Teubner, Leipzig, 4th edition, 1969), I:
, II: , III: , IV:
, V: .
Liber de viris illustribus, 74
Cassius Dio Roman History, book XXXVI
Appian Roman History, book XII: Mithridateios
Cicero Lucullus, also known as Academica Prior, book II
Lucullus
222
Cicero pro Archia poeta 5-6, 11, 21, 26, 31
Cicero de imperio Cn. Pompei 5, 10, 20-26
Cicero pro L. Murena 20, 33-34, 37, 69
Cicero pro A. Cluentio Habito 137
Cicero ad Atticum, I 1.3, 14.5, 16.15, XIII 6
Julius Frontinus Stratagems, II 1.14, 2.4 (Tigranocerta), II 5.30 (Pontic assassination attempt 72 BC), II 7.8
(Macedonian cavalry during Cabira campaign), III 13.6 (swimming messenger at siege of Cyzicus)
Paulus Orosius bk.VI
Eutropius bk.VI
Annaeus Florus
Malcovati, Henrica (ed.) Oratorum Romanorum Fragmenta, Liberae Rei Publicae (Corpus Scriptorum Latinorum
Paravianum, Torino, 1953; 4th edition, 1976), 307-9 (Orator #90)
Memnon, history of Herakleia Pontike, 9th century epitome in the of Photius of Byzantium
(codex 224)
- ed. Ren Henry Photius Bibliotheque, vol.IV: Codices 223-229 (Bud, Paris, 1965), 48-99: Greek with French
translation
- ed. Karl Mller FHG (Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum), vol.III, 525ff.: Greek with Latin translation
- ed. Felix Jacoby FGrH 434 (Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, commenced 1923): Greek text, critical
commentary in German
Phlegon of Tralles, fragments
- ed. Mller FHG, III, 602ff.
- ed. Jacoby FGrH 257
- English translation and commentary by William Hansen, Phlegon of Tralles' Book of Marvels (University of Exeter
Press, 1996)
Inscriptions.
- ILS 60 (Latin career elogium from Arretium)
- SIG
3
743, AE 1974, 603 (both Greek from Hypata, as quaestor in late 88)
- SIG
3
745 (Greek from Rhodes, when pro quaestore, 84/3)
- Ins.Dlos 1620 (Latin statue base titulus from Delos when pro quaestore, 85/80)
- BE 1970, p.426 (two Greek tituli when imperator, 72/66, from Andros and Klaros)
Modern works
Major studies.
Beversen, N I: De Luci Licini Luculli vita ac moribus commentatio (Stockholm, 1888).
Eckhardt, Kurt: "Die armenischen Feldzge des Lukullus",
pt.I Introduction. Klio, 9 (1909), 400-412
pt.II Das Kriegsjahr 69. Klio, 10 (1910), 72-115
pt.III Das Kriegsjahr 68. Klio, 10 (1910), 192-231.
Stern, C M: Lucullus und die mithridatische Offensive in der Propontis (Leipzig, 1922)
Gelzer, Matthias: "L. Licinius Lucullus cos.74", in Real-Encyclopdie der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft,
vol.13 (1926), s. v. Licinius (104), cols. 376-414.
Baker, George Philip: Sulla the Fortunate: Roman General and Dictator (J Murray, London, 1927; reprint by
Cooper Square Press, 2001) reprint ISBN 0-8154-1147-2
Van Ooteghem, J: Lucius Licinius Lucullus (Brussels, 1959)
Glucker, J: Antiochus and the Late Academy (Gttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1978)
Lucullus
223
Keaveney, Arthur: Lucullus. A Life (London/New York: Routledge, 1992). ISBN 0-415-03219-9.
Trster, Manuel: Themes, Character, and Politics in Plutarch's Life of Lucullus. The Construction of a Roman
Aristocrat (Franz Steiner, Stuttgart, 2008).
Villoresi, Mario: Lucullo (Firenze, 1939).
Antonelli, Giuseppe: Lucullo (Rome, 1989).
Shorter articles.
McCracken G: "The Villa and Tomb of Lucullus at Tusculum", AJA 46 (1942)
Badian, Ernst: s. v. Lucullus (2), p.624 in The Oxford Classical Dictionary (ed.2, 1970)
Bennett, W H: "The date of the death of Lucullus", Classical Review, 22 (1972), 314
Sumner, G V: The Orators in Cicero's Brutus: Prosopography and Chronology (University of Toronto Press,
1973), R 155 (pp.11314) in the Prosopographical Commentary.
Jones, C P: "Plutarch Lucullus 42, 3-4", Hermes, 110 (1982), 254-56
Tatum, W J: "Lucullus and Clodius at Nisibis (Plutarch, Lucullus 33-34)", Athenaeum, 79 (1991)
Hillman, Thomas P: "When did Lucullus retire?", Historia, 42 (1993), 211-228
Dix, T. Keith: "The Library of Lucullus", Athenaeum, 88 (2000), 441-464
External links
Bust of Lucullus (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ image?lookup=1999. 04. 0062. fig00972)
Precededby
Gaius Aurelius Cotta and Lucius
Octavius
Consul of the Roman
Republic
with Marcus Aurelius
Cotta
74 BC
Succeededby
Gaius Cassius Longinus and Marcus Terentius
Varro Lucullus
Nicias
224
Nicias
For the Indo-Greek king, see King Nicias. For the beetle genus, see Nicias (genus).
Nicias' expeditions, before the Sicilian campaign.
Nicias (/nis/; ; c. 470 BC 413 BC), or Nikias, was
an Athenian politician and general during the period of the
Peloponnesian War. Nicias was a member of the Athenian
aristocracy because he had inherited a large fortune from his
father, which was invested into the silver mines around Attica's
Mt. Laurium. Following the death of Pericles in 429 BC, he
became the principal rival of Cleon and the democrats in the
struggle for the political leadership of the Athenian state. He
was a moderate in his political views and opposed the
aggressive imperialism of the democrats. His principal aim was
to conclude a peace with Sparta as soon as it could be obtained
on terms favourable to Athens.
He was frequently elected to serve as strategos (general) for
Athens during the Peloponnesian War. He led several
expeditions which achieved little. Nevertheless, he was largely
responsible for the successful negotiations which led to the
Peace of Nicias in 421 BC.
Following the Peace, he objected to the ambitious plans of
Alcibiades for advancing Athens' interests.
[1]
Despite this, Nicias was appointed to participate in the Athenian
invasion of Sicily. The Athenian siege of Syracuse was nearly successful until the arrival of the Spartan general
Gylippus, who turned the situation around so that the Athenians were themselves under siege. Nicias led his forces in
a desperate attempt to escape by land. However, they were cut off and he and his Athenian army were overwhelmed
and defeated. Subsequently, Nicias was executed.
Early life
Nicias inherited from his father, Niceratus, a considerable fortune, which was invested mainly in the silver mines of
Laurium. It is said that Nicias had over 1000 slaves working in the mines. Plutarch states that Nicias was also
exceedingly generous with his wealth, using his money for charitable activities in Athens and funding many religious
festivals.
Nicias' political rise
Nicias' rise to prominence occurred while Pericles was at the head of the Athenian government. After Pericles' death
in 429 BC, Nicias became an important Athenian politician with the aristocratic (conservative) party looking to him
as their leader. As such, Nicias became the rival of Cleon's popular or democratic party.
Nicias could not win the Athenian people's favour through eloquence or charm, as Plutarch states he had little of
either. Instead, Nicias gained popularity through the use of his wealth. He funded choruses for Athenian dramas,
organised sporting events and restored or erected statues and temples.
Plutarch specifically refers to an example of Nicias' generosity - his funding of the festival of Delos. Nicias funded
the building of a bridge of boats between Delos and the Rhenean islands. The ships were decorated with garlands,
gilding, and rich tapestry, all of which a richly dressed chorus walked across. Nicias then provided a 10,000 drachma
fund to the Delians so they would continue this event into the future, praying in his behalf. Such instructions were
Nicias
225
engraved onto a pillar.
Military Activities
Nicias was Strategos in both 427 BC and 425 BC. During these years, Nicias was a very cautious general. He
avoided engaging in any important military enterprise during his time as commander. According to Plutarch this was
to his benefit, as Nicias was able to avoid the worst of Athens' misfortunes, both military and political.
Plutarch states that "Nicias declined all difficult and lengthy enterprises; if he took a command, he was for doing
what was safe." Plutarch also noted that on the battlefield, Nicias was recognized as a fair combatant, fighting as
courageously as any other soldier.
Peace of Nicias
Main article: Peace of Nicias
After fighting for a decade in the Peloponnesian War, both Athens and Sparta were exhausted.
The Athenian general, Laches, with the support of Nicias, successfully moved in the Athenian Assembly in 423 BC
for an armistice with Sparta to check the progress of Sparta's most effective general, Brasidas. However, the "Truce
of Laches" had little impact on Brasidas and collapsed within a year. Brasidas proceeded to take Scione and Mende
in the hope of reaching Athens and freeing Spartan prisoners. Athens sent reinforcements under Nicias, who
recaptured Mende.
Cleon then effectively ended the truce between Athens and Sparta after he resolved to rescue the town of Amphipolis
in Macedonia. However, through skilful generalship by Brasidas, the Spartans routed the Athenians at the Battle of
Amphipolis. Both Brasidas and Cleon were killed in the battle, thereby removing the key members of the pro-war
factions on both sides.
After the two generals who opposed peace, the Athenian Cleon and the Spartan Brasidas, were slain in battle, Nicias
decided to seek peace between all the warring states. Nicias, and Pleistoanax, King of Sparta, negotiated in 421 BC
the Peace of Nicias between Athens and Sparta, which brought a temporary end to the Peloponnesian War.
The essence of the Peace of Nicias was a return to the pre-war situation: most wartime gains were to be returned.
Most notably, Amphipolis would be returned to Athens, and the Athenians would release the prisoners taken at
Sphacteria. Temples throughout Greece would be open to worshippers from all cities, and the oracle at Delphi would
regain its autonomy. Athens could continue to collect tribute from the states as it had done so since the time of
Aristides, but Athens could not force them to become allies. Athens also agreed to come to Sparta's aid if the Helots
revolted. All of Sparta's allies agreed to sign the peace, except for the Boeotians, Corinth, Elis, and Megara.
Nicias and Alcibiades
While the Peace was being negotiated, Alcibiades became more influential in Athens. Alcibiades opposed the Peace
and argued strongly for Athens to continue its war against Sparta and its allies. His first move was convincing Argos
to form an alliance.
Alcibiades first rose to prominence when he began advocating aggressive Athenian action after the signing of the
Peace of Nicias. Historians Arnold W. Gomme and Raphael Sealey believe, and Thucydides reports,
[2]
that
Alcibiades was offended that the Spartans had negotiated that treaty through Nicias and Laches, overlooking him on
account of his youth.
[3][4]
Disputes over the interpretation of the treaty led the Spartans to dispatch ambassadors to Athens with full powers to
arrange all unsettled matters. The Athenians initially received these ambassadors well, but Alcibiades met with them
in secret before they were to speak to the ecclesia (the Athenian Assembly) and told them that the Assembly was
haughty and had great ambitions.
[5]
He urged them to renounce their diplomatic authority to represent Sparta, and
Nicias
226
instead allow him to assist them through his influence in Athenian politics.
[6]
The representatives agreed and,
impressed with Alcibiades, they distanced themselves from Nicias, despite him being sincere in wanting to reach an
agreement with the Spartans. The next day, during the Assembly, Alcibiades asked them what powers Sparta had
granted them to negotiate and they replied, as agreed, that they had not come with full and independent powers. This
was in direct contradiction to what they had said the day before, and Alcibiades seized on this opportunity to
denounce their character, cast suspicion on their aims, and destroy their credibility. This ploy increased Alcibiades'
standing while embarrassing Nicias, and Alcibiades was subsequently appointed General. He took advantage of his
increasing power to orchestrate the creation of an alliance between Argos, Mantinea, Elis, and other states in the
Peloponnese, threatening Sparta's dominance in the region. This alliance, however, was ultimately defeated in 418
BC at the Battle of Mantinea.
[7]
Nicias and Hyperbolos
During the years 416 BC and 415 BC, a complex struggle took place between Hyperbolos on one side and Nicias
and Alcibiades on the other. Hyperbolos tried to bring about the ostracism of one of this pair, but Nicias and
Alcibiades combined their influence to induce the people to expel Hyperbolos instead.
[8]
This incident reveals that
Nicias and Alcibiades each commanded a personal following, whose votes were determined by the wishes of the
leaders.
Plutarch was of the view that the Athenians were so angered by this cynical manoeuvring that the ostracism was
never to be used again.
[9]
The Sicilian Expedition
Main article: Sicilian Expedition
In 415 BC, delegates from the Sicilian city of Segesta (Greek: Egesta) arrived in Athens to plead for the support of
the Athenians in their war against Selinus. During the subsequent debates, Nicias vehemently opposed an Athenian
intervention, explaining that the campaign would be very costly. He attacked the character and motives of
Alcibiades, who was a strong supporter of the expedition. Alcibiades argued that a Sicilian campaign would bring
riches to the city and expand the empire, just as the Persian Wars had.
[10]
In spite of Alcibiades' enthusiastic advocacy for the plan, it was Nicias, not he, who turned a modest undertaking into
a massive campaign and made the conquest of Sicily seem possible and safe.
[11]
It was at Nicias suggestion that the
size of the fleet was significantly increased from 60 ships to "140 galleys, 5,100 men at arms, and about 1300
archers, slingers, and light armed men".
[12]
It would seem that Nicias' intention was to shock the assembly with his
high estimate of the forces required, but, instead of dissuading his fellow citizens, his analysis made them all the
more eager.
[13]
Against his wishes Nicias was appointed General along with Alcibiades and Lamachus, all three of whom were
given full powers to do whatever was in the best interests of Athens while in Sicily.
[14]
One night during preparations for the expedition, the hermai, heads of the god Hermes on a plinth with a phallus,
were mutilated throughout Athens. This was a religious scandal and was seen as a bad omen for the mission.
Plutarch explains that Androcles, a political leader, used false witnesses who accused Alcibiades and his friends of
mutilating the statues, and of profaning the Eleusinian Mysteries. Later his opponents, chief among them being
Androcles and Thessalus, Cimon's son, enlisted orators to argue that Alcibiades should set sail as planned and stand
trial on his return from the campaign. Alcibiades was suspicious of their intentions, and asked to be allowed to stand
trial immediately, under penalty of death, in order to clear his name.
[15]
This request was denied, and in 415 BC the
fleet set sail, with the charges unresolved.
[16]
Arriving to Catana, Sicily, the three commanders had differing plans for attacking Syracuse. While there, an
Athenian ship arrived to inform Alcibiades that he was under arrest, not only for the destruction of the hermai, but
Nicias
227
also for supposedly profaning the Eleusinian Mysteries. Alcibiades agreed to return in his ship, but when the ship
stopped in southern Italy at Thurii, he escaped and sailed to the Peloponnese, where he eventually sought refuge in
Sparta. He soon began offering advice to the Spartans on how the situation in Syracuse could be made to benefit
them at Athens' expense. In Athens a death sentence was passed in absentia, his guilt seemingly proven.
Led by Nicias the Athenian forces landed at Dascon near Syracuse but with little result. Hermocrates led the
Syracusan defence. Meanwhile, Alcibiades persuaded the Spartans to send Gylippus to assist Syracuse. As a result, a
Spartan fleet soon arrived to reinforce their allies in Syracuse and a stalemate ensued.
Athens responded to appeals from Nicias by sending out in 414 BC 73 vessels and 5,000 soldiers to Sicily under the
command of Athenian generals, Demosthenes and Eurymedon, to assist Nicias and his forces with the siege of
Syracuse.
The Athenian army moved to capture Syracuse while the larger fleet of Athenian ships blocked the approach to the
city from the sea. After some initial success, the Athenian troops became disorganised in the chaotic night operation
and were thoroughly routed by Gylippus. The Athenian commanders Lamachus and Eurymedon were killed. Nicias,
although ill, was left in sole charge of the siege of Syracuse.
Following this defeat in battle, Demosthenes suggested that the Athenians immediately give up the siege of Syracuse
and return to Athens, where they were needed to defend against an Alcibiades inspired Spartan invasion of Attica.
Nicias refused. According to Plutarch, Nicias explained that he preferred to be killed by the enemy, rather than being
killed by the Athenians, who would condemn him if they were defeated.
Nicias death
However, during 413 BC, the Syracusans and Spartans under Hermocrates were able to trap the Athenians in the
harbour and the Athenians sustained heavy losses in the second Battle of Syracuse. Demosthenes was ambushed by
the Syracusans and was forced to surrender. Nicias was soon captured as well, and both were executed despite
Gylippus orders to the contrary. Most of the surviving Athenian soldiers were sent to work as slave laborers in the
Sicilian quarries, which were death traps. Few survivors returned to Athens.
Notes
[1] Plutarch, The Lives, "Nicias"
[2] [2] Thucydides, "The History of the Peloponnesian Wars", 5.43.
[6] Thucydides, V, 45 (http:/ / www. perseus.tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Thuc. + 5. 45. 1).
[9] Plutarch, The Lives, "Aristides"
[10] Platias-Koliopoulos, Thucydides on Strategy, 23746.
[13] L. Strauss, The City and Man, 104.
Nicias
228
References
Besides Thucydides see Plutarch's Nicias and Diod. xii. 83; also the general authorities on the history of Greece.
Nicias appears as a character in Plato's dialogue Laches, in which Socrates and others discuss the nature of
courage without reaching any firm conclusions.
Nicias' silver mines are described by Xenophon, in both "On Revenues" and "The memorable thoughts of
Socrates."
External links
Livius (http:/ / www. livius. org), Nicias (http:/ / www. livius. org/ ne-nn/ nicias/ nicias. html) by Jona Lendering
Marcus Licinius Crassus
This article is about the Roman general. For other men with this name, see List of Romans named Marcus Licinius
Crassus.
"Crassus" redirects here. For other uses, see Crassus (disambiguation).
Bust of Marcus Licinius Crassus from The Louvre, Paris.
Governor of Roman Syria
In office
54 BC 53 BC
Preceded by Aulus Gabinius
Succeeded by Gaius Cassius Longinus
In office
55 BC 54 BC
Serving with Pompey the Great
Preceded by Gnaeus Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus and Lucius Marcius Philippus
229
Succeeded by Appius Claudius Pulcher and Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus
In office
70 BC 69 BC
Serving with Pompey
Preceded by Publius Cornelius Lentulus Sura and Gnaeus Aufidius Orestes
Succeeded by Quintus Caecilius Metellus Creticus and Quintus Hortensius
Personal details
Born c. 115 BC
Roman Republic
Died 53 BC (aged 62)
Carrhae, Parthian Empire
Spouse(s) Tertulla
Children Marcus Licinius Crassus, Publius Licinius Crassus
Marcus Licinius Crassus (/krss/; Latin: MLICINIVSPFPNCRASSVS;
[1]
c. 115 BC 53 BC) was a Roman
general and politician who played a key role in the transformation of the Roman Republic into the Roman Empire.
Amassing an enormous fortune during his life, Crassus is considered the wealthiest man in Roman history, and
among the richest men in all history.
Crassus began his public career as a military commander under Lucius Cornelius Sulla during his civil war.
Following Sulla's assumption of the dictatorship, Crassus amassed an enormous fortune through real estate
speculation. Crassus rose to political prominence following his victory over the slave revolt led by Spartacus, sharing
the Consulship with his rival Pompey the Great.
A political and financial patron of Julius Caesar, Crassus joined Caesar and Pompey in the unofficial political
alliance known as the First Triumvirate. Together the three men dominated the Roman political system. The alliance
would not last indefinitely due to the ambitions, egos, and jealousies of the three men. While Caesar and Crassus
were lifelong allies, Crassus and Pompey disliked each other and Pompey grew increasingly envious of Caesar's
spectacular successes in the Gallic Wars. The alliance was re-stabilized at the Lucca Conference in 56 BC, after
which Crassus and Pompey again served jointly as Consuls. Following his second Consulship, Crassus was
appointed as the Governor of Roman Syria. Crassus used Syria as the launchpad for a military campaign against the
Parthian Empire, Rome's long-time Eastern enemy. Crassus' campaign was a disastrous failure, resulting in his defeat
and death at the Battle of Carrhae.
Crassus' death permanently unraveled the alliance between Caesar and Pompey. Within four years of Crassus' death,
Caesar would cross the Rubicon and begin a civil war against Pompey and the Optimates.
In some Latin languages, such as Portuguese and Spanish, there is a popular expression used to describe a fatal error
which is a "Crassus' error", pertaining the strategic error of Crassus which led to his demise in Parthia.
[2]
Family and Background
Marcus Licinius Crassus was the second of three sons born to the eminent senator and vir triumphalis P. Licinius
Crassus (consul 97, censor 89 BC). This line was not descended from the Crassi Divites, although often assumed to
be. The eldest brother Publius (born c.116 BC) died shortly before the Italic War and Marcus took the brother's wife
as his own. His father and the youngest brother Gaius took their own lives in Rome in winter 876 BC to avoid
capture when he was being hunted down by the Marians following their victory in the bellum Octavianum.
[3]
There were three main branches of the house of Licinia Crassi in the 2nd and 1st centuries BC,
[4]
and many mistakes
in identifications and lines have arisen owing to the uniformity of Roman nomenclature, erroneous modern
230
suppositions, and the unevenness of information across the generations. In addition the Dives cognomen of the
Crassi Divites means rich or wealthy, and since Marcus Crassus the subject here was renowned for his enormous
wealth this has contributed to hasty assumptions that his family belonged to the Divites. But no ancient source
accords him or his father the Dives cognomen, while we are explicitly informed that his great wealth was acquired
rather than inherited, and that he was raised in modest circumstances.
[5]
Crassus' homonymous grandfather, M. Licinius Crassus (praetor c.126 BC), was facetiously given the Greek
nickname Agelastus (the grim) by his contemporary Gaius Lucilius, the famous inventor of Roman satire, who
asserted that he smiled once in his whole life. This grandfather was son of P. Licinius Crassus (consul 171 BC). The
latter's brother C. Licinius Crassus (consul 168 BC) produced the third line of Licinia Crassi of the period, the most
famous of whom was L. Licinius Crassus the orator (consul 95 BC), the greatest Roman orator before Cicero and the
latter's childhood hero and model. Marcus Crassus was also a talented orator and one of the most energetic and
active advocates of his time.
Youth and the Civil War
After the Marian purges and the sudden death subsequently of Gaius Marius, the surviving consul Lucius Cornelius
Cinna (better-known as father-in-law of Julius Caesar) imposed proscriptions on those surviving Roman senators and
equestrians who had supported Lucius Cornelius Sulla in his 88 BC march on Rome and overthrow of the traditional
Roman political arrangements.
Cinna's proscription forced Crassus to flee to Hispania.
[3]
After Cinna's death in 84 BC, Crassus went to the Roman
province of Africa where adherents of Sulla were gathering.
[6]
When Sulla invaded Italy after returning from partial
successes in the inconclusive Second Mithridatic War, Crassus joined Sulla and Metellus Pius, Sulla's closest ally.
He was given command of the right wing in the Battle of the Colline Gate when the remaining Marian adherents and
the surviving Samnites marched on Rome in a last-ditch bid to oust Sulla from Rome. The Colline Gate was one of
the entrances into Rome through the Servian Walls; Crassus and his troops ensured Sulla's victory, including
destruction of the surviving Samnite troops and any other military opposition.Wikipedia:Citation needed
Rise to power and wealth
Marcus Licinius Crassus' next concern was to rebuild the fortunes of his family, which had been confiscated during
the Marian-Cinnan proscriptions. According to Plutarch's "Life of Crassus", Crassus made most of his fortune
through "rapine and fire". Sulla's proscriptions, in which the property of his victims was cheaply auctioned off, found
one of the greatest acquirers of this type of property in Crassus: indeed, Sulla was especially supportive of this
because he wished to spread around the blame as much as possible, among those unscrupulous to be glad to do so.
Sulla's proscriptions ensured that his survivors would recoup their lost fortunes from the fortunes of wealthy
adherents to Gaius Marius or Lucius Cornelius Cinna. Proscriptions meant that their political enemies lost their
fortunes and their lives; that their female relatives (notably, widows and widowed daughters) were forbidden to
remarry; and that in some cases, their families' hopes of rebuilding their fortunes and political significance were
destroyed. Crassus is said to have made part of his money from proscriptions, notably the proscription of one man
whose name was not initially on the list of those proscribed but was added by Crassus who coveted the man's
fortune.
[7]
Crassus's wealth is estimated by Pliny at approximately 200 million sestertii. Plutarch says the wealth of
Crassus increased from less than 300 talents at first to 7,100 talents, or close to $8.4 Billion USD
today,Wikipedia:Citation needed accounted right before his Parthian expedition, most of which Plutarch declares
Crassus got "by fire and rapine, making his advantage of public calamities".
Some of Crassus' wealth was acquired conventionally, through traffic in slaves, production from silver mines, and
speculative real estate purchases. Crassus tended to specialize in deals involving proscribed citizens and especially
and notoriously purchasing during fires or structural collapse of buildings. When buildings were burning, Crassus
and his purposely-trained crew would show up, and Crassus would offer to purchase the presumably doomed
231
property and perhaps neighboring endangered properties from their owners for speculatively low sums; if the
purchase offer was accepted, Crassus would then use his army of some 500 slaves which he purchased due to their
knowledge of architecture and building to put the fire out, sometimes before too much damage had been done:
otherwise Crassus would use his crews to rebuild. If his purchase offers were not accepted, then Crassus would not
engage in firefighting. Crassus's slaves employed the Roman method of firefightingdestroying the burning
building to curtail the spread of the flames.
[8]
Similar methods were used by Crassus in the common event of the
collapse of the large Roman buildings known as insulae, which were notorious for their poor construction and unsafe
conditions. Crassus was happy to cheaply construct new insulae using his slave labour force, in place of the old
insulae which had collapsed and/or burned; however, he was known for his raising of rents rather than for his
erection of improved residential structures.
Crassus was kinsman to Licinia, a Vestal Virgin, whose valuable property he coveted. Plutarch says: "And yet when
he was further on in years, he was accused of criminal intimacy with Licinia, one of the vestal virgins and Licinia
was formally prosecuted by a certain Plotius. Now Licinia was the owner of a pleasant villa in the suburbs which
Crassus wished to get at a low price, and it was for this reason that he was forever hovering about the woman and
paying his court to her, until he fell under the abominable suspicion. And in a way it was his avarice that absolved
him from the charge of corrupting the vestal, and he was acquitted by the judges. But he did not let Licinia go until
he had acquired her property."
After rebuilding his fortune, Crassus' next concern was his political career. As an adherent of Sulla, and the
wealthiest man in Rome, and a man who hailed from a line of consuls and praetors, Crassus' political future was
apparently assured. His problem was that despite his military successes, he was eclipsed by his contemporary
Pompey the Great who blackmailed the dictator Sulla into granting him a triumph for victory in Africa over a rag-tag
group of dissident Romans; a first in Roman history on a couple of counts. First, Pompey was not even a praetor, on
which grounds a triumph had been denied in 206 BC to the great Scipio Africanus, who had just defeated Hannibal's
brother Hasdrubal in Spain and brought Rome the entire province (Hispania). Second, Pompey had defeated fellow
Romans; however, a quasi-precedent had been set when the consul Lucius Julius Caesar (a relative of Gaius Julius
Caesar) had been granted a triumph for a small victory over Italian (non-Roman) peoples in the Social War.
Pompey's triumph was the first granted to any Roman for defeating another Roman army. Crassus' rivalry with
Pompey and his envy of Pompey's triumph would influence his subsequent career.
Crassus and Spartacus
Crassus was rising steadily up the cursus honorum, the sequence of offices held by Roman citizens seeking political
power, when ordinary Roman politics were interrupted by two events first, the Third Mithridatic War, and second,
the Third Servile War, which was the organized two-year rebellion of Roman slaves under the leadership of
Spartacus (from the Summer of 73 BC to the Spring, 71 BC).
[9]
In response to the first threat, Rome's best general,
Lucius Licinius Lucullus (consul in 74 BC), was sent to defeat Mithridates, followed shortly by his brother Varro
Lucullus (consul in 73 BC). Meanwhile, Pompey was fighting in Hispania against Quintus Sertorius, the last
effective Marian general, without notable advantage. Pompey succeeded only when Sertorius was assassinated by
one of his own commanders. The only source to mention Crassus holding the office of praetor is Appian, and the
date appears to be in 73 or possibly 72 BC.
[10]
The Senate did not initially take the slave rebellion seriously, until they believed Rome itself was under threat.
Crassus offered to equip, train, and lead new troops, at his own expense, after several legions had been defeated and
their commanders killed in battle or taken prisoner. Eventually, Crassus was sent into battle against Spartacus by the
Senate. At first he had trouble both in anticipating Spartacus' moves and in inspiring his army and strengthening their
morale. When a segment of his army fled from battle, abandoning their weapons, Crassus revived the ancient
practice of decimation i.e., executing one out of every ten men, with the victims selected by drawing lots. Plutarch
reports that "many things horrible and dreadful to see" occurred during the infliction of punishment, which was
232
witnessed by the rest of Crassus' army.
[11]
Nevertheless, according to Appian, the troops' fighting spirit improved
dramatically thereafter, since Crassus had demonstrated that "he was more dangerous to them than the enemy."
[12]
Afterwards, when Spartacus retreated to the Bruttium peninsula in the southwest of Italy, Crassus tried to pen up his
armies by building a ditch and a rampart across an isthmus in Bruttium, "from sea to sea." Despite this remarkable
feat, Spartacus and part of his army still managed to break out. On the night of a heavy snowstorm, they sneaked
through Crassus' lines and made a bridge of dirt and tree branches over the ditch, thus escaping.
Some time later, when the Roman armies led by Pompey and Varro Lucullus were recalled to Italy in support of
Crassus, Spartacus decided to fight rather than find himself and his followers trapped between three armies, two of
them returning from overseas action. In this last battle, the Battle of the Siler River, Crassus gained a decisive
victory, and captured six thousand slaves alive. During the fighting, Spartacus attempted to kill Crassus personally,
slaughtering his way toward the general's position, but he succeeded only in killing two of the centurions guarding
Crassus.
[13]
Spartacus himself is believed to have been killed in the battle, although his body was never recovered.
The six thousand captured slaves were crucified along the Via Appia by Crassus' orders. At his command, their
bodies were not taken down afterwards but remained rotting along Rome's principal route to the South. This was
intended as an object lesson to anyone who might think of rebelling against Rome in the future, particularly of slave
insurrections against their owners and masters, the Roman citizens.
Crassus effectively ended the Third Servile War in 71 BC; however, his political nemesis in the other faction of the
aristocratic party, Pompey, who had arrived with his veteran troops from Hispania (Spain) in time merely for a mop
up operation against the disorganized and defeated fugitives who had scattered after the final battle, unfairly received
credit for the final victory, writing a letter to the Senate, in which he argued that Crassus had merely defeated some
slaves, while Pompey had won the war (referring also to the successfully concluded Spanish civil war, a success
which Pompey also questionably claimed credit for). This caused much strife between Pompey and Crassus. Crassus
was honored only with an Ovation (originally a sheep sacrifice, which was much less an honor than was the
Triumph), even though the danger to Rome and the destruction to Roman lives and property merited much more,
considered purely from a military viewpoint; however, as Plutarch eagerly and unhesitatingly points out, according
to an ancient prejudice against slaves, even an Ovation was unseemly, according to ancient tradition: in Plutarch's
opinion, it was a shameful thing for a free man to claim any honor from battling slaves; instead he retroactively
recommended that if Crassus had to sully himself by performing such a duty, he should rather have done his job and
then kept quiet about having done his duty, rather than wanting to brag about it, and unreasonably demanding the
honor of a Triumph, something which by ancient tradition up to this point been reserved for a general whose military
victories had led to significant gains of additional territory for his country. As a result of his thwarted hopes for a
Triumph, together with the addition of the humiliating remarks made in the presence of the aristocratic senators,
Crassus' animosity towards his political enemy Pompey increased.
Nevertheless, Crassus was elected consul for 70 BC, alongside Pompey. In that year, Crassus displayed his wealth by
public sacrifices to Hercules and entertained the populace at 10,000 tables and distributing sufficient grain to last
each family three months, an act which had the additional ends of performing a previously made religious vow of a
tithe to the god Hercules and also to gain support among the members of the popular party.
Later career
In 65 BC, Crassus was elected censor with another conservative Quintus Lutatius Catulus (Capitolinus), himself son
of a consul. During that decade, Crassus was Julius Caesar's patron in all but name, financing Julius's successful
election to become Pontifex Maximus. Julius had formerly held the #2 post as the priest of Jupiter or flamen dialis,
but had been deprived of office by Sulla. Crassus also supported Julius's efforts to win command of military
campaigns. Caesar's mediation between Crassus and Pompey led to the creation of the First Triumvirate in 60/59 BC,
the coalition of Crassus, Pompey, and Caesar (by now consul in 59). This coalition would last until Crassus' own
death.
233
In 55 BC, after the Triumvirate met at the Lucca Conference, Crassus was again consul with Pompey, and a law was
passed assigning the provinces of the two Hispanias and Syria to Pompey and Crassus respectively for five years.
Syrian governorship and death
Crassus received Syria as his province, which promised to be an inexhaustible source of wealth. It would have been
had he not also sought military glory and crossed the Euphrates in an attempt to conquer Parthia. Crassus attacked
Parthia not only because of its great source of riches, but because of a desire to match the military victories of his
two major rivals, Pompey the Great and Julius Caesar. The king of Armenia, Artavazdes II, offered Crassus the aid
of nearly forty thousand troops (ten thousand cataphracts and thirty thousand infantrymen) on the condition that
Crassus invaded through Armenia so that the king could not only maintain the upkeep of his own troops but also
provide a safer route for his men and Crassus'.
[14]
Crassus refused, and chose the more direct route by crossing the
Euphrates. His legions were defeated at Carrhae (modern Harran in Turkey) in 53 BC by a numerically inferior
Parthian force. Crassus' legions were mainly infantry men and were not prepared for the type of swift,
cavalry-and-arrow attack that the Parthian troops were particularly adept at. The Parthians would get within shooting
range, rain a barrage of arrows down upon Crassus's troops, turn, fall back, and charge forth with another attack in
the same vein. They were even able to shoot as well backwards as they could forwards, increasing the deadliness of
their onslaught.
[15]
Crassus refused his quaestor Gaius Cassius Longinus's plans to reconstitute the Roman battle line,
and remained in the testudo formation thinking that the Parthians would eventually run out of arrows.
Subsequently Crassus' men, being near mutiny, demanded he parley with the Parthians, who had offered to meet
with him. Crassus, despondent at the death of his son Publius in the battle, finally agreed to meet the Parthian
general; however, when Crassus mounted a horse to ride to the Parthian camp for a peace negotiation, his junior
officer Octavius suspected a Parthian trap and grabbed Crassus' horse by the bridle, instigating a sudden fight with
the Parthians that left the Roman party dead, including Crassus.
[16]
A story later emerged that, after Crassus' death,
the Parthians poured molten gold into his mouth as a symbol of his thirst for wealth.
[17]
Or, according to a popular
but historically unreliable account that it was by this means that he was put to death.
The account given in Plutarch's biography of Crassus also mentions that, during the feasting and revelry in the
wedding ceremony of Artavazd's sister to the Parthian king Orodes II's son and heir Pacorus in Artashat, Crassus'
head was brought to Orodes II. Both kings were enjoying a performance of Euripides' Greek tragedy The Bacchae
and a certain actor of the royal court, named Jason of Tralles, took the head and sang the following verses (also from
the Bacchae):
We bring from the mountain
A tendril fresh-cut to the palace
A wonderful prey.
[18]
Crassus' head was thus used in place of a prop head representing Pentheus and carried by the heroine of the play,
Agave.
[19]
Also according to Plutarch, a final mockery was made ridiculing the memory of Crassus, by dressing up a Roman
prisoner, Caius Paccianus, who resembled him in appearance in women's clothing, calling him "Crassus" and
"Imperator", and leading him in a spectacular show of a final, mock "triumphal procession", putting to ridiculous use
the traditional symbols of Roman triumph and authority.
234
Chronology
c. 115 BC Crassus born, second of three sons of Publius Licinius Crassus (cos.97, cens.89)
97 BC Father is Consul of Rome
87 BC Crassus flees to Hispania from Marian forces
84 BC Joins Sulla against Marians
82 BC Commanded the victorious right wing of Sulla's army at the Colline Gate, the decisive battle of the civil
war, fought Kalends of November
78 BC Sulla died in the spring
73 BC Revolt of Spartacus, probable year Crassus was praetor (75, 74, 73 all possible)
72 BC Crassus given special command of the war against Spartacus following the ignominious defeats of both
consuls
71 BC Crassus destroys the remaining slave armies in the spring, elected consul in the summer
70 BC Consulship of Crassus and Pompey
65 BC Crassus Censor with Quintus Lutatius Catulus
63 BC Catiline Conspiracy
59 BC First Triumvirate formed. Caesar is Consul
56 BC Conference at Luca
55 BC Second consulship of Crassus and Pompey. In November, Crassus leaves for Syria
54 BC Campaign against the Parthians
53 BC Crassus dies in the Battle of Carrhae
Fictional depictions
Marcus Licinius Crassus is a major character in the 1956 Alfred Duggan novel, Winter Quarters. The novel
follows two fictional Gallic nobles who join Julius Caesar's cavalry then find their way into the service of Marcus'
son, Publius Licinius Crassus, in Gaul. The characters eventually become clients of Publius Crassus and by
extension, his father Marcus. The second half of the novel is related by its Gallic narrator from within the ranks of
Crassus' doomed army en route to do battle with Parthia. The book depicts an overconfident and militarily
incompetent Crassus up to the moment of his death.
Crassus (Russian: ) has a principal role in Aram Khachaturian's 1956 ballet Spartacus.
Marcus Licinius Crassus is a principal character in the 1960 film Spartacus, played by actor Laurence Olivier.
[20]
The film is based on Howard Fast's 1951 novel of the same name.
Marcus Crassus, along with Palene, is one of the two narrators in Jeff Wayne's Musical Version of Spartacus. He
is played by Anthony Hopkins.
Marcus Licinius Crassus is a principal character in the 2004 TV film, Spartacus, played by actor Angus
Macfadyen.
Crassus is a major character in the novels Fortune's Favourites and Caesar's Women by Colleen McCullough. He
is portrayed as a brave but mediocre general, a brilliant financier, and a true friend of Caesar.
Crassus is a major character in the 1992 novel Arms of Nemesis by Steven Saylor. He is portrayed as the cousin
and patron of Lucius Licinius, the investigation of whose murder forms the basis of the novel. He also has a minor
appearance in Roman Blood.
He also appeared in the video game Spartan: Total Warrior, as one of the villains.
In David Drake's Ranks of Bronze, the Lost Legion is the major participant, although Crassus himself has been
killed before the book begins.
Crassus is a major character in Conn Iggulden's Emperor series
The story of the Battle of Carrhae is the centrepiece of Ben Kane's novel The Forgotten Legion (2008). Crassus is
depicted as a vain man with poor military judgement.
235
Crassus is a major character in Robert Harris's novel "Lustrum" (published as "Conspirata" in the USA), the
sequel to "Imperium", which both chronicle the career of Marcus Tullius Cicero.
Crassus appears in a third season episode of Xena: Warrior Princess, where he is beheaded in the Colosseum.
He is a highly fictionalised enemy figure in the film "Amazons and Gladiators", played by Patric Bergin- he's
known as 'Marcus Crassius'. They mention his defeating Spartacus, that Caesar exiles him due to his popularity,
to a poor province- where he's very cruel to the populace; he conquers the Amazons, under Queen Zenobia (who
apparently rules a tribe of Amazons in the same province, Pannae [Pannonia, one assumes]. In this film, he's
killed by a young girl whose family he killed.
He is portrayed by Simon Merrells in Spartacus: Spartacus: War of the Damned as the main antagonist. Unlike in
Alfred Duggan's novel, he is portrayed as a brilliant military tactician.
Crassus was also mentioned in the fifth series of Horrible Histories with a song dedicated to his life.
Notes
[1] In English: "Marcus Licinius Crassus, son of Publius, grandson of Publius"
[2] In Spanish: "Error craso" and "ignorancia crass" referring to "inexcusable mistake" and "inexcusable ignorance", cf. the Royal Academy of
the Spanish Language (www.rae.es): craso.
[3] Plutarch. Life of Crassus, 4 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Crassus*. html); also Cic.Scaur.
fragment at Ascon.27G=23C, with Asconius' comment on the passage
[4] deducable from their common gentilicium and cognomen, while Cic.Scaur. fragment at Ascon.27G=23C explicitly states that the
homonymous consulars who both took their own lives, P. Crassus Dives Mucianus (cos.131) and P. Crassus (cos.97), belonged to the same
stirps
[5] Plutarch Life of Crassus Ch. 1
[7] [7] (Plutarch, Life of Crassus, 6 (trans. Perrin, 1916). "It is said that in Bruttium he actually proscribed a man without Sulla's orders, merely to
get his property, and that for this reason Sulla, who disapproved of his conduct, never employed him again on public business.")
[9] Shaw, Brent D. Spartacus and the Slave Wars. New York: Bedford/St. Martins, 2001. Pages 178179.
[10] Liv. Per. 9697; App. BC 1.121. This obscure passage is important because although Crassus was likely named pro-praetor against
Spartacus in 72, the mystery of Crassus' true praetorship has baffled many scholars. For example in a 1993 graduate seminar Hist 275A at UC
Berkeley, Prof. Gruen documented for students that Pompey and maybe Crassus were the only two politicians not to abide by Sulla's laws for
holding office in the proper sequence and at the proper age (Gruen, Last Generation of the Roman Republic, 509, his praetorship is listed as c.
73). The Appian passage was found years after the seminar by Gaius Stern and appears in an upcoming paper. Livy implies, probably
incorrectly, that Crassus was praetor in 72 against Spartacus, rather than fighting under a special authorization as a pro-praetor. Were he
praetor in 72, his consulship 366 days later in 70 would be illegal according to Sulla's constitution. Eutrop. 6.7; call Crassus a pro-consul. See
also the Penguin translator Rex Warner, Plut. Cras. 10, n. 26 citing Broughton MRR calling him a pro-consul.
[11] Plutarch, Life of Crassus, Chapter X. Translated by Aubrey Stewart & George Long. London: George Bell & Sons, 1892.
[12] Appian, The Civil Wars, I.1819. Loeb Classics Edition, 1913.
[13] Plutarch, Life of Crassus, Chapter XI. Translated by Aubrey Stewart & George Long. London: George Bell & Sons, 1892.
[14] Plutarch. Life of Crassus. 19.13 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Crassus*. html).
[15] [15] Richard Bulliet, Professor of Middle Eastern History, Columbia University
[16] [16] Bivar (1983), p. 55.
[17] [17] Cassius Dio 40.27
[18] Plutarch. Life of Crassus, 33.23 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Crassus*. html).
[19] [19] Bivar (1983), p. 56.
[20] Spartacus, 1960 (http:/ / www. imdb.com/ title/ tt0054331/ )
236
References
Primary sources
Plutarch. "Life of Crassus" (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Crassus*.
html). Parallel Lives. trans. Bernadotte Perrin (Loeb Classical Library ed.).
Plutarch. "Life of Crassus" (http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ crassus. html). Parallel Lives. trans. John Dryden.
Plutarch. Plutarch's Lives Volume III at Project Gutenberg
Cicero. Letters of Marcus Tullius Cicero at Project Gutenberg
Dio Cassius Book 40, Stanza 26 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Cassius_Dio/ 40*.
html)
Modern works
Bivar, A.D.H. (1983). "The Political History of Iran Under the Arsacids," in The Cambridge History of Iran (Vol
3:1), 2199. Edited by Ehsan Yarshater. London, New York, New Rochelle, Melbourne, and Sydney: Cambridge
University Press. ISBN 0-521-20092-X.
Marshall, B A: Crassus: A Political Biography (Adolf M Hakkert, Amsterdam, 1976)
Ward, Allen Mason: Marcus Crassus and the Late Roman Republic (University of Missouri Press, 1977)
Twyman, Briggs L: critical review of Marshall 1976 and Ward 1977, Classical Philology 74 (1979), 35661
Hennessy, Dianne. (1990). Studies in Ancient Rome. Thomas Nelson Australia. ISBN0-17-007413-7.
Holland, Tom. (2003). Rubicon: The Triumph and Tragedy of the Roman Republic. Little,Brown.
Sampson, Gareth C: The defeat of Rome: Crassus, Carrhae & the invasion of the east (Pen & Sword Books,
2008) ISBN 978-1-84415-676-4.
Marcus Licinius Crassus (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ ~grout/ encyclopaedia_romana/ miscellanea/ trivia/
crassus. html)
Lang, David Marshall: Armenia: cradle of civilization (Allen & Unwin, 1970)
External links
Crassus (http:/ / virtualreligion. net/ iho/ crassus. html) entry in historical sourcebook by Mahlon H. Smith
Political offices
Precededby
Publius Cornelius Lentulus Sura and Gnaeus
Aufidius Orestes
Consul of the Roman
Republic
with Gnaeus Pompeius
Magnus
70 BC
Succeededby
Quintus Caecilius Metellus Creticus and
Quintus Hortensius
Precededby
Gnaeus Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus and
Lucius Marcius Philippus
Consul of the Roman
Republic
with Gnaeus Pompeius
Magnus
55 BC
Succeededby
Appius Claudius Pulcher and Lucius
Domitius Ahenobarbus
Eumenes
237
Eumenes
For other uses, see Eumenes (disambiguation).
Eumenes of Cardia (AncientGreek: , ca. 362316 BC) was a Greek general and scholar. He participated
in the Wars of the Diadochi as a supporter of the Macedonian Argead royal house.
Career
He was a native of Cardia in the Thracian Chersonese. At a very early age he was employed as private secretary by
Philip II of Macedon, and, after the death of Philip II, by Alexander the Great, whom he accompanied into Asia.
After Alexander's death (323 BC), Eumenes took command of a large body of Greek soldiers fighting in support of
Alexander's son, Alexander IV. In the ensuing division of the empire, Cappadocia and Paphlagonia were assigned to
Eumenes; but as they were not yet subdued, Leonnatus and Antigonus were charged by Perdiccas with securing them
for him. Antigonus, however, ignored the order, and Leonnatus vainly attempted to induce Eumenes to accompany
him to Europe and share in his far-reaching designs.
Eumenes joined Perdiccas, who installed him in Cappadocia. When Craterus and Antipater, having subdued Greece
in the Lamian War, determined to pass into Asia and overthrow the power of Perdiccas, their first blow was aimed at
Cappadocia. Craterus and Neoptolemus, satrap of Armenia, were completely defeated by Eumenes in a battle
somewhere near the Hellespont in 321 BC. Neoptolemus was killed, and Craterus died of his wounds.
After the murder of Perdiccas in Egypt by his own soldiers (320 BC), the Macedonian generals condemned Eumenes
to death, assigning Antipater and Antigonus as his executioners. Eumenes, betrayed to them by one of his own
officers, fled to Nora, a strong fortress on the border between Cappadocia and Lycaonia, where he held out for more
than a year, until the death of Antipater threw his opponents into disarray. Antipater had left the regency to his friend
Polyperchon instead of his son Cassander. Cassander therefore allied himself with Antigonus and Ptolemy, while
Eumenes allied himself with Polyperchon. He was therefore able to escape from Nora, and his forces were soon
threatening Syria and Phoenicia.
In 318 BC Antigonus marched against him, and Eumenes withdrew east to join the satraps of the provinces beyond
the Tigris River. After two indecisive victories at Paraitacene (317 BC) and Gabiene (316 BC), Eumenes was
betrayed to Antigonus by officers under his command.
According to Plutarch and Diodorus, Eumenes had won the battle but lost control of his army's baggage camp thanks
to his ally Peucestas' duplicity or incompetence. This baggage also included all the loot of the most decorated
Macedonian veterans (called the Argyraspides, or Silver Shields)treasure accumulated over 30 years of successful
warfare. It contained not only gold and gems but the Greeks' women and children. Antigonus responded to a request
for the return of the baggage train sent by Teutamus, one of their commanders, by demanding they give him
Eumenes. The Silver Shields did just that.
Antigonus, according to Plutarch, starved Eumenes for three days, but finally sent an executioner to dispatch him
when the time came for him to move his camp. Eumenes' body was given to his friends, to be burnt with honor, and
his ashes were conveyed in a silver urn to his wife and children.
Despite Eumenes' undeniable skills as a general, he never commanded the full allegiance of the Macedonian officers
in his army and died as a result. He was an able commander who did his utmost to maintain the unity of Alexander's
empire in Asia; but his efforts were frustrated by generals and satraps both nominally under his command and under
that of his enemies. Eumenes was hated and despised by many fellow commanderscertainly for his successes and
supposedly for his ethnicity and prior office as Royal Secretary. Eumenes has been seen as a tragic figure, a man
who seemingly tried to do the right thing but was overcome by a more ruthless enemy and the treachery of his own
soldiers.
Eumenes
238
References
Bibliography
Edward Anson, Eumenes of Cardia: A Greek among Macedonians, Brill Academic Publishers, 2004.
Waterfield, Robin (2011). Dividing the Spoils - The War for Alexander the Greats Empire (hardback). New
York: Oxford University Press. pp.273 pages. ISBN978-0-19-957392-9.
External links
1911 Encyclopdia Britannica on Eumenes of Cardia (http:/ / 40. 1911encyclopedia. org/ E/ EU/
EUMENES_OF_CARDIA. htm)
The Life of Eumenes by Plutarch (http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ eumenes. html)
The Historical Library by Diodorus (http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Diodorus/ diod. 9. html)
Quintus Sertorius
Quintus Sertorius (c. 126 BC 72 BC) was a Roman statesman and general, born in Nursia, in Sabine territory. His
brilliance as a military commander was shown most clearly in his battles against Rome for control of Hispania. His
family, the gens Sertoria, was probably of Sabine origin, and was previously undistinguished.
[1]
Early political career
After acquiring some reputation in Rome as a jurist and an orator, he began a military career. His first recorded
campaign was under Quintus Servilius Caepio at the Battle of Arausio, where he showed unusual courage. Serving
under Gaius Marius in 102 BC, Sertorius succeeded in spying on the wandering tribes that had defeated Caepio.
After this success, he fought at the great Battle of Aquae Sextiae (now Aix-en-Provence, France) in which the
Teutones were decisively defeated. In 97 BC, he served in Hispania as a military tribune under Titus Didius, winning
the Grass Crown.
In 91 he was quaestor in Cisalpine Gaul, where he was in charge of recruiting and training legions for the Social
War. During this time he sustained a wound that cost him the use of one of his eyes. Upon his return to Rome he ran
for tribune, but Lucius Cornelius Sulla thwarted his efforts (for reasons unknown), causing Sertorius to oppose him.
After Sulla forced Marius into exile, and Sulla left Rome to fight Mithridates, violence erupted between the
Optimates, led by the consul Gnaeus Octavius, and the Populares, led by the consul Lucius Cornelius Cinna.
Sertorius now declared for Cinna and the Populares. Though he had a very bad opinion of Marius, he consented to
Marius' return upon understanding that Marius came at Cinna's request and not of his own accord. After Octavius
surrendered Rome to the forces of Marius, Cinna, and Sertorius in 87, Sertorius abstained from the proscriptions his
fellow commanders engaged in. Sertorius went so far as to rebuke Marius, and move Cinna to moderation, while
annihilating Marius' slave army that had partaken in his atrocities.
Quintus Sertorius
239
Proconsul in Hispania
On Sulla's return from the East in 83, and following the subsequent collapse of the Populares power, Sertorius
retreated to Hispania as proconsul, representing the Populares. The Roman officials in Hispania did not recognize his
authority, but Sertorius assumed control as he had an army. Sertorius sought to hold Hispania by sending an army,
under Julius Salinator, to fortify the pass through the Pyrenees; however, Sulla's forces, under the command of Gaius
Annius, broke through after Salinator was killed by treachery.
Having been obliged to withdraw to North Africa, he carried on a campaign in Mauretania, in which he defeated one
of Sulla's generals and captured Tingis (Tangier).
Sertorian War
Main article: Sertorian War
Quintus Sertorius and the horse tail. by Gerard
van der Kuijl, 1638
The North Africa success won him the fame and admiration of the
people of Hispania, particularly that of the Lusitanians in the west (in
modern Portugal and Spain), whom Roman generals and proconsuls of
Sulla's party had plundered and oppressed. The Lusitanians then asked
Sertorius to be their general, and when arriving on their lands with
additional forces from Africa, he assumed supreme authority and
began to conquer the neighbouring territories of Hispania (modern
Spain).
Brave, noble, and gifted with eloquence, Sertorius was just the man to
impress them favourably, and the native warriors, whom he organized,
spoke of him as the "new Hannibal". His skill as a general was
extraordinary, as he repeatedly defeated forces many times his own size. Many Roman refugees and deserters joined
him, and with these and his Hispanian volunteers he completely defeated several of Sulla's generals (Fufidius,
Domitius Calvinus and to some less-direct extent Thoranius) and drove Quintus Caecilius Metellus Pius, who had
been specifically sent against him from Rome, out of Lusitania, or Hispania Ulterior as the Romans called it at the
time.
Sertorius owed some of his success to his prodigious ability as a statesman. His goal was to build a stable
government in Hispania with the consent and co-operation of the people, whom he wished to civilize along the lines
of the Roman model. He established a senate of 300 members, drawn from Roman emigrants (probably including
some from the highest nobles of Hispania) and kept a Hispanian bodyguard. For the children of the chief native
families he provided a school at Osca (Huesca), where they received a Roman education and even adopted the dress
and education of Roman youths, following the Roman practice of taking hostages. Late in his campaign, a revolt of
the native people arose and Sertorius killed several of the children that he had sent to school at Osca, and sold many
others into slavery.
[2]
Quintus Sertorius
240
Sertorius and the Example of the Horses, after Hans Holbein the Younger. The drawing
illustrates the example Sertorius gave to his followers that in the same way a horse's tail
can be picked out hair by hair but not pulled out all at once, so smaller forces could defeat
the Roman armies.
[3]
Although he was strict and severe with
his soldiers, he was particularly
considerate to the people in general,
and made their burdens as light as
possible. It seems clear that he had a
peculiar gift for evoking the
enthusiasm of the native tribes, and we
can understand well how he was able
to use the famous white fawn, a
present from one of the natives that
was supposed to communicate to him
the advice of the goddess Diana, to his
advantage.
For six years he held sway over Hispania. In 77, he was joinedat the insistence of the forces he brought with
himby Marcus Perpenna Vento from Rome, with a following of Roman nobles and a sizeable Roman army
(fifty-three cohorts). Also that year, Pompey was sent to help Metellus conquer Hispania and finish Sertorius off.
Contemptuously calling Pompey Sulla's pupil, Sertorius proved himself more than a match for his adversaries: he
razed Lauron, a city allied to Rome, after a battle in which Pompey's forces were ambushed and defeated. He nearly
captured Pompey at the battle of Sucro when Pompey decided to fight Sertorius without waiting for Metellus Pius;
but was indecisively beaten at Saguntum. However, Pompey wrote to Rome for reinforcements, without which, he
said, he and Metellus Pius would be driven out of Hispania. But from 75 on, Pompey was gaining the upper hand,
and he and Metellus began to capture city after city. Though he was still able to win significant victories, Sertorius
was losing the war, and his authority on his men had declined.
Sertorius was in league with the Cilician pirates, who had bases all across the Mediterranean, was negotiating with
the formidable Mithridates VI of Pontus, and was in communication with the insurgent slaves in Italy. But due to
jealousies among the Roman officers who served under him and the Hispanians of higher rank who began to weaken
his influence with the Lusitani tribes, he was assassinated by Marcus Perpenna Vento at a banquet at Perpenna
Vento's instigation in 72 BC. Appian notes Sulla's consistent elimination of enemy commanders by means of
treachery Wikipedia:Citation needed. At the time of his death, he was on the verge of successfully establishing an
independent Roman republic in Hispania, which crumbled with the renewed onslaught of Pompey and Metellus, who
crushed Perpenna's army and eliminated the remaining opposition.
See Plutarch's lives of Sertorius and Pompey; Appian, Bell. civ. and Hispanica; the fragments of Sallust; Dio Cassius
xxxvi.
References
[1] [1] Realencyclopdie der Classischen Altertumswissenschaft
[2] Sertorius (http:/ / ebooks. adelaide. edu.au/ p/ plutarch/ lives/ chapter41. html), by Plutarch
[3] Christian Mller in Hans Holbein the Younger: The Basel Years, 15151532, Christian Mller; Stephan Kemperdick; Maryan Ainsworth; et
al, Munich: Prestel, 2006, ISBN 978-3-7913-3580-3, .
Agesilaus II
241
Agesilaus II
For other uses of this name, see Agesilaus (disambiguation).
Agesilaus and Pharnabazus.
Agesilaus II, or Agesilaos II (/dsles/; AncientGreek:
; 444360 BC) was a Eurypontid king of the Ancient Greek
city-state of Sparta, ruling from approximately 400 BC to 360 BC,
during most of which time he was, in Plutarch's words, "as good as
thought commander and king of all Greece," and was for the whole of
it greatly identified with his country's deeds and fortunes. Small in
stature and lame from birth, Agesilaus became ruler somewhat
unexpectedly in his mid-forties. His early reign saw successful military
incursions into various states in what is now Turkey, although several
diplomatic decisions resulted in Sparta becoming increasingly isolated
prior to his death at the age of 84 in Cyrenaica (part of modern Libya).
History
Early life
Agesilaus was the son of Archidamus II and his second wife, Eupoleia,
brother to Cynisca (the first woman in ancient history to achieve an
Olympic victory), and younger half-brother of Agis II.
[1]
The is little surviving detail on the youth of Agesilaus. Lame from birth, he was not expected to succeed to the
throne after his brother king Agis II, especially because the latter had a son (Leotychidas). Therefore, Agesilaus was
trained in the traditional curriculum of Sparta, the agoge. However, Leotychidas was ultimately set aside as
illegitimate (contemporary rumors representing him as the son of Alcibiades) and Agesilaus became king around 401
BC, at the age of about forty. In addition to questions of his nephew's paternity, Agesilaus' succession was largely
due to the intervention of his Spartan general, Lysander, who hoped to find in him a willing tool for the furtherance
of his political designs. Lysander and the young Agesilaus came to maintain an intimate relation (see Pederasty in
Ancient Greece), as was common of the period. Their unique relationship would serve an important role during
Agesilaus' later campaigns in Asia Minor.
[2]
Early reign
Agesilaus expels the Illyrians from Epirus
Agesilaus is first recorded as king during the suppression of the
conspiracy of Cinadon, shortly after 398 BC. Then, in 396 BC,
Agesilaus crossed into Asia with a force of 2,000 neodamodes (freed
helots) and 6,000 allies (including 30 Spartiates) to liberate Greek
cities from Persian dominion. On the eve of sailing from Aulis he
attempted to offer a sacrifice, as Agamemnon had done before the
Trojan expedition, but the Thebans intervened to prevent it, an insult
for which he never forgave them. On his arrival at Ephesus a three
months' truce was concluded with Tissaphernes, the satrap of Lydia
and Caria, but negotiations conducted during that time proved fruitless,
Agesilaus II
242
and on its termination Agesilaus raided Phrygia, where he easily won immense booty from the satrap Pharnabazus;
Tissaphernes could offer no assistance, as he had concentrated his troops in Caria. In these campaigns Agesilaus also
benefited from the aid of the Ten Thousand (a mercenary army), who marched through miles of Persian territory to
reach the Black Sea. After spending the winter organizing a cavalry force (hippeis), he made a successful incursion
into Lydia in the spring of 395 BC. Tithraustes was sent to replace Tissaphernes, who paid with his life for his
continued failure. An armistice was concluded between Tithraustes and Agesilaus, who left the southern satrapy and
again invaded Phrygia, which he ravaged until the following spring. He then came to an agreement with Pharnabazus
and once more turned southward.
During these campaigns, Lysander attempted to manipulate Agesilaus into ceding his authority. Agesilaus, the
former passive lover of Lysander, would have nothing of this, and reminded Lysander (who was only a Spartan
general) who was king. He had Lysander sent away to assist the naval campaigns in the Aegean. This dominating
move by Agesilaus earned the respect of his men-at-arms and of Lysander himself, who remained emotionally close
with Agesilaus.
In 394 BC, while encamped on the plain of Thebe, he was planning a campaign in the interior, or even an attack on
Artaxerxes II himself, when he was recalled to Greece owing to the war between Sparta and the combined forces of
Athens, Thebes, Corinth, Argos and several minor states. A rapid march through Thrace and Macedonia brought him
to Thessaly, where he repulsed the Thessalian cavalry who tried to impede him. Reinforced by Phocian and
Orchomenian troops and a Spartan army, he met the confederate forces at Coronea in Boeotia and in a hotly
contested battle was technically victorious. However, the Spartan baggage train was ransacked and Agesilaus
himself was injured during the fighting, resulting in a subsequent retreat by way of Delphi to the Peloponnese.
Shortly before this battle the Spartan navy, of which he had received the supreme command, was totally defeated off
Cnidus by a powerful Persian fleet under Conon and Pharnabazus.
During these conflicts in mainland Greece, Lysander perished while attacking the walls of Thebes. Pausanias, the
second king of Sparta (see Spartan Constitution for more information on Sparta's dual monarchy), was supposed to
provide Lysander with reinforcements as they marched into Boeotia, yet failed to arrive in time to assist Lysander,
likely because Pausanias disliked him for his brash and arrogant attitude towards the Spartan royalty and
government. Pausanias failed to fight for the bodies of the dead, and because he retrieved the bodies under truce (a
sign of defeat), he was disgraced and banished from Sparta.
In 393 BC, Agesilaus engaged in a ravaging invasion of Argolis. In 392 BC he took a prominent part in the
Corinthian War, making several successful expeditions into Corinthian territory and capturing Lechaeum and
Piraeus. The loss, however, of a battalion (mora), destroyed by Iphicrates, neutralized these successes, and Agesilaus
returned to Sparta. In 389 BC he conducted a campaign in Acarnania, but two years later the Peace of Antalcidas,
warmly supported by Agesilaus, put an end to hostilities. In this interval, Agesilaus declined command over Sparta's
aggression on Mantineia, and justified Phoebidas' seizure of the Theban Cadmea so long as the outcome provided
glory to Sparta.
Decline
When war broke out afresh with Thebes Agesilaus twice invaded Boeotia (in 378 BC and 377 BC), although he
spent the next five years largely out of action due to an unspecified but apparently grave illness. In the congress of
371 BC an altercation is recorded between him and the Theban general Epaminondas, and due to his influence
Thebes was peremptorily excluded from the peace, and orders given for Cleombrotus to march against Thebes in 371
BC. Cleombrotus was defeated at Leuctra and the Spartan supremacy overthrown.
In 370 BC Agesilaus was engaged in an embassy to Mantineia, and reassured the Spartans with an invasion of
Arcadia. He preserved an un-walled Sparta against the revolts and conspiracies of helots, perioeci and even other
Spartans; and against external enemies, with four different armies led by Epaminondas penetrating Laconia that
same year. Again, in 362 BC, Epaminondas almost succeeded in seizing the city bwith a rapid and unexpected
Agesilaus II
243
march. The Battle of Mantinea, in which Agesilaus took no part, was followed by a general peace: Sparta, however,
stood aloof, hoping even yet to recover her supremacy. According to Xenophon,
[3]
Agesilaus, in order to gain money
for prosecuting the war, supported the satrap Ariobarzanes II in his revolt against Artaxerxes II in 364 BC (Revolt of
the Satraps), and in 361 BC he went to Egypt at the head of a mercenary force to aid the king Nectanebo I and his
regent Teos against Persia. He soon transferred his services to Teos's cousin and rival Nectanebo II, who, in return
for his help, gave him a sum of over 200 talents. On his way home Agesilaus died in Cyrenaica, around the age of
84, after a reign of some 41 years. His body was embalmed in wax, and buried at Sparta.
Legacy
Agesilaus was of small stature and unimpressive appearance, and was lame from birth. These facts were used as an
argument against his succession, an oracle having warned Sparta against a "lame reign." Most ancient writers
considered him a highly successful leader in guerrilla warfare, alert and quick, yet cautiousa man, moreover,
whose personal bravery was rarely questioned in his own time. Of his courage, temperance, and hardiness, many
instances are cited: and to these were added the less Spartan qualities of kindliness and tenderness as a father and a
friend. As examples: there is the story of his riding across a stick (horse made of stick) with his children and upon
being discovered by a friend desiring that he not mention till he himself were the father of children; and because of
the affection of his son Archidamus' for Cleonymus, he saved Sphodrias, Cleonymus' father, from execution for his
incursion into the Piraeus, and dishonorable retreat, in 378 BC. Modern writers tend to be slightly more critical of
Agesilaus' reputation and achievements, reckoning him an excellent soldier, but one who had a poor understanding
of sea power and siegecraft.
As a statesman he won himself both enthusiastic adherents and bitter enemies. Agesilaus was most successful in the
opening and closing periods of his reign: commencing but then surrendering a glorious career in Asia; and in
extreme age, maintaining his prostrate country. Other writers acknowledge his extremely high popularity at home,
but suggest his occasionally rigid and arguably irrational political loyalties and convictions contributed greatly to
Spartan decline, notably his unremitting hatred of Thebes, which led to Sparta's humiliation at the Battle of Leuctra
and thus the end of Spartan hegemony.
Other historical accounts paint Agesilaus as a prototype for the ideal leader. His awareness, thoughtfulness, and
wisdom were all traits to be emulated diplomatically, while his bravery and shrewdness in battle epitomized the
heroic Greek commander. These historians point towards the unstable oligarchies established by Lysander in the
former Athenian Empire and the failures of Spartan leaders (such as Pausanias and Kleombrotos) for the eventually
suppression of Spartan power. The ancient historian Xenophon was a huge admirer and served under Agesilaus
during the campaigns into Asia Minor.
Plutarch includes among his 78 essays and speeches comprising the apophthegmata Agesilaus' letter to the ephors on
his recall:
We have reduced most of Asia, driven back the barbarians, made arms abundant in Ionia. But since you
bid me, according to the decree, come home, I shall follow my letter, may perhaps be even before it. For
my command is not mine, but my country's and her allies'. And a commander then commands truly
according to right when he sees his own commander in the laws and ephors, or others holding office in
the state.
And when asked whether he wanted a memorial erected in his honor:
If I have done any noble action, that is a sufficient memorial; if I have done nothing noble, all the statues
in the world will not preserve my memory.
[4]
He lived in the most frugal style alike at home and in the field, and though his campaigns were undertaken largely to
secure booty, he was content to enrich the state and his friends and to return as poor as he had set forth.
[5][6][7][8]
He was succeeded by his son Archidamus III.
Agesilaus II
244
Selected quotes
When someone was praising an orator for his ability to magnify small points, he said, "In my opinion it's not a good
cobbler who fits large shoes on small feet."
Another time he watched a mouse being pulled from its hole by a small boy. When the mouse turned around, bit the
hand of its captor and escaped, he pointed this out to those present and said, "When the tiniest creature defends itself
like this against aggressors, what ought men to do, do you reckon?"
Certainly when somebody asked what gain the laws of Lycurgus had brought Sparta, he answered, "Contempt for
pleasures."
Asked once how far Sparta's boundaries stretched, he brandished his spear and said, "As far as this can reach."
On noticing a house in Asia roofed with square beams, he asked the owner whether timber grew square in that area.
When told no, it grew round, he said, "What then? If it were square, would you make it round?"
As he was dying on the voyage back from Egypt, he gave instructions to those close to him that they should not be
responsible for making any image of his person, be it modeled or painted or copied, "For if I have accomplished any
glorious feat, that will be my memorial. But if I have not, not even all the statues in the worldthe products of
vulgar, worthless menwould make any difference."
[9]
Invited to hear an actor who could perfectly imitate the nightingale, Agesilaus declined, saying he had heard the
nightingale itself.
References
[1] Agesilaus (http:/ / www.livius. org/ ag-ai/ agesilaus/ agesilaus. htm) from Livius.Org (http:/ / www. livius. org)
[2] Xenophon, Hell. iii. 3, to the end, Agesilaus
[3] Xenophon, Agesilaus, ii. 26, 27
[4] In Greek:
[5] Diodorus Siculus, xiv. xv
[6] Pausanias, Description of Greece iii. 97 10
[7] Plutarch and Cornelius Nepos, in vita
[8] Plutarch, Apophthegmata Laconica
[9] Plutarch: "Sayings of Spartans," Penguin Classics, 2005 Revised Edition
article
name needed
Further reading
Cartledge, Paul. Agesilaos and the Crisis of Sparta. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987.
Cawkwell, G.L. "Agesilaus and Sparta." The Classical Quarterly 26 (1976): 62-84.
David, Ephraim. Sparta Between Empire and Revolution (404-243 BC): Internal Problems and Their Impact on
Contemporary Greek Consciousness. New York: Arno Press, 1981.
Forrest, W.G. A History of Sparta, 950-192 B.C. 2d ed. London: Duckworth, 1980.
Hamilton, Charles D. Agesilaus and the Failure of Spartan Hegemony. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press,
1991.
Hamilton, Charles D. Sparta's Bitter Victories: Politics and Diplomacy in the Corinthian War. Ithaca, NY:
Cornell University Press, 1979.
Plutarch. Agesilaus (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=g7kNAAAAIAAJ& pg=PA65& dq=plutarch's+ lives+
perrin+ Agesilaus& hl=en& ei=nDRcTYLVNoet8Abgsoi6Dg& sa=X& oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=1&
ved=0CCsQ6AEwAA#v=onepage& q& f=false). In Plutarch's Lives, Translated by Bernadotte Perrin, 11 vols.
Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1959-1967.
Wylie, Graham, "Agesilaus and the Battle of Sardis" Klio 74 (1992): 118-130.
Agesilaus II
245
Xenophon. A History of My Times (Hellenica), Translated by George Cawkwell. Boston: Penguin Books, 1966.
Agesilaus II
Eurypontid Dynasty
Born: 444 BC Died: 360 BC
Regnal titles
Precededby
Agis II
King of Sparta
401/400360 BC
Succeededby
Archidamus III
Pompey
This article is about Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus, Pompey the Great, a triumvir of Rome. For the football (soccer)
team in England, see Portsmouth F.C.. For other uses, see Pompey (disambiguation).
Not to be confused with Pompeii (disambiguation).
Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus
Pompey the Great in middle age, marble bust in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, Copenhagen, Denmark.
In office
52 BC 51 BC
Serving with Quintus Caecilius Metellus Pius Scipio
Preceded by Marcus Valerius Messalla Rufus and Gnaeus Domitius Calvinus
Succeeded by Marcus Claudius Marcellus and Servius Sulpicius Rufus
In office
55 BC 54 BC
Serving with Marcus Licinius Crassus
Preceded by Gnaeus Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus and Lucius Marcius Philippus
Succeeded by Appius Claudius Pulcher and Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus
Governor of the Hispania Ulterior
Pompey
246
In office
58 BC 55 BC
In office
70 BC 69 BC
Serving with Marcus Licinius Crassus
Preceded by Publius Cornelius Lentulus Sura and Gnaeus Aufidius Orestes
Succeeded by Quintus Caecilius Metellus Creticus and Quintus Hortensius
Personal details
Born September 29, 106 BC
Picenum (Italy), Roman Republic
Died September 28, 48 BC (aged 58)
Pelusium, Ptolemaic Egypt
Spouse(s) Antistia (?- 82 BC)
Aemilia Scaura (82 BC - 79 BC)
Mucia Tertia (79 BC - 61 BC)
Julia (59 BC - 54 BC)
Cornelia Metella (52 BC - 48 BC)
Children Gnaeus Pompeius
Pompeia Magna
Sextus Pompeius
Occupation Politician and military commander
Religion Roman paganism
These articles cover
Ancient Rome and the fall of the
Republic
Mark Antony
CleopatraVII
Assassination of Julius Caesar
Pompey
Theatre of Pompey
Cicero
First Triumvirate
Roman Forum
Comitium
Rostra
Curia Julia
Curia Hostilia
v
t
e
[1]
Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus (official nomenclature CNPOMPEIVSCNFSEXNMAGNVS;
[2]
29 September 106 BC 28
September 48BC), usually known in English as Pompey /pmpi/ or Pompey the Great,
[3]
was a military and
political leader of the late Roman Republic. He came from a wealthy Italian provincial background, and his father
Pompey
247
had been the first to establish the family among the Roman nobility. Pompey's immense success as a general while
still very young enabled him to advance directly to his first consulship without meeting the normal requirements for
office. Military success in Sulla's Second Civil War led him to adopt the nickname Magnus, "the Great". He was
consul three times, and celebrated three triumphs.
In the mid-60 BC, Pompey joined Marcus Licinius Crassus and Gaius Julius Caesar in the unofficial
military-political alliance known as the First Triumvirate, which Pompey's marriage to Caesar's daughter Julia
helped secure. After the deaths of Julia and Crassus, Pompey sided with the optimates, the conservative faction of
the Roman Senate. Pompey and Caesar then contended for the leadership of the Roman state, leading to a civil war.
When Pompey was defeated at the Battle of Pharsalus, he sought refuge in Egypt, where he was assassinated. His
career and defeat are significant in Rome's subsequent transformation from Republic to Principate and Empire.
Early life and political debut
Pompey's father, Gnaeus Pompeius Strabo, was a wealthy landed Italian provincial from Picenum, one of the
homines novi (new men). Pompeius Strabo ascended the traditional cursus honorum, becoming quaestor in 104BC,
praetor in 92BC and consul in 89BC, and acquired a reputation for greed, political double-dealing and military
ruthlessness. He supported Sulla's traditionalist optimates against the popularist general Marius in the first
Marian-Sullan war.
[4]
He died during the Marian siege against Rome in 87BC, either as a casualty of pandemic plague, or struck by
lightning, or possibly both. In Plutarch's account, his body was dragged from its bier by the mob.
[5]
His twenty
year-old son Pompey inherited his estates, his political leanings and the loyalty of his legions.
Roman statue of Pompey, at the Villa Arconati a
Castellazzo di Bollate (Milan, Italy). It was brought
there from Rome in 1627 by Galeazzo Arconati.
Pompey had served two years under his father's command, and had
participated in the final acts of the Marsic Social War against the
Italians. He returned to Rome and was prosecuted for
misappropriation of plunder: his betrothal to the judge's daughter,
Antistia, secured a rapid acquittal.
[6]
For the next few years, the Marians had possession of Italy.
[7]
When Sulla returned from campaigning against Mithridates in
83BC, Pompey raised three Picenean legions to support him
against the Marian regime of Gnaeus Papirius Carbo.
[8]
Sulla and his allies displaced the Marians in Italy and Rome: Sulla,
now Dictator of Rome, was impressed by the young Pompey's
self-confident performance. He addressed him as imperator and
offered him his stepdaughter, Aemilia Scaura, in marriage.
Aemilia already married and pregnant divorced her husband
and Pompey divorced Antistia.
[9]
Though Aemilia died in
childbirth soon after, the marriage confirmed Pompey's loyalty and
greatly boosted his career.
[10]
Sicily and Africa
With the war in Italy over, Sulla sent Pompey against the Marians in Sicily and Africa.
[11]
In 82BC, Pompey
secured Sicily, guaranteeing Rome's grain supply. He executed Gnaeus Papirius Carbo and his supporters out of
hand, which may have led to his dubbing as the adulescens carnifex (adolescent butcher).
[12]
In 81BC, he moved on
to the Roman province of Africa, where he defeated Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus and the Numidian king Hiarbas,
after a hard-fought battle.
[13]
Pompey
248
After this string of victories, Pompey was proclaimed Imperator by his troops on the field in Africa; once back in
Rome, he was given an enthusiastic popular reception and hailed by Sulla as Magnus (the Great) probably in
recognition of Pompey's undoubted victories and popularity, but also with some degree of sarcasm. The young
general was still officially a mere privatus (private citizen) who had held no offices in the cursus honorum. The title
may have been meant to cut Pompey down to size; he himself used it only later in his career.
[14]
When Pompey demanded a triumph for his African victories, Sulla refused; it would be an unprecedented, even
illegal, honour for a young privatus he must disband his legions. Pompey refused, and presented himself
expectantly at the gates of Rome. Sulla gave in.
[15]
However, Sulla had his own triumph first, then allowed Metellus
Pius his triumph, relegating Pompey to an extra-legal third place in a quick succession of triumphs.
[16]
On the day, Pompey attempted to upstage both his seniors in a triumphal chariot towed by an elephant, representing
his exotic African conquests. The elephant would not fit through the city gate. Some hasty replanning was needed,
much to the embarrassment of Pompey and amusement of those present.
[17]
His refusal to give in to his troops'
near-mutinous demands for cash probably impressed his mentor and Rome's conservatives.
Quintus Sertorius and Spartacus
Bust of Pompey in the Residenz, Munich
Pompey's career seems to have been driven by desire for military glory
and disregard for traditional political constraints.
[18]
In the consular
elections of 78BC, he supported Lepidus against Sulla's wishes. In78,
Sulla died; when Lepidus revolted, Pompey suppressed him on behalf
of the Senate. Then he asked for proconsular imperium in Hispania
[19]
to deal with the populares general Quintus Sertorius, who had held out
for the past three years against Quintus Caecilius Metellus Pius, one of
Sulla's most able generals.
[20]
The Roman aristocracy turned him down they were beginning to fear
the young, popular and successful general. Pompey resorted to his tried
and tested persuasion; he refused to disband his legions until his
request was granted. The senate acceded, reluctantly granted him the
title of proconsul and powers equal to those of Metellus, and sent him
to Hispania.
[21]
Pompey remained there from 76 71BC; he was for long unable to
bring the war to an end due to Sertorius' guerrilla tactics. Though he
was never able to decisively beat Sertorius (and he nearly met disaster
at the battle of Sucro), he won several campaigns against Sertorius' junior officers in a war of attrition. Sertorius was
significantly weakened, and by 74BC, Metellus and Pompey were winning city after city.
[22]
Finally, Pompey managed to crush the populares when Sertorius was murdered by his own officer, Marcus Perperna
Vento, who was defeated in 72 by the young general, at their first battle. By early 71, the whole of Hispania was
subdued. Pompey showed a talent for efficient organisation and fair administration in the conquered province; this
extended his patronage throughout Hispania and into southern Gaul.
[23]
Some time in 71 BC, he set off for Italy,
along with his army.
Meanwhile, Crassus was facing Spartacus to end Rome's Third Servile War. Crassus defeated Spartacus, but in his
march towards Rome, Pompey encountered the remnants of Spartacus' army; he captured five thousand of them and
claimed the credit for finishing the revolt, which infuriated Crassus.
[24]
Back in Rome, Pompey was wildly popular. On December31, 71BC, he was given a triumph for his victories in
Hispania like his first, it was granted extralegally. To his admirers, he was the most brilliant general of the age,
evidently favoured by the gods and a possible champion of the people's rights. He had successfully faced down Sulla
Pompey
249
and his Senate; he or his influence might restore the traditional plebeian rights and privileges lost under Sulla's
dictatorship.
So Pompey was allowed to bypass another ancient Roman tradition; at only 35 years of age and while not even a
senator, he was elected Consul by an overwhelming majority vote, and served in 70BC with Crassus as partner.
Pompey's meteoric rise to the consulship was unprecedented; his tactics offended the traditionalist nobility whose
values he claimed to share and defend. He had left them no option but to allow his consulship.
Campaign against the pirates
Further information: Lex Gabinia
Pompey
Two years after his consulship, Pompey was offered command of a
naval task force to deal with piracy in the Mediterranean Sea. The
conservative faction of the Senate remained suspicious and wary of
him; this seemed yet another illegal or at least extraordinary
appointment.
[25]
Pompey's supporters for this command including
Caesar were in the minority, but support was whipped up through his
nomination by the Tribune of the Plebs Aulus Gabinius who proposed
a Lex Gabinia; Pompey should have control over the sea and the coasts
for 50 miles inland. This would set him above every military leader in the East it was passed despite vehement
opposition.
According to Rome's historians, pirates had freely plundered the coastal cities of Greece, Asia and Italy itself. The
extent and nature of their threat is questionable; anything that threatened Rome's grain supply was cause for panic.
Roman public opinion and Pompey's supporters may have exaggerated the solution. Various settlements, peoples and
city-states around the Mediterranean had coexisted several centuries and most had operated small fleets for war, or
trade in commodities, including slaves. Their alliances might be loose and temporary or more-or-less permanent;
some regarded themselves as nations.
[26]
With Rome's increasing hegemony, the independent maritime economies of the Mediterranean would have been
further marginalised; an increasing number would have resorted to piracy. As long as they met Rome's increasing
requirement for slaves, left her allies and territories untouched and offered her enemies no support, they were
tolerated. Some were subsidised. But fear of piracy was potent and these same pirates, it was later alleged, had
assisted Sertorius.
By the end of that winter, the preparations were complete. Pompey allocated one of thirteen areas to each of his
legates, and sent out their fleets. In forty days, the western Mediterranean was cleared. Dio reported communication
was restored between Hispania, Africa, and Italy;
[27]
and that Pompey then attended to the largest of these alliances,
centered on the coast of "Rough Cilicia".
[28]
After "defeating" its fleet, he induced its surrender with promises of
pardon, and settled many of its people at Soli, which was henceforward called Pompeiopolis.
[29]
De Souza (2002) finds that Pompey had officially returned the Cilicians to their own cities, which were ideal bases
for piracy and not as Dio would have it for the dignified reformation of pirates as farmers. Pompey's entire
campaign is therefore in question; its description as "war" is hyperbole some form of treaty or payoff is likely, with
Pompey as chief negotiator. This was standard practice, but undignified and seldom acknowledged; Rome's generals
were supposed to wage and win wars. A decade on, in the 50s BC, the Cilicians and pirates in general remained a
nuisance to Rome's sea trade.
[30]
In Rome, however, Pompey was hero; once again, he had guaranteed the grain supply. According to Plutarch, by the
end of the summer of 66BC, his forces had swept the Mediterranean clear of opposition. Pompey was hailed as the
first man in Rome, Primus inter pares (the first among equals). Cicero could not resist a panegyric:
[31]
Pompey
250
"Pompey made his preparations for the war at the end of the winter, entered upon it at the commencement of
spring, and finished it in the middle of the summer."
The expedience of his campaign probably guaranteed Pompey his next and even more impressive command, this
time in Rome's long-running war against Mithridates. By the 40s BC, Cicero could comment less favourably on the
pirate campaign, and especially the funded "resettlement" at Soli/Pompeiopolis; "we give immunity to pirates and
make our allies pay tribute."
[32]
Pompey in the East
Further information: Kingdom of Pontus
Pompey in the Temple of Jerusalem, by Jean Fouquet.
Pompey spent the rest of that year and the beginning of
the next visiting the cities of Cilicia and Pamphylia,
and providing for the government of newly conquered
territories. In his absence from Rome (66BC), he was
nominated to succeed Lucius Licinius Lucullus as
commander in the Third Mithridatic War against
Mithridates VI of Pontus in the East. Pompey's
command was proposed by the tribune Gaius Manilius,
supported by Caesar and justified by Cicero in pro
Lege Manilia.
[33]
His brother-in-law Quintus Metellus
Celer served underneath him at this time and followed
him in his exploits in the East. Like the Gabinian law, it
was opposed by the aristocracy, but was carried
nonetheless.
Lucullus, a plebeian noble, was incensed at the
prospect of his replacement by a "new man" such as
Pompey. The outgoing commander and his
replacements traded insults. Lucullus called Pompey a
"vulture" who fed from the work of others. Lucullus
was referring not merely to Pompey's new command
against Mithridates, but also his claim to have finished the war against Spartacus.
[34]
At Pompey's approach, Mithridates strategically withdrew his forces. Tigranes the Great refused him refuge, so he
made his way to his own dominions in the Cimmerian Bosporus. Pompey secured a treaty with Tigranes, and in
65BC set out in pursuit of Mithridates, but met resistance from the Caucasian Iberians and Albanians. He advanced
to Phasis in Colchis and liaised with his legate Servilius, admiral of his Euxine fleet, before decisively defeating
Mithridates.
[35]
Pompey then retraced his steps, wintered at Pontus, and made it into a Roman province. In 64BC, he marched into
Syria, deposed its king, Antiochus XIII Asiaticus, and reconstituted this, too, as a Roman province. In 63BC, he
moved south, and established Roman supremacy in Phoenicia and Coele-Syria.
[36]
In Judea, Pompey intervened in the civil war between HyrcanusII, who supported the Pharisee faction and
AristobulusII, who supported the Sadducees. The armies of Pompey and HyrcanusII laid siege to Jerusalem. After
three months, the city fell.
[37]
"Of the Jews there fell twelve thousand, but of the Romans very few.... and no small enormities were
committed about the temple itself, which, in former ages, had been inaccessible, and seen by none; for
Pompey went into it, and not a few of those that were with him also, and saw all that which it was
unlawful for any other men to see but only for the high priests. There were in that temple the golden
Pompey
251
table, the holy candlestick, and the pouring vessels, and a great quantity of spices; and besides these
there were among the treasures two thousand talents of sacred money: yet did Pompey touch nothing of
all this, on account of his regard to religion; and in this point also he acted in a manner that was worthy
of his virtue. The next day he gave order to those that had the charge of the temple to cleanse it, and to
bring what offerings the law required to God; and restored the high priesthood to Hyrcanus, both
because he had been useful to him in other respects, and because he hindered the Jews in the country
from giving Aristobulus any assistance in his war against him." (Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, book
14, chapter 4; tr. by William Whiston, available at Project Gutenberg.)
During the war in Judea, Pompey heard of Mithridates' suicide; his army had deserted him for his son Pharnaces. In
all, Pompey had annexed four new provinces to the Republic: Bithynia et Pontus, Syria, Cilicia, and Crete. Rome's
Asian protectorates now extended as far east as the Black Sea and the Caucasus. Pompey's military victories,
political settlements and annexations in Asia created Rome's new frontier on the east.
Return to Rome, and third triumph
News of Pompey's victories in the east and probably of his divine honours there reached Rome before he did. He
had cult at Delos and was "saviour" in Samos and Mytelene. Plutarch quotes a wall-graffito in Athens, referring it to
Pompey: "The more you know you're a man, the more you become a god". In Greece, these honours were standard
fare for benefactors. In Rome, they would have seemed dangerously monarchic.
[38]
In Pompey's absence, his old supporter Cicero had risen to the consulship. His old enemy and colleague Crassus
supported Caesar. In the Senate and behind its scenes, Pompey was probably equally admired, feared and excluded;
on the streets he was as popular as ever. His eastern victories earned him his third triumph. On his 45th birthday, in
61BC, he rode the triumphal chariot, a magnificent god-king, but one of Republican form, ritualistically reminded of
his impermanence and mortality. Even so, he was accompanied by a gigantic portrait head of himself, studded with
pearls.
[39][40]
His third triumph exceeded all others; an unprecedented two days were scheduled for its procession and games
(ludi). Spoils, prisoners, army and banners depicting battle scenes wended the triumphal route between the Campus
Martius and the Capitoline temple of Jupiter. To conclude, he gave an immense triumphal banquet and money to the
people of Rome, and promised them a new theatre. Plutarch claimed this triumph represented Pompey's and
therefore Rome's domination over the entire world, an achievement to outshine even Alexander's.
[41][42]
In the meantime, Pompey promised his retiring veterans public lands to farm, then dismissed his armies. It was a
reassuringly traditional gesture, but the Senate remained suspicious. They debated and delayed his eastern political
settlements
[43]
and the promised gifts of public land. From now on, Pompey seems to have toed a cautious line
between his enthusiastic popular supporters and the conservatives who seemed so reluctant to acknowledge his solid
achievements. It would lead him into unexpected political alliances.
Caesar and the First Triumvirate
Although Pompey and Crassus distrusted each other, Crassus' tax farming clients were being rebuffed at the same
time Pompey's veterans were being ignored, and by 61BC, their grievances had pushed them both into an alliance
with Caesar, six years younger than Pompey, returning from service in Hispania and ready to seek the consulship for
59BC. Their political alliance, known subsequently as the First Triumvirate, operated to the benefit of each. Pompey
and Crassus would make Caesar Consul, and Caesar would use his consular power to promote their claims.
Caesar's consulship of 59 BC brought Pompey land for his veterans, confirmation of his Asian political settlements
and a new wife. She was Caesar's daughter, Julia; Pompey was said to be besotted by her.
[44]
In the same year,
Clodius renounced his patrician status, was adopted into a plebeian gens and was elected a Tribune of the plebs. At
the end of his consulship, Caesar secured proconsular command in Gaul. Pompey was given the governorship of
Pompey
252
Hispania Ulterior, but remained in Rome to oversee the grain supply as curator annonae.
[45]
Despite his preoccupation with his new wife, Pompey handled the grain issue well. His political acumen was less
sure. When Clodius turned on him in turn, Pompey defended himself by supporting Cicero's recall from exile
(57BC). Once back in Rome, Cicero stepped back into his role as Pompey's defender and Clodius' antagonist, but
Pompey himself retreated to his lovely young wife and his theatre plans; such behaviour was not expected of the
once dazzling young general.
Pompey might equally have been obsessed, exhausted and frustrated. His own party had not forgiven him for
allowing Cicero's expulsion. Some tried to persuade him that Crassus was plotting his assassination. Meanwhile,
Caesar seemed set on outstripping both his colleagues in generalship and popularity.
By 56 BC, the bonds between the three men were fraying. Caesar called first Crassus, then Pompey, to a secret
meeting, the Lucca Conference, in the northern Italian town of Lucca to rethink their joint strategy. They agreed that
Pompey and Crassus would again stand for the consulship in 55BC. Once elected, they would extend Caesar's
command in Gaul by five years. At the end of their joint consular year, Crassus would have the influential and
lucrative governorship of Syria, and use this as a base to conquer Parthia. Pompey would keep Hispania in absentia.
In 55 BC, Pompey and Crassus were elected as consuls, against a background of bribery, civil unrest and
electioneering violence.
[46]
Pompey's new theatre was inaugurated in the same year. It was Rome's first permanent
theatre, a gigantic, architecturally daring, self-contained complex on the Campus Martius, complete with shops,
multi-service buildings, gardens and a temple to Venus Victrix. The latter connected its donor to Aeneas, a son of
Venus and ancestor of Rome itself. In its portico, the statuary, paintings and personal wealth of foreign kings could
be admired at leisure. Pompey's triumph lived on.
[47]
His theatre made an ideal meeting place for his supporters.
From confrontation to war
In 54 BC, Julia, Caesar's only child and Pompey's wife, died in childbirth along with her baby. Pompey and Caesar
shared their grief and condolences, but Julia's death broke their family bonds.
[48]
The following year, Crassus, his
son Publius and most of his army were annihilated by the Parthians at Carrhae. Caesar, not Pompey, was now
Rome's great new general and the fragile balance of power between them was under threat. Public anxiety spilled
over: rumours circulated that Pompey would be offered dictatorship for the sake of law and order.
Caesar sought a second matrimonial alliance with Pompey, offering his grandniece Octavia (the sister of the future
emperor Augustus). This time, though, Pompey refused. In 52BC, he married Cornelia Metella, the very young
widow of Crassus's son Publius, and the daughter of Caecilius Metellus Scipio, one of Caesars greatest enemies.
Pompey was drifting back toward the optimates. It can be presumed that they thought him the lesser of two evils.
In the same year, Publius Clodius was murdered. When his supporters burned down the Senate House in retaliation,
the Senate appealed to Pompey. He reacted with ruthless efficiency. Cicero, defending the accused murderer Titus
Annius Milo, was so shaken by a Forum seething with armed soldiers, he was unable to complete his defense.
Once order was restored, the Senate and Cato avoided granting Pompey dictatorship it recalled Sulla and his
bloody proscriptions. Instead they made him sole Consul; this gave him sweeping, but limited, powers. A Dictator
could not be lawfully punished for measures taken during his office. As sole Consul, Pompey would be answerable
for his actions once out of office.
While Caesar was fighting against Vercingetorix in Gaul, Pompey proceeded with a legislative agenda for Rome. Its
details suggested covert alliance with Caesar's enemies: among his various legal and military reforms was a law
allowing retrospective prosecution for electoral bribery. Caesar's allies correctly interpreted this as a threat to Caesar
once his imperium ended. Pompey also prohibited Caesar from standing for the consulship in absentia, though this
had been permitted under past laws.
This seemed to put paid to Caesar's plans after his term in Gaul expired. Finally, in 51BC, Pompey was more
forthright; Caesar would not be permitted to stand for Consul unless he relinquished his armies. This would, of
Pompey
253
course, leave Caesar defenseless before his enemies. As Cicero sadly noted, Pompey had been diminished by age,
uncertainty, his fear of Caesar and the strain of being the chosen tool of a quarreling oligarchy of optimates. The
coming conflict seemed inevitable.
[49]
Civil war and assassination
Main article: Caesar's civil war
The Flight of Pompey after Pharsalus, by Jean
Fouquet
In the beginning, Pompey claimed he could defeat Caesar and raise
armies merely by stamping his foot on the soil of Italy, but by the
spring of 49BC, with Caesar crossing the Rubicon and his invading
legions sweeping down the peninsula, Pompey ordered the
abandonment of Rome. His legions retreated south towards
Brundisium, where Pompey intended to find renewed strength by
waging war against Caesar in the east. In the process, neither Pompey
nor the Senate thought of taking the vast treasury with them, probably
thinking Caesar would not dare take it for himself. It was left
conveniently in the Temple of Saturn when Caesar and his forces
entered Rome.
Barely eluding Caesar in Brundisium, Pompey crossed over into
Epirus, where, during Caesar's Spanish campaign, Pompey had
gathered a large force in Macedonia, comprising nine legions
reinforced by contingents from the Roman allies in the east.
[50]
His
fleet, recruited from the maritime cities in the east, controlled the
Adriatic. Nevertheless, Caesar managed to cross over into Epirus in
November 49BC, and proceeded to capture Apollonia.
Pompey managed to arrive in time to save Dyrrhachium, and he then attempted to wait Caesar out during the siege of
Dyrrhachium, in which Caesar lost 1000 men and Pompey lost 2000. Yet, by failing to pursue at the critical moment
of Caesar's defeat, Pompey threw away the chance to destroy Caesar's much smaller army. As Caesar himself said,
"Today the enemy would have won, if they had a commander who was a winner" (Plutarch,65).
According to Suetonius, it was at this point that Caesar said that "that man (Pompey) does not know how to win a
war." With Caesar on their backs, the conservatives led by Pompey fled to Greece. Caesar and Pompey had their
final showdown at the Battle of Pharsalus in 48BC. The fighting was bitter for both sides, and although Pompey was
expected to win, due to advantage in numbers, the brilliant tactics and the superior fighting abilities of Caesar's
veterans led to a victory for Caesar. Pompey met his wife Cornelia and his son Sextus Pompeius on the island of
Mytilene. He then wondered where to go next. The decision of running to one of the eastern kingdoms was overruled
in favour of Egypt.
After his arrival in Egypt, Pompey's fate was decided by the counselors of the young king PtolemyXIII. While
Pompey waited offshore, they argued the cost of offering him refuge with Caesar already en route to Egypt; the
king's eunuch Pothinus won out. In the final dramatic passages of his biography, Plutarch had Cornelia watch
anxiously from the trireme as Pompey left in a small boat with a few sullen, silent comrades, and headed for what
appeared to be a welcoming party on the Egyptian shore at Pelusium. As Pompey rose to disembark, he was stabbed
to death by his betrayers, Achillas, Septimius and Salvius.
[51]
Plutarch has him meet his fate with great dignity, one day after his 59th birthday. His body remained on the
shoreline, to be cremated by his loyal freeman Philip on the rotten planks of a fishing boat. His head and seal were
presented to Caesar, who, according to Plutarch, mourned this insult to the greatness of his former ally and
son-in-law, and punished his assassins and their Egyptian co-conspirators, putting both Achillas and Pothinus to
Pompey
254
death. Pompey's ashes were eventually returned to Cornelia, who carried them to his country house near Alba.
Cassius Dio describes Caesar's reactions with scepticism, and considers Pompey's own political misjudgements,
rather than treachery, as instrumental in his downfall.
[52]
In Appian's account of the civil war, Caesar has Pompey's
severed head interred in Alexandria, in ground reserved for a new temple to the goddess Nemesis, whose divine
functions included the punishment of hubris.
[53]
For Pliny, the humiliation of Pompey's end is anticipated by the
vaunting pride of his oversized portrait-head, studded entirely with pearls, and carried in procession during his
greatest Triumph.
[54]
Theodatus shows Caesar the head of Pompey; etching, 1820
Later portrayals and reputation
For the historians of his own and later Roman periods,
Pompey fit the trope of the great man who achieved
extraordinary triumphs through his own efforts, yet fell
from power and was, in the end, murdered through
treachery.
He was a hero of the Republic, who seemed once to
hold the Roman world in his palm, only to be brought
low by his own poor judgment and Caesar. Pompey
was idealized as a tragic hero almost immediately after
Pharsalus and his murder. Plutarch portrayed him as a
Roman Alexander the Great, pure of heart and mind,
destroyed by the cynical ambitions of those around him. This portrayal of him survived into the Renaissance and
Baroque periods, for example in Corneille's play The Death of Pompey (1642).
Pompey has appeared as a character in several modern novels, plays, motion pictures, and other media.
Theater, Film and Television
A theatrical portrayal was John Masefield's play The Tragedy of Pompey the Great (1910).
In the opening scene of King of Kings (1961 film), he is played by actor Conrado San Martin.
In the television series Xena: Warrior Princess, he is portrayed by actor Jeremy Callaghan.
Chris Noth portrays Pompey in the 2002 miniseries Julius Caesar.
He appears as a major character in the first season of the HBO series Rome, in which he is portrayed by Kenneth
Cranham.
In 2006 he was played by John Shrapnel in the BBC docu-drama Ancient Rome: The Rise and Fall of an Empire.
In the television series Spartacus: War of the Damned, he is portrayed by actor Joel Tobeck.
Literature
In Colleen McCullough's Masters of Rome series of historical novels, Pompey's youthful exploits are depicted in
Fortune's Favorites, the formation of the First Triumvirate and his marriage to Julia is a large part of Caesar's
Women and his loss of Julia, the dissolution of the First Triumvirate, his later political career, the civil war
between him and Caesar and his eventual defeat and his betrayal and murder in Egypt are all told in Caesar.
In comics, he appears as Julius Caesar's foe throughout the The Adventures of Alix series.
Pompey is a recurring character in the Roma Sub Rosa series of novels by Steven Saylor, portraying his role in the
Civil War with Caesar. His final appearance is in Saylor's novel The Judgment of Caesar, graphically depicting
his murder by Ptolemy in Egypt.
Pompey also appears frequently in the SPQR series by John Maddox Roberts, narrated by Senator Decius
Metellus, a fictional nephew of Caecilius Metellus Pius. Decius despises Pompey as a glory-seeker and
Pompey
255
credit-grabber, while acknowledging that he is a political dunce who was eventually swept up into the optimates
feud with Caesar.
Marriages and offspring
First wife, Antistia
Second wife, Aemilia Scaura (Sulla's stepdaughter)
Third wife, Mucia Tertia (whom he divorced for adultery, according to Cicero's letters)
Gnaeus Pompeius, executed in 45 BC, after the Battle of Munda
Pompeia Magna, married to Faustus Cornelius Sulla; ancestor of Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus (Claudia Antonia's
first husband)
Sextus Pompey, who would rebel in Sicily against Augustus
Fourth wife Julia (daughter of Caesar)
Fifth wife, Cornelia Metella (daughter of Metellus Scipio)
Chronology of Pompey's life and career
106 BC September 29 Born in Picenum
83 BC Aligns with Sulla, after his return from the Mithridatic War against King Mithridates IV of Pontus;
Marriage to Aemilia Scaura
8281 BC Defeats Gaius Marius's allies in Sicily and Africa
81 BC Returns to Rome and celebrates First triumph
7671 BC Campaign in Hispania against Sertorius
71 BC Returns to Italy and participates in the suppression of a slave rebellion led by Spartacus; Second triumph
70 BC First consulship (with M. Licinius Crassus)
67 BC Defeats the pirates and goes to Asia province
6661 BC Defeats King Mithridates of Pontus; end of the Third Mithridatic War
6463 BC Pompey's March through Syria, the Levant, and Judea
61 BC September 29 Third triumph
59 BC April The first triumvirate is constituted; Pompey allies to Julius Caesar and Licinius Crassus; marriage
to Julia (daughter of Julius Caesar)
5855 BC Governs Hispania Ulterior by proxy, construction of Pompey's Theater
55 BC Second consulship (with M. Licinius Crassus), Dedication of the Theatre of Pompey
54 BC Julia dies; the first triumvirate ends
52 BC Serves as sole consul for intercalary month,
[55]
third ordinary consulship with Metellus Scipio for the rest
of the year; marriage to Cornelia Metella
51 BC Forbids Caesar (in Gaul) to stand for consulship in absentia
50 BC Falls dangerously ill with fever in Campania, but is saved 'by public prayers'
[56]
49 BC Caesar crosses the Rubicon River and invades Italy; Pompey retreats to Greece with the conservatives
48 BC Caesar defeats Pompey's army near Pharsalus, Greece. Pompey retreats to Egypt and is killed at
Pelusium.
Pompey
256
Political offices
Precededby
Publius Cornelius Lentulus Sura and
Gnaeus Aufidius Orestes
Consul of the Roman
Republic
with Marcus Licinius
Crassus
70 BC
Succeededby
Quintus Caecilius Metellus Creticus and
Quintus Hortensius
Precededby
Gnaeus Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus
and Lucius Marcius Philippus
Consul of the Roman
Republic
with Marcus Licinius
Crassus
55 BC
Succeededby
Appius Claudius Pulcher and Lucius
Domitius Ahenobarbus
Precededby
Marcus Valerius Messalla Rufus and
Gnaeus Domitius Calvinus
Consul of the Roman
Republic
Without Colleague
Intercalary Month, 52
BC
[57]
Succeededby
Gnaeus Pompey Magnus and Quintus
Caecilius Metellus Pius Scipio
Precededby
Gnaeus Pompey Magnus
Consul of the Roman
Republic
with Quintus Caecilius
Metellus Pius Scipio
52 BC
Succeededby
Marcus Claudius Marcellus and Servius
Sulpicius Rufus
Notes
[1] http:/ / en. wikipedia. org/ w/ index. php?title=Template:Ancient_Rome_and_the_fall_of_the_Republic& action=edit
[2] [2] Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus, son of Gnaeus, grandson of Sextus
[3] William Smith, A New Classical Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography, Mythology and Geography, 1851. (Under the tenth entry of
Pompeius).
[4] Appian, Civil Wars, 1.9.80, (Loeb) at Thayer (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Appian/ Civil_Wars/ 1*. html)
[5] Plutarch, Life of Pompey, 1. (Loeb) at Thayer: (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Pompey*.
html):see also Velleius Paterculus, Roman History 2, 21. (Loeb) at Thayer: (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/
Velleius_Paterculus/ 2A*. html#21)
[6] [6] Plutarch, Life of Pompey, pg 126
[7] [7] Boak, History of Rome, pgs 145-6
[8] Dio describes Pompey's troop levy as a "small band": Cassius Dio, 33, fragment 107 (Loeb) at Thayer: (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/
Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Cassius_Dio/ 30-35*.html)
[9] [9] Aemilia's first husband had offered Sulla unwelcome criticism.
[10] [10] Plutarch, Life of Pompey, pg. 136
[12] Valerius Maximus, Facta et dicta memorabilia, 6.2.8 (http:/ / www. thelatinlibrary. com/ valmax6. html)
[13] [13] Plutarch, Life of Pompey, pgs. 143-5
[14] Plutarch, Life of Pompey, pg 148 149.
[16] Pompey's age, his equestrian status and his victory over Roman foes should have disqualified him from a triumph. Sulla's consent
(formalised by his obedient senate as a Republican permission) made it a "nontraditional" and strictly illegal triumph, but a triumph
nevertheless. See Mary Beard, The Roman Triumph, The Belknapp Press, 2007. 16 17.
[18] [18] Holland, Rubicon, pgs. 141-42
[19] [19] The Iberian peninsula, roughly comprising modern Spain and Portugal.
[21] [21] Boak, History of Rome, pg. 152
[23] [23] Holland, Rubicon, pg. 142
[24] [24] Holland, Rubicon, pgs. 150-51
Pompey
257
[26] De Souza, 149 179, for background and detailed critique of primary sources on Pompey's commission and its fulfillment. Limited preview
available from googlebooks (http:/ / books.google.co.uk/ books?id=SOK-Jh1Zuk4C& pg=PA176& lpg=PA176& dq=Pompey+ pirates+
Cilicia& source=bl& ots=hQQD-ajV8Z& sig=0ZBzK2OAZJ_p_JFPYgKp4motCTg& hl=en& ei=xn5wS72eAcK7jAeM_NzqBg& sa=X&
oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=5& ved=0CBMQ6AEwBDge#v=onepage& q=Pompey pirates Cilicia& f=false)
[27] This probably refers to the grain supply; the extent of its interruption before Pompey's campaign is not known. The reference to Hispania
might relate to Sertorius' revolt and resistance abetted, in some accounts, by "Cilician pirates" or its aftermath.
[28] [28] Approximate to Southern Turkey. Once a Selucid province, in Pompey's day and for some time to come it was a semi-independent territory
whose sovereignty was debated by neighbouring Greek polities. It resisted such claims, but was eventually absorbed into Rome's empire.
[29] [29] Dio, Roman History, pg. 63
[30] [30] De Souza, 176 ff.
[31] pro Lege Manilia, 12 or De Imperio Cn. Pompei (in favor of the Manilian Law on the command of Pompey), 66 BC.
[32] [32] Cicero, On duties, 3.49; cited in De Souza, 177.
[33] [33] Pompey, the Roman Alexander,P Greenhalg p101-4
[34] [34] Pompey, the Roman Alexander,P Greenhalg p107
[36] The Hellenized cities of the region, particularly the cities of the Decapolis, used a calendar that counted its dates from Pompey's conquest.
See Pompeian era.
[37] Despite this, AristobulusII would survive to briefly usurp HyrcanusII, who was later (31BC) executed by King Herod I.
[38] In Beard, M., North, J., Price, S., Religions of Rome, Vol. 1, a history, Cambridge University Press, 1998, 147.
[39] Beard, 16: for comments on Pompey's 3rd triumph, see also Plutarch, Sertorius, 18, 2, at Thayer (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/
Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Sertorius*. html): Cicero, Man. 61: Pliny, Nat. 7, 95.
[40] Mary Beard, The Roman Triumph, The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2007, p9. The traditional accounts exaggerate, certainly
in the matter of gold, silver and military cash donatives. Appian's very doubtful "75,100,000" drachmae carried in the procession is 1.5 times
his own estimate of Rome's total annual tax revenue: See Appian, Mithradates, 116.
[41] Beard, 1516: citing Plutarch, Pompey, 45, 5.
[42] Beard, 16. For further elaboration on Pompey's 3rd triumph, see also Plutarch, Sertorius, 18, 2, at Thayer Uchicago.edu (http:/ / penelope.
uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Sertorius*. html): Cicero, Man. 61: Pliny, Nat. 7, 95.
[43] [43] Dio, Roman History, pg. 178
[47] [47] Beard, 22-3.
[49] [49] Many historians have suggested Pompey was, in spite of everything, politically unaware of the fact that the optimates, including Cato, were
merely using him against Caesar so that, with Caesar destroyed, they could then dispose of him.
[51] Plutarch, Pompey, 7980
[52] Dio, 42,45, at Thayer (http:/ / penelope.uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Cassius_Dio/ 42*. html#4. 2)
[53] Appian, Bella Civilia, II90, cited in Michael B. Hornum, Nemesis, the Roman state and the games, Brill, 1993, p.15.
[54] Pliny, Historia Naturalis, 37, 1416.
[55] [55] See Abbott, 114
[56] [56] Juvenal, Satire X, 283
[57] [57] Abbott (1901), 114
References
Abbott, Frank Frost (1901). A History and Description of Roman Political Institutions. Elibron Classics (ISBN
0-543-92749-0).
Boak, Arthur E.R. A History of Rome to 565 A.D. (MacMillan, New York, 1922)
De Souza, P., Piracy in the Graeco-Roman World, Cambridge University Press, 2002. ISBN 978-0-521-01240-9
Cassius Dio, Roman History, Volume 3 (Loeb Classical Library, 1914)
Goldsworthy, Adrian. In the name of Rome: The Men Who Won the Roman Empire. London: Weidenfeld &
Nicolson, 2004 (hardcopy, ISBN 0-297-84666-3); New York: Phoenix Press, (paperback, ISBN 0-7538-1789-6).
Greenhalgh, Peter. Pompey The Republican Prince, George Weidenfield and Nicolson Ltd, 1981, ISBN
0-297-77881-1
Pompey
258
Hillman, Thomas P. The Reputation of Cn. Pompeius Magnus among His Contemporaries from 83 to 59 B.C.,
Diss. New York 1989.
Holland, Tom. Rubicon The Triumph and Tragedy of the Roman Republic, Abacus, London, 2004, ISBN
0-349-11563-X
Nicols, Marianne Schoenlin. Appearance and Reality. A Study of the Clientele of Pompey the Great, Diss.
Berkeley/Cal. 1992.
Plutarch, Parallel Lives, Life of Pompey (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/
Lives/ Pompey*. html) (Loeb Classical Library, 1917)
Seager, Robin. Pompey the Great: A Political Biography. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2002 (hardcover, ISBN
0-631-22720-2; paperback, ISBN 0-631-22721-0).
Southern, Pat. Pompey the Great: Caesar's Friend and Foe. Stroud, Gloucestershire, UK: Tempus Publishing,
2002 (paperback, ISBN 0-7524-2521-8).
Stockton, David. The First Consulship of Pompey, Historia 22 (1973), 205-218.
Trster, Manuel. Roman Hegemony and Non-State Violence. A Fresh Look at Pompeys Campaign against the
Pirates, Greece & Rome 56 (2009), 14-33.
Van Ooteghem, J. Pompe le Grand. Btisseur dEmpire. Brussels 1954.
Wylie, Graham J. Pompey Megalopsychos, Klio 72 (1990), 445-456.
External links
Pompey's War (http:/ / www. livius. org/ ja-jn/ jewish_wars/ jwar01. htm) - Jona Lendering details Pompey's
conquest of Judea
Alexander the Great
This article is about the ancient king of Macedon. For other uses, see Alexander the Great (disambiguation).
Alexander the Great
Basileus of Macedon, Hegemon of the Hellenic League, Shahanshah of Persia, Pharaoh of Egypt, Lord of Asia
"Alexander fighting king Darius III of Persia", Alexander Mosaic, Naples National Archaeological Museum.
King of Macedonia
Reign 336323 BC
Predecessor Philip II
Successor Alexander IV
Philip III
Pharaoh of Egypt
Reign 332323 BC
Predecessor Darius III
Philip III
King of Persia
Reign 330323 BC
Predecessor Darius III
Alexander the Great
259
Philip III
King of Asia
Reign 331323 BC
Predecessor New office
Philip III
Spouse Roxana of Bactria
Stateira II of Persia
Parysatis II of Persia
Issue
Alexander IV
Full name
Alexander III of Macedon
Dynasty Argead dynasty
Father Philip II of Macedon
Mother Olympias of Epirus
Born 20 or 21 July 356 BC
Pella, Macedon
Died 10 or 11 June 323 BC (aged 32)
Babylon
Religion Greek polytheism
Alexander III of Macedon (20/21 July 356 10/11 June 323 BC), commonly known as Alexander the Great
(Greek: , Alxandros ho Mgas
iii[]
from the Greek Greek: alexo "to defend, help" +
Greek: aner "man"), was a king of the Greek kingdom of Macedon. Born in Pella in 356 BC, Alexander
succeeded his father, Philip II, to the throne at the age of twenty. He spent most of his ruling years on an
unprecedented military campaign through Asia and northeast Africa, until by the age of thirty he had created one of
the largest empires of the ancient world, stretching from Greece to Egypt and into present-day Pakistan. He was
undefeated in battle and is considered one of history's most successful commanders.
[1]
During his youth, Alexander was tutored by the philosopher Aristotle until the age of 16. When he succeeded his
father to the throne in 336BC, after Philip was assassinated, Alexander inherited a strong kingdom and an
experienced army. He had been awarded the generalship of Greece and used this authority to launch his father's
military expansion plans. In 334 BC, he invaded the Achaemenid empire, ruled Asia Minor, and began a series of
campaigns that lasted ten years. Alexander broke the power of Persia in a series of decisive battles, most notably the
battles of Issus and Gaugamela. He subsequently overthrew the Persian King Darius III and conquered the entirety of
the Persian Empire.
i[]
At that point, his empire stretched from the Adriatic Sea to the Indus River.
Seeking to reach the "ends of the world and the Great Outer Sea", he invaded India in 326 BC, but was eventually
forced to turn back at the demand of his troops. Alexander died in Babylon in 323 BC, the city he planned to
establish as his capital,
[2]
without executing a series of planned campaigns that would have begun with an invasion
of Arabia. In the years following his death, a series of civil wars tore his empire apart, resulting in several states
ruled by the Diadochi, Alexander's surviving generals and heirs.
Alexander's legacy includes the cultural diffusion his conquests engendered. He founded some twenty cities that bore
his name, most notably Alexandria in Egypt. Alexander's settlement of Greek colonists and the resulting spread of
Greek culture in the east resulted in a new Hellenistic civilization, aspects of which were still evident in the
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260
traditions of the Byzantine Empire in the mid-15th century. Alexander became legendary as a classical hero in the
mold of Achilles, and he features prominently in the history and myth of Greek and non-Greek cultures. He became
the measure against which military leaders compared themselves, and military academies throughout the world still
teach his tactics.
[3]ii[]
Early life
Lineage and childhood
Bust of a young Alexander the Great from the
Hellenistic era, British Museum
Aristotle tutoring Alexander, by Jean Leon
Gerome Ferris
Alexander was born on the sixth day of the ancient Greek month of
Hekatombaion, which probably corresponds to 20 July 356 BC,
although the exact date is not known, in Pella, the capital of the
Ancient Greek Kingdom of Macedon. He was the son of the king of
Macedon, Philip II, and his fourth wife, Olympias, the daughter of
Neoptolemus I, king of Epirus. Although Philip had seven or eight
wives, Olympias was his principal wife for some time, likely a result of
giving birth to Alexander.
[4]
Several legends surround Alexander's birth and childhood. According
to the ancient Greek biographer Plutarch, Olympias, on the eve of the
consummation of her marriage to Philip, dreamed that her womb was
struck by a thunder bolt, causing a flame that spread "far and wide"
before dying away. Some time after the wedding, Philip is said to have
seen himself, in a dream, securing his wife's womb with a seal
engraved with a lion's image. Plutarch offered a variety of
interpretations of these dreams: that Olympias was pregnant before her
marriage, indicated by the sealing of her womb; or that Alexander's
father was Zeus. Ancient commentators were divided about whether
the ambitious Olympias promulgated the story of Alexander's divine
parentage, variously claiming that she had told Alexander, or that she
dismissed the suggestion as impious.
On the day that Alexander was born, Philip was preparing a siege on
the city of Potidea on the peninsula of Chalcidice. That same day,
Philip received news that his general Parmenion had defeated the
combined Illyrian and Paeonian armies, and that his horses had won at
the Olympic Games. It was also said that on this day, the Temple of
Artemis in Ephesus, one of the Seven Wonders of the World, burnt
down. This led Hegesias of Magnesia to say that it had burnt down
because Artemis was away, attending the birth of Alexander. Such
legends may have emerged when Alexander was king, and possibly at
his own instigation, to show that he was superhuman and destined for
greatness from conception.
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A statue showing Alexander taming Bucephalus
in Edinburgh
In his early years, Alexander was raised by a nurse, Lanike, sister of
Alexander's future general Cleitus the Black. Later in his childhood,
Alexander was tutored by the strict Leonidas, a relative of his mother,
and by Philip's general Lysimachus. Alexander was raised in the
manner of noble Macedonian youths, learning to read, play the lyre,
ride, fight, and hunt.
When Alexander was ten years old, a trader from Thessaly brought
Philip a horse, which he offered to sell for thirteen talents. The horse
refused to be mounted and Philip ordered it away. Alexander however,
detecting the horse's fear of its own shadow, asked to tame the horse,
which he eventually managed. Plutarch stated that Philip, overjoyed at this display of courage and ambition, kissed
his son tearfully, declaring: "My boy, you must find a kingdom big enough for your ambitions. Macedon is too small
for you", and bought the horse for him. Alexander named it Bucephalas, meaning "ox-head". Bucephalas carried
Alexander as far as Pakistan. When the animal died (due to old age, according to Plutarch, at age thirty), Alexander
named a city after him, Bucephala.
[5]
Adolescence and education
When Alexander was 13, Philip began to search for a tutor, and considered such academics as Isocrates and
Speusippus, the latter offering to resign to take up the post. In the end, Philip chose Aristotle and provided the
Temple of the Nymphs at Mieza as a classroom. In return for teaching Alexander, Philip agreed to rebuild Aristotle's
hometown of Stageira, which Philip had razed, and to repopulate it by buying and freeing the ex-citizens who were
slaves, or pardoning those who were in exile.
Mieza was like a boarding school for Alexander and the children of Macedonian nobles, such as Ptolemy,
Hephaistion, and Cassander. Many of these students would become his friends and future generals, and are often
known as the 'Companions'. Aristotle taught Alexander and his companions about medicine, philosophy, morals,
religion, logic, and art. Under Aristotle's tutelage, Alexander developed a passion for the works of Homer, and in
particular the Iliad; Aristotle gave him an annotated copy, which Alexander later carried on his campaigns.
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Philip's heir
Regency and ascent of Macedon
Main articles: Philip II of Macedon and Rise of Macedon
Philip II of Macedon, Alexander's father.
At age 16, Alexander's education under Aristotle ended. Philip waged
war against Byzantion, leaving Alexander in charge as regent and heir
apparent. During Philip's absence, the Thracian Maedi revolted against
Macedonia. Alexander responded quickly, driving them from their
territory. He colonized it with Greeks, and founded a city named
Alexandropolis.
[6][7]
Upon Philip's return, he dispatched Alexander with a small force to
subdue revolts in southern Thrace. Campaigning against the Greek city
of Perinthus, Alexander is reported to have saved his father's life.
Meanwhile, the city of Amphissa began to work lands that were sacred
to Apollo near Delphi, a sacrilege that gave Philip the opportunity to
further intervene in Greek affairs. Still occupied in Thrace, he ordered
Alexander to muster an army for a campaign in Greece. Concerned that
other Greek states might intervene, Alexander made it look as though
he was preparing to attack Illyria instead. During this turmoil, the
Illyrians invaded Macedonia, only to be repelled by Alexander.
Philip and his army joined his son in 338 BC, and they marched south
through Thermopylae, taking it after stubborn resistance from its Theban garrison. They went on to occupy the city
of Elatea, only a few days' march from both Athens and Thebes. The Athenians, led by Demosthenes, voted to seek
alliance with Thebes against Macedonia. Both Athens and Philip sent embassies to win Thebes' favor, but Athens
won the contest.
[8][9]
Philip marched on Amphissa (ostensibly acting on the request of the Amphictyonic League),
capturing the mercenaries sent there by Demosthenes and accepting the city's surrender. Philip then returned to
Elatea, sending a final offer of peace to Athens and Thebes, who both rejected it.
[10][11]
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Statue of Alexander in Istanbul Archaeology
Museum.
As Philip marched south, his opponents blocked him near Chaeronea,
Boeotia. During the ensuing Battle of Chaeronea, Philip commanded
the right wing and Alexander the left, accompanied by a group of
Philip's trusted generals. According to the ancient sources, the two
sides fought bitterly for some time. Philip deliberately commanded his
troops to retreat, counting on the untested Athenian hoplites to follow,
thus breaking their line. Alexander was the first to break the Theban
lines, followed by Philip's generals. Having damaged the enemy's
cohesion, Philip ordered his troops to press forward and quickly routed
them. With the Athenians lost, the Thebans were surrounded. Left to
fight alone, they were defeated.
After the victory at Chaeronea, Philip and Alexander marched
unopposed into the Peloponnese, welcomed by all cities; however,
when they reached Sparta, they were refused, but did not resort to war.
At Corinth, Philip established a "Hellenic Alliance" (modeled on the
old anti-Persian alliance of the Greco-Persian Wars), which included
most Greek city-states except Sparta. Philip was then named Hegemon
(often translated as "Supreme Commander") of this league (known by
modern scholars as the League of Corinth), and announced his plans to
attack the Persian Empire.
[12]
Exile and return
When Philip returned to Pella, he fell in love with and married Cleopatra Eurydice, the niece of his general Attalus.
The marriage made Alexander's position as heir less secure, since any son of Cleopatra Eurydice would be a fully
Macedonian heir, while Alexander was only half-Macedonian. During the wedding banquet, a drunken Attalus
publicly prayed to the gods that the union would produce a legitimate heir.
At the wedding of Cleopatra, whom Philip fell in love with and married, she being much too young for him,
her uncle Attalus in his drink desired the Macedonians would implore the gods to give them a lawful successor
to the kingdom by his niece. This so irritated Alexander, that throwing one of the cups at his head, "You
villain," said he, "what, am I then a bastard?" Then Philip, taking Attalus's part, rose up and would have run
his son through; but by good fortune for them both, either his over-hasty rage, or the wine he had drunk, made
his foot slip, so that he fell down on the floor. At which Alexander reproachfully insulted over him: "See
there," said he, "the man who makes preparations to pass out of Europe into Asia, overturned in passing from
one seat to another."
Plutarch, describing the feud at Philip's wedding.
Alexander fled Macedon with his mother, dropping her off with her brother, King Alexander I of Epirus in Dodona,
capital of the Molossians. He continued to Illyria, where he sought refuge with the Illyrian King and was treated as a
guest, despite having defeated them in battle a few years before. However, it appears Philip never intended to disown
his politically and militarily trained son. Accordingly, Alexander returned to Macedon after six months due to the
efforts of a family friend, Demaratus, who mediated between the two parties.
In the following year, the Persian satrap (governor) of Caria, Pixodarus, offered his eldest daughter to Alexander's
half-brother, Philip Arrhidaeus. Olympias and several of Alexander's friends suggested this showed Philip intended
to make Arrhidaeus his heir. Alexander reacted by sending an actor, Thessalus of Corinth, to tell Pixodarus that he
should not offer his daughter's hand to an illegitimate son, but instead to Alexander. When Philip heard of this, he
stopped the negotiations and scolded Alexander for wishing to marry the daughter of a Carian, explaining that he
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wanted a better bride for him. Philip exiled four of Alexander's friends, Harpalus, Nearchus, Ptolemy and Erigyius,
and had the Corinthians bring Thessalus to him in chains.
King of Macedon
Accession
The Kingdom of Macedon in 336BC.
In 336BC, while at Aegae attending the wedding of his daughter
Cleopatra to Olympias's brother, Alexander I of Epirus, Philip was
assassinated by the captain of his bodyguards, Pausanias.
vi[]
As
Pausanias tried to escape, he tripped over a vine and was killed by his
pursuers, including two of Alexander's companions, Perdiccas and
Leonnatus. Alexander was proclaimed king by the nobles and army at
the age of 20.
Consolidation of power
Alexander began his reign by eliminating potential rivals to the throne.
He had his cousin, the former Amyntas IV, executed. He also had two
Macedonian princes from the region of Lyncestis killed, but spared a third, Alexander Lyncestes. Olympias had
Cleopatra Eurydice and Europa, her daughter by Philip, burned alive. When Alexander learned about this, he was
furious. Alexander also ordered the murder of Attalus, who was in command of the advance guard of the army in
Asia Minor and Cleopatra's uncle.
Attalus was at that time corresponding with Demosthenes, regarding the possibility of defecting to Athens. Attalus
also had severely insulted Alexander, and following Cleopatra's murder, Alexander may have considered him too
dangerous to leave alive. Alexander spared Arrhidaeus, who was by all accounts mentally disabled, possibly as a
result of poisoning by Olympias.
News of Philip's death roused many states into revolt, including Thebes, Athens, Thessaly, and the Thracian tribes
north of Macedon. When news of the revolts reached Alexander, he responded quickly. Though advised to use
diplomacy, Alexander mustered the 3,000 Macedonian cavalry and rode south towards Thessaly. He found the
Thessalian army occupying the pass between Mount Olympus and Mount Ossa, and ordered his men to ride over
Mount Ossa. When the Thessalians awoke the next day, they found Alexander in their rear and promptly
surrendered, adding their cavalry to Alexander's force. He then continued south towards the Peloponnese.
Alexander stopped at Thermopylae, where he was recognized as the leader of the Amphictyonic League before
heading south to Corinth. Athens sued for peace and Alexander pardoned the rebels. The famous encounter between
Alexander and Diogenes the Cynic occurred during Alexander's stay in Corinth. When Alexander asked Diogenes
what he could do for him, the philosopher disdainfully asked Alexander to stand a little to the side, as he was
blocking the sunlight. This reply apparently delighted Alexander, who is reported to have said "But verily, if I were
not Alexander, I would like to be Diogenes." At Corinth, Alexander took the title of Hegemon ("leader") and, like
Philip, was appointed commander for the coming war against Persia. He also received news of a Thracian uprising.
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Balkan campaign
Main article: Alexander's Balkan campaign
Before crossing to Asia, Alexander wanted to safeguard his northern borders. In the spring of 335BC, he advanced
to suppress several revolts. Starting from Amphipolis, he traveled east into the country of the "Independent
Thracians"; and at Mount Haemus, the Macedonian army attacked and defeated the Thracian forces manning the
heights. The Macedonians marched into the country of the Triballi, and defeated their army near the Lyginus river (a
tributary of the Danube). Alexander then marched for three days to the Danube, encountering the Getae tribe on the
opposite shore. Crossing the river at night, he surprised them and forced their army to retreat after the first cavalry
skirmish.
News then reached Alexander that Cleitus, King of Illyria, and King Glaukias of the Taulanti were in open revolt
against his authority. Marching west into Illyria, Alexander defeated each in turn, forcing the two rulers to flee with
their troops. With these victories, he secured his northern frontier.
While Alexander campaigned north, the Thebans and Athenians rebelled once again. Alexander immediately headed
south. While the other cities again hesitated, Thebes decided to fight. The Theban resistance was ineffective, and
Alexander razed the city and divided its territory between the other Boeotian cities. The end of Thebes cowed
Athens, leaving all of Greece temporarily at peace. Alexander then set out on his Asian campaign, leaving Antipater
as regent.
Conquest of the Persian Empire
Main articles: Wars of Alexander the Great and Chronology of the expedition of Alexander the Great into Asia
Asia Minor
Further information: Battle of the Granicus, Siege of Halicarnassus and Siege of Miletus
Map of Alexander's empire and his route.
Alexander's army crossed the Hellespont in 334BC with
approximately 48,100 soldiers, 6,100 cavalry and a fleet of 120 ships
with crews numbering 38,000, drawn from Macedon and various
Greek city-states, mercenaries, and feudally raised soldiers from
Thrace, Paionia, and Illyria. (However, Arrian, who used Ptolemy as a
source, said that Alexander crossed with more than 5,000 horse and
30,000 foot; Diodorus quoted the same totals, but listed 5,100 horse
and 32,000 foot. Diodorus also referred to an advance force already
present in Asia, which Polyaenus, in his Stratagems of War (5.44.4), said numbered 10,000 men.) He showed his
intent to conquer the entirety of the Persian Empire by throwing a spear into Asian soil and saying he accepted Asia
as a gift from the gods. This also showed Alexander's eagerness to fight, in contrast to his father's preference for
diplomacy.
After an initial victory against Persian forces at the Battle of the Granicus, Alexander accepted the surrender of the
Persian provincial capital and treasury of Sardis; he then proceeded along the Ionian coast. Though Alexander
believed in his divine right to expend the lives of men in battle, he did experience sorrow, as those who died were
rewarded generously: To the relatives of his fallen, Alexander granted immunity from taxation and public service.
Whether it was his own warriors or the Persian forces opposing him, Alexander chose to respect those who died. He
even went so far to set up statues to honor and respect these people. Though this did not directly influence the culture
of the Persians they did not feel the need to begin a rebellion as their men and rulers were treated with proper
respect. At Halicarnassus, in Caria, Alexander successfully waged the first of many sieges, eventually forcing his
opponents, the mercenary captain Memnon of Rhodes and the Persian satrap of Caria, Orontobates, to withdraw by
sea. Alexander left the government of Caria to Ada, who adopted Alexander.
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From Halicarnassus, Alexander proceeded into mountainous Lycia and the Pamphylian plain, asserting control over
all coastal cities to deny the Persians naval bases. From Pamphylia onwards the coast held no major ports and
Alexander moved inland. At Termessos, Alexander humbled but did not storm the Pisidian city. At the ancient
Phrygian capital of Gordium, Alexander "undid" the hitherto unsolvable Gordian Knot, a feat said to await the future
"king of Asia". According to the story, Alexander proclaimed that it did not matter how the knot was undone and
hacked it apart with his sword.
The Levant and Syria
Further information: Battle of Issus and Siege of Tyre (332 BC)
Detail of Alexander Mosaic, showing Battle of
Issus, from the House of the Faun, Pompeii.
Alexander journeyed south but was met by Darius significantly larger
army which he easily defeated, causing Darius to panic. Although he
was chased by some troops Alexander treated them (his family) with
the respect out of consideration which demonstrated his continued
generosity and kindness towards those he conquered. Darius fled the
battle, causing his army to collapse, and left behind his wife, his two
daughters, his mother Sisygambis, and a fabulous treasure. He offered
a peace treaty that included the lands he had already lost, and a ransom
of 10,000 talents for his family. Alexander replied that since he was now king of Asia, it was he alone who decided
territorial divisions.
Alexander the Great, although a generous man in victory, eventually recognized the power that he was capable of
when he would defeat an enemy in war. Following the siege of Tyre in 332, the enemy he defeated, Darius,
attempted to present terms of unconditional surrender but Alexander became ruthless. He realized that he had control
and could receive much more. Darius was thus forced to come back, This time the offer was impressive. Darius
offered all territory as a far the Euphrates a colossal ransom of 30,000 talents for his familyinvited to marry his
eldest daughter. This new change in diplomatic relations induced panic among the leaders of the surrounding
nations, as they feared a similar defeat. This led to some barbarian cultures choosing to merely abdicate power to
Alexander, to avoid certain death.
Alexander proceeded to take possession of Syria, and most of the coast of the Levant. In the following year, 332BC,
he was forced to attack Tyre, which he captured after a long and difficult siege. Alexander massacred the men of
military age and sold the women and children into slavery.
Egypt
Further information: Siege of Gaza
Name of Alexander the Great in Egyptian
hieroglyphs (written from right to left), c.
330BC, Egypt. Louvre Museum.
When Alexander destroyed Tyre, most of the towns on the route to
Egypt quickly capitulated, with the exception of Gaza. The stronghold
at Gaza was heavily fortified and built on a hill, requiring a siege.
Alexander came upon the city only to be met with a surprising
resistance and fortification. When his engineers pointed out to him that
because of the height of the mound it would be impossible this
encouraged Alexander all the more to make the attempt. The divine
right that Alexander believed he had gave him confidence of a miracle
occurring. After three unsuccessful assaults, the stronghold fell, but not
before Alexander had received a serious shoulder wound. As in Tyre,
men of military age were put to the sword and the women and children
were sold into slavery.
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267
Jerusalem opened its gates in surrender, and according to Josephus, Alexander was shown the Book of Daniel's
prophecy, presumably chapter 8, which described a mighty Greek king who would conquer the Persian Empire. He
spared Jerusalem and pushed south into Egypt.
[13]
Alexander advanced on Egypt in later 332BC, where he was regarded as a liberator. He was pronounced the new
"master of the Universe" and son of the deity of Amun at the Oracle of Siwa Oasis in the Libyan desert. Henceforth,
Alexander often referred to Zeus-Ammon as his true father, and subsequent currency depicted him adorned with
rams horn as a symbol of his divinity. During his stay in Egypt, he founded Alexandria-by-Egypt, which would
become the prosperous capital of the Ptolemaic Kingdom after his death.
Assyria and Babylonia
Further information: Battle of Gaugamela
Leaving Egypt in 331BC, Alexander marched eastward into Mesopotamia (now northern Iraq) and again defeated
Darius, at the Battle of Gaugamela. Darius once more fled the field, and Alexander chased him as far as Arbela.
Gaugamela would be the final and decisive encounter between the two. Darius fled over the mountains to Ecbatana
(modern Hamedan), while Alexander captured Babylon.
Persia
Further information: Battle of the Persian Gate
Site of the Persian Gate; the road was built in the
1990s.
From Babylon, Alexander went to Susa, one of the Achaemenid
capitals, and captured its legendary treasury. He sent the bulk of his
army to the Persian ceremonial capital of Persepolis via the Royal
Road. Alexander himself took selected troops on the direct route to the
city. He had to storm the pass of the Persian Gates (in the modern
Zagros Mountains) which had been blocked by a Persian army under
Ariobarzanes and then hurried to Persepolis before its garrison could
loot the treasury.
On entering Persepolis, Alexander allowed his troops to loot the city
for several days. Alexander stayed in Persepolis for five months.
During his stay a fire broke out in the eastern palace of Xerxes and spread to the rest of the city. Possible causes
include a drunken accident or deliberate revenge for the burning of the Acropolis of Athens during the Second
Persian War.
Fall of the Empire and the East
Silver coin of Alexander wearing the lion scalp of
Herakles, British Museum.
Alexander then chased Darius, first into Media, and then Parthia.
[14]
The Persian king no longer controlled his own destiny, and was taken
prisoner by Bessus, his Bactrian satrap and kinsman.
[15]
As Alexander
approached, Bessus had his men fatally stab the Great King and then
declared himself Darius' successor as Artaxerxes V, before retreating
into Central Asia to launch a guerrilla campaign against Alexander.
[16]
Alexander buried Darius' remains next to his Achaemenid predecessors
in a regal funeral.
[17]
He claimed that, while dying, Darius had named
him as his successor to the Achaemenid throne. The Achaemenid
Empire is normally considered to have fallen with Darius.
Alexander viewed Bessus as a usurper and set out to defeat him. This campaign, initially against Bessus, turned into
a grand tour of central Asia. Alexander founded a series of new cities, all called Alexandria, including modern
Alexander the Great
268
Kandahar in Afghanistan, and Alexandria Eschate ("The Furthest") in modern Tajikistan. The campaign took
Alexander through Media, Parthia, Aria (West Afghanistan), Drangiana, Arachosia (South and Central Afghanistan),
Bactria (North and Central Afghanistan), and Scythia.
[18]
Spitamenes, who held an undefined position in the satrapy of Sogdiana, in 329 BC betrayed Bessus to Ptolemy, one
of Alexander's trusted companions, and Bessus was executed.
[19]
However, when, at some point later, Alexander was
on the Jaxartes dealing with an incursion by a horse nomad army, Spitamenes raised Sogdiana in revolt. Alexander
personally defeated the Scythians at the Battle of Jaxartes and immediately launched a campaign against Spitamenes,
defeating him in the Battle of Gabai. After the defeat, Spitamenes was killed by his own men, who then sued for
peace.
[20]
Problems and plots
The killing of Cleitus, Andr Castaigne
18981899
During this time, Alexander took the Persian title "King of Kings"
(Shahanshah) and adopted some elements of Persian dress and customs
at his court, notably the custom of proskynesis, either a symbolic
kissing of the hand, or prostration on the ground, that Persians showed
to their social superiors. The Greeks regarded the gesture as the
province of deities and believed that Alexander meant to deify himself
by requiring it. This cost him the sympathies of many of his
countrymen, and he eventually abandoned it.
A plot against his life was revealed, and one of his officers, Philotas,
was executed for failing to alert Alexander. The death of the son
necessitated the death of the father, and thus Parmenion, who had been
charged with guarding the treasury at Ecbatana, was assassinated at
Alexander's command, to prevent attempts at vengeance. Most
infamously, Alexander personally killed the man who had saved his
life at Granicus, Cleitus the Black, during a violent drunken altercation
at Maracanda (modern day Samarkand in Uzbekistan), in which
Cleitus accused Alexander of several judgemental mistakes and most
especially, of having forgotten the Macedonian ways in favour of a
corrupt oriental lifestyle.
Later, in the Central Asian campaign, a second plot against his life was revealed, this one instigated by his own royal
pages. His official historian, Callisthenes of Olynthus, was implicated in the plot; however, historians have yet to
reach a consensus regarding this involvement. Callisthenes had fallen out of favor by leading the opposition to the
attempt to introduce proskynesis.
Macedon in Alexander's absence
When Alexander set out for Asia, he left his general Antipater, an experienced military and political leader and part
of Philip II's "Old Guard", in charge of Macedon. Alexander's sacking of Thebes ensured that Greece remained quiet
during his absence. The one exception was a call to arms by Spartan king Agis III in 331BC, whom Antipater
defeated and killed in battle at Megalopolis the following year. Antipater referred the Spartans' punishment to the
League of Corinth, which then deferred to Alexander, who chose to pardon them. There was also considerable
friction between Antipater and Olympias, and each complained to Alexander about the other.
In general, Greece enjoyed a period of peace and prosperity during Alexander's campaign in Asia. Alexander sent
back vast sums from his conquest, which stimulated the economy and increased trade across his empire. However,
Alexander's constant demands for troops and the migration of Macedonians throughout his empire depleted
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269
Macedon's manpower, greatly weakening it in the years after Alexander, and ultimately led to its subjugation by
Rome.
Indian campaign
Main article: Indian campaign of Alexander the Great
Invasion of the Indian subcontinent
The phalanx attacking the centre in the Battle of
the Hydaspes by Andr Castaigne (18981899)
After the death of Spitamenes and his marriage to Roxana (Roshanak
in Bactrian) to cement relations with his new satrapies, Alexander
turned to the Indian subcontinent. He invited the chieftains of the
former satrapy of Gandhara, in the north of what is now Pakistan, to
come to him and submit to his authority. Omphis, ruler of Taxila,
whose kingdom extended from the Indus to the Hydaspes (Jhelum),
complied, but the chieftains of some hill clans, including the Aspasioi
and Assakenoi sections of the Kambojas (known in Indian texts also as
Ashvayanas and Ashvakayanas), refused to submit.
In the winter of 327/326BC, Alexander personally led a campaign
against these clans; the Aspasioi of Kunar valleys, the Guraeans of the
Guraeus valley, and the Assakenoi of the Swat and Buner valleys. A
fierce contest ensued with the Aspasioi in which Alexander was
wounded in the shoulder by a dart, but eventually the Aspasioi lost.
Alexander then faced the Assakenoi, who fought in the strongholds of
Massaga, Ora and Aornos.
The fort of Massaga was reduced only after days of bloody fighting, in
which Alexander was wounded seriously in the ankle. According to
Curtius, "Not only did Alexander slaughter the entire population of Massaga, but also did he reduce its buildings to
rubble". A similar slaughter followed at Ora. In the aftermath of Massaga and Ora, numerous Assakenians fled to the
fortress of Aornos. Alexander followed close behind and captured the strategic hill-fort after four bloody days.
After Aornos, Alexander crossed the Indus and fought and won an epic battle against King Porus, who ruled a region
in the Punjab, in the Battle of the Hydaspes in 326BC. Alexander was impressed by Porus's bravery, and made him
an ally. He appointed Porus as satrap, and added to Porus' territory land that he did not previously own. Choosing a
local helped him control these lands so distant from Greece. Alexander founded two cities on opposite sides of the
Hydaspes river, naming one Bucephala, in honor of his horse, who died around this time. The other was Nicaea
(Victory), thought to be located at the site of modern day Mong, Punjab.
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270
Revolt of the army
Alexander's invasion of the Indian subcontinent
East of Porus' kingdom, near the Ganges River, were the Nanda
Empire of Magadha and further east the Gangaridai Empire (of modern
day Bangladesh). Fearing the prospect of facing other large armies and
exhausted by years of campaigning, Alexander's army mutinied at the
Hyphasis River (Beas), refusing to march farther east. This river thus
marks the easternmost extent of Alexander's conquests.
As for the Macedonians, however, their struggle with
Porus blunted their courage and stayed their further
advance into India. For having had all they could do to
repulse an enemy who mustered only twenty thousand
infantry and two thousand horse, they violently opposed
Alexander when he insisted on crossing the river Ganges
also, the width of which, as they learned, was thirty-two
furlongs, its depth a hundred fathoms, while its banks on
the further side were covered with multitudes of
men-at-arms and horsemen and elephants. For they were
told that the kings of the Ganderites and Praesii were awaiting them with eighty thousand horsemen, two
hundred thousand footmen, eight thousand chariots, and six thousand war elephants.
Alexander tried to persuade his soldiers to march farther, but his general Coenus pleaded with him to change his
opinion and return; the men, he said, "longed to again see their parents, their wives and children, their homeland".
Alexander eventually agreed and turned south, marching along the Indus. Along the way his army conquered the
Malhi (in modern day Multan) and other Indian tribes and sustained an injury during the siege.
Alexander sent much of his army to Carmania (modern southern Iran) with general Craterus, and commissioned a
fleet to explore the Persian Gulf shore under his admiral Nearchus, while he led the rest back to Persia through the
more difficult southern route along the Gedrosian Desert and Makran (now part of southern Iran and Pakistan).
Alexander reached Susa in 324BC, but not before losing many men to the harsh desert.
Last years in Persia
Alexander, left, and Hephaestion, right
Discovering that many of his satraps and military governors had
misbehaved in his absence, Alexander executed several of them as
examples on his way to Susa. As a gesture of thanks, he paid off the
debts of his soldiers, and announced that he would send over-aged and
disabled veterans back to Macedon, led by Craterus. His troops
misunderstood his intention and mutinied at the town of Opis. They
refused to be sent away and criticized his adoption of Persian customs
and dress and the introduction of Persian officers and soldiers into
Macedonian units.
After three days, unable to persuade his men to back down, Alexander
gave Persians command posts in the army and conferred Macedonian military titles upon Persian units. The
Macedonians quickly begged forgiveness, which Alexander accepted, and held a great banquet for several thousand
of his men at which he and they ate together. In an attempt to craft a lasting harmony between his Macedonian and
Persian subjects, Alexander held a mass marriage of his senior officers to Persian and other noblewomen at Susa, but
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271
few of those marriages seem to have lasted much beyond a year. Meanwhile, upon his return, Alexander learned that
guards of the tomb of Cyrus the Great had desecrated it, and swiftly executed them.
After Alexander traveled to Ecbatana to retrieve the bulk of the Persian treasure, his closest friend and possible
lover, Hephaestion, died of illness or poisoning. Hephaestion's death devastated Alexander, and he ordered the
preparation of an expensive funeral pyre in Babylon, as well as a decree for public mourning. Back in Babylon,
Alexander planned a series of new campaigns, beginning with an invasion of Arabia, but he would not have a chance
to realize them, as he died shortly thereafter.
Death and succession
Main article: Death of Alexander the Great
A Babylonian astronomical diary (c.
323322BC) recording the death of Alexander
(British Museum, London)
19th century depiction of Alexander's funeral
procession based on the description of Diodorus
On either 10 or 11 June 323BC, Alexander died in the palace of
Nebuchadnezzar II, in Babylon, at age 32. There are two different
versions of Alexanders death and details of the death differ slightly in
each. Plutarch's account is that roughly 14 days before his death,
Alexander entertained admiral Nearchus, and spent the night and next
day drinking with Medius of Larissa. He developed a fever, which
worsened until he was unable to speak. The common soldiers, anxious
about his health, were granted the right to file past him as he silently
waved at them.
[21]
In the second account, Diodorus recounts that
Alexander was struck with pain after downing a large bowl of unmixed
wine in honour of Heracles, followed by 11 days of weakness; he did
not develop a fever and died after some agony. Arrian also mentioned
this as an alternative, but Plutarch specifically denied this claim.
Given the propensity of the Macedonian aristocracy to assassination,
foul play featured in multiple accounts of his death. Diodorus,
Plutarch, Arrian and Justin all mentioned the theory that Alexander
was poisoned. Justin stated that Alexander was the victim of a
poisoning conspiracy, Plutarch dismissed it as a fabrication, while both
Diodorus and Arrian noted that they mentioned it only for the sake of
completeness. The accounts were nevertheless fairly consistent in
designating Antipater, recently removed as Macedonian viceroy, and at odds with Olympias, as the head of the
alleged plot. Perhaps taking his summons to Babylon as a death sentence, and having seen the fate of Parmenion and
Philotas, Antipater purportedly arranged for Alexander to be poisoned by his son Iollas, who was Alexander's
wine-pourer. There was even a suggestion that Aristotle may have participated.
It is claimed that the strongest argument against the poison theory is the fact that twelve days passed between the
start of his illness and his death; such long-acting poisons were probably not available.
[22]
However, in 2003 Dr Leo
Schep From The New Zealand National Poisons Centre proposed in a BBC documentary investigating his death that
the plant white hellebore (Veratrum album) may have been used to poison Alexander.
[23]
In 2014 Dr Leo Schep
published this theory in the peer-reviewed medical journal Clinical Toxicology; in this journal article it was
suggested Alexander's wine was spiked with Veratrum album, a plant known to the Ancient Greeks, which produces
poisoning symptoms that match the course of events as described in the Alexander Romance. Veratrum album
poisoning can have a prolonged course and it was suggested that if Alexander was poisoned, Veratrum album offers
the most plausible cause. Another poisoning explanation was put forward in 2010, it was proposed that the
circumstances of his death were compatible with poisoning by water of the river Styx (Mavroneri) that contained
calicheamicin, a dangerous compound produced by bacteria.
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272
Several natural causes (diseases) have been suggested, including malaria and typhoid fever. A 1998 article in the
New England Journal of Medicine attributed his death to typhoid fever complicated by bowel perforation and
ascending paralysis. Another recent analysis suggested pyogenic spondylitis or meningitis. Other illnesses fit the
symptoms, including acute pancreatitis and West Nile virus. Natural-cause theories also tend to emphasise that
Alexander's health may have been in general decline after years of heavy drinking and severe wounds. The anguish
that Alexander felt after Hephaestion's death may also have contributed to his declining health.
After death
See also: Tomb of Alexander the Great
Detail of Alexander on the Alexander
Sarcophagus.
Alexander's body was laid in a gold anthropoid sarcophagus that was
filled with honey, which was in turn placed in a gold casket. According
to Aelian, a seer called Aristander foretold that the land where
Alexander was laid to rest "would be happy and unvanquishable
forever". Perhaps more likely, the successors may have seen possession
of the body as a symbol of legitimacy, since burying the prior king was
a royal prerogative.
[24]
While Alexander's funeral cortege was on its way to Macedon,
Ptolemy stole it and took it to Memphis. His successor, Ptolemy II
Philadelphus, transferred the sarcophagus to Alexandria, where it
remained until at least late Antiquity. Ptolemy IX Lathyros, one of Ptolemy's final successors, replaced Alexander's
sarcophagus with a glass one so he could convert the original to coinage.
Pompey, Julius Caesar and Augustus all visited the tomb in Alexandria. The latter allegedly accidentally knocked the
nose off the body. Caligula was said to have taken Alexander's breastplate from the tomb for his own use. Around
AD 200, Emperor Septimius Severus closed Alexander's tomb to the public. His son and successor, Caracalla, a great
admirer, visited the tomb during his own reign. After this, details on the fate of the tomb are hazy.
The so-called "Alexander Sarcophagus", discovered near Sidon and now in the Istanbul Archaeology Museum, is so
named not because it was thought to have contained Alexander's remains, but because its bas-reliefs depict
Alexander and his companions fighting the Persians and hunting. It was originally thought to have been the
sarcophagus of Abdalonymus (died 311 BC), the king of Sidon appointed by Alexander immediately following the
battle of Issus in 331. However, more recently, it has been suggested that it may date from earlier than Abdalonymus'
death.
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273
Division of the empire
Further information: Diadochi
Kingdoms of the Diadochi in 281BC: the
Ptolemaic Kingdom (dark blue), the Seleucid
Empire (yellow), Kingdom of Pergamon
(orange), and Macedonia (green). Also shown are
the Roman Republic (light blue), the
Carthaginian Republic (purple), and the Kingdom
of Eprius (red).
Alexander's death was so sudden that when reports of his death reached
Greece, they were not immediately believed. Alexander had no
obvious or legitimate heir, his son Alexander IV by Roxane being born
after Alexander's death. According to Diodorus, Alexander's
companions asked him on his deathbed to whom he bequeathed his
kingdom; his laconic reply was "ti kratisti""to the strongest".
Arrian and Plutarch claimed that Alexander was speechless by this
point, implying that this was an apocryphal story. Diodorus, Curtius
and Justin offered the more plausible story that Alexander passed his
signet ring to Perdiccas, a bodyguard and leader of the companion
cavalry, in front of witnesses, thereby nominating him.
Perdiccas initially did not claim power, instead suggesting that
Roxane's baby would be king, if male; with himself, Craterus, Leonnatus, and Antipater as guardians. However, the
infantry, under the command of Meleager, rejected this arrangement since they had been excluded from the
discussion. Instead, they supported Alexander's half-brother Philip Arrhidaeus. Eventually, the two sides reconciled,
and after the birth of Alexander IV, he and Philip III were appointed joint kings, albeit in name only.
Dissension and rivalry soon afflicted the Macedonians, however. The satrapies handed out by Perdiccas at the
Partition of Babylon became power bases each general used to bid for power. After the assassination of Perdiccas in
321BC, Macedonian unity collapsed, and 40years of war between "The Successors" (Diadochi) ensued before the
Hellenistic world settled into four stable power blocks: the Ptolemaic Kingdom of Egypt, the Seleucid Empire in the
east, the Kingdom of Pergamon in Asia Minor, and Macedon. In the process, both Alexander IV and Philip III were
murdered.
Testament
Diodorus stated that Alexander had given detailed written instructions to Craterus some time before his death.
Craterus started to carry out Alexander's commands, but the successors chose not to further implement them, on the
grounds they were impractical and extravagant. Nevertheless, Perdiccas read Alexander's will to his troops.
The testament called for military expansion into the southern and western Mediterranean, monumental constructions,
and the intermixing of Eastern and Western populations. It included:
Construction of a monumental tomb for his father Philip, "to match the greatest of the pyramids of Egypt"
Erection of great temples in Delos, Delphi, Dodona, Dium, Amphipolis, and a monumental temple to Athena at
Troy
Conquest of Arabia and the entire Mediterranean Basin
Circumnavigation of Africa
Development of cities and the "transplant of populations from Asia to Europe and in the opposite direction from
Europe to Asia, in order to bring the largest continent to common unity and to friendship by means of
intermarriage and family ties."
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274
Character
Generalship
The Battle of the Granicus, 334 BC
The Battle of Issus, 333 BC
Alexander earned the epithet "the Great" due to his unparalleled
success as a military commander. He never lost a battle, despite
typically being outnumbered. This was due to use of terrain, phalanx
and cavalry tactics, bold strategy, and the fierce loyalty of his troops.
The Macedonian phalanx, armed with the sarissa, a spear 6 metres
(20ft) long, had been developed and perfected by Philip II through
rigorous training, and Alexander used its speed and maneuverability to
great effect against larger but more disparate Persian forces. Alexander
also recognized the potential for disunity among his diverse army,
which employed various languages and weapons. He overcame this by
being personally involved in battle, in the manner of a Macedonian
king.
In his first battle in Asia, at Granicus, Alexander used only a small part
of his forcesWikipedia:Citation needed, perhaps 13,000 infantry with
5,000 cavalry, against a much larger Persian force of 40,000.
Alexander placed the phalanx at the center and cavalry and archers on
the wings, so that his line matched the length of the Persian cavalry
line, about 3km (1.86mi). By contrast, the Persian infantry was
stationed behind its cavalry. This ensured that Alexander would not be
outflanked, while his phalanx, armed with long pikes, had a
considerable advantage over the Persian's scimitars and javelins.
Macedonian losses were negligible compared to those of the Persians.
At Issus in 333BC, his first confrontation with Darius, he used the same deployment, and again the central phalanx
pushed through. Alexander personally led the charge in the center, routing the opposing army. At the decisive
encounter with Darius at Gaugamela, Darius equipped his chariots with scythes on the wheels to break up the
phalanx and equipped his cavalry with pikes. Alexander arranged a double phalanx, with the center advancing at an
angle, parting when the chariots bore down and then reforming. The advance was successful and broke Darius'
center, causing the latter to flee once again.
When faced with opponents who used unfamiliar fighting techniques, such as in Central Asia and India, Alexander
adapted his forces to his opponents' style. Thus, in Bactria and Sogdiana, Alexander successfully used his javelin
throwers and archers to prevent outflanking movements, while massing his cavalry at the center. In India, confronted
by Porus' elephant corps, the Macedonians opened their ranks to envelop the elephants and used their sarissas to
strike upwards and dislodge the elephants' handlers.
Alexander the Great
275
Physical appearance
Roman copy of a herma by Lysippos,
Louvre Museum. Plutarch reports
that sculptures by Lysippos were the
most faithful.
Greek biographer Plutarch (c. 45120 AD) describes Alexander's appearance as:
The outward appearance of Alexander is best represented by the
statues of him which Lysippus made, and it was by this artist alone
that Alexander himself thought it fit that he should be modelled.
For those peculiarities which many of his successors and friends
afterwards tried to imitate, namely, the poise of the neck, which was
bent slightly to the left, and the melting glance of his eyes, this artist
has accurately observed. Apelles, however, in painting him as
wielder of the thunder-bolt, did not reproduce his complexion, but
made it too dark and swarthy. Whereas he was of a fair colour, as
they say, and his fairness passed into ruddiness on his breast
particularly, and in his face.
4
Moreover, that a very pleasant odour
exhaled from his skin and that there was a fragrance about his mouth
and all his flesh, so that his garments were filled with it, this we have
read in the Memoirs of Aristoxenus.
[25]
Greek historian Arrian (Lucius Flavius Arrianus 'Xenophon' c. 86160) described Alexander as:
[T]he strong, handsome commander with one eye dark as the night and one blue as the sky.
The semi-legendary Alexander Romance also suggests that Alexander suffered from heterochromia iridum: that one
eye was dark and the other light.
[26]
British historian Peter Green provided a description of Alexander's appearance, based on his review of statues and
some ancient documents:
Physically, Alexander was not prepossessing. Even by Macedonian standards he was very short, though
stocky and tough. His beard was scanty, and he stood out against his hirsute Macedonian barons by
going clean-shaven. His neck was in some way twisted, so that he appeared to be gazing upward at an
angle. His eyes (one blue, one brown) revealed a dewy, feminine quality. He had a high complexion and
a harsh voice.
Ancient authors recorded that Alexander was so pleased with portraits of himself created by Lysippos that he forbade
other sculptors from crafting his image. Lysippos had often used the Contrapposto sculptural scheme to portray
Alexander and other characters such as Apoxyomenos, Hermes and Eros. Lysippos' sculpture, famous for its
naturalism, as opposed to a stiffer, more static pose, is thought to be the most faithful depiction.
[27]
Personality
Alexander (left) fighting an Asiatic lion with his
friend Craterus (detail). 3rd century BC mosaic,
Pella Museum.
Some of Alexander's strongest personality traits formed in response to
his parents. His mother had huge ambitions, and encouraged him to
believe it was his destiny to conquer the Persian Empire. Olympias'
influence instilled a sense of destiny in him, and Plutarch tells us that
his ambition "kept his spirit serious and lofty in advance of his years."
However, his father Philip was Alexander's most immediate and
influential role model, as the young Alexander watched him campaign
practically every year, winning victory after victory while ignoring
severe wounds. Alexander's relationship with his father forged the
Alexander the Great
276
competitive side of his personality; he had a need to out-do his father, illustrated by his reckless behavior in battle.
While Alexander worried that his father would leave him "no great or brilliant achievement to be displayed to the
world", he also downplayed his father's achievements to his companions.
According to Plutarch, among Alexander's traits were a violent temper and rash, impulsive nature, which
undoubtedly contributed to some of his decisions. Although Alexander was stubborn and did not respond well to
orders from his father, he was open to reasoned debate. He had a calmer sideperceptive, logical, and calculating.
He had a great desire for knowledge, a love for philosophy, and was an avid reader. This was no doubt in part due to
Aristotle's tutelage; Alexander was intelligent and quick to learn. His intelligent and rational side was amply
demonstrated by his ability and success as a general. He had great self-restraint in "pleasures of the body," in
contrast with his lack of self control with alcohol.
Alexander was erudite and patronized both arts and sciences. However, he had little interest in sports or the Olympic
games (unlike his father), seeking only the Homeric ideals of honor (tim) and glory (kudos). He had great charisma
and force of personality, characteristics which made him a great leader. His unique abilities were further
demonstrated by the inability of any of his generals to unite Macedonia and retain the Empire after his death only
Alexander had the ability to do so.
During his final years, and especially after the death of Hephaestion, Alexander began to exhibit signs of
megalomania and paranoia. His extraordinary achievements, coupled with his own ineffable sense of destiny and the
flattery of his companions, may have combined to produce this effect. His delusions of grandeur are readily visible
in his testament and in his desire to conquer the world.
He appears to have believed himself a deity, or at least sought to deify himself. Olympias always insisted to him that
he was the son of Zeus, a theory apparently confirmed to him by the oracle of Amun at Siwa. He began to identify
himself as the son of Zeus-Ammon. Alexander adopted elements of Persian dress and customs at court, notably
proskynesis, a practice of which Macedonians disapproved, and were loath to perform. This behavior cost him the
sympathies of many of his countrymen. However, Alexander also was a pragmatic ruler who understood the
difficulties of ruling culturally disparate peoples, many of whom lived in kingdoms where the king was divine. Thus,
rather than megalomania, his behavior may simply have been a practical attempt at strengthening his rule and
keeping his empire together.
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277
Personal relationships
Main article: Personal relationships of Alexander the Great
A mural in Pompeii, depicting the marriage of
Alexander to Barsine (Stateira) in 324 BC. The
couple are apparently dressed as Ares and
Aphrodite.
Alexander married twice: Roxana, daughter of the Bactrian nobleman
Oxyartes, out of love;
[28]
and Stateira II, a Persian princess and
daughter of Darius III of Persia, for political reasons.
[29]
He apparently
had two sons, Alexander IV of Macedon of Roxana and, possibly,
Heracles of Macedon from his mistress Barsine. He lost another child
when Roxana miscarried at Babylon.
[30]
Alexander also had a close relationship with his friend, general, and
bodyguard Hephaestion, the son of a Macedonian noble. Hephaestion's
death devastated Alexander. This event may have contributed to
Alexander's failing health and detached mental state during his final
months.
Alexander's sexuality has been the subject of speculation and
controversy.
[31]
No ancient sources stated that Alexander had
homosexual relationships, or that Alexander's relationship with
Hephaestion was sexual. Aelian, however, writes of Alexander's visit
to Troy where "Alexander garlanded the tomb of Achilles and
Hephaestion that of Patroclus, the latter riddling that he was a beloved
of Alexander, in just the same way as Patroclus was of Achilles".
Noting that the word eromenos (ancient Greek for beloved) does not necessarily bear sexual meaning, Alexander
may have been bisexual, which in his time was not controversial.
[32]
Green argues that there is little evidence in ancient sources that Alexander had much carnal interest in women; he did
not produce an heir until the very end of his life. However, he was relatively young when he died, and Ogden
suggests that Alexander's matrimonial record is more impressive than his father's at the same age.
[33]
Apart from
wives, Alexander had many more female companions. Alexander accumulated a harem in the style of Persian kings,
but he used it rather sparingly; showing great self-control in "pleasures of the body". Nevertheless, Plutarch
described how Alexander was infatuated by Roxana while complimenting him on not forcing himself on her.
[34]
Green suggested that, in the context of the period, Alexander formed quite strong friendships with women, including
Ada of Caria, who adopted him, and even Darius's mother Sisygambis, who supposedly died from grief upon hearing
of Alexander's death.
Legacy
The Hellenistic world view after Alexander:
ancient world map of Eratosthenes
(276194BC), incorporating information from
the campaigns of Alexander and his successors.
Alexander's legacy extended beyond his military conquests. His
campaigns greatly increased contacts and trade between East and West,
and vast areas to the east were significantly exposed to Greek
civilization and influence. Some of the cities he founded became major
cultural centers, many surviving into the 21st century. His chroniclers
recorded valuable information about the areas through which he
marched, while the Greeks themselves got a sense of belonging to a
world beyond the Mediterranean.
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278
Hellenistic kingdoms
Main article: Hellenistic period
Alexander's most immediate legacy was the introduction of Macedonian rule to huge new swathes of Asia. At the
time of his death, Alexander's empire covered some 5,200,000km
2
(2,000,000sqmi),
[35]
and was the largest state of
its time. Many of these areas remained in Macedonian hands or under Greek influence for the next 200300years.
The successor states that emerged were, at least initially, dominant forces, and these 300years are often referred to
as the Hellenistic period.
Plan of Alexandria c. 30 BC
The eastern borders of Alexander's empire began to collapse even
during his lifetime. However, the power vacuum he left in the
northwest of the Indian subcontinent directly gave rise to one of the
most powerful Indian dynasties in history. Taking advantage of this,
Chandragupta Maurya (referred to in Greek sources as
"Sandrokottos"), of relatively humble origin, took control of the
Punjab, and with that power base proceeded to conquer the Nanda
Empire.
Founding of cities
Over the course of his conquests, Alexander founded some twenty
cities that bore his name, most of them east of the Tigris. The first, and greatest, was Alexandria in Egypt, which
would become one of the leading Mediterranean cities. The cities locations' reflected trade routes as well as
defensive positions. At first, the cities must have been inhospitable, little more than defensive garrisons. Following
Alexander's death, many Greeks who had settled there tried to return to Greece. However, a century or so after
Alexander's death, many of the Alexandrias were thriving, with elaborate public buildings and substantial
populations that included both Greek and local peoples.
Hellenization
Main article: Hellenistic civilization
Alexander's empire was the largest state of its
time, covering approximately 5.2million square
km.
Hellenization was coined by the German historian Johann Gustav
Droysen to denote the spread of Greek language, culture, and
population into the former Persian empire after Alexander's conquest.
That this export took place is undoubted, and can be seen in the great
Hellenistic cities of, for instance, Alexandria, Antioch and Seleucia
(south of modern Baghdad). Alexander sought to insert Greek elements
into Persian culture and attempted to hybridize Greek and Persian
culture. This culminated in his aspiration to homogenize the
populations of Asia and Europe. However, his successors explicitly
rejected such policies. Nevertheless, Hellenization occurred throughout
the region, accompanied by a distinct and opposite 'Orientalization' of the Successor states.
The core of Hellenistic culture was essentially Athenian. The close association of men from across Greece in
Alexander's army directly led to the emergence of the largely Attic-based "koine", or "common" Greek dialect.
Koine spread throughout the Hellenistic world, becoming the lingua franca of Hellenistic lands and eventually the
ancestor of modern Greek. Furthermore, town planning, education, local government, and art current in the
Hellenistic period were all based on Classical Greek ideals, evolving into distinct new forms commonly grouped as
Hellenistic. Aspects of Hellenistic culture were still evident in the traditions of the Byzantine Empire in the mid-15th
century.
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279
The Buddha, in Greco-Buddhist style, 1st2nd
century AD, Gandhara (Modern Pakistan). Tokyo
National Museum.
Some of the most unusual effects of Hellenization can be seen in India,
in the region of the relatively late-arising Indo-Greek kingdoms. There,
isolated from Europe, Greek culture apparently hybridized with Indian,
and especially Buddhist, influences. The first realistic portrayals of the
Buddha appeared at this time; they were modeled on Greek statues of
Apollo. Several Buddhist traditions may have been influenced by the
ancient Greek religion: the concept of Boddhisatvas is reminiscent of
Greek divine heroes, and some Mahayana ceremonial practices
(burning incense, gifts of flowers, and food placed on altars) are
similar to those practiced by the ancient Greeks. One Greek king,
Menander I, probably became Buddhist, and was immortalized in
Buddhist literature as 'Milinda'. The process of Hellenization extended
to the sciences, where ideas from Greek astronomy filtered eastward
and had profoundly influenced Indian astronomy by the early centuries
AD. For example, Greek astronomical instruments dating to the 3rd
century BC were found in the Greco-Bactrian city of Ai Khanoum in
modern-day Afghanistan while the Greek concept of a spherical earth
surrounded by the spheres of planets was adopted in India and
eventually supplanted the long-standing Indian cosmological belief of
a flat and circular earth. The Yavanajataka and Paulisa Siddhanta texts
in particular show Greek influence.
Influence on Rome
This medallion was produced in Imperial Rome,
demonstrating the influence of Alexander's
memory. Walters Art Museum, Baltimore.
Alexander and his exploits were admired by many Romans, especially
generals, who wanted to associate themselves with his achievements.
Polybius began his Histories by reminding Romans of Alexander's
achievements, and thereafter Roman leaders saw him as a role model.
Pompey the Great adopted the epithet "Magnus" and even Alexander's
anastole-type haircut, and searched the conquered lands of the east for
Alexander's 260-year-old cloak, which he then wore as a sign of
greatness. Julius Caesar dedicated a Lysippean equestrian bronze statue
but replaced Alexander's head with his own, while Octavian visited
Alexander's tomb in Alexandria and temporarily changed his seal from
a sphinx to Alexander's profile. The emperor Trajan also admired
Alexander, as did Nero and Caracalla. The Macriani, a Roman family
that in the person of Macrinus briefly ascended to the imperial throne,
kept images of Alexander on their persons, either on jewelry, or
embroidered into their clothes.
Alexander the Great
280
The Greco-Bactrian king Demetrius (reigned c.
200180BC), wearing an elephant scalp, took
over Alexander's legacy in the east by again
invading India, and establishing the Indo-Greek
kingdom (180BC10AD).
On the other hand, some Roman writers, particularly Republican
figures, used Alexander as a cautionary tale of how autocratic
tendencies can be kept in check by republican values. Alexander was
used by these writers as an example of ruler values such as amicita
(friendship) and clementia (clemency), but also iracundia (anger) and
cupiditas gloriae (over-desire for glory).
Legend
Main article: Alexander the Great in legend
Legendary accounts surround the life of Alexander the Great, many
deriving from his own lifetime, probably encouraged by Alexander
himself. His court historian Callisthenes portrayed the sea in Cilicia as
drawing back from him in proskynesis. Writing shortly after
Alexander's death, another participant, Onesicritus, invented a tryst
between Alexander and Thalestris, queen of the mythical Amazons.
When Onesicritus read this passage to his patron, Alexander's general and later King Lysimachus reportedly
quipped, "I wonder where I was at the time."
In the first centuries after Alexander's death, probably in Alexandria, a quantity of the legendary material coalesced
into a text known as the Alexander Romance, later falsely ascribed to Callisthenes and therefore known as
Pseudo-Callisthenes. This text underwent numerous expansions and revisions throughout Antiquity and the Middle
Ages, containing many dubious stories, and was translated into numerous languages.
In ancient and modern culture
Main articles: Cultural depictions of Alexander the Great and Alexander the Great in the Quran
Alexander the Great depicted in a 14th-century
Byzantine manuscript
Alexander the Great's accomplishments and legacy have been depicted
in many cultures. Alexander has figured in both high and popular
culture beginning in his own era to the present day. The Alexander
Romance, in particular, has had a significant impact on portrayals of
Alexander in later cultures, from Persian to medieval European to
modern Greek.
Alexander features prominently in modern Greek folklore, more so
than any other ancient figure. The colloquial form of his name in
modern Greek ("O Megalexandros") is a household name, and he is the
only ancient hero to appear in the Karagiozis shadow play. One
well-known fable among Greek seamen involves a solitary mermaid
who would grasp a ship's prow during a storm and ask the captain "Is King Alexander alive?". The correct answer is
"He is alive and well and rules the world!", causing the mermaid to vanish and the sea to calm. Any other answer
would cause the mermaid to turn into a raging Gorgon who would drag the ship to the bottom of the sea, all hands
aboard.
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281
Post-Islamic Persian miniature depicting Khidr
and Alexander watching the Water of Life revive
a salted fish
St. Augustine in his book City of God restated Ciceros parable
showing that Alexander the Great was little more than a leader of a
robber band:
And so if justice is left out, what are kingdoms except
great robber bands? For what are robber bands except little
kingdoms? The band also is a group of men governed by
the orders of a leader, bound by a social compact, and its
booty is divided according to a law agreed upon. If by
repeatedly adding desperate men this plague grows to the
point where it holds territory and establishes a fixed seat,
seizes cities and subdues people, then it more
conspicuously assumes the name of kingdom, and this
name is now openly granted to it, not for any subtraction
of cupidity, but by addition of impunity. For it was an elegant and true reply that was made to Alexander
the Great by a certain pirate whom he had captured. When the king asked him what he was thinking of,
that he should molest the sea, he said with defiant independence: 'The same as you when you molest the
world! Since I do this with a little ship I am called a pirate. You do it with a great fleet and are called
emperor'.
In pre-Islamic Middle Persian (Zoroastrian) literature, Alexander is referred to by the epithet gujastak, meaning
"accursed", and is accused of destroying temples and burning the sacred texts of Zoroastrianism. In Islamic Iran,
under the influence of the Alexander Romance (in Persian: Iskandarnamah), a more positive portrayal of
Alexander emerges. Firdausi's Shahnameh ("The Book of Kings") includes Alexander in a line of legitimate Iranian
shahs, a mythical figure who explored the far reaches of the world in search of the Fountain of Youth. Later Persian
writers associate him with philosophy, portraying him at a symposium with figures such as Socrates, Plato and
Aristotle, in search of immortality.
The Syriac version of the Alexander Romance portrays him as an ideal Christian world conqueror who prayed to "the
one true God". In Egypt, Alexander was portrayed as the son of Nectanebo II, the last pharaoh before the Persian
conquest. His defeat of Darius was depicted as Egypt's salvation, "proving" Egypt was still ruled by an Egyptian.
The figure of Dhul-Qarnayn (literally "the Two-Horned One") mentioned in the Quran is believed by some scholars
to represent Alexander, due to parallels with the Alexander Romance. In this tradition, he was a heroic figure who
built a wall to defend against the nations of Gog and Magog. He then traveled the known world in search for the
Water of Life and Immortality, eventually becoming a prophet.
In India and Pakistan, more specifically the Punjab, the name "Sikandar", derived from Persian, denotes a rising
young talent. In medieval Europe he was made a member of the Nine Worthies, a group of heroes who encapsulated
all the ideal qualities of chivalry.
Historiography
Main article: Alexander the Great in historiography
Apart from a few inscriptions and fragments, texts written by people who actually knew Alexander or who gathered
information from men who served with Alexander were all lost. Contemporaries who wrote accounts of his life
included Alexander's campaign historian Callisthenes; Alexander's generals Ptolemy and Nearchus; Aristobulus, a
junior officer on the campaigns; and Onesicritus, Alexander's chief helmsman. Their works are lost, but later works
based on these original sources have survived. The earliest of these is Diodorus Siculus (1st century BC), followed
by Quintus Curtius Rufus (mid-to-late 1st century AD), Arrian (1st to 2nd century AD), the biographer Plutarch (1st
to 2nd century AD), and finally Justin, whose work dated as late as the 4th century. Of these, Arrian is generally
Alexander the Great
282
considered the most reliable, given that he used Ptolemy and Aristobulus as his sources, closely followed by
Diodorus.
In film
Alexander the Great was subject of the films Alexander the Great (1956), starring Richard Burton, and Alexander
(2004), starring Colin Farrell.
Notes
î:By the time of his death, he had conquered the entire Achaemenid Persian Empire, adding it to Macedon's
European territories; according to some modern writers, this was most of the world then known to the ancient Greeks
(the 'Ecumene'). An approximate view of the world known to Alexander can be seen in Hecataeus of Miletus's map;
see Hecataeus world map.
îi:For instance, Hannibal supposedly ranked Alexander as the greatest general;
[36]
Julius Caesar wept on seeing a
statue of Alexander, since he had achieved so little by the same age; Pompey consciously posed as the 'new
Alexander';
[37]
the young Napoleon Bonaparte also encouraged comparisons with Alexander.
[38]
îii:The name - derives from the Greek verb "" (alex), "to ward off, to avert, to defend"
[39][40]
and the noun "" (andros), genitive of "" (anr), "man"
[41][40]
and means "protector of men."
îv:"In the early 5th century the royal house of Macedon, the Temenidae, was recognised as Greek by the
Presidents of the Olympic Games. Their verdict was and is decisive. It is certain that the Kings considered
themselves to be of Greek descent from Heracles son of Zeus."
^v:"AEACIDS Descendants of Aeacus, son of Zeus and the nymph Aegina, eponymous (see the term) to the island
of that name. His son was Peleus, father of Achilles, whose descendants (real or supposed) called themselves
Aeacids: thus Pyrrhus and Alexander the Great."
^vi:There have been, since the time, many suspicions that Pausanias was actually hired to murder Philip. Suspicion
has fallen upon Alexander, Olympias and even the newly crowned Persian Emperor, Darius III. All three of these
people had motive to have Philip murdered.
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[17] [17] Arrian 1976, III, 22.
[18] Arrian 1976, III, 2325, 2730; IV, 17.
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[20] Arrian 1976, IV, 56, 1617.
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Alexander the Great
283
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[27] Bosworth 1988, pp.1920.
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[31] [31] Ogden 2009, p.204.
[32] [32] Sacks 1995, p.16.
[33] [33] Ogden 2009, p.208: "...three attested pregnancies in eight years produces an attested impregnation rate of one every 2.7 years, which is
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[37] Holland 2003, pp.17683.
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[39] Plutarch 1919, IV, 57 (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts.edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04. 0057:entry=a)le/ cw): .
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[41] Plutarch 1919, IV, 57 (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts.edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04. 0057:entry=a)nh/ r): .
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Further reading
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dq=Nicaea+ Mong) 14. Google. 1910. Retrieved 29 January 2011.
Badian, Ernst (1958). "Alexander the Great and the Unity of Mankind". Historia 7: 425444.
Beazley, JD; Ashmole, B (1932). Greek Sculpture and Painting. Cambridge University Press.
Bowra, Maurice (1994). The Greek Experience. Phoenix. ISBN1-85799-122-2.
Burn, AR (1951). Alexander the Great and the Hellenistic Empire (2 ed.). London: English Universities Press.
Curtius. "Curtius Rufus, History of Alexander the Great" (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/
Texts/ Curtius/ home. html) (in Latin). U Chicago. Retrieved 16 November 2009.
Engels, Donald W (1978). Alexander the Great and the Logistics of the Macedonian Army. Berkeley: University
of California Press.
Fawcett, Bill, ed. (2006). How To Lose A Battle: Foolish Plans and Great Military Blunders. Harper.
ISBN0-06-076024-9.
Fuller, JFC (1958). The Generalship of Alexander the Great (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=q3M0NE2RJgYC& printsec=frontcover). London: Eyre & Spottiswoode.
Green, Peter (1992). Alexander of Macedon: 356323 BC. A Historical Biography. University of California
Press. ISBN0-520-07166-2.
Greene, Robert (2000). The 48 Laws of Power. Penguin. p.351. ISBN0-14-028019-7.
Hammond, NGL (1989). The Macedonian State: Origins, Institutions, and History. Oxford University Press.
ISBN0-19-814883-6.
(1994). Alexander the Great: King, Commander, and Statesman (3 ed.). London: Bristol Classical Press.
(1997). The Genius of Alexander the Great. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.
McCrindle, JW (1893). The Invasion of India by Alexander the Great as Described by Arrian, Q Curtius,
Diodorus, Plutarch, and Justin (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=A9YNAAAAIAAJ). Westminster:
Archibald Constable & Co.
Murphy, James Jerome; Katula, Richard A; Hill, Forbes I; Ochs, Donovan J (2003). A Synoptic History of
Classical Rhetoric. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. p.17. ISBN1-880393-35-2.
Nandan, Y; Bhavan, BV (2003). British Death March Under Asiatic Impulse: Epic of Anglo-Indian Tragedy in
Afghanistan. Mumbai: Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan. ISBN81-7276-301-8.
O'Brien, John Maxwell (1992). Alexander the Great: The Invisible Enemy. London: Routledge.
Pomeroy, S; Burstein, S; Dolan, W; Roberts, J (1998). Ancient Greece: A Political, Social, and Cultural History.
Oxford University Press. ISBN0-19-509742-4.
Roisman, Joseph, ed. (1995). Alexander the Great Ancient and Modern Perspectives. Problems in European
Civilization. Lexington, MA: DC Heath.
Savill, Agnes (1959). Alexander the Great and His Time (3 ed.). London: Barrie & Rockliff.
Singh, Kirpal (2005). Kambojas Through the Ages. p.134.
Stewart, Andrew (1993). Faces of Power: Alexander's Image and Hellenistic Politics. Hellenistic Culture and
Society 11. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Stoneman, Richard (2008). Alexander the Great: A Life in Legend. Yale University Press.
ISBN978-0-300-11203-0.
Tarn, WW (1948). Alexander the Great. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
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Trogus, Pompeius (1853). Justin, ed. "Epitome of the Philippic History" (http:/ / www. forumromanum. org/
literature/ justin/ english/ ). Rev. John Selby Watson, translator. Forum romanum. Retrieved 14 November 2009..
Wheeler, Benjamin Ide (1900). Alexander the Great; the merging of East and West in universal history. New
York: GP Putnam's sons.
Wilcken, Ulrich (1997) [1932]. Alexander the Great. New York: WW Norton & Co. ISBN0-393-00381-7.
Worthington, Ian (2004). Alexander the Great: Man And God. Pearson. ISBN978-1-4058-0162-1.
Library resources about
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External links
Delamarche, Flix (1833), The Empire and Expeditions of Alexander the Great (http:/ / www. wdl. org/ en/ item/
11738/ ).
Romm, James; Cartledge, Paul, Part 1 (http:/ / blogs. forbes. com/ booked/ 2010/ 12/ 12/
two-great-historians-on-alexander-the-great-part-one/ ), "Two Great Historians On Alexander the Great", Forbes
(conversations); Part 2 (http:/ / blogs. forbes. com/ booked/ 2010/ 12/ 17/
two-great-historians-on-alexander-the-great-part-two/ ), Part 3 (http:/ / blogs. forbes. com/ booked/ 2010/ 12/ 20/
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Alexander the Great (http:/ / www. dmoz. org/ Society/ History/ By_Time_Period/ Ancient/ Greece/ People/
Alexander_the_Great/ ) at DMOZ
Alexander the Great: An annotated list of primary sources (http:/ / www. livius. org/ aj-al/ alexander/
alexander_z1b. html), Livius.
The Elusive Tomb of Alexander the Great (http:/ / www. archaeology. org/ online/ features/ alexander/ tomb.
html), Archology.
Alexander the Great and Sherlock Holmes (http:/ / www. sherlockian-sherlock. com/
alexander-the-great-and-sherlock-holmes. php), Sherlockian Sherlock.
Google Map of the Wars of Alexander the Great (http:/ / maps. google. com/ maps/
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278305,71. 455078)
Alexander the Great
288
Alexander the Great
Argead dynasty
Born: 356BC 323BC
Regnal titles
Precededby
Philip II
King of Macedon
336323BC
Succeededby
Philip III and Alexander IV
Precededby
Darius III
Great King (Shah) of
Persia
330323BC
Pharaoh of Egypt
332323BC
New creation Lord of Asia
331323BC
Julius Caesar
For the play by William Shakespeare, see Julius Caesar (play). For other uses, see Julius Caesar (disambiguation).
"Caesar" redirects here. For other uses, see Caesar (disambiguation).
Gaius Julius Caesar
Bust in Naples National Archaeological Museum
Reign
October 49 BC - 15 March 44 BC
[1]
Spouse Cornelia Cinna Minor (8469 BC)
Pompeia (6863 BC)
Calpurnia Pisonis (5944 BC)
Issue
Julia Caesaris
Caesarion
Augustus (adoptive)
Full name
Gaius Julius Caesar
House Julio-Claudian Dynasty
Father Gaius Julius Csar
Mother Aurelia Cotta
Born 12/13 July 100 BC
Rome
Died 15 March 44 BC (aged 55)
Curia of Pompey, Rome
Religion Roman paganism
Gaius Julius Caesar
[2]
(Classical Latin:[a.i.s ju.l.s kaj.sar], July 100BC
[3]
15 March 44BC)
[4]
was a
Roman general, statesman, Consul, and notable author of Latin prose. He played a critical role in the events that led
Julius Caesar
289
to the demise of the Roman Republic and the rise of the Roman Empire. In 60 BC, Caesar, Crassus, and Pompey
formed a political alliance that was to dominate Roman politics for several years. Their attempts to amass power
through populist tactics were opposed by the conservative ruling class within the Roman Senate, among them Cato
the Younger with the frequent support of Cicero. Caesar's victories in the Gallic Wars, completed by 51BC,
extended Rome's territory to the English Channel and the Rhine. Caesar became the first Roman general to cross
both when he built a bridge across the Rhine and conducted the first invasion of Britain.
These achievements granted him unmatched military power and threatened to eclipse the standing of Pompey, who
had realigned himself with the Senate after the death of Crassus in 53BC. With the Gallic Wars concluded, the
Senate ordered Caesar to step down from his military command and return to Rome. Caesar refused, and marked his
defiance in 49BC by crossing the Rubicon with a legion, leaving his province and illegally entering Roman territory
under arms. Civil war resulted, from which he emerged as the unrivaled leader of Rome.
After assuming control of government, Caesar began a program of social and governmental reforms, including the
creation of the Julian calendar. He centralised the bureaucracy of the Republic and was eventually proclaimed
"dictator in perpetuity". But the underlying political conflicts had not been resolved, and on the Ides of March
(15March) 44BC, Caesar was assassinated by a group of senators led by Marcus Junius Brutus. A new series of
civil wars broke out, and the constitutional government of the Republic was never restored. Caesar's adopted heir
Octavian, later known as Augustus, rose to sole power, and the era of the Roman Empire began.
Much of Caesar's life is known from his own accounts of his military campaigns, and from other contemporary
sources, mainly the letters and speeches of Cicero and the historical writings of Sallust. The later biographies of
Caesar by Suetonius and Plutarch are also major sources. Caesar is deemed to be one of the greatest military
commanders in history.
Early life and career
Main article: Early life and career of Julius Caesar
Caesar was born into a patrician family, the gens Julia, which claimed descent
from Iulus, son of the legendary Trojan prince Aeneas, supposedly the son of the
goddess Venus.
[5]
The cognomen "Caesar" originated, according to Pliny the
Elder, with an ancestor who was born by caesarean section (from the Latin verb
to cut, caedere, caes-).
[6]
The Historia Augusta suggests three alternative
explanations: that the first Caesar had a thick head of hair (Latin caesaries); that
he had bright grey eyes (Latin oculis caesiis); or that he killed an elephant
(caesai in Moorish) in battle.
[7]
Caesar issued coins featuring images of
elephants, suggesting that he favored this interpretation of his name.
Despite their ancient pedigree, the Julii Caesares were not especially politically
influential, although they had enjoyed some revival of their political fortunes in
the early 1st century BC.
[8]
Caesar's father, also called Gaius Julius Caesar,
governed the province of Asia,
[9]
and his sister Julia, Caesar's aunt, married
Gaius Marius, one of the most prominent figures in the Republic.
[10]
His mother,
Aurelia Cotta, came from an influential family. Little is recorded of Caesar's
childhood.
[11]
In 85 BC, Caesar's father died suddenly,
[12]
so at sixteen Caesar was the head of the family. His coming of age
coincided with a civil war between his uncle, Gaius Marius, and his rival Lucius Cornelius Sulla. Both sides,
whenever they were in the ascendancy, carried out bloody purges of their political opponents. While Marius and his
ally, Lucius Cornelius Cinna, were in control of the city, Caesar was nominated to be the new high priest of
Jupiter,
[13]
and married to Cinna's daughter Cornelia.
[14]
But following Sulla's final victory, Caesar's connections to
Julius Caesar
290
the old regime made him a target for the new one. He was stripped of his inheritance, his wife's dowry and his
priesthood, but he refused to divorce Cornelia and was forced to go into hiding. The threat against him was lifted by
the intervention of his mother's family, which included supporters of Sulla, and the Vestal Virgins. Sulla gave in
reluctantly, and is said to have declared that he saw many a Marius in Caesar.
Gaius Marius, Caesar's uncle
Caesar left Rome and joined the army, where he won the Civic Crown for his
part in an important siege. On a mission to Bithynia to secure the assistance of
King Nicomedes's fleet, he spent so long at his court that rumors of an affair with
the king arose, which Caesar would vehemently deny for the rest of his life.
[15]
Ironically, the loss of his priesthood had allowed him to pursue a military career,
as the high priest of Jupiter was not permitted to touch a horse, sleep three nights
outside his own bed or one night outside Rome, or look upon an army.
[16]
Hearing of Sulla's death in 78 BC, Caesar felt safe enough to return to Rome.
Lacking means since his inheritance was confiscated, he acquired a modest house
in Subura, a lower-class neighborhood of Rome.
[17]
He turned to legal advocacy,
and became known for his exceptional oratory, accompanied by impassioned
gestures and a high-pitched voice, and ruthless prosecution of former governors
notorious for extortion and corruption.
On the way across the Aegean Sea,
[18]
Caesar was kidnapped by pirates and held
prisoner.
[19][20]
He maintained an attitude of superiority throughout his captivity. When the pirates thought to
demand a ransom of twenty talents of silver, he insisted they ask for fifty.
[21]
After the ransom was paid, Caesar
raised a fleet, pursued and captured the pirates, and imprisoned them. He had them crucified on his own authority, as
he had promised while in captivity
[22]
a promise the pirates had taken as a joke. As a sign of leniency, he first had
their throats cut. He was soon called back into military action in Asia, raising a band of auxiliaries to repel an
incursion from the east.
[23]
On his return to Rome, he was elected military tribune, a first step in a political career. He was elected quaestor for
69 BC,
[24]
and during that year he delivered the funeral oration for his aunt Julia, and included images of her
husband Marius, unseen since the days of Sulla, in the funeral procession. His wife, Cornelia, also died that year.
[25]
After her funeral, in the spring or early summer of 69 BC, Caesar went to serve his quaestorship in Spain.
[26]
While
there he is said to have encountered a statue of Alexander the Great, and realized with dissatisfaction he was now at
an age when Alexander had the world at his feet, while he had achieved comparatively little. On his return in 67
BC,
[27]
he married Pompeia, a granddaughter of Sulla, whom he later divorced.
[28]
In 63 BC, he ran for election to the post of Pontifex Maximus, chief priest of the Roman state religion. He ran
against two powerful senators. There were accusations of bribery by all sides. Caesar won comfortably, despite his
opponents' greater experience and standing.
[29]
When Cicero, who was consul that year, exposed Catiline's
conspiracy to seize control of the republic, several senators accused Caesar of involvement in the plot.
[30]
After serving as praetor in 62 BC, Caesar was appointed to govern Spain, probably with proconsular powers.
[31]
He
was still in considerable debt and needed to satisfy his creditors before he could leave. He turned to Marcus Licinius
Crassus, one of Rome's richest men. In return for political support in his opposition to the interests of Pompey,
Crassus paid some of Caesar's debts and acted as guarantor for others. Even so, to avoid becoming a private citizen
and thus be open to prosecution for his debts, Caesar left for his province before his praetorship had ended. In Spain,
he conquered two local tribes and was hailed as imperator by his troops, reformed the law regarding debts, and
completed his governorship in high esteem.
[32]
As imperator, Caesar was entitled to a triumph. However, he also wanted to stand for consul, the most senior
magistracy in the republic. If he were to celebrate a triumph, he would have to remain a soldier and stay outside the
city until the ceremony, but to stand for election he would need to lay down his command and enter Rome as a
Julius Caesar
291
private citizen. He could not do both in the time available. He asked the senate for permission to stand in absentia,
but Cato blocked the proposal. Faced with the choice between a triumph and the consulship, Caesar chose the
consulship.
[33]
Consulship and military campaigns
Main articles: Military campaigns of Julius Caesar and First Triumvirate
In 60 BC, Caesar sought election as consul for 59BC, along with two other candidates. The election was sordid
even Cato, with his reputation for incorruptibility, is said to have resorted to bribery in favor of one of Caesar's
opponents. Caesar won, along with conservative Marcus Bibulus.
[34]
Caesar was already in Crassus' political debt, but he also made overtures to Pompey. Pompey and Crassus had been
at odds for a decade, so Caesar tried to reconcile them. The three of them had enough money and political influence
to control public business. This informal alliance, known as the First Triumvirate ("rule of three men"), was
cemented by the marriage of Pompey to Caesar's daughter Julia.
[35]
Caesar also married again, this time Calpurnia,
who was the daughter of another powerful senator.
[36]
Caesar proposed a law for the redistribution of public lands to the poor, a proposal supported by Pompey, by force of
arms if need be, and by Crassus, making the triumvirate public. Pompey filled the city with soldiers, a move which
intimidated the triumvirate's opponents. Bibulus attempted to declare the omens unfavorable and thus void the new
law, but was driven from the forum by Caesar's armed supporters. His bodyguards had their ceremonial axes broken,
two high magistrates accompanying him were wounded, and he had a bucket of excrement thrown over him. In fear
of his life, he retired to his house for the rest of the year, issuing occasional proclamations of bad omens. These
attempts to obstruct Caesar's legislation proved ineffective. Roman satirists ever after referred to the year as "the
consulship of Julius and Caesar."
[37]
When Caesar was first elected, the aristocracy tried to limit his future power by allotting the woods and pastures of
Italy, rather than the governorship of a province, as his military command duty after his year in office was over.
[38]
With the help of political allies, Caesar later overturned this, and was instead appointed to govern Cisalpine Gaul
(northern Italy) and Illyricum (southeastern Europe), with Transalpine Gaul (southern France) later added, giving
him command of four legions. The term of his governorship, and thus his immunity from prosecution, was set at five
years, rather than the usual one.
[39]
When his consulship ended, Caesar narrowly avoided prosecution for the
irregularities of his year in office, and quickly left for his province.
[40]
Conquest of Gaul
Main article: Gallic Wars
Caesar was still deeply in debt, but there was money to be made as a governor, whether by extortion
[41]
or by
military adventurism. Caesar had four legions under his command, two of his provinces bordered on unconquered
territory, and parts of Gaul were known to be unstable. Some of Rome's Gallic allies had been defeated by their
rivals at the Battle of Magetobriga, with the help of a contingent of Germanic tribes. The Romans feared these tribes
were preparing to migrate south, closer to Italy, and that they had warlike intent. Caesar raised two new legions and
defeated these tribes.
[42]
In response to Caesar's earlier activities, the tribes in the north-east began to arm themselves. Caesar treated this as
an aggressive move and, after an inconclusive engagement against the united tribes, he conquered the tribes
piecemeal. Meanwhile, one of his legions began the conquest of the tribes in the far north (directly opposite
Britain).
[43]
During the spring of 56BC, the Triumvirs held a conference, as Rome was in turmoil and Caesar's
political alliance was coming undone. The Lucca Conference renewed the First Triumvirate and extended Caesar's
governorship for another five years.
[44]
The conquest of the north was soon completed, while a few pockets of
resistance remained.
[45]
Caesar now had a secure base from which to launch an invasion of Britain.
Julius Caesar
292
The extent of the Roman Republic in 40 BC after Caesar's conquests.
In 55 BC, Caesar repelled an incursion
into Gaul by two Germanic tribes, and
followed it up by building a bridge
across the Rhine and making a show of
force in Germanic territory, before
returning and dismantling the bridge.
Late that summer, having subdued two
other tribes, he crossed into Britain,
claiming that the Britons had aided one
of his enemies the previous year
possibly the Veneti of Brittany. His
intelligence information was poor, and
although he gained a beachhead on the
coast, he could not advance further,
and returned to Gaul for the winter.
[46]
He returned the following year, better
prepared and with a larger force, and achieved more. He advanced inland, and established a few alliances. However,
poor harvests led to widespread revolt in Gaul, which forced Caesar to leave Britain for the last time.
[47]
While Caesar was in Britain his daughter Julia, Pompey's wife, had died in childbirth. Caesar tried to re-secure
Pompey's support by offering him his great-niece in marriage, but Pompey declined. In 53 BC Crassus was killed
leading a failed invasion of the east. Rome was on the edge of civil war. Pompey was appointed sole consul as an
emergency measure, and married the daughter of a political opponent of Caesar. The Triumvirate was dead.
[48]
In 52 BC another, larger revolt erupted in Gaul, led by Vercingetorix. Vercingetorix managed to unite the Gallic
tribes and proved an astute commander, defeating Caesar in several engagements, but Caesar's elaborate siege-works
at the Battle of Alesia finally forced his surrender.
[49]
Despite scattered outbreaks of warfare the following year,
[50]
Gaul was effectively conquered. Plutarch claimed that the army had fought against three million men during the
Gallic Wars, of whom onemillion died, and another million were enslaved. The Romans subjugated 300 tribes and
destroyed 800 cities. However, in view of the difficulty in finding accurate counts in the first place, Caesar's
propagandistic purposes, and the common exaggeration of numbers in ancient texts, the stated totals of enemy
combatants are likely to be too high.
Civil war
Main article: Caesar's Civil War
Csar's Soldiers
In 50 BC, the Senate, led by Pompey, ordered Caesar to disband his
army and return to Rome because his term as governor had finished.
[51]
Caesar thought he would be prosecuted if he entered Rome without the
immunity enjoyed by a magistrate. Pompey accused Caesar of
insubordination and treason. In January 49BC, Caesar crossed the
Rubicon river (the frontier boundary of Italy) with only one legion and
ignited civil war. Upon crossing the Rubicon, Caesar, according to
Plutarch and Suetonius, is supposed to have quoted the Athenian
playwright Menander, in Greek, "the die is cast".
[52]
Julius Caesar
293
Erasmus, however, notes that the more accurate Latin translation of the Greek imperative mood would be "alea iacta
esto" let the die be cast. Pompey and much of the Senate fled to the south, having little confidence in his newly
raised troops. Despite greatly outnumbering Caesar, who only had his Thirteenth Legion with him, Pompey did not
intend to fight. Caesar pursued Pompey, hoping to capture him before his legions could escape.
[53]
Pompey managed to escape before Caesar could capture him. Heading for Spain, Caesar left Italy under the control
of Mark Antony. After an astonishing 27-day route-march, Caesar defeated Pompey's lieutenants, then returned east,
to challenge Pompey in Greece where, in July 48 BC at Dyrrhachium, Caesar barely avoided a catastrophic defeat. In
an exceedingly short engagement later that year, he decisively defeated Pompey at Pharsalus.
[54]
A bust of CleopatraVII
In Rome, Caesar was appointed dictator,
[55]
with Mark Antony as his
Master of the Horse (second in command); Caesar presided over his
own election to a second consulship and then, after eleven days,
resigned this dictatorship.
[56]
Caesar then pursued Pompey to Egypt,
arriving soon after the murder of the general. There Caesar was
presented with Pompey's severed head and seal-ring, receiving these
with tears.
[57]
He then had Pompey's assassins put to death.
[58]
Caesar then became involved with an Egyptian civil war between the
child pharaoh and his sister, wife, and co-regent queen, Cleopatra.
Perhaps as a result of the pharaoh's role in Pompey's murder, Caesar
sided with Cleopatra. He withstood the Siege of Alexandria and later
he defeated the pharaoh's forces at the Battle of the Nile in 47BC and
installed Cleopatra as ruler. Caesar and Cleopatra celebrated their
victory with a triumphal procession on the Nile in the spring of 47BC.
The royal barge was accompanied by 400 additional ships, and Caesar
was introduced to the luxurious lifestyle of the Egyptian pharaohs.
Caesar and Cleopatra never married, as Roman law recognized marriages only between two Roman citizens. Caesar
continued his relationship with Cleopatra throughout his last marriage, which lasted fourteen years in Roman eyes,
this did not constitute adultery and may have fathered a son called Caesarion. Cleopatra visited Rome on more
than one occasion, residing in Caesar's villa just outside Rome across the Tiber.
Late in 48 BC, Caesar was again appointed Dictator, with a term of one year. After spending the first months of
47BC in Egypt, Caesar went to the Middle East, where he annihilated the king of Pontus; his victory was so swift
and complete that he mocked Pompey's previous victories over such poor enemies.
[59]
On his way to Pontus, Caesar
visited from 27 to 29 May 47 BC, (2527 May
greg.
) Tarsus, where he met enthusiastic support, but where, according
to Cicero, Cassius was planning to kill him at this point.
[60][61][62]
Thence, he proceeded to Africa to deal with the
remnants of Pompey's senatorial supporters. He quickly gained a significant victory in 46BC over Cato, who then
committed suicide.
[63]
After this victory, he was appointed Dictator for ten years.
[64]
Pompey's sons escaped to Spain; Caesar gave chase
and defeated the last remnants of opposition in the Battle of Munda in March 45BC.
[65]
During this time, Caesar
was elected to his third and fourth terms as consul in 46BC and 45BC (this last time without a colleague).
Dictatorship and assassination
While he was still campaigning in Spain, the Senate began bestowing honors on Caesar. Caesar had not proscribed
his enemies, instead pardoning almost all, and there was no serious public opposition to him. Great games and
celebrations were held in April to honor Caesars victory at Munda. Plutarch writes that many Romans found the
triumph held following Caesar's victory to be in poor taste, as those defeated in the civil war had not been foreigners,
but instead fellow Romans.
[66]
On Caesar's return to Italy in September 45 BC, he filed his will, naming his
Julius Caesar
294
grandnephew Gaius Octavius (Octavian) as his principal heir, leaving his vast estate and property including his
name. Caesar also wrote that if Octavian died before Caesar did, Decimus Junius Brutus would be the next heir in
succession.
[67]
In his will he also left a substantial gift to the citizens of Rome.
During his early career, Caesar had seen how chaotic and dysfunctional the Roman Republic had become. The
republican machinery had broken down under the weight of imperialism, the central government had become
powerless, the provinces had been transformed into independent principalities under the absolute control of their
governors, and the army had replaced the constitution as the means of accomplishing political goals. With a weak
central government, political corruption had spiraled out of control, and the status quo had been maintained by a
corrupt aristocracy, which saw no need to change a system that had made its members rich.Wikipedia:Citation
needed
Between his crossing of the Rubicon River in 49 BC, and his assassination in 44BC, Caesar established a new
constitution, which was intended to accomplish three separate goals.
[68]
First, he wanted to suppress all armed
resistance out in the provinces, and thus bring order back to the empire. Second, he wanted to create a strong central
government in Rome. Finally, he wanted to knit together the entire empire into a single cohesive unit.
The first goal was accomplished when Caesar defeated Pompey and his supporters. To accomplish the other two
goals, he needed to ensure that his control over the government was undisputed,
[69]
and so he assumed these powers
by increasing his own authority, and by decreasing the authority of Rome's other political institutions. Finally, he
enacted a series of reforms that were meant to address several long neglected issues, the most important of which
was his reform of the calendar.Wikipedia:Citation needed
Dictatorship
When Caesar returned to Rome, the Senate granted him triumphs for his victories, ostensibly those over Gaul, Egypt,
Pharnaces and Juba, rather than over his Roman opponents. Not everything went Caesar's way. When Arsinoe IV,
Egypt's former queen, was paraded in chains, the spectators admired her dignified bearing and were moved to
pity.
[70]
Triumphal games were held, with beast-hunts involving 400 lions, and gladiator contests. A naval battle was
held on a flooded basin at the Field of Mars.
[71]
At the Circus Maximus, two armies of war captives, each of 2,000
people, 200 horse and 20 elephants, fought to the death. Again, some bystanders complained, this time at Caesar's
wasteful extravagance. A riot broke out, and only stopped when Caesar had two rioters sacrificed by the priests on
the Field of Mars.
After the triumph, Caesar set out to pass an ambitious legislative agenda. He ordered a census be taken, which forced
a reduction in the grain dole, and that jurors could only come from the Senate or the equestrian ranks. He passed a
sumptuary law that restricted the purchase of certain luxuries. After this, he passed a law that rewarded families for
having many children, to speed up the repopulation of Italy. Then he outlawed professional guilds, except those of
ancient foundation, since many of these were subversive political clubs. He then passed a term limit law applicable
to governors. He passed a debt restructuring law, which ultimately eliminated about a fourth of all debts owed.
The Forum of Caesar, with its Temple of Venus Genetrix, was then built, among many other public works. Caesar
also tightly regulated the purchase of state-subsidised grain and reduced the number of recipients to a fixed number,
all of whom were entered into a special register. From 47 to 44BC he made plans for the distribution of land to
about 15,000 of his veterans.
The most important change, however, was his reform of the calendar. The calendar was then regulated by the
movement of the moon, and this had left the calendar in a mess. Caesar replaced this calendar with the Egyptian
calendar, which was regulated by the sun. He set the length of the year to 365.25 days by adding an intercalary/leap
day at the end of February every fourth year.
[72]
To bring the calendar into alignment with the seasons, he decreed that three extra months be inserted into 46BC (the
ordinary intercalary month at the end of February, and two extra months after November). Thus, the Julian calendar
opened on 1 January 45 BC. This calendar is almost identical to the current Western calendar.
Julius Caesar
295
Shortly before his assassination, he passed a few more reforms. He established a police force, appointed officials to
carry out his land reforms, and ordered the rebuilding of Carthage and Corinth. He also extended Latin rights
throughout the Roman world, and then abolished the tax system and reverted to the earlier version that allowed cities
to collect tribute however they wanted, rather than needing Roman intermediaries. His assassination prevented
further and larger schemes, which included the construction of an unprecedented temple to Mars, a huge theater, and
a library on the scale of the Library of Alexandria.
He also wanted to convert Ostia to a major port, and cut a canal through the Isthmus of Corinth. Militarily, he
wanted to conquer the Dacians and Parthians, and avenge the loss at Carrhae. Thus he instituted a massive
mobilization. Shortly before his assassination, the Senate named him censor for life and Father of the Fatherland, and
the month of Quintilis was renamed July in his honor.
He was granted further honors, which were later used to justify his assassination as a would-be divine monarch:
coins were issued bearing his image and his statue was placed next to those of the kings. He was granted a golden
chair in the Senate, was allowed to wear triumphal dress whenever he chose, and was offered a form of semi-official
or popular cult, with Mark Antony as his high priest.
Political reforms
Main article: Constitutional reforms of Julius Caesar
The history of Caesar's political appointments is complex and uncertain. Caesar held both the dictatorship and the
tribunate, but alternated between the consulship and the Proconsulship. His powers within the state seem to have
rested upon these magistracies. He was first appointed dictator in 49BC possibly to preside over elections, but
resigned his dictatorship within eleven days. In 48BC, he was re-appointed dictator, only this time for an indefinite
period, and in 46BC, he was appointed dictator for ten years.
[73]
In February 44 BC, one month before his assassination, he was appointed dictator for life. Under Caesar, a
significant amount of authority was vested in his lieutenants, mostly because Caesar was frequently out of Italy. In
October 45BC, Caesar resigned his position as sole consul, and facilitated the election of two successors for the
remainder of the year which theoretically restored the ordinary consulship, since the constitution did not recognize a
single consul without a colleague.
[74]
In 48 BC, Caesar was given permanent tribunician powers,
[75]
which made his person sacrosanct and allowed him to
veto the Senate, although on at least one occasion, tribunes did attempt to obstruct him. The offending tribunes in
this case were brought before the Senate and divested of their office. This was not the first time that Caesar had
violated a tribune's sacrosanctity. After he had first marched on Rome in 49 BC, he forcibly opened the treasury
although a tribune had the seal placed on it. After the impeachment of the two obstructive tribunes, Caesar, perhaps
unsurprisingly, faced no further opposition from other members of the Tribunician College.
Denarius (42 BC) issued by Cassius Longinus and Lentulus Spinther, depicting
the crowned head of Liberty and on the reverse a sacrificial jug and lituus, from the
military mint in Smyrna.
In 46 BC, Caesar gave himself the title of
"Prefect of the Morals", which was an office
that was new only in name, as its powers
were identical to those of the censors. Thus,
he could hold censorial powers, while
technically not subjecting himself to the
same checks that the ordinary censors were
subject to, and he used these powers to fill
the Senate with his own partisans. He also
set the precedent, which his imperial
successors followed, of requiring the Senate
Julius Caesar
296
to bestow various titles and honors upon him. He was, for example, given the title of "Father of the Fatherland" and
"imperator".
Coins bore his likeness, and he was given the right to speak first during senate meetings. Caesar then increased the
number of magistrates who were elected each year, which created a large pool of experienced magistrates, and
allowed Caesar to reward his supporters.
Caesar even took steps to transform Italy into a province, and to link more tightly the other provinces of the empire
into a single cohesive unit. This addressed the underlying problem that had caused the Social War decades earlier,
where individuals outside Rome and Italy were not considered "Roman", and thus were not given full citizenship
rights. This process, of fusing the entire Roman Empire into a single unit, rather than maintaining it as a network of
unequal principalities, would ultimately be completed by Caesar's successor, the emperor Augustus.
When Caesar returned to Rome in 47 BC, the ranks of the Senate had been severely depleted, and so he used his
censorial powers to appoint many new senators, which eventually raised the Senate's membership to 900. All the
appointments were of his own partisans, which robbed the senatorial aristocracy of its prestige, and made the Senate
increasingly subservient to him.
[76]
To minimize the risk that another general might attempt to challenge him, Caesar
passed a law that subjected governors to term limits.
Near the end of his life, Caesar began to prepare for a war against the Parthian Empire. Since his absence from Rome
might limit his ability to install his own consuls, he passed a law which allowed him to appoint all magistrates in 43
BC, and all consuls and tribunes in 42 BC. This, in effect, transformed the magistrates from being representatives of
the people to being representatives of the dictator.
Assassination
See also: Assassination of Julius Caesar
On the Ides of March (15 March; see Roman calendar) of 44 BC, Caesar was due to appear at a session of the
Senate. Mark Antony, having vaguely learned of the plot the night before from a terrified Liberator named Servilius
Casca, and fearing the worst, went to head Caesar off. The plotters, however, had anticipated this and, fearing that
Antony would come to Caesar's aid, had arranged for Trebonius to intercept him just as he approached the portico of
Theatre of Pompey, where the session was to be held, and detain him outside. (Plutarch, however, assigns this action
to delay Antony to Brutus Albinus). When he heard the commotion from the senate chamber, Antony fled.
According to Plutarch, as Caesar arrived at the Senate, Tillius Cimber presented him with a petition to recall his
exiled brother. The other conspirators crowded round to offer support. Both Plutarch and Suetonius say that Caesar
waved him away, but Cimber grabbed his shoulders and pulled down Caesar's tunic. Caesar then cried to Cimber,
"Why, this is violence!" ("Ista quidem vis est!").
Julius Caesar
297
The senators encircle Caesar. A 19th-century interpretation of the event by Carl
Theodor von Piloty.
At the same time, Casca produced his
dagger and made a glancing thrust at the
dictator's neck. Caesar turned around
quickly and caught Casca by the arm.
According to Plutarch, he said in Latin,
"Casca, you villain, what are you doing?"
[77]
Casca, frightened, shouted, "Help, brother!"
in Greek (", ", "adelphe,
boethei"). Within moments, the entire
group, including Brutus, was striking out at
the dictator. Caesar attempted to get away,
but, blinded by blood, he tripped and fell;
the men continued stabbing him as he lay
defenceless on the lower steps of the
portico. According to Eutropius, around 60
or more men participated in the assassination. He was stabbed 23 times.
[78]
According to Suetonius, a physician later established that only one wound, the second one to his chest, had been
lethal.
[79]
The dictator's last words are not known with certainty, and are a contested subject among scholars and
historians alike. Suetonius reports that others have said Caesar's last words were the Greek phrase " ,
;"
[80]
(transliterated as "Kai su, teknon?": "You too, child?" in English). However, for himself, Suetonius says
Caesar said nothing.
[81]
Plutarch also reports that Caesar said nothing, pulling his toga over his head when he saw Brutus among the
conspirators.
[82]
The version best known in the English-speaking world is the Latin phrase "Et tu, Brute?" ("And
you, Brutus?", commonly rendered as "You too, Brutus?"); this derives from Shakespeare's Julius Caesar, where it
actually forms the first half of a macaronic line: "Et tu, Brute? Then fall, Caesar." It has no basis in historical fact
and Shakespeare's use of Latin here is not from any assertion that Caesar would have been using the language, rather
than the Greek reported by Suetonius, but because the phrase was already popular when the play was written.
[83]
According to Plutarch, after the assassination, Brutus stepped forward as if to say something to his fellow senators;
they, however, fled the building.
[84]
Brutus and his companions then marched to the Capitol while crying out to their
beloved city: "People of Rome, we are once again free!" They were met with silence, as the citizens of Rome had
locked themselves inside their houses as soon as the rumor of what had taken place had begun to spread. Caesar's
dead body lay where it fell on the Senate floor for nearly three hours before other officials arrived to remove it.
Caesar's body was cremated, and on the site of his cremation the Temple of Caesar was erected a few years later (at
the east side of the main square of the Roman Forum). Only its altar now remains. A lifesize wax statue of Caesar
was later erected in the forum displaying the 23 stab wounds. A crowd who had gathered there started a fire, which
badly damaged the forum and neighboring buildings. In the ensuing chaos Mark Antony, Octavian (later Augustus
Caesar), and others fought a series of five civil wars, which would end in the formation of the Roman Empire.
Aftermath of the assassination
The result unforeseen by the assassins was that Caesar's death precipitated the end of the Roman Republic.
[85]
The
Roman middle and lower classes, with whom Caesar was immensely popular and had been since before Gaul,
became enraged that a small group of aristocrats had killed their champion. Antony, who had been drifting apart
from Caesar, capitalised on the grief of the Roman mob and threatened to unleash them on the Optimates, perhaps
with the intent of taking control of Rome himself. To his surprise and chagrin, Caesar had named his grandnephew
Gaius Octavian his sole heir, bequeathing him the immensely potent Caesar name and making him one of the
Julius Caesar
298
wealthiest citizens in the Republic.
[86]
Mark Antony
The crowd at the funeral boiled over, throwing dry branches, furniture and even
clothing on to Caesar's funeral pyre, causing the flames to spin out of control,
seriously damaging the Forum. The mob then attacked the houses of Brutus and
Cassius, where they were repelled only with considerable difficulty, ultimately
providing the spark for the Liberators' civil war, fulfilling at least in part
Antony's threat against the aristocrats. Antony did not foresee the ultimate
outcome of the next series of civil wars, particularly with regard to Caesar's
adopted heir. Octavian, aged only 18 when Caesar died, proved to have
considerable political skills, and while Antony dealt with Decimus Brutus in the
first round of the new civil wars, Octavian consolidated his tenuous position.
To combat Brutus and Cassius, who were massing an enormous army in Greece,
Antony needed soldiers, the cash from Caesar's war chests, and the legitimacy
that Caesar's name would provide for any action he took against them. With the
passage of the lex Titia on 27 November 43 BC, the Second Triumvirate was officially formed, composed of Antony,
Octavian, and Caesar's loyal cavalry commander Lepidus.
[87]
It formally deified Caesar as Divus Iulius in 42 BC,
and Caesar Octavian henceforth became Divi filius ("Son of a god").
Because Caesar's clemency had resulted in his murder, the Second Triumvirate reinstated the practice of
proscription, abandoned since Sulla.
[88]
It engaged in the legally sanctioned murder of a large number of its
opponents to secure funding for its forty-five legions in the second civil war against Brutus and Cassius. Antony and
Octavius defeated them at Philippi.
[89]
Gaius Julius Caesar Octavianus,
Caesar's adopted heir
Afterward, Mark Antony formed an alliance with Caesar's lover, Cleopatra,
intending to use the fabulously wealthy Egypt as a base to dominate Rome. A
third civil war broke out between Octavian on one hand and Antony and
Cleopatra on the other. This final civil war, culminating in the latter's defeat at
Actium, resulted in the permanent ascendancy of Octavian, who became the first
Roman emperor, under the name Caesar Augustus, a name that raised him to the
status of a deity.
[90]
Julius Caesar had been preparing to invade Parthia, the Caucasus and Scythia,
and then march back to Germania through Eastern Europe. These plans were
thwarted by his assassination.
[91]
His successors did attempt the conquests of
Parthia and Germania, but without lasting results.
Deification
See also: Divus Julius and Caesar's Comet
Julius Caesar was the first historical Roman to be officially deified. He was posthumously granted the title Divus
Iulius or Divus Julius (the divine Julius or the deified Julius) by decree of the Roman Senate on 1 January 42 BC.
The appearance of a comet during games in his honour was taken as confirmation of his divinity. Though his temple
was not dedicated until after his death, he may have received divine honors during his lifetime:
[92]
and shortly before
his assassination, Mark Antony had been appointed as his flamen (priest).
[93]
Both Octavian and Mark Antony
promoted the cult of Divus Iulius. After the death of Antony, Octavian, as the adoptive son of Caesar, assumed the
title of Divi Filius (son of a god).
Julius Caesar
299
Personal life
Health and physical appearance
Based on remarks by Plutarch,
[94]
Caesar is sometimes thought to have suffered from epilepsy. Modern scholarship
is "sharply divided" on the subject, and some scholars believe that he was plagued by malaria, particularly during the
Sullan proscriptions of the 80s.
[95]
Several specialists in headache medicine believe that instead of epilepsy, a more
accurate diagnosis would be migraine headache.
[96]
Other scholars contend his epileptic seizures were due to a
parasitic infection in the brain by a tapeworm.
Caesar had four documented episodes of what may have been complex partial seizures. He may additionally have
had absence seizures in his youth. The earliest accounts of these seizures were made by the biographer Suetonius,
who was born after Caesar died. The claim of epilepsy is countered among some medical historians by a claim of
hypoglycemia, which can cause epileptoid seizures.
In 2003, psychiatrist Harbour F. Hodder published what he termed as the "Caesar Complex" theory, arguing that
Caesar was a sufferer of temporal lobe epilepsy and the debilitating symptoms of the condition were a factor in
Caesar's conscious decision to forgo personal safety in the days leading up to his assassination.
A line from Shakespeare has sometimes been taken to mean that he was deaf in one ear: Come on my right hand, for
this ear is deaf.
[97]
No classical source mentions hearing impairment in connection with Caesar. The playwright may
have been making metaphorical use of a passage in Plutarch that does not refer to deafness at all, but rather to a
gesture Alexander of Macedon customarily made. By covering his ear, Alexander indicated that he had turned his
attention from an accusation in order to hear the defense.
[98]
The Roman historian Suetonius describes Caesar as "tall of stature with a fair complexion, shapely limbs, a
somewhat full face, and keen black eyes."
[99]
Name and family
Main articles: Etymology of the name of Julius Caesar and Julio-Claudian family tree
Using the Latin alphabet as it existed in the day of Caesar (i.e., without lower case letters, "J", or "U"), Caesar's
name would be rendered "GAIVS IVLIVS CAESAR"; the form "CAIVS" is also attested, using the old Roman
representation of G byC; it is an antique form of the more common "GAIVS". The standard abbreviation was, and
this is not archaic, "C.IVLIVS CAESAR". (The letterform "" is a ligature, which is often encountered in Latin
inscriptions where it was used to save space, and is nothing more than the letters "ae".)
In Classical Latin, it was pronounced [ajus juljus kajsar]. In the days of the late Roman Republic, many
historical writings were done in Greek, a language most educated Romans studied. Young wealthy Roman boys were
often taught by Greek slaves and sometimes sent to Athens for advanced training, as was Caesar's principal assassin,
Brutus. In Greek, during Caesar's time, his family name was written , reflecting its contemporary
pronunciation. Thus, his name is pronounced in a similar way to the pronunciation of the German Kaiser.
In Vulgar Latin, the plosive /k/ before front vowels began, due to palatalization, to be pronounced as an affricate
hence renderings like [tesar] in Italian and [tsesar] in German regional pronunciations of Latin, as well as the
title of Tsar. With the evolution of the Romance languages, the affricate [ts] became a fricative [s] (thus, [sesar]) in
many regional pronunciations, including the French one, from which the modern English pronunciation is derived.
The original /k/ is preserved in Norse mythology, where he is manifested as the legendary king Kjrr.
Caesar's cognomen would itself become a title; it was greatly promulgated by the Bible, by the famous verse
"Render unto Caesar the things which are Caesar's, and unto God the things that are God's". The title became the
German Kaiser and Slavic Tsar/Czar. The last tsar in nominal power was Simeon II of Bulgaria whose reign ended
in 1946; for two thousand years after Julius Caesar's assassination, there was at least one head of state bearing his
name.
Julius Caesar
300
Julio-Claudian family tree
Parents
Father Gaius Julius Caesar the Elder
Mother Aurelia (related to the Aurelii Cottae)
Sisters
Julia Caesaris "Major" (the elder)
Julia Caesaris "Minor" (the younger)
Wives
First marriage to Cornelia Cinnilla, from 83BC until her death in 69 or 68BC
Second marriage to Pompeia, from 67BC until he divorced her around 61BC
Third marriage to Calpurnia Pisonis, from 59BC until Caesar's death
Children
Cleopatra and her son by Julius Caesar, Caesarion at
the Temple of Dendera.
Julia with Cornelia Cinnilla, born in 83 or 82 BC
Caesarion, with Cleopatra VII, born 47 BC. He was killed at age
17 by Caesar's adopted son Octavianus.
adopted: Gaius Julius Caesar Octavianus, his great-nephew by
blood, who later became Emperor Augustus.
Marcus Junius Brutus: The historian Plutarch notes that Caesar
believed Brutus to have been his illegitimate son, as his mother
Servilia had been Caesar's lover during their youth.
[100]
Grandchildren
Grandson from Julia and Pompey, dead at several days, unnamed.
Lovers
Cleopatra VII mother of Caesarion
Servilia Caepionis mother of Brutus
Euno, queen of Mauretania and wife of Bogudes
Julius Caesar
301
Notable relatives
Gaius Marius (married to his Aunt Julia)
Mark Antony
Lucius Julius Caesar
Julius Sabinus, a Gaul of the Lingones at the time of the Batavian rebellion of AD 69, claimed to be the
great-grandson of Caesar on the grounds that his great-grandmother had been Caesar's lover during the Gallic
war.
[101]
Political rumors
Roman society viewed the passive role during sexual activity, regardless of gender, to be a sign of submission or
inferiority. Indeed, Suetonius says that in Caesar's Gallic triumph, his soldiers sang that, "Caesar may have
conquered the Gauls, but Nicomedes conquered Caesar."
[102]
According to Cicero, Bibulus, Gaius Memmius, and
others (mainly Caesar's enemies), he had an affair with Nicomedes IV of Bithynia early in his career. The tales were
repeated, referring to Caesar as the Queen of Bithynia, by some Roman politicians as a way to humiliate him. It is
very likely that the rumors were spread only as a form of character assassination; Caesar himself denied the
accusations repeatedly throughout his lifetime, and according to Cassius Dio, even under oath on one occasion.
[103]
This form of slander was popular during this time in the Roman Republic to demean and discredit political
opponents. A favorite tactic used by the opposition was to accuse a popular political rival as living a Hellenistic
lifestyle based on Greek and Eastern culture, where homosexuality and a lavish lifestyle were more acceptable than
in Roman tradition.Wikipedia:Citation needed
Catullus wrote two poems suggesting that Caesar and his engineer Mamurra were lovers,
[104]
but later
apologised.
[105]
Mark Antony charged that Octavian had earned his adoption by Caesar through sexual favors. Suetonius described
Antony's accusation of an affair with Octavian as political slander. Octavian eventually became the first Roman
Emperor.
[106]
Literary works
During his lifetime, Caesar was regarded as one of the best orators and prose authors in Latineven Cicero spoke
highly of Caesar's rhetoric and style.
[107]
Only Caesar's war commentaries have survived. A few sentences from
other works are quoted by other authors. Among his lost works are his funeral oration for his paternal aunt Julia and
his Anticato, a document written to defame Cato in response to Cicero's published praise. Poems by Julius Caesar are
also mentioned in ancient sources.
[108]
Julius Caesar
302
Memoirs
A 1783 edition of The Gallic Wars
The Commentarii de Bello Gallico, usually known in
English as The Gallic Wars, seven books each covering
one year of his campaigns in Gaul and southern Britain in
the 50s BC, with the eighth book written by Aulus Hirtius
on the last two years.
The Commentarii de Bello Civili (The Civil War), events
of the Civil War from Caesar's perspective, until
immediately after Pompey's death in Egypt.
Other works historically have been attributed to Caesar, but
their authorship is in doubt:
De Bello Alexandrino (On the Alexandrine War),
campaign in Alexandria;
De Bello Africo (On the African War), campaigns in
North Africa; and
De Bello Hispaniensi (On the Hispanic War), campaigns in the Iberian Peninsula.
These narratives were written and published annually during or just after the actual campaigns, as a sort of
"dispatches from the front." They were important in shaping Caesar's public image and enhancing his reputation
when he was away from Rome for long periods. They may have been presented as public readings.
[109]
As a model
of clear and direct Latin style, The Gallic Wars traditionally has been studied by first- or second-year Latin students.
Depictions
Main article: Cultural depictions of Julius Caesar
For the marble bust from Arles discovered in 20078 alleged to be Caesar's likeness, see Arles portrait bust.
Bust in Naples National
Archaeological Museum, photograph
published in 1902
Bust of Julius Caesar from
the British Museum
Modern bronze statue of Julius Caesar,
Rimini, Italy
Julius Caesar
303
References
[1] Caesar ruled as undisputed master of the Roman Republic from 49 BC until his assassination in 44 BC. During that time, he served as either
Dictator or Consul, or both
[2] Fully, Imperator Gaius Iulius Gaii filius Gaii nepos Caesar Patris Patriae ("Imperator Gaius Julius Caesar, son of Gaius, grandson of Gaius,
Father of his Country") (Suetonius, Divus Julius 76.1). Official name after deification in 42BC: Divus Iulius ("The Divine Julius").
[3] There is some dispute over the date of Caesar's birth. The day is sometimes stated to be 12July when his feast-day was celebrated after
deification, but this was because his true birthday clashed with the Ludi Apollinares. Some scholars, based on the dates he held certain
magistracies, have made a case for 101 or 102BC as the year of his birth, but scholarly consensus favors 100BC. Goldsworthy, 30
[4] After Caesar's death the leap years were not inserted according to his intent and there is uncertainty about when leap years were observed
between 45BC and AD4 inclusive; the dates in this article between 45BC and AD4 inclusive are those observed in Rome and there is an
uncertainty of about a day as to where those dates would be on the proleptic Julian calendar. See Blackburn, B and Holford-Strevens, L. (1999
corrected 2003). The Oxford Companion to the Year. Oxford University Press. p. 671. ISBN 978-0-19-214231-3
[5] See also: Suetonius, Lives of the Twelve Caesars: Julius 6 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Suetonius/ 12Caesars/
Julius*. html#6); Velleius Paterculus, Roman History 2.41 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Velleius_Paterculus/
2B*. html#41); Virgil, Aeneid
[6] Pliny the Elder, Natural History 7.7 (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Plin. + Nat. + 7. 7). The misconception that
Julius Caesar himself was born by Caesarian section dates back at least to the 10th century (Suda kappa 1199 (http:/ / www. stoa. org/ sol-bin/
search.pl?db=REAL& search_method=QUERY& login=guest& enlogin=guest& user_list=LIST& page_num=1& field=adlerhw_gr&
searchstr=kappa,1199)). Julius wasn't the first to bear the name, and in his time the procedure was only performed on dead women, while
Caesar's mother, Aurelia, lived long after he was born.
[7] Historia Augusta: Aelius 2 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Historia_Augusta/ Aelius*. html#2).
[8] [8] Goldsworthy, 32
[9] Suetonius, Julius 1 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Suetonius/ 12Caesars/ Julius*. html#1); Plutarch, Caesar 1
(http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Caesar*. html#1), Marius 6 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/
Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Marius*.html#6); Pliny the Elder, Natural History 7.54 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/
ptext?lookup=Plin.+ Nat. + 7. 54); Inscriptiones Italiae, 13.3.5152
[10] Plutarch, Marius 6 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Marius*. html#6)
[11] Plutarch, Caesar 1 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Caesar*. html#1); Suetonius, Julius 1 (http:/
/ penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Suetonius/ 12Caesars/ Julius*. html#1)
[12] Suetonius, Julius 1 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Suetonius/ 12Caesars/ Julius*. html#1); Pliny the Elder,
Natural History 7.54 (http:/ / www.perseus.tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Plin. + Nat. + 7. 54)
[13] Velleius Paterculus, Roman History 2.22 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Velleius_Paterculus/ 2A*. html#22);
Florus, Epitome of Roman History 2.9
[14] Suetonius, Julius 1 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Suetonius/ 12Caesars/ Julius*. html#1); Plutarch, Caesar 1
(http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Caesar*. html#1); Velleius Paterculus, Roman History 2.41 (http:/
/ penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Velleius_Paterculus/ 2B*. html#41)
[15] Suetonius, Julius 23 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Suetonius/ 12Caesars/ Julius*. html#2); Plutarch, Caesar
23 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Caesar*. html#2); Cassius Dio, Roman History 43.20 (http:/ /
penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Cassius_Dio/ 43*. html#20)
[16] William Smith, A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities: Flamen (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/
secondary/ SMIGRA*/ Flamen.html)
[17] Suetonius, Julius 46 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Suetonius/ 12Caesars/ Julius*. html#46)
[18] Again, according to Suetonius's chronology (Julius 4 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Suetonius/ 12Caesars/
Julius*. html#4)). Plutarch (Caesar 1.82 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Caesar*. html#1. 8))
says this happened earlier, on his return from Nicomedes's court. Velleius Paterculus (Roman History 2:41.342 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago.
edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Velleius_Paterculus/ 2B*.html#41. 3)) says merely that it happened when he was a young man.
[19] Plutarch, Caesar 12
[20] Plutarch, Caesar (http:/ / penelope.uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Caesar*. html#1)
[21] [21] Freeman, 39
[22] [22] Freeman, 40
[23] [23] Goldsworthy, 77-78
[24] [24] Freeman, 51
[25] [25] Freeman, 52
[28] Suetonius, Julius 58 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Suetonius/ 12Caesars/ Julius*. html#5); Plutarch, Caesar
5 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Caesar*. html#5); Velleius Paterculus, Roman History 2.43
(http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Velleius_Paterculus/ 2B*. html#43)
Julius Caesar
304
[29] Velleius Paterculus, Roman History 2.43 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Velleius_Paterculus/ 2B*. html#43);
Plutarch, Caesar 7 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Caesar*. html#7); Suetonius, Julius 13 (http:/ /
penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Suetonius/ 12Caesars/ Julius*. html#13)
[30] Sallust, Catiline War 49 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Sallust/ Bellum_Catilinae*. html#49)
[31] T.R.S. Broughton, The Magistrates of the Roman Republic (American Philological Association, 1952), vol. 2, pp. 180 and 173.
[32] Plutarch, Caesar 1112 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Caesar*. html#11); Suetonius, Julius
18.1 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Suetonius/ 12Caesars/ Julius*. html#18)
[33] Plutarch, Julius 13 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Caesar*. html#13); Suetonius, Julius 18.2
(http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Suetonius/ 12Caesars/ Julius*. html#18. 2)
[34] Plutarch, Caesar 1314 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Caesar*. html#13); Suetonius 19 (http:/
/ penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Suetonius/ 12Caesars/ Julius*. html#19)
[35] Cicero, Letters to Atticus 2.1, 2.3, 2.17; Velleius Paterculus, Roman History 2.44 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/
Velleius_Paterculus/ 2B*.html#44); Plutarch, Caesar 1314 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/
Caesar*.html#13), Pompey 47 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Pompey*. html#47), Crassus 14
(http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Crassus*. html#14); Suetonius, Julius 19.2 (http:/ / penelope.
uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Suetonius/ 12Caesars/ Julius*. html#19. 2); Cassius Dio, Roman History 37.5458 (http:/ / penelope.
uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Cassius_Dio/ 37*. html#54)
[37] Cicero, Letters to Atticus 2.15, 2.16, 2.17, 2.18, 2.19, 2.20, 2.21; Velleius Paterculus, Roman History 44.4 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/
Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Velleius_Paterculus/ 2B*.html#44. 4); Plutarch, Caesar 14 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/
Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Caesar*. html#14), Pompey 4748 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/
Pompey*.html#47), Cato the Younger 3233 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Cato_Minor*.
html#32); Cassius Dio, Roman History 38.18 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Cassius_Dio/ 38*. html#1)
[38] Suetonius, Julius 19.2 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Suetonius/ 12Caesars/ Julius*. html#19. 2)
[39] Velleius Paterculus, Roman History 2:44.4 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Velleius_Paterculus/ 2B*. html#44.
4); Plutarch, Caesar 14.10 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Caesar*. html#14. 10), Crassus 14.3
(http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Crassus*. html#14. 3), Pompey 48 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago.
edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Pompey*. html#48), Cato the Younger 33.3 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/
Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Cato_Minor*. html#33. 3); Suetonius, Julius 22 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/
Suetonius/ 12Caesars/ Julius*.html#22); Cassius Dio, Roman History 38:8.5 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/
Cassius_Dio/ 38*. html#8. 5)
[41] See Cicero's speeches against Verres for an example of a former provincial governor successfully prosecuted for illegally enriching himself
at his province's expense.
[42] Cicero, Letters to Atticus 1.19; Julius Caesar, Commentaries on the Gallic War Book 1; Appian, Gallic Wars Epit. 3 (http:/ / www. livius.
org/ ap-ark/ appian/ appian_gallic_1. html); Cassius Dio, Roman History 38.3150 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/
Texts/ Cassius_Dio/ 38*. html#31)
[43] Julius Caesar, Commentaries on the Gallic War Book 2; Appian, Gallic Wars Epit. 4 (http:/ / www. livius. org/ ap-ark/ appian/
appian_gallic_1. html); Cassius Dio, Roman History 39.15 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Cassius_Dio/ 39*.
html#1)
[44] Cicero, Letters to his brother Quintus 2.3 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Cic. + Q. + fr. + 2. 3); Suetonius, Julius
24 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Suetonius/ 12Caesars/ Julius*. html#24); Plutarch, Caesar 21 (http:/ /
penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Caesar*. html#21), Crassus 1415 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/
Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Crassus*.html#14), Pompey 51 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/
Plutarch/ Lives/ Pompey*.html#51)
[45] Julius Caesar, Commentaries on the Gallic War Book 3; Cassius Dio, Roman History 39.4046 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/
Roman/ Texts/ Cassius_Dio/ 39*.html#40)
[46] Julius Caesar, Commentaries on the Gallic War Book 4; Appian, Gallic Wars Epit. 4 (http:/ / www. livius. org/ ap-ark/ appian/
appian_gallic_1. html); Cassius Dio, Roman History 4753 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Cassius_Dio/ 39*.
html#47)
[47] Cicero, Letters to friends 7.6, 7.7, 7.8, 7.10, 7.17; Letters to his brother Quintus 2.13, 2.15, 3.1; Letters to Atticus 4.15, 4.17, 4.18; Julius
Caesar, Commentaries on the Gallic War Book 56; Cassius Dio, Roman History 40.111 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/
[48] Suetonius, Julius (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Suetonius/ 12Caesars/ Julius*. html#26); Plutarch, Caesar
23.5 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Caesar*. html#23. 5), Pompey 5355 (http:/ / penelope.
uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Pompey*. html#53), Crassus 1633 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/
Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Crassus*. html#16); Velleius Paterculus, Roman History 4647 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/
Roman/ Texts/ Velleius_Paterculus/ 2B*.html#46)
Julius Caesar
305
[49] Julius Caesar, Commentaries on the Gallic War Book 7; Cassius Dio, Roman History 40.3342 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/
[50] Aulus Hirtius, Commentaries on the Gallic War Book 8
[52] Plutarch, Caesar 32.8 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Caesar*. html#32. 8)
[53] Plutarch, Caesar 35.2 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Caesar*. html#35)
[54] Plutarch, Caesar 4245 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Caesar*. html#42)
[56] Martin Jehne, Der Staat des Dicators Caesar, Kln/Wien 1987, p. 15-38.
[57] Plutarch, Pompey 80.5 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Pompey*. html#80)
[58] Plutarch, Pompey 7779 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Pompey*. html#77)
[59] Suetonius, Julius 35.2 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Suetonius/ 12Caesars/ Julius*. html#35)
[60] [60] Caesar: a history of the art of war among the Romans down to the end of the Roman empire, with a detailed account of the campaigns of
Caius Julius Caesar, page 791, Theodore Ayrault Dodge, Greenhill Books, 1995. ISBN 9781853672163
[61] [61] Paul: The Man and the Myth, page 15, Studies on personalities of the New Testament Personalities of the New Testament Series, Calvin J.
Roetzel, Continuum International Publishing Group, 1999. ISBN 9780567086983
[62] [62] Julius Caesar, page 311, Philip Freeman, Simon and Schuster, 2008. ISBN 9780743289535
[63] Plutarch, Caesar 5254 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Caesar*. html#52)
[64] Martin Jehne, Der Staat des Dicators Caesar, Kln/Wien 1987, p. 15-38. Technically, Caesar was not appointed Dictator with a term of ten
years but he was appointed annual dictator for the next ten years in advance.
[65] Plutarch, Caesar 56 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Caesar*. html#56)
[66] Plutarch, Caesar 56.756.8 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Caesar*. html#56)
[67] Appian, The Civil Wars 2:143.1 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Appian/ Civil_Wars/ 2*. html#143)
[68] [68] Abbott, 133
[69] [69] Abbott, 134
[70] Cassius Dio, Roman History 43.19.23; Appian, Civil Wars 2.101.420
[71] J.F.C. Fuller, Julius Caesar, Man, Soldier, Tyrant", Chapter 13
[73] [73] Abbott, 136
[74] [74] Abbott, 137
[75] [75] Abbott, 135
[76] [76] Abbott, 138
[77] Plutarch, Life of Caesar, ch. 66: "'"
[78] Woolf Greg (2006), Et Tu Brute? The Murder of Caesar and Political Assassination, 199 pages ISBN 1-86197-741-7
[79] Suetonius, Julius, c. 82.
[80] Suetonius, Julius 82.2 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ L/ Roman/ Texts/ Suetonius/ 12Caesars/ Julius*. html#82. 2)
[81] From the J. C. Rolfe translation of 1914: "...he was stabbed with three and twenty wounds, uttering not a word, but merely a groan at the
first stroke, though some have written that when Marcus Brutus rushed at him, he said in Greek, 'You too, my child?".
[82] Plutarch, Caesar 66.9 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Caesar*. html#66. 9)
[83] It appears, for example, in Richard Edes's Latin play Caesar Interfectus of 1582 and The True Tragedie of Richarde Duke of Yorke &tc of
1595, Shakespeare's source work for other plays.
[84] Plutarch, Caesar 67 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Caesar*. html#67)
[85] Florus, Epitome 2.7.1 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Florus/ Epitome/ 2I*. html#XVII)
[86] Suetonius, Julius 83.2 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ L/ Roman/ Texts/ Suetonius/ 12Caesars/ Julius*. html#83. 2)
[87] Suetonius, Augustus 13.1 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ L/ Roman/ Texts/ Suetonius/ 12Caesars/ Augustus*. html#13. 1); Florus,
Epitome 2.6 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Florus/ Epitome/ 2I*. html#XVI)
[88] Florus, Epitome 2.6.3 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Florus/ Epitome/ 2I*. html#XVI)
[89] Florus, Epitome 2.7.1114 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Florus/ Epitome/ 2I*. html#XXXIIII); Appian, The
Civil Wars 5.3 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Appian/ Civil_Wars/ 5*. html)
[90] Florus, Epitome 2.34.66 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Florus/ Epitome/ 2I*. html#XXXIIII)
[92] Cicero, Phillipic ii.110: Cicero refers to the divine honours of : "...couch, image, pediment, priest" given to Caesar in the months before his
assassination.
[93] [93] According to Dio Cassius, 44.6.4.
[94] Plutarch, Caesar 17, 45, 60; see also Suetonius, Julius 45.
[95] Ronald T. Ridley, "The Dictator's Mistake: Caesar's Escape from Sulla," Historia 49 (2000), pp. 225226, citing doubters of epilepsy: F.
Kanngiesser, "Notes on the Pathology of the Julian Dynasty," Glasgow Medical Journal 77 (1912) 428432; T. Cawthorne, "Julius Caesar
and the Falling Sickness, Proceedings of Royal Society of Medicine 51 (1957) 2730, who prefers Mnire's disease; and O. Temkin, The
Falling Sickness: A History of Epilepsy from the Greeks to the Beginnings of Modern Neurology (Baltimore 1971), p 162.
Julius Caesar
306
[96] Seymour Diamond and Mary Franklin, Conquering Your Migraine: The Essential Guide to Understanding and Treating Migraines for all
Sufferers and Their Families, (New York: Fireside, 2001), 19.
[97] William Shakespeare, Julius Caesar I.ii.209.
[98] Plutarch, Alexander 42; Jeremy Paterson discussing Caesar's health in general in "Caesar the Man," A Companion to Julius Caesar
(Wiley-Blackwell, 2009), p. 130 online. (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=gzOXLGbIIYwC& pg=PT150& dq=julius+ caesar+ deaf&
hl=en& ei=zPtSTO-xFYaDngfwjbHvAg& sa=X& oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=1& ved=0CCkQ6AEwAA#v=onepage& q=julius
caesar deaf& f=false)
[99] Suetonius, Life of Caesar 45 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Suetonius/ 12Caesars/ Julius*. html#45): excelsa
statura, colore candido, teretibus membris, ore paulo pleniore, nigris vegetisque oculis.
[100] Plutarch, Brutus 5 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Brutus*. html#5)
[101] Tacitus, Histories 4.55
[103] Suetonius, Julius 49 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Suetonius/ 12Caesars/ Julius*. html#49); Cassius Dio,
Roman History 43.20 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Cassius_Dio/ 43*. html#20)
[104] Catullus, Carmina 29 (http:/ / www. vroma.org/ ~hwalker/ VRomaCatullus/ 029x. html), 57 (http:/ / www. vroma. org/ ~hwalker/
VRomaCatullus/ 057x.html)
[106] Suetonius, Augustus 68 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Suetonius/ 12Caesars/ Augustus*. html#68), 71 (http:/
/ penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Suetonius/ 12Caesars/ Augustus*. html#71)
[107] Cicero, Brutus, 252.
[108] Edward Courtney, The Fragmentary Latin Poets (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), pp. 153155 and 187188. See also Poems by Julius
Caesar.
[109] T.P. Wiseman, The Publication of De Bello Gallico, Julius Caesar as Artful Reporter (Classical Press of Wales, 1998).
Primary sources
Own writings
Forum Romanum Index to Caesar's works online (http:/ / www. forumromanum. org/ literature/ caesarx. html) in
Latin and translation
omnia munda mundis (http:/ / www. freewebs. com/ omniamundamundis/ cae. htm) Hypertext of Caesar's De
Bello Gallico
Works by Julius Caesar (http:/ / www. gutenberg. org/ author/ Julius+ Caesar) at Project Gutenberg
&search_form=advanced Works by Gaius Julius Caesar (http:/ / librivox. org/ search?q=Gaius+ Julius+
Caesar) at LibriVox (public domain audiobooks)
Ancient historians' writings
Appian, Book 13 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Appian/ Civil_Wars/ 2*. html)
(English translation)
Cassius Dio, Books3744 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Cassius_Dio/ 37*. html)
(English translation)
Plutarch on Antony (http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ antony. html) (English translation, Dryden edition)
Plutarch: The Life of Julius Caesar (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/
Caesar*. html) (English translation)
Plutarch: The Life of Mark Antony (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/
Antony*. html) (English translation)
Suetonius: The Life of Julius Caesar (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ L/ Roman/ Texts/ Suetonius/
12Caesars/ Julius*. html). (Latin and English, cross-linked: the English translation by J.C.Rolfe)
Suetonius: The Life of Julius Caesar (http:/ / www. fordham. edu/ halsall/ ancient/ suetonius-julius. html)
(J.C.Rolfe English translation, modified)
Julius Caesar
307
Secondary sources
Canfora, Luciano (2006). Julius Caesar: The People's Dictator. Edinburgh University Press.
ISBN0-7486-1936-4.
Freeman, Philip (2008). Julius Caesar. Simon and Schuster. ISBN0-7432-8953-6.
Fuller, J. F. C. (1965). Julius Caesar: Man, Soldier, and Tyrant. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.
Goldsworthy, Adrian (2006). Caesar: Life of a Colossus. Yale University Press. ISBN0-300-12048-6.
Grant, Michael (1969). Julius Caesar. New York: McGraw-Hill.
Grant, Michael (1979). The Twelve Caesars. New York: Penguin Books. ISBN0-14-044072-0.
Holland, Tom (2003). Rubicon: The Last Years of the Roman Republic. Anchor Books. ISBN1-4000-7897-0.
Jimnez, Ramon L. (2000). Caesar Against Rome: The Great Roman Civil War. Praeger. ISBN0-275-96620-8.
Kleiner, Diana E. E. (2005). Cleopatra and Rome. Harvard University Press. ISBN0-674-01905-9.
Meier, Christian (1996). Caesar: A Biography. Fontana Press. ISBN0-00-686349-3.
Weinstock, Stefan (1971). Divus Julius. Oxford University Press. ISBN978-0-19-814287-4.
External links
C. Julius Caesar (http:/ / www. livius. org/ caa-can/ caesar/ caesar00. html) Jona Lendering's indepth history of
Caesar (Livius. Org)
Guide to online resources (http:/ / virgil. org/ caesar/ )
History of Julius Caesar (http:/ / www. vroma. org/ ~bmcmanus/ caesar. html)
Julius Caesar (http:/ / www. bbc. co. uk/ history/ historic_figures/ caesar_julius. shtml) at BBC History (http:/ /
www. bbc. co. uk/ history/ )
Grey, D. The Assassination of Caesar (http:/ / cliojournal. wikispaces. com/ The+ Assassination+ of+ Caesar),
Clio History Journal, 2009.
Political offices
Precededby
Lucius Afranius
Quintus Caecilius Metellus Celer
59 BC
With: Marcus Calpurnius Bibulus
Succeededby
Lucius Calpurnius Piso
Caesoninus
Aulus Gabinius
In abeyance
Title last held by
Sulla
in 202 BC
49 BC
Succeededby
Himself
in 48 BC
Precededby
Lucius Cornelius Lentulus Crus
Gaius Claudius Marcellus Maior
48 BC
With: Publius Servilius Vatia Isauricus
Succeededby
Quintus Fufius Calenus
Publius Vatinius
Precededby
Himself
in 49 BC
4847 BC
Succeededby
Himself
in 46 BC
Precededby
Quintus Fufius Calenus
Publius Vatinius
46 BC
With: Marcus Aemilius Lepidus
Succeededby
Himself
without colleague
Precededby
Himself
in 47 BC
4644 BC
Succeededby
Himself
as Dictator in perpetuity (in 44 BC)
Precededby
Himself
Marcus Aemilius Lepidus
45 BC
Succeededby
Himself
Mark Antony
Julius Caesar
308
Precededby
Himself
without colleague
44 BC
With: Mark Antony
Succeededby
Publius Cornelius Dolabella
Mark Antony
Precededby
Himself
as Dictator (in 44 BC)
Dictator in perpetuity of the Roman
Republic
44 BC
Title abolished
Religious titles
Precededby
Quintus Caecilius Metellus Pius
Pontifex Maximus of the Roman Religion
6344 BC
Succeededby
Marcus Aemilius Lepidus
Caesar was acclaimed Imperator in 60 and 45 BC. In the Roman Republic, this was an honorary title assumed by certain military commanders.
After an especially great victory, an army's troops in the field would proclaim their commander imperator, an acclamation necessary for a general
to apply to the Senate for a triumph. After being acclaimed imperator, the victorious general had a right to use the title after his name until the
time of his triumph, where he would relinquish the title as well as his imperium.
Phocion
Locations of the most important events of Phocion's life.
Phocion (in Greek , gen.:
; also called Phokion; c. 402
BC c. 318 BC; nicknamed The
Good) was an Athenian statesman and
strategos, and the subject of one of
Plutarch's Parallel Lives.
Phocion was a successful politician of
Athens. He believed that extreme
frugality was the condition for virtue
and lived in accord with this;
consequently, he was popularly known
as "The Good." Further, people thought
that Phocion was the most honest
member of the Athenian Assembly.
However, within this chamber,
Phocion's tendency to strong opposition
relegated him to a solitary stand against
the entire political class. Nonetheless, by both his individual prestige and his military expertise, which was acquired
by the side of Chabrias, Phocion was elected strategos numerous times, with a record 45 terms in office. Thus,
during most of his 84 years of life, Phocion occupied the most important Athenian offices.
In the late 320s BC, when Macedon gained complete control of Athens (under Antipater), though somewhat
compromised Phocion defended both the urban center and its citizens. He even refused to comply with some
dishonorable requests of the enemy. However, his stance put Phocion in opposition to both most free Athenians and
Polyperchon, the next ruler of Macedonia, who arranged his execution in Athens.
Phocion
309
Early life
Phocion's father operated a lathe, producing iron tools.
[1]
During his youth, Phocion sought to study liberal notions. He was both Plato's pupil and Xenocrates' friend. Through
such philosophical education, Phocion was of virtuous moral character and he used to give prudent advice. This
academic training left its mark upon him, but it was as a soldier rather than as a philosopher that he first came to
notice.
His austere lifestyle
The Athenians recognized that Phocion was honest and he was respected as such. He had a reserved demeanor; he
was never seen either laughing or weeping. Indeed, he appeared quite severe, and was often feared by those meeting
him for first time.
Phocion believed that the frugality proved his own virtue. He was never seen at the public baths. Both on the
Athenian streets and on campaign, he walked around wearing a simple tunic and without shoes. He only made an
exception in extreme cold, wearing a cloak, so other soldiers said that Phocion gave a meteorological indication.
Throughout his life Phocion lived in a home which was humble, with spare decoration, located at the Melite
neighborhood, southward from the Acropolis. His wife cooked their everyday bread, and Phocion drew water,
pumping it with his own hands.
Phocion was first married to a woman whose father was a maker of clay statues. His second wife was famous in
Athens for her humility. Once she said that her sole adornment was Phocion's twentieth strategos appointment.
Phocion's son was Phocus. During his youth he became licentious and addicted to partying and wine, so Phocion sent
him off to Sparta (which was famous for frugal lifestyles) for a period.
Early military service to Athens
The young Phocion enrolled with Chabrias' armies, in many campaigns, gaining much experience. Chabrias
esteemed him highly because Phocion helped to compensate for his turbulent personality. Reciprocally, Phocion was
commended for the chief actions of his campaigns, and thus gained much fame, among the Athenians.
In 376 BC, Phocion's participation was crucial in the Athenian naval victory of Naxos, where he commanded the
leading left wing. Since it was the first clear Athenian victory since the Peloponnesian War, the Athenians greatly
honoured its military leaders. The battle took place on the main day of the Eleusinian Mysteries and was
remembered for years.
After Chabrias died, Phocion took care of his family and particularly of his son, Ctesippus. However, Phocion could
barely cope with Ctesippus' rather slow character. At last he exclaimed "O Chabrias, did ever a man show so much
gratitude as I do in putting up with your son"
Role in the Athenian Assembly
Publicly, Phocion was recognized as the most austere and wisest Athenian politician. However, in the Athenian
Assembly, he had an attitude of opposition to most of his peers, and criticism from Phocion was often unpopular
within the chamber. Once, an oracle was brought from Delphi. It said that one man would confront the rest of the
politicians, whose opposing stand would be homogeneous. Phocion then rose, exclaiming: "I am that person who
disagrees." Once, after Phocion was applauded by the chamber he asked his friends: "Have I unwittingly said
something vile?" ( ?) Demosthenes called him "the chopper of my
speeches."
On another occasion, Phocion spoke but was not heeded and not permitted to continue. He said: "You may compel
me to act against my wishes, but you shall never force me to speak against my judgment."
Phocion
310
On the other hand, Phocion never harmed anyone he disliked. Indeed, he was so kind that he helped a political rival
if he was in some difficulty. Additionally, Phocion was unhappy that Athenian public functions had become split
between two groups. Whereas the politicians dealt eminently with civilian matters, military issues were attended to
exclusively by the generals. He campaigned for Athens to regain its old tradition, with politicians who could manage
both sets of affairs.
Parrying the eloquence of his opponents, Phocion resorted both to wise concepts and pithy sayings, which were
famous in antiquity. Yet he avoided demagogic style and his tone was harsh and demanding, with few
embellishments. Another distinguishing quality was that Phocion compressed many ideas into short phrases. Before
any presentation, he spent much time considering how to shorten it. One of his friends said "You seem to be thinking
about something, Phocion", and he replied "Yes, I am considering whether I can shorten the speech I am going to
make."
Anecdotes
When someone made a joke about his severe visage, and some of the local politicians he was not on good terms with
laughed in response, he remarked, "My frown never yet made any of you sad, but these jolly men have given you
plenty of sorrow."
Demosthenes once said to Phocion that he might be killed some day, if the people became irrational. Phocion
responded: "Yes; however, they would kill you if they came to their senses."
On an occasion when Phocion was being heavily attacked by the entire assembly, he requested Archibiades, a man
who liked imitating the Spartan lifestyle, to support his stand. However, the man took the popular side, declaring
against Phocion as well. Phocion then grabbed his Spartan-style beard, saying, "It's time for you to shave."
Another assemblyman, Aristogeiton, was famous because he usually called for war. However, when a muster was
called he happened to appear wearing bandages around his legs and walking with a cane. Phocion got up and shouted
to the enrolling officer: "Put down Aristogeiton too, as lame and unfit for service." Some time afterward,
Aristogeiton was jailed and at his request, Phocion visited him often. His friends criticized him for it, but he replied:
"Come on! There is no better place to visit Aristogeiton."
During a boundary dispute with Thebes, Phocion urged negotiations, while most Athenians called for war. He
argued, "You had better carry on the contest with the weapons you use best: your tongues."
An out-of-shape Athenian politician once made a speech advocating war with Philip II of Macedon, stopping
repeatedly to drink water and catch his breath. During one such pause Phocion remarked, "Here is a fine man to lead
us into war. What do you think he'll do when he is carrying his shield and armor to meet the enemy, if giving a
speech has nearly killed him with exhaustion?"
Record-breaking strategos
Although Phocion never canvassed the Athenians for it, he was appointed strategos a record-breaking 45 times.
Sometimes he did not attend the election meetings of the Agora and the people were forced to seek him afterward.
However, he accepted the appointment on every occasion.
Management of the Delian League
Phocion was sent to the Aegean Sea by Chabrias, to collect the regional tributes for the Athenian Empire. As
representatives of Athens were unpopular among their 'subject' allies, Phocion had been issued 20 warships.
However, he declined to bring them along, commenting that "if he was being sent to fight the islanders he would
need a larger force, but if he was visiting them as allies, one ship was enough." So he departed just with his own
trireme. At each city, Phocion negotiated each fee so diplomatically that he returned home with a large allied fleet,
which protected their treasury. The allies even organized colourful parades in his honour.
Phocion
311
Military service to Persia in Cyprus
Between 351349 BC, Phocion helped the Persian Emperor Artaxerxes III to subdue the Cypriot rebellion.
Campaign in Euboea against Macedonia
In 349 BC, Philip II of Macedon invaded Euboea and established many local tyrants. Phocion went there with a
small force, expecting to win over the Euboeans by diplomatic means. But Philip had organised a strong bribe
network which corrupted the local politicians. Phocion established his camp on a hill outside the city of Tamynae,
and ordered his men to ignore those who neglected their duties because of Macedonian bribes. He explained: "They
are useless to us and furthermore, they will get in the way of those that are loyal."
In 348 BC, with Macedonian support, the Euboean general Callias brought his armies to attack the camp. Phocion
decided to offer many religious sacrifices before battle, until the gods were favourable. However such activities
demanded much time, and the forces of the Euboean mercenaries attacked the enemy, their general thinking Phocion
was a coward and hoping to force his hand. The Athenian cavalry was ill-disciplined, and not wishing to remain idle,
raced out to meet the enemy, but with no formation and in scattered groups, so that they were easily beaten and
routed. The Euboeans defeated the mercenaries and they began ravaging the Athenian camp. After Phocion could
interpret his sacrifices favorably (or alternatively to draw the enemy in), he led his main lines into battle while the
enemy where surging up the palisade thinking they had defeated Phocion's forces. This resulted in Phocion cutting
down and routing the enemy forces. Just with his best men while the main body of the army rallied some of the
previously dispersed troops, Phocion engaged the enemy's chief divisions, in a ferocious battle. Phocion was
victorious but then freed the captured enemies, fearing the Athenians might treat them too harshly.
Subsequently, Phocion captured the fort of Zaretra, which was at Euboea island's narrowest portion. Then, he
returned to Athens.
Campaign to repel Philip II from Byzantium
With his armies, Philip II reached the Dardanelles, expecting successively to seize Chersonesus, Perinthus, and
Byzantium. The Athenians sent Chares to confront him but the Greek colonies reacted negatively to him, as usual.
Consequently, the force could do nothing except roam around the region. The Athenians were so angry that they
wanted to cancel the expedition. Phocion interceded, saying: "You shouldn't be angry at our allies. You should blame
our generals, because of whom we are feared even by those who need us most."
Then, in 339 BC, Phocion was sent to the region. To Phocion's good fortune, it transpired that Leon, a personal
friend from the academy and a Byzantine well known for his courage, personally guaranteed the Athenian's good
faith. Thus, particularly there, the new expedition was amicably received and, even though Phocion had planned to
camp outside the walls, was welcomed into the city, where the Athenian soldiers acted with exemplary discipline and
courtesy. The Athenian soldiers also fought bravely, defending the site. Then, Phocion attacked the Macedonians
around the region, liberating many cities, which expelled their Macedonian garrisons. Eventually, Macedonia was
forced to withdraw from the region (temporarily, as it turned out).
However, Phocion was wounded so he returned to Athens.
Phocion
312
Mission to aid Megara
Secretly, the Megarians requested military help from Phocion. Phocion arrived with his army and was warmly
received. He erected two long walls, from Megara to the seaport of Nisaea. The Megarians felt so safe that they
allied with Athens.
Confrontation with Macedonia
Subjection of Athens by Philip II
Regarding Macedonia, Phocion's moderate stand was to avoid a confrontation which might be catastrophic for
Athens. Although he had been successful in his campaigns against it, he had come to view Macedon as a rising
power, and to doubt the wisdom of an Athenian foreign policy too strongly opposed to it. However, the Athenians
preferred the firebrand orators who desired war. Among them were Demosthenes, Lycurgus, and Hypereides. They
were particularly emboldened because Athens seemed to have sufficient military power. Philip, on the other hand,
preferred not to go to war with Athens; he hoped instead the Athenians would consent to put their strong navy at his
disposal for use against Persia.
Phocion was touring the Aegean colonies when Athens commanded its generals to confront Philip. He came back
and addressed the assembly, opposing this course of action. A lawyer asked him if he was defying the people's will,
and Phocion responded: "Yes, even though I know that if there is war I will be your boss, and if there is peace you
will be mine." Unfortunately, Athens could not be persuaded to reverse its decision. When the strategy to be used
against Philip came under discussion, the question arose as to whether it would be better to engage in battle close to
home or at a distance. Phocion advised, "Let us not ask where we should fight, but how we may win. That will be the
way to keep war at a distance. If we are beaten in a distant battle, it will soon be at our doors." In the event, Athens
and her allies suffered a crushing defeat at Chaeronea, in 338 BC. Then the Athenian aristocracy supported the
nomination of Phocion for strategos, and the Areopagus passed it.
Phocion delayed the inevitable garrisoning of defeated Athens as long as possible. Initially, he favored negotiating
directly with Philip, who he thought could be expected to be lenient, and opposed having Athens join a congress of
Greek states and be forced to accept Macedonia's common terms of peace, which were not yet known. Demades,
however, offered a contrary motion, and the Athenians approved it. They soon regretted their decision, since at the
congress Philip obliged the Athenians to provide him with both ships and cavalry. When the Athenians expressed
remorse, Phocion said: "I was opposed to the motion, fearing this. Now the deed is done, and we must make the best
of it. We shouldn't be without hope, though. Our ancestors suffered similar episodes of subjection, but they carried
on, and because of that both Athens and Greece as a whole survived." Later, after Philip died (336 BC), Phocion
banned all celebratory sacrifice, saying: "The army which defeated us at Chaeronea has lost just one man."
Relations with Alexander
When the new Macedonian king, Alexander, was about to attack Thebes, Demosthenes protested impudently.
Phocion interceded, with some lines of Homer: "Foolhardy man, why provoke one whose temper is already savage?
Why provoke this Macedonian who is full of limitless ambition? When there is a holocaust on our borders, do you
wish to spread the flames to our city as well, by provoking him further? My whole object in taking up the burdens of
this office is to prevent this, and I shall not allow my fellow citizens to destroy themselves, even if they wish it."
Thebes was destroyed and Alexander demanded the handover of the most anti-Macedonian Athenians, among whom
was Demosthenes. The assembly called upon Phocion repeatedly by name until he stood on his feet. Beside him,
Phocion called Nicocles, his best friend, saying: "We have been brought to a pass. I would deliver Nicocles if they
might request it. We must reduce the wrath of our conqueror, rather than oppose him." Nonetheless, the Athenian
Assembly passed a decree denying the demand.
Phocion
313
Then, when Alexander refused to see other Athenian ambassadors, Phocion was sent. As Phocion had been regarded
as a respectable person by Philip, his son received him attentively, listening to his proposals. Alexander was
persuaded to relent in his demand for the opposing Athenian politicians (even though they were enemies of Phocion
as well). Indeed, Alexander asked for advice and Phocion said: "If Macedonia wishes peace, it should abandon the
war. If Macedonia desires glory, it should turn against Persia, instead of oppressing Greece."
Eventually, Phocion was favored by the king, even over many Macedonians. After Alexander defeated the Persian
Emperor Darius III, Phocion was among the few individuals who were saluted with the word "greetings" by the king
in his correspondence.
During this period, Phocion maintained his policy of peace. Alexander made a request for a number of Athenian
warships which Phocion supported, saying: "You should either possess superior strength or side with those that do."
Athenian rebellion and the Lamian War against Antipater
In 323 BC, rumors of Alexander's death reached Athens. Phocion feared any hasty reaction and he commented: "If
he is dead now, he will be dead tomorrow as well. We must be cautious before celebrating." The Macedonian leaders
began fighting for the crown; Antipater was the candidate with the best prospects. The Athenians hastened to rebel
against Macedonia. Leosthenes, the rebel leader, shared the charge of strategos with Phocion. This was the beginning
of the Lamian War although, as always, Phocion opposed it.
Leosthenes inquired about which historical achievements Phocion had attained. Phocion responded: "Do you think it
is nothing then that our citizens are all buried at home in their own tombs?" Other assemblymen asked him whether
the military preparations were enough or not. Phocion said: "They will be sufficient for a sprint. However, if it is to
be a long race, then I fear for Athens for she has no reserves of either men, supplies or warships."
Phocion was ordered to lead the military actions against Boeotia. Cleverly, he called on all Athenians under the age
of 60 years to enroll. The elderly protested but Phocion responded: "This is fair! Although I am 80 years old, I will
lead the attack." This calmed the people down.
On the other front, Antipater retreated and he was surrounded by the Greeks, around Lamia. The Athenians were
exultant. Phocion said: "I would have wished being the general who achieved this victory. Nonetheless, still I would
have counseled as before." As more good news arrived, Phocion said: "I am wondering when the good news will
end." Leosthenes soon died in fighting Macedonian forces making a sally out of besieged Lamia. A new strategos,
Antiphilus, was appointed, to counterbalance Phocion.
In 322 BC, Phocion hurriedly led a force of Athenians against Micion, who had disembarked at Rhamnus with an
army composed of Macedonians and mercenaries. So many individuals came to him with military advice that he
exclaimed, "Heracles, how many generals we have, and how few soldiers!" Then he attacked the enemy and utterly
routed them, killing Micion. Simultaneously, the Greeks defeated the Macedonians, at Thessaly. However, Craterus
brought a large army over from Asia, and the Greeks were defeated at Crannon, also in 322 BC.
Antipater soon approached Athens. Demades, who was another peace advocate, was the only other Athenian leader
who didn't flee. He proposed that an embassy should negotiate peace. Phocion commented: "If I had been listened to
before, the Athenians wouldn't need to be discussing such things." At Thebes, both met Antipater, whose invasion of
Attica was expected imminently. Phocion was well received. When Phocion asked Antipater to cease his advance
and listen to peace proposals, Craterus protested that it was unfair that the army should sit idle in allied lands,
damaging their economies, while the enemy lands could be so easily ravaged. Antipater's lone demand was the
discretional surrendering of Athens. In a second encounter, at which Antipater scorned the presence of Xenocrates,
Phocion heard the new Macedonian terms of peace:
Many Athenian politicians such as Demosthenes would be turned over to the Macedonians.
The Athenian suffrage would be restricted to landowners.
A garrison would be established in Munychia, the neighborhood next to Piraeus.
Phocion
314
Athens would pay both the war expenses and an extra fine.
Phocion argued against the garrisoning unsuccessfully. However, Phocion knew its Macedonian commander,
Menyllus, personally.
Soon, Antipater proved that he was one of the worst Macedonian tyrants in history. 12,000 Athenians were
disfranchised and many people migrated to Thrace. Phocion helped by securing them citizenship in the Peloponnesus
area. Phocion became the virtual ruler of Athens and he strove to keep the peace. By his influence, only just
individuals were appointed magistrates, and people who were too rebellious weren't allowed to hold public office.
However, Phocion refused when Antipater requested him to do dishonorable things, commenting: "I can't be both his
friend and his flatterer." Additionally, he protected the refugee Harpalus.
Loss of popularity
The aftermath of these events was that Phocion became quite unpopular. He was accused of delivering Athens to
Antipater. The Athenians were particularly angry about the fate of Demosthenes, who had been banished, dying soon
after. Phocion had been supported by him early in his political career, even in some capital trials. Thus, it seemed
like a personal betrayal.
[2]
Crisis of Polyperchon
In 319 BC, before his death, Antipater chose that, instead of his own son, Cassander, General Polyperchon would be
the next Macedonian ruler. Soon, Cassander began conspiring against Polyperchon. Thus, Cassander disposed that,
at Munychia, Nicanor replaced Menyllus, with the order of controlling Attica. In Athens, Phocion was accused of
helping such concealments of Cassander but he slighted such rumors. Indeed, Phocion met Nicanor, requesting a
mild treatment for the Athenians. Also, Phocion convinced Nicanor to host the local games. The Macedonian spent
lavishly on the event.
Athenians were divided between two parties. Phocion was in the aristocratic one, which was on Cassander's side.
The popular party supported Polyperchon. Still as strategos, Phocion began supporting Nicanor openly. He spurned
an insistent rumor that Nicanor would attempt invading Athens. At Piraeus, Phocion was holding a conference with
Nicanor when Athenian soldiers interrupted, to jail the Macedonian general. Nonetheless, Phocion helped his escape,
declaring: "I don't believe that he would harm Athens although, still, I would defend him if he may wrong us."
Subsequently, the Athenian Assembly commanded that Phocion should attack Nicanor, at Munychia. Initially,
Phocion refused. Then, effectively, Nicanor used the troops of the Macedonian garrison to seize Piraeus. When
Phocion decided to attack them, the Athenian soldiers had already rebelled against his command as strategos.
In 318 BC, Polyperchon decided to realign Athenian politics in his own interests. Favoring the popular party, the
king restored all liberties. His son, Alexander, arrived in Athens with a Macedonian army, while a rabid multitude of
Athenians returned home, expecting revenge against the politicians who had exiled them. Polyperchon expected that
Phocion would be forced to leave the urban center. Moreover, the Macedonians would seize complete control of
Athens. Phocion was immediately deposed as strategos by an informal assembly.
Phocion
315
Death sentence by the Athenian Assembly
The Funeral of Phocion by Nicolas Poussin (1648)
The ashes of Phocion collected by his widow by Nicolas Poussin (1648)
The Athenian demagogue Agnonides
accused Phocion of treachery, for he
had refused to attack Nicanor. Phocion
decided to meet Polyperchon
personally. Phocion gathered an
entourage, composed of politicians who
were well regarded by the Macedonian
ruler. However, their voyage was
delayed by the illness of one member.
During that interval, Agnonides
proposed another embassy to accuse
Phocion formally before the regent, and
the Athenian Assembly passed the
motion. Both delegations arrived
simultaneously, before the Macedonian
throne, at Phocis.
Although the regent arrested and
tortured one politician of Phocion's
cortege, he expected both groups to be
heard out. As many people attempted to
speak simultaneously, Agnonides
proposed that they all be put into a
single cage and taken back to Athens to
decide the issue there. Polyperchon
smiled at that. When Phocion started
speaking, the ruler began interrupting
him so annoyingly that Phocion struck
the floor with his staff and refused to
utter another word. Then, Polyperchon
ordered the detention of Phocion and
his associates; while those closest to
him were also seized, most of his embassy escaped from the court.
By a written bidding, Polyperchon announced that the treacherous prisoners would be judged by the now free people
of Athens. Phocion was brought back home where he was carted straight to the place of judgment. There, he waited
while a massive assembly gathered. The Athenian archons conducted the proceedings. Any Athenian could
participate in it, including slaves, foreigners, and those formerly disfranchised.
The letter from Polyperchon was read while the entire multitude cried out against the oligarchs, who were the
enemies of freedom. Phocion demanded: "Do you wish to condemn us justly? Then, you should listen to our
defense." Phocion insisted: "I admit that I have wronged and deserve condemnation for my political actions.
However, these other individuals don't." Some people responded that they should be condemned for being his
friends. Then Phocion gave up. Subsequently, Agnonides read the condemning motion. In unison, the whole crowd
rose up from their seats. Thus, Phocion and ten acquaintances were sentenced to die by drinking hemlock.
Phocion
316
Execution
They were conducted to a prison, and were harassed along the way. Someone spat on Phocion's face and he said to
the archons: "You should force these people to behave." When Phocion and his friends had drunk the hemlock
provided, the dose proved insufficient to be lethal. The executioner refused to prepare more unless he was paid 12
drachmas. Phocion remarked, "In Athens, it is hard for a man even to die without paying for it." A friend paid the
executioner the extra sum on his behalf; Phocion drank his poison and died. It was May 19, 318 BC. This coincided
with the traditional Athenian parade of Zeus.
It was decreed that the corpse could not be buried in Attica; neither could anyone cremate it. A hired man brought it
across the Megarian frontier. There the body was burned. Phocion's wife set up an empty tomb, brought Phocion's
bones and heart home by night, and buried them there. Soon afterward, the Athenians had a change of heart; they
were properly reburied, at public charge, and a bronze statue was erected. Agnonides was executed; Phocion's son
Phocus then tracked down and killed two other conspirators who had fled the city.
Phocion "The Good"
Phocion's recognized uprightness bestowed on him the cognomen "The Good". Phocion could have been extremely
wealthy, either by his offices or by the high commissions which were managed by him. Instead, he had an extremely
frugal lifestyle. This was despite the fact that the entire Athenian political class was quite corrupt in that epoch.
Philip II offered much money to him and the Macedonian heralds mentioned the future needs of his sons. Phocion
responded, "If my sons are like me, my farm, which has enabled my present eminence, will suffice for them. If,
instead, they become spoiled by luxury, I will not be the individual who will be guilty for that."
Alexander sent a delegation to Phocion to offer him 100 talents, but he refused, saying: "I am an honorable man. I
would not harm either Alexander's reputation or mine." Then, the king further offered him the government and
possession of the cities Cius, Mylasa and Elaea. Phocion refused, but did request the release of some men enslaved at
Sardis, who were promptly liberated. Soon afterward, Alexander died (323 BC).
In 322 BC, Harpalus arrived at Athens from Asia, seeking refuge. He tried to give 700 talents to Phocion, who
rejected this offer. Phocion warned that he shouldn't attempt to corrupt Athens or he would be punished.
Consequently, the angry Harpalus turned the whole assembly against Phocion with his bribes. However, as Phocion
kept helping him (with good will but within ethical limits), Harpalus approached Phocion's son-in-law, Charicles,
becoming a friend. Charicles eventually accepted a lavish commission to build a tomb for Harpalus' mistress, and
was investigated for corruption. Phocion refused to help him at the trial, saying: "I chose you to be my son-in-law
only for honorable purposes."
Phocion also refused presents from Menyllus. Phocion said: "You are not a better man than Alexander, so there is no
reason to accept your gifts." With his bribes, Menyllus then became a friend of Phocus.
Phocion
317
References
Timeline
This articleincorporates text from a publication now in the public
domain:Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). Encyclopdia Britannica (11th ed.).
Cambridge University Press.
[1] Plutarch, Parallel Lives, "Phocion"
[2] Cornelius Nepos, Cornelius Nepos: Lives of Eminent Commanders, (http:/ / www. tertullian.
org/ fathers/ nepos.htm)
External links
Phocion "The Good", in e-classics.com (http:/ / www. e-classics. com/
phocion. htm)
Phocion, in Biography.com. (http:/ / www. biography. com/ search/ article.
do?id=9439801)
Phocion, in Bartleby.com. (http:/ / www. bartleby. com/ 65/ ph/ Phocion.
html)
The Funeral of Phocion. (http:/ / www. students. sbc. edu/ albanis03/
phocion. htm)
Cato the Younger
318
Cato the Younger
Republic
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CleopatraVII
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[1]
Cato the Younger
319
A statue of Cato the Younger. The Louvre
Museum. He is about to kill himself while
reading the Phaedo, a dialogue of Plato which
details the death of Socrates. The statue was
begun by Jean-Baptiste Roman (Paris,
17921835) using white Carrara marble. It was
finished by Franois Rude (Dijon, 1784 Paris,
1855).
Marcus Porcius Cato Uticensis (/keto/; 95 BC, Rome April 46
BC, Utica), commonly known as Cato the Younger (Cato Minor) to
distinguish him from his great-grandfather (Cato the Elder), was a
politician and statesman in the late Roman Republic, and a follower of
the Stoic philosophy. A noted orator, he is remembered for his
stubbornness and tenacity (especially in his lengthy conflict with Julius
Caesar), as well as his immunity to bribes, his moral integrity, and his
famous distaste for the ubiquitous corruption of the period.
Biography
Early life
Cato was born in 95 BC in Rome, the son of Marcus Porcius Cato and
his wife Livia Drusa. His parents died when he was young, and he was
cared for by his maternal uncle Marcus Livius Drusus, who also looked
after Quintus Servilius Caepio, Servilia Caepionis Maior, and Servilia
Caepionis Minor from Livia's first marriage (though Quintus Servilius
Caepio was generally known to be Cato's full brother), as well as
Porcia (Cato's full sister), and Marcus Livius Drusus Claudianus
(Livius' adopted son). Drusus was murdered when Cato was 4 years
old.
Cato's stubbornness began in his early years. Sarpedon, his teacher,
reports a very obedient and questioning child, although slow in being
persuaded of things and sometimes very difficult to retrain. A story told
by Plutarch tells of Quintus Poppaedius Silo, leader of the Marsi and
involved in a highly controversial business in the Roman Forum, who
made a visit to his friend Marcus Livius and met the children of the
house. In a playful mood, he asked the children's support for his cause.
All of them nodded and smiled except Cato, who stared at the guest
with most suspicious looks. Silo demanded an answer from him and, seeing no response, took Cato and hung him by
the feet out of the window. Even then, Cato would not say anything.
Plutarch recounts a few other stories as well. One night, as some children were playing a game in a side room of a
house during a social event, they were having a mock trial with judges and accusers as well as a defendant. One of
the children, supposedly a good-natured and pleasant child, was convicted by the mock accusers and was being
carried out of the room when he cried out desperately for Cato. Cato became very angry at the other children and,
saying nothing, grabbed the child away from the "guards" and carried him away from the others.
Plutarch also tells a story about Cato's peers' immense respect for him, even at a young age, during the Roman ritual
military game, called "Troy", in which all aristocratic teenagers participated as a sort of "coming of age" ceremony,
involving a mock battle with wooden weapons performed on horseback. While the child of one of Sulla's surrogates
was chosen by the adult organizers to lead one of the "teams", the team refused to follow him because of his
character, and when they were finally asked whom they would follow, the boys unanimously chose Cato.
Lucius Cornelius Sulla, the Roman dictator, liked to talk with Cato and his brother Caepio, and often requested the
child's presence even when the boy openly defied his opinions and policies in public (Sulla's daughter Cornelia Sulla
was married to their uncle Mamercus Aemilius Lepidus Livianus). According to Plutarch, at one point during the
height of the civil strife, as respected Roman nobles were being led to execution from Sulla's villa, Cato, aged about
Cato the Younger
320
14, asked his tutor why no one had yet killed the dictator. Sarpedon's answer was thus: "They fear him, my child,
more than they hate him." Cato replied to this, "Give me a sword, that I might free my country from slavery." After
this, Sarpedon was careful not to leave the boy unattended around the capital, seeing how firm he was in his
republican beliefs.
[1]
Political development
After receiving his inheritance, Cato moved from his uncle's house and began to study Stoic philosophy and politics.
He began to live in a very modest way, as his great-grandfather Marcus Porcius Cato the Elder had famously done.
Cato subjected himself to violent exercise, and learned to endure cold and rain with a minimum of clothes. He ate
only what was necessary and drank the cheapest wine on the market. This was entirely for philosophical reasons; his
inheritance would have permitted him to live comfortably. He remained in private life for a long time, rarely seen in
public. But when he did appear in the forum, his speeches and rhetorical skills were most admired.
Cato was first engaged to Aemilia Lepida, a patrician woman, but she was married instead to Quintus Caecilius
Metellus Scipio, to whom she had been betrothed. Incensed, Cato threatened to sue for her hand, but his friends
mollified him, and Cato was contented to compose Archilochian iambics against Scipio in consolation. Later, Cato
was married to a woman called Atilia. By her, he had a son, Marcus Porcius Cato, and a daughter, Porcia, who would
become the second wife of Marcus Junius Brutus. Cato later divorced Atilia for unseemly behavior.
In 72 BC, Cato volunteered to fight in the war against Spartacus, presumably to support his brother Caepio, who was
serving as a military tribune in the consular army of Lucius Gellius Poplicola. Gellius is often remembered as an
indifferent commander, but his army inflicted the greatest of any defeats on Spartacus before Crassus raised his six
legions and ultimately defeated Spartacus.
As a military tribune, Cato was sent to Macedon in 67 BC at the age of 28 and given command of a legion. He led
his men from the front, sharing their work, food, and sleeping quarters. He was strict in discipline and punishment
but was nonetheless loved by his legionaries. While Cato was in service in Macedon, he received the news that his
beloved brother Caepio (from whom he was nearly inseparable) was dying in Thrace. He immediately set off to see
him but was unable to see his brother before he died. Cato was overwhelmed by grief and, for once in his life, he
spared no expense to organize lavish funeral ceremonies for his brother (as Caepio had wished).
At the end of his military commission in Macedon, Cato went on a private journey through the Roman provinces of
the Middle East.
The Optimates
On his return to Rome in 65 BC, Cato was elected to the position of quaestor. Like everything else in his life, Cato
took unusual care to study the background necessary for the post, especially the laws relating to taxes. One of his
first moves was to prosecute former quaestors for illegal appropriation of funds and dishonesty. Cato also prosecuted
Sulla's informers, who had acted as head-hunters during Sulla's dictatorship, despite their political connections
among Cato's own party and despite the power of Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus, who had been known as the "teenage
butcher" for his service under Sulla. The informers of Sulla were accused first of illegal appropriation of treasury
money, and then of homicide. At the end of the year, Cato stepped down from his quaestorship amid popular
acclaim, and he never ceased to keep an eye on the treasury, always looking for irregularities.
As senator, Cato was scrupulous and determined. He never missed a session of the Senate and publicly criticized
ones who did so. From the beginning, he aligned himself with the Optimates, the conservative faction of the Senate.
Many of the optimates at this time had been personal friends of Sulla, whom Cato had despised since his youth, yet
Cato attempted to make his name by returning his faction to its pure republican roots.
Cato the Younger
321
Propaganda cup of Cato (the cup to the left, the
one to the right being dedicated to Catilina), for
his election campaign for Tribune of the Plebs of
62 BC (left cup). These cups, filled with food or
drinks, were distributed in the streets to the
people, and bore an inscription supporting the
candidate to the election.
In 63 BC, he was elected tribune of the plebs for the following year,
and assisted the consul, Marcus Tullius Cicero, in dealing with the
Catiline conspiracy. Lucius Sergius Catilina, a noble patrician, led a
rebellion against the state, raising an army in Etruria. Upon discovery
of an associated plot against the persons of the consuls and other
magistrates within Rome, Cicero arrested the conspirators, proposing
to execute them without trial (an unconstitutional act). In the senate
discussion on the subject, Gaius Julius Caesar agreed that the
conspirators were guilty, but argued for distributing them amongst
Italian cities "for safekeeping". In contrast, Cato argued that capital
punishment was necessary to deter treason and that it was folly to
await the ultimate test of the conspirators' guiltthe overthrow of the
statebecause the very proof of their guilt would make it impossible
to enforce the laws. Convinced by Cato's argument, the senate
approved Cicero's proposal, and after the conspirators had been
executed, the greater portion of Catilina's army quit the field, much as
Cato had predicted.
Cato's political and personal differences with Caesar appear to date from this time. In a meeting of the Senate
dedicated to the Catilina affair, Cato harshly reproached Caesar for reading personal messages while the senate was
in session to discuss a matter of treason. Cato accused Caesar of involvement in the conspiracy and suggested that he
was working on Catilina's behalf, which might explain Caesar's otherwise odd stance that the conspirators should
receive no public hearing yet be shown clemency. Caesar offered it up to Cato to read. Cato took the paper from his
hands and read it, discovering that it was a love letter from Caesar's mistress Servilia Caepionis, Cato's half-sister.
After divorcing Atilia, Cato married Marcia, daughter of Lucius Marcius Philippus, who bore him two or three
children. While Cato was married to Marcia, the renowned orator Q Hortensius Hortalus, who was Cato's admirer
and friend, desired a connection to Cato's family and asked for the hand of Porcia, Cato's eldest daughter. Cato
refused because the potential match made little sense: Porcia was already married to Marcus Calpurnius Bibulus,
who was unwilling to let her go; and Hortensius, being nearly 60 years old, was almost 30 years senior to Porcia.
Denied the hand of Porcia, Hortensius then suggested that he marry Cato's wife Marcia, on the grounds that she had
already given Cato heirs. On the condition that Marcia's father consented to the match, Cato agreed to divorce
Marcia, who then married Hortensius. Between Hortensius' death in 50 BC and Cato's leaving Italy with Pompey in
49 BC, Cato took Marcia and her children into his household again. Ancient sources differ on whether they were
remarried.
[2][3]
The First Triumvirate
After the Catilinian conspiracy, Cato turned all his political skills to oppose the designs of Caesar and his triumvirate
allies (Pompey and Marcus Licinius Crassus), who had among them held the reins of power in a finely balanced
near-monopoly. Caesar gained influence over the Senate through Pompey and Crassus. Pompey gained influence
over the legions of Rome through Crassus and Caesar. Crassus enjoyed the support of the tax-farmers and was able
to gain a fortune by exploitation of the provinces controlled by Caesar and Pompey.
Cato's opposition took two forms. First, in 61 BC, Pompey returned from his Asian campaign with two ambitions: to
celebrate a Triumph, and to become consul for the second time. In order to achieve both goals, he asked the Senate
to postpone consular elections until after his Triumph. Due to Pompey's enormous popularity, the Senate was not
willing to oblige Cato at first, but Cato intervened and convinced the Senate to force Pompey to choose. In
opposition to this action, Quintus Metellus Celer, Pompey's brother-in-law, attempted to repeal the act, but he was
unsuccessful. The result was Pompey's third Triumph, one of the most magnificent ever seen in Rome.
Cato the Younger
322
When faced with the same request from Caesar, Cato used the device of filibuster, speaking continuously until
nightfall, to prevent the Senate from voting on the issue of whether or not Caesar would be allowed to stand for
consul in absentia. Thus Caesar was forced to choose between a Triumph or a run for the consulship. Caesar chose
to forgo the Triumph and entered Rome in time to register as a candidate in the 59 BC election (which he won).
Caesar's consular colleague was Marcus Bibulus, the husband of Cato's daughter Porcia.
When Caesar became consul, Cato opposed the agrarian laws that established farmlands for Pompey's veterans on
public lands in Campania, from which the republic derived a quarter of its income. Caesar responded by having Cato
dragged out by lictors while Cato was making a speech against him at the rostra. Many senators protested this
extraordinary and unprecedented use of force by leaving the forum, one senator proclaiming he'd rather be in jail
with Cato than in the Senate with Caesar. Caesar was forced to relent but countered by taking the vote directly to the
people, bypassing the Senate. Bibulus and Cato attempted to oppose Caesar in the public votes but were harassed
and publicly assaulted by Caesar's retainers. Eventually, Bibulus confined himself to his home and pronounced
unfavorable omens in an attempt to lay the legal groundwork for the later repeal of Caesars consular acts.
Cato did not relent in his opposition to the triumvirs, unsuccessfully attempting to prevent Caesar's 5-year
appointment as governor of Illyria and Cisalpine Gaul or the appointment of Crassus to an Eastern command.
Cyprus
Clodius (who worked closely with the triumvirate) desired to exile Cicero, and felt that Cato's presence would
complicate his efforts. He, with the support of the triumvirs, proposed to send Cato to annex Cyprus. Plutarch
recounts that Cato saw the commission as an attempt to be rid of him, and initially refused the assignment. When
Clodius passed legislation conferring the commission on Cato "though ever so unwillingly," Cato accepted the
position in compliance with that law. His official office while in Cyprus was Quaestor pro Praetore (an extraordinary
Quaestorship with Praetorian powers)
Cato appeared to have two major goals in Cyprus. The first was to enact his foreign policy ideals, whichas
expressed in a letter to Cicerocalled for a policy of "mildness" and "uprightness" for governors of
Roman-controlled territories. The second was to implement his reforms of the quaestorship on a larger scale. This
second goal also provided Cato with an opportunity to burnish his Stoic credentials: the province was rich both in
gold and opportunities for extortion. Thus, against common practice, Cato took none, and he prepared immaculate
accounts for the senate, much as he had done earlier in his career as quaestor. According to Plutarch, Cato ultimately
raised the enormous sum of 7,000 talents of silver for the Roman treasury. He thought about every unexpected event,
even to tying ropes to the coffers with a big piece of cork on the other end, so they could be located in the event of a
shipwreck. Unfortunately, luck played him a trick. Of his perfect accounting books, none survived: the one he had
was burnt, the other was lost at sea with the freedman carrying it. Only Cato's untainted reputation saved him from
charges of extortion.
The Senate of Rome recognized the effort made in Cyprus and offered him a reception in the city, an extraordinary
praetorship, and other privileges, all of which he stubbornly refused as unlawful honours.
The Civil War
The triumvirate of Caesar, Pompey and Crassus was broken in 54 BC at the same time as Cato's election as praetor.
Judging their enemy in trouble, Cato and the optimates faction of the Senate spent the coming years trying to force a
break between Pompey and Caesar. It was a time of political turmoil, when popular figures like Publius Clodius tried
to advance the cause of the common people of Rome, going so far as abandoning his patrician status to become a
pleb. As a leading spokesman for the optimate cause, Cato stood against them all in defense of the traditional
privileges of the aristocracy.
In 52 BC, Cato ran for the office of consul for the following year, unsuccessfully. In a time of rampant bribery and
electoral fraud, he ran a scrupulously honest campaign and lost to his less conscientious opponents. Cato accepted
Cato the Younger
323
the loss with equanimity, but refused to run a second time.
In 49 BC, Cato called for the Senate to formally relieve Caesar of his expired proconsular command and to order
Caesar's return to Rome as a civilian and thus without proconsular legal immunity. Pompey had blocked all previous
attempts at ordering Caesar back to Rome but had grown concerned with Caesar's growing political influence and
popularity with the plebs. With the tacit support of Pompey, Cato successfully passed a resolution ending Caesar's
proconsular command. Caesar made numerous attempts to negotiate, at one point even conceding to give up all but
one of his provinces and legions. This concession satisfied Pompey, but Cato, along with the consul Lentulus,
refused to back down. Faced with the alternatives of returning to Rome for the inevitable trial and retiring into
voluntary exile, Caesar crossed into Italy with only one legion, implicitly declaring war on the Senate.
[4]
Caesar crossed the Rubicon accompanied by the thirteenth legion to take power from the Senate in the same way that
Sulla had done in the past. Formally declared an enemy of the State, Caesar pursued the senatorial party, now led by
Pompey, who abandoned the city to raise arms in Greece, with Cato among his companions. After first reducing
Caesar's army at the battle of Dyrrhachium (where Cato commanded the port), the army led by Pompey was
ultimately defeated by Caesar in the battle of Pharsalus (48BC). Cato and Metellus Scipio, however, did not concede
defeat and escaped to the province of Africa with fifteen cohorts to continue resistance from Utica. Caesar pursued
Cato and Metellus Scipio after installing the queen Cleopatra VII on the throne of Egypt, and in February 46 BC the
outnumbered Caesarian legions defeated the army led by Metellus Scipio at the Battle of Thapsus. Acting against his
usual strategy of clemency, Caesar did not accept surrender of Scipio's troops, but had them all slaughtered.
Death
In Utica, Cato did not participate in the battle and, unwilling to live in a world led by Caesar and refusing even
implicitly to grant Caesar the power to pardon him, he committed suicide in April 46BC. According to Plutarch,
Cato attempted to kill himself by stabbing himself with his own sword, but failed to do so due to an injured hand.
Plutarch wrote:
Cato did not immediately die of the wound; but struggling, fell off the bed, and throwing down a little
mathematical table that stood by, made such a noise that the servants, hearing it, cried out. And
immediately his son and all his friends came into the chamber, where, seeing him lie weltering in his
own blood, great part of his bowels out of his body, but himself still alive and able to look at them, they
all stood in horror. The physician went to him, and would have put in his bowels, which were not
pierced, and sewed up the wound; but Cato, recovering himself, and understanding the intention, thrust
away the physician, plucked out his own bowels, and tearing open the wound, immediately expired.
On hearing of his death in Utica, Plutarch wrote that Caesar commented: "Cato, I grudge you your death, as you
would have grudged me the preservation of your life."
Starting with Pliny the Elder, later writers sometimes refer to Cato the Younger as "Cato Uticensis" ("the Utican").
In doing so they apply to him a type of cognomen that was normally awarded to generals who earned a triumph in a
foreign war and brought a large territory under Roman influence (e.g. Scipio Africanus). Such names were honorific
titles that the Senate only granted for the most spectacular victories. Reference to Cato as "Uticensis" is presumably
meant to glorify him by portraying his suicide at Utica as a great victory over Caesar's tyranny.
Cato the Younger
324
After Cato
Romans
Cato is remembered as a follower of Stoicism and was one of the most active defenders of the Republic. The Roman
interpretation of Stoicism was somewhat at odds with that of the Greeks. Although Greek Stoicism generally argued
against participation in public affairs, the Romans were able to incorporate Stoic teachings into their civic
framework. Cato's high moral standards and incorruptible virtue gained him several followersof whom Marcus
Favonius was the most well knownas well as praise even from his political enemies, such as Sallust (one of our
sources for the anecdote about Caesar and Cato's sister). Sallust also wrote a comparison between Cato and Caesar
(Cato's long-time rivalCaesar was praised for his mercy, compassion, and generosity, while Cato for his discipline,
rigidity, and moral integrity). One should however consider which of these men Sallust found the more appealing.
After Cato's death, both pro- and anti-Cato treatises appeared; amongst them Cicero wrote a panegyric, entitled Cato,
to which Caesar (who never forgave him for all the obstructions) answered with his Anti-Cato. Caesar's pamphlet has
not survived, but some of its contents may be inferred from Plutarch's Life of Cato, which also repeats many of the
stories that Caesar put forward in his Anti-Cato. Plutarch specifically mentions the accounts of Cato's close friend
Munatius Rufus and that of the later Neronian senator Thrasea Paetus as references used for parts of his biography of
Cato. Whilst Caesar proclaimed clemency towards all, he never forgave Cato. This stance was something that others
in the anti-Caesarian camp would remember, including Cato's nephew and posthumous son-in-law Brutus.
Republicans under the Empire remembered him fondly, and the poet Virgil, writing under Augustus, made Cato a
hero in his AeneidWikipedia:Citation needed. Whilst it was not particularly safe to praise Cato, Augustus did
tolerate and appreciate Cato. Whilst one might argue that heaping posthumous praise on Cato highlights one's
opposition to the new shape of Rome without directly challenging Augustus, it was actually later generations who
were more able to embrace the role model of Cato without the fear of prosecution. Certainly under Nero, the
resurgence of republican ambitions with Cato as their ideal, ended in death for such figures like Seneca and Lucan,
but Cato continued nevertheless as a righteous ideal for generations to come.
Lucan, writing under Nero, also made Cato the hero of the later books of his epic, the Pharsalia. From the latter work
originates the epigram, "Victrix causa deis placuit sed victa Catoni" ("The conquering cause pleased the gods, but
the conquered cause pleased Cato", Lucan 1.128). Other Imperial authors such as Horace, the Tiberian authors
Velleius Paterculus and Valerius Maximus along with Lucan and Seneca in the 1st century AD and later authors
such as Appian and Dio celebrated the historical importance of Cato the Younger in their own writings.
Silver denarius of Cato (47-46 BC)
Medieval
In Dante's The Divine Comedy, Cato is portrayed as the guardian of the
mount of purgatory. In Canto I, Dante writes of Cato:
I saw close by me a solitary old man, worthy, by
his appearance, of so much reverence that never
son owed father more.
Long was his beard and mixed with white hair,
similar to the hairs of his head, which fell to his
breast in two strands.
The rays of the four holy lights so adorned his
face with brightness that I saw him as if the sun
had been before him.
Cato the Younger
325
He is one of the two pagans presented by Dante as saved souls encountered in Purgatorio, the other being Statius
(Cantos XX-XXII). Cato appears in the Purgatorio not as a "saved" soul, but as one who will receive special
compensation on the Day of Judgment. He is not "in" Purgatory, but on the shores of "The High Mount", or part of
ante-purgatory. Statius, on the other hand, was baptised in a secretive ceremony and remained a "closet-Christian",
for which lukewarmness he remained in ante-Purgatory for a prescribed time before he could enter Purgatory proper:
As he made God wait, so God made him wait.
Enlightenment
Cato was also lionized during the republican revolutions of the Enlightenment. Joseph Addison's play, Cato, a
Tragedy (first staged on April 14, 1713) celebrated Cato as a martyr to the republican cause. The play was a popular
and critical success: it was staged more than 20 times in London alone, and it was published across 26 editions
before the end of the century. George Washington often quoted Addison's Cato and had it performed during the
winter at Valley Forge, in spite of a Congressional ban on such performances. The death of Cato (La mort de Caton
d'Utique) was also a popular theme in revolutionary France, being sculpted by Philippe-Laurent Roland (1782) and
painted by Bouchet Louis Andr Gabriel, Bouillon Pierre, and Gurin Pierre Narcisse in 1797. The sculpture of Cato
by Jean-Baptiste Roman and Franois Rude (1832) stands in the Muse du Louvre.
Chronology
95 BC: Birth in Rome
67 BC: Military tribune in Macedon
65 BC: Quaestor in Rome (some scholars date this to 64 BC)
63 BC: Catiline's conspiracy; Cato speaks for the death penalty
63 BC: Tribune of the Plebs; Cato passes corn dole
60 BC: Forces Caesar to choose between consulship and triumph
59 BC: Opposes Caesar's laws
58 BC: Governorship of Cyprus (leaves at the end of 58/returns March 56)
55 BC: unsuccessful 1st run for praetorship
54 BC: Praetor
51 BC: Runs (unsuccessfully) for Consul
49 BC: Caesar crosses the Rubicon and invades Italy; Cato goes with Pompey to Greece
48 BC: Battle of Pharsalus, Pompey defeated; Cato goes to Africa
46 BC: Scipio defeated in the Battle of Thapsus; Cato kills himself in Utica (April)
Cato's descendants and marriages
Engaged to Aemilia Lepida, but engagement called off
First wife, Atilia (divorced)
Porcia, married first to Marcus Calpurnius Bibulus, then to Marcus Junius Brutus
Marcus Porcius Cato, later killed in the Second Battle of Philippi
Second (and third) wife, Marcia.
Cato the Younger
326
Family tree
(1)=1st spouse
(2)=2nd spouse
x=assassin of Caesar
Salonia (2) Cato the
Elder
Licinia (1)
Marcus
Porcius Cato
Salonianus
Marcus
Porcius Cato
Licinianus
Marcus
Livius Drusus
Marcus
Porcius Cato
(2)
Livia Drusa Quintus
Servilius
Caepio the
Younger (1)
Marcus Livius
Drusus
Atilia (1) Cato the
Younger
Marcus Livius
Drusus
Claudianus,
adopted son
Marcus
Junius
Brutus the
Elder (1)
Servilia
Caepionis
Decimus
Junius
Silanus (2)
Servilia
the
Younger
Quintus
Servilius
Caepio
Porcia
Catonis
Marcus
Junius
Brutus x
Junia Prima Junia Tertia Gaius
Cassius
Longinus x
Marcus
Porcius Cato
(II)
Junia Secunda Marcus
Aemilius
Lepidus
(triumvir)
Descendant of
Pompey and
Lucius Cornelius
Sulla
Lepidus the
Younger
Manius
Aemilius
Lepidus
Aemilia
Lepida II
In literature, music and drama
Novels: Cato is a major character in several novels of Colleen McCullough's Masters of Rome series. He is portrayed
as a stubborn alcoholic with strong moral values, though he is prepared to transgress these beliefs if it means the
destruction of his mortal enemy, Caesar. Cato also appears in Thornton Wilder's highly-fictionalized "fantasia" Ides
of March, where Cato is described by Caesar as one of "four men whom I most respect in Rome" but who "regard
me with mortal enmity". Herman Melville's novel Moby-Dick refers to Cato in the first paragraph: "With a
philosophical flourish Cato throws himself upon his sword; I quietly take to the ship." He also appears as a major
Cato the Younger
327
character in Robert Harris' Imperium and Lustrum novels, appearing as an eccentric, yet utterly inflexible guardian
of republican virtues. In Mary Shelley's "Frankenstein" Clerval, in an attempt to. comfort his friend dismayed over
the recent news of his young brother William's murder, remarks to Frankenstein that, 'even Cato wept over the dead
body of his brother."
Plays: In 1712, Joseph Addison wrote his most famous work of fiction, a play entitled Cato, a Tragedy. Based on
the last days of Cato the Younger, it deals with such themes as individual liberty vs. government tyranny,
republicanism vs. monarchism, logic vs. emotion and Cato's personal struggle to cleave to his beliefs in the face of
death. It had a great influence on George Washington, who arranged to have it performed at Valley Forge in the
winter of 1777-1778.
Poetry: Cato appears as a character in Dante's Purgatorio. He is in charge of the souls that arrive in Purgatory.
Television: In the television series Rome, Cato, played by actor Karl Johnson, is a significant character, although he
is shown as quite older than his actual age (mid-forties) at the time. In the 2002 miniseries Julius Caesar, Cato is
played by Christopher Walken (also depicted as much older than he was, since he is seen as a major figure in the
senate when Caesar is just a young man, although Caesar was five years older than Cato). Cato was also featured in
the BBC docudrama Ancient Rome: The Rise and Fall of an Empire.
Opera: In the 17th century several distinguished composers set to music the Metastasio libretto, Catone in Utica,
among them, Leonardo Leo, Leonardo Vinci, J.C. Bach, Antonio Vivaldi, Handel, Paisiello, Jommelli, Johann Adolf
Hasse and Piccinni, in two versions.
Naming legacy
Cato's Letters were written in the early 1700s on the topic of republicanism, using Cato as a pseudonym. The
libertarian Cato Institute think tank was named after the letters.
References and sources
References
[1] [1] Plutarch, Cato Younger 3.3
[2] http:/ / penelope. uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Cato_Minor*. html
[3] [3] antiquitatis.com/rome/biographies/bio_catoyounger.html
[4] Plutarch, Pompey (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Pompey*. html), 59.4
Sources
Badian, E. "M. Porcius Cato and the Annexation and Early Administration of Cyprus", JRS, 55 (1965): 110-121.
Bellemore, J., "Cato the Younger in the East in 66 BC", Historia, 44.3 (1995): 376-9
Earl, D.C. The Political Thought of Sallust, Cambridge, 1961.
Fantham, E., "Three Wise Men and the End of the Roman Republic", "Caesar Against Liberty?", ARCA (43),
2003: 96-117.
Fehrle, R. Cato Uticensis, Darmstadt, 1983.
Goar, R. The Legend of Cato Uticensis from the First Century BC to the Fifth Century AD, Bruxelles, 1987.
Gordon, H. L. "The Eternal Triangle, First Century B.C.", The Classical Journal, Vol. 28, No. 8. (May, 1933),
pp.574578
Hughes-Hallett, Lucy. Heroes: A History of Hero Worship, Alfred A. Knopf, New York, New York, 2004. ISBN
1-4000-4399-9.
Marin, P. "Cato the Younger: Myth and Reality", Ph.D (unpublished), UCD, 2005
Marin, P. Blood in the Forum: The Struggle for the Roman Republic, London: Hambledon Continuum, (April)
2009 ISBN 1-84725-167-6 ISBN 978-1847251671
Marin, P. The Myth of Cato from Cicero to the Enlightenment (forthcoming)
Cato the Younger
328
Nadig, Peter. "Der jngere Cato und ambitus", in: Peter Nadig, Ardet Ambitus, Untersuchungen zum Phnomen
der Wahlbestechungen in der rmischen Republik, Peter Lang, Frankfurt am Main 1997 (Prismata VI), S. 85-94,
ISBN 3-631-31295-4
Plutarch. Cato the Younger.
Syme, R., "A Roman Post-Mortem", Roman Papers I, Oxford, 1979
Taylor, Lily Ross. Party Politics in the Age of Caesar, University of California Press, Berkeley, California, 1971,
ISBN 0-520-01257-7.
Further reading
Gruen, Erich S. (1974). The Last Generation of the Roman Republic. Berkeley, CA: University of California
Press. ISBN0520201531.
Oman, C. W. (1902). Seven Roman Statesmen of the Late Republic (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=pV1oAAAAMAAJ). London: Edward Arnold.
Syme, Ronald (1939). The Roman Revolution. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN0192803204.
Goodman, Rob; Soni, Jimmy (2012). Rome's Last Citizen: The Life and Legacy of Cato, Mortal Enemy of Caesar.
New York: Thomas Dunne Books. ISBN0312681232.
External links
Media related to Cato Minor at Wikimedia Commons
Agis IV
329
Agis IV
Agis IV
King of Sparta
Reign 245241 BC
Died 241 BC
Place of death Sparta
Predecessor Eudamidas II
Successor Eudamidas III
Consort Agiatis
Dynasty Eurypontid
Father Eudamidas II
Mother Agesistrate
Agis IV (Greek: ; c. 265 BC 241 BC), the elder son of Eudamidas II, was the 24th king of the Eurypontid
dynasty of Sparta. Posterity has reckoned him an idealistic but impractical monarch.
Succession
Agis succeeded his father as king in 245 BC, at around the age of 20, and reigned four years. In 243 BC, after the
liberation of Corinth by Aratus, the general of the Achaean League, Agis led an army against him.
[1]
The interest of
his reign, however, is derived his reaction to the domestic crisis of Sparta at the time of his succession. Through the
influx of wealth and luxury, with their concomitant vices, the Spartans had greatly degenerated from the ancient
simplicity and severity of manners, and arrived at an extreme inequality in the distribution of wealth and property.
Fewer than 700 families of the genuine Spartan stock (i.e. full citizenship) remained, and in consequence of the
innovation introduced by Epitadeus, who procured a repeal of the law which secured to every Spartan head of a
family an equal portion of land, the landed property had passed into the hands of very few individuals, so that fewer
than 100 Spartan families held estates, while the poor were greatly burdened with debt.
Reforms
Agis, who from his earliest youth had shown his attachment to the ancient discipline, undertook to reform these
abuses, and re-establish the institutions of Lycurgus. To this end he proposed the abolition of all debts and a new
partition of the lands. Another part of his plan was to give landed estates to the Perioeci. His schemes were warmly
seconded by the poorer classes and the young men, and as strenuously opposed by the wealthy. He succeeded,
however, in gaining over three very influential persons: his uncle Agesilaus (a man of large property, but who, being
deeply involved in debt, hoped to profit by the innovations of Agis), Lysander (a descendant of the victor of
Aegospotami) and Mandrocleides. Having arranged for Lysander to be elected one of the ephors, he laid his plans
before the senate. He proposed that the Spartan territory should be divided into two portions, one to consist of 4500
equal lots, to be divided amongst the Spartans, whose ranks were to be filled up by the admission of the most
respectable of the Perioeci and strangers; the other to contain 15,000 equal lots, to be divided amongst the remaining
Perioeci.
The senate could not at first come to a decision on the matter. Lysander, therefore, convened the assembly of the
people, to whom Agis submitted his measure, and offered to make the first sacrifice, by giving up his own lands and
money, telling them that his mother, Agesistrate, and grandmother, who were both possessed of great wealth, with
Agis IV
330
all his relations and friends, would follow his example. His generosity drew the applause of the multitude. The
opposite party, however, headed by Leonidas II, Agis' Agiad co-monarch, who had formed his habits at the luxurious
court of Seleucus II Callinicus, got the senate to reject the measure, though only by one vote. Agis decided to rid
himself of Leonidas. Lysander accordingly accused him of having violated the laws by marrying a stranger and
living in a foreign land. Leonidas was deposed, and was succeeded by his son-in-law, Cleombrotus, who cooperated
with Agis.
Loss of support
Soon afterwards, however, Lysander's term of office expired, and the ephors of the following year were opposed to
Agis, and looked to restore Leonidas. They brought an accusation against Lysander and Mandrocleides, of
attempting to violate the laws. Alarmed at the turn events were taking, these two convinced the king to take the
unprecedented step of deposing the ephors by force and to appoint others in their stead. Leonidas, who had returned
to the city, fled again, to Tegea, protected from Agis by Agesilaus, who persuaded Agis and Lysander that the most
effective way to secure the consent of the wealthy to the distribution of their lands, would be to begin by cancelling
the debts. Accordingly the debts were cancelled, and all bonds, registers, and securities were piled up in the market
place and burned.
Agesilaus, having achieved his goal, contrived various pretexts for delaying the division of the lands. Meanwhile the
Achaeans applied to Sparta for assistance against the Aetolians. Agis was accordingly sent at the head of an army.
The cautious movements of Aratus gave Agis no opportunity to distinguish himself in battle, but he gained great
credit by the excellent discipline he preserved among his troops. During his absence Agesilaus so angered the poorer
classes by the continued postponement of the division of the lands, that they made no opposition when the enemies
of Agis openly brought back Leonidas II and set him on the throne. Agis and Cleombrotus fled for sanctuary, the
former to the temple of Athena Chalcioecus in Sparta, the latter to the temple of Poseidon (or Apollo) at Taenarum.
Execution and legacy
Agis IV
331
The Doom of Agis, king of Sparta - early
20th-century engraving
Cleombrotus was allowed to go into exile; he escaped death only
because of the influence of his wife, Leonidas' daughter Chilonis. In
241 BC, Agis was betrayed by some friends and thrown into prison.
Leonidas immediately came with a band of mercenaries and secured
the prison, while the ephors entered it and went through the mockery of
a trial. When asked if he did not repent of what he had attempted, Agis
replied that he should never repent of so great a design, even in the
face of death. He was condemned, and quickly executed by
strangulation, the ephors fearing a rescue, as a great crowd of people
had assembled around the prison gates.
Agis, observing that one of his executioners was moved to tears, said,
"Weep not for me: suffering, as I do, unjustly, I am in a happier case
than my murderers." His mother Agesistrate and his grandmother were
strangled on his body. Agis was the first king of Sparta to have been
put to death by the ephors. Pausanias, who, however, is undoubtedly
wrong, says that he fell in battle.
[2]
His widow Agiatis was forcibly
married by Leonidas to his son Cleomenes III, but nevertheless the two
developed for each other a mutual affection and esteem.
[3][4]
Considered by many writers too weak and good-natured to cope with
the problems which confronted him, Agis was characterized by a
sincerity of purpose and a blend of youthful modesty with royal dignity, which render him perhaps the most
attractive figure in the whole of Spartan history. His life and death caught the romantic imagination of several
ancient writers. He is the subject of a lost biography by Phylarchus, which was apparently very heavily relied upon
by Plutarch when he wrote his own biography of the king.
He was succeeded by his son Eudamidas III.
Agis IV in fiction
Agis is the main character in the book Krol Agis (King Agis) by the Polish writer Halina Rudnicka. He is also
mentioned in the two following books by the same author Syn Heraklesa (Heracles' son) and Heros w okowach
(Hero in manackles). Moreover, he is the main character in the book (Agis) by the Greek writer Lili
Mavrokefalou.
He also appears in the play Agis.
References
[1] Pausanias, Description of Greece ii. 8. 4
[2] Pausanias, Description of Greece viii. 10. 4, 27. 9
[3] Plutarch, Agis, Cleomenes, Aratus
[4] Pausanias, Description of Greece vii. 7. 2
Agis IV
332
Sources
article
name needed
Precededby
Eudamidas II
Eurypontid King of
Sparta
c. 245 BC 241 BC
Succeededby
Eudamidas III
Cleomenes III
333
Cleomenes III
Cleomenes III
King of Sparta
Reign 235222 BC
Born 260 BC
Birthplace Sparta
Died 219 BC
Place of death Alexandria
Predecessor Leonidas II
Successor Agesipolis III
Consort Agiatis
Issue Unknown (at least one son)
Dynasty Agiad
Father Leonidas II
Mother Cratesicleia
Silver tetradrachm depicting Kleomenes III.
Reverse: statue of Artemis Ortheia brandishing
spear and holding bow, A(), of
Laconians.
Cleomenes III (Greek: ) was King of Sparta in 235222
BC. He succeeded to the Agiad throne of Sparta after his father,
Leonidas II in 235 BC.
From 229 BC to 222 BC, Cleomenes waged war against the Achaean
League under Aratus of Sicyon. Domestically, he is known for his
attempt to reform the Spartan state. After being defeated by the
Acheans in the Battle of Sellasia in 222 BC, he fled to Ptolemaic
Egypt. After a failed revolt in 219 BC, he committed suicide.
Early life
Cleomenes was born in Sparta to King Leonidas II and his wife Cratesicleia and was part of the Agiad dynasty. The
exact year of Cleomenes' birth is unknown but historian Peter Green puts it between 265 BC and 260 BC.
[1]
In around 242 BC, Leonidas was exiled from Sparta and forced to seek refuge in the temple of Athena after opposing
the reforms of the Eurypontid King, Agis IV. Cleomenes' brother-in-law, Cleombrotus, who was a supporter of Agis,
became king. Meanwhile, Agis, having started his reforms went on a campaign near the Isthmus of Corinth which
presented Leonidas with an opportunity to regain his throne. He quickly disposed of Cleombrotus, and when Agis
returned to Sparta he had him arrested and executed.
[2][3]
Following the execution of Agis, Cleomenes - who was around eighteen at the time - was made by his father to
marry Agis' widow, Agiatis, who was a wealthy heiress. According to legend, Cleomenes was hunting when his
father sent him a message telling him to return immediately to Sparta. When he returned to the city, he saw that it
was being decorated for a wedding and when he asked his father who was getting married, his father replied that
Cleomenes was. It was reported that Cleomenes was doubtful about the marriage because his father had Agiatis'
husband executed. The marriage worked out and Agiatis told Cleomenes about Agis and his plan.
[4]
Cleomenes III
334
As king
Early years
"Upon this, Cleomenes wrote to him, in a familiar way, desiring to know, "Whether he marched the night before." Aratus answered, "That,
understanding his design to fortify Belbina, the intent of his last motion was to prevent that measure." Cleomenes humorously replied, "I
am satisfied with the account of your march; but should be glad to know where those torches and ladders were marching."
The conversation between Cleomenes and Aratus according to Plutarch.
[5]
On the death of his father, Cleomenes ascended the throne of Sparta in 235 BC. Cleomenes had been inspired by
Agis and began reforms.
[5]
Meanwhile, the Achaean League under the command of Aratus of Sicyon was trying to
unite all of the Peloponnese. Upon hearing of Leonidas' death, Aratus began attacking the cities of Arcadia which
bordered Achaea. Plutarch says that Aratus made these moves to see how Sparta stood inclined.
In 229 BC, the cities of Tegea, Mantinea, Caphyae and Orchomenus - who were allied with the Aetolian League -
come over to Sparta. Historians Polybius and Sir William Smith claim that Cleomenes seized these cities by
treachery; however the translator of Plutarch on Sparta, Richard Talbert, claims he did so at their own request.
[6][7]
Later that year, the ephors sent Cleomenes to seize Athenaeum, a border fort on the Spartan border with Megalopolis
which was being disputed by both cities; Cleomenes seized the fort and fortified it. Meanwhile, the Achaean League
summoned a meeting of its assembly and declared war against Sparta. In retaliation for fortifying the fort, Aratus
made a night attack on Tegea and Orchomenus but when his supporters on the inside failed to help, he retreated
hoping to remain unnoticed.
Cleomenes discovered the attempted night attack, and sent a message to Aratus asking the purpose of the expedition.
Aratus replied that he had come to stop Cleomenes fortifying Athenaeum. Cleomenes responded to this by saying:
"if it's all the same to you, write and tell me why you brought along those torches and ladders."
Cleomenean War
Main article: Cleomenean War
Cleomenes advanced into Arcadia before being called back by the ephors. When Aratus captured Caphyae, the
ephors sent him out again. He ravaged the territory of Argos with an army of 5,000 men before being confronted by
the new strategos of the Achaean League, Aristomachos of Argos, and his army of consisting of 20,000 infantry and
1,000 cavalry at Pallantium. Aratus, who accompanied Aristomachos as an adviser, advised him to retreat. Smith
agrees with Aratus' assessment that 20,000 Achaeans were no match for 5,000 Spartans.
This success greatly encouraged Cleomenes and when he heard that Aratus was attacking Sparta's ally, Elis, he set
off to confront them. The Spartan army fell upon the Achaean army near Mount Lycaeum and routed it.
[8]
Aratus
took advantage of a rumour saying that he had been killed in the battle and seized Mantinea. His blow took the war
spirit out of the Spartans and they began to oppose Cleomenes' war effort.
Meanwhile, the Eurypontid King of Sparta, Eudamidas III, who was the son of Agis IV and Agiatis died. Cleomenes
recalled his uncle, who had fled after Agis' execution to Messene to assume the throne. However, as soon as he
returned to Sparta he was assassinated.
[8]
Cleomenes' part in the assassination is unknown with Polybius claiming
that he ordered it, but Plutarch disagrees.
[9]
Having bribed the ephors to allow him to continue campaigning, Cleomenes advanced into the territory of
Megalopolis and started to besiege the village of Leuctra. As Cleomenes was besieging the village, an Achaean army
under the command of Aratus attacked the Spartans. In the initial attack, the Spartans were repelled. However,
Lydiadas of Megalopolis, the cavalry commander, disobeyed Aratus' order not to pursue the Spartans. As the cavalry
scattered as they were trying to cross some difficult terrain, Cleomenes' skirmishers managed to defeat them.
Encouraged by this counter-attack, the Spartans charged the main body of the Achaean army and routed them.
[10]
Cleomenes III
335
Confident of his strong position, Cleomenes began plotting against the ephors. After gaining the support of his
stepfather, he embarked his opponents with him on a whirlwind military expedition and when they requested to stay
in Arcadia due to exhaustion he returned to Sparta to carry out his plan.
[11]
When he reached the city, he sent some
of his loyal followers to kill the ephors. Four of the ephors were killed, while the fifth, Agylaeus, managed to escape
and seek sanctuary in a temple.
[12][13]
Having removed the ephors, Cleomenes began his reforms. He first handed over all his land to the state; he was soon
followed by his stepfather and his friends and the rest of the citizens. He divided up all the land and gave an equal lot
to every citizen. To increase the declining Spartan citizen body, he made some perioeci, citizens. He trained 4,000
hoplites and restored the ancient Spartan military and social discipline as well as equipping his army with the
Macedonian sarissa (pike) which greatly strengthened the army.
[14]
Defeat and exile
In 222 BC, Cleomenes was defeated in the Battle of Sellasia by the Achaeans, who received military aid from
Antigonus III Doson of Macedon. Cleomenes left Sparta and sought refuge at Alexandria with Ptolemy Euergetes of
Egypt, hoping for assistance to regain his throne.
However, when Ptolemy died, his son and successor, Ptolemy Philopator neglected Cleomenes and eventually put
him under house arrest. Together with his friends, he escaped his house arrest in 219 BC and tried to incite a revolt.
When he received no support from the population of Alexandria, he avoided capture by committing suicide. Thus
died the man who nearly conquered all of the Peloponnese and is described by William Smith as "the last truly great
man of Sparta, and, excepting perhaps Philopoemen, of all Greece."
Cleomenes in Fiction
For an idiosyncratic but historically accurate fictional telling of Cleomenes' life and death, see Naomi Mitchison's
"The Corn King and The Spring Queen" (reference given). He is also the subject (under the name Kleomenis) of two
poems by modern Greek poet Constantine Cavafy, 1928's "In Sparta" and 1929's "Come, O King of the
Lacedaimonians". Both of these dwell on the humiliation of his defeat by Ptolemy. Cleomenes is also one of the
characters in the book Krol Agis (King Agis) by the Polish writer Halina Rudnicka, and he is the main character in
the two following books by the same author Syn Heraklesa (Heracles' son) and Heros w okowach (Hero in
manacles).
Notes
[1] Green, Alexander to Actium: The Historical Evolution of the Hellenistic Age, 255
[3] Guerber " Death of Agis (http:/ / www. mainlesson.com/ display. php?author=guerber& book=greeks& story=agis)"
[4] Haaran and Poland " Cleomenes III (http:/ / www.mainlesson. com/ display. php?author=haaren& book=greece& story=cleomenes)"
[5] Plutarch, Life of Cleomenes, 4 (http:/ / www.attalus. org/ old/ cleomenes1. html#4)
[6] Polybius 2.46 (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Plb. + 2. 46)
[7] Smith, Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology " Cleomenes III (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/
ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04. 0104;query=entry=#4662;layout=;loc=)"
[8] Plutarch, Life of Cleomenes, 5 (http:/ / www.attalus. org/ old/ cleomenes1. html#5)
[9] Polybius 5.37 (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Plb. + 5. 37)
[10] Plutarch, Life of Cleomenes, 6 (http:/ / www. attalus. org/ old/ cleomenes1. html#6)
[14] Plutarch, Life of Cleomenes, 11 (http:/ / www.attalus.org/ old/ cleomenes1. html#11)
Cleomenes III
336
Sources
Primary sources
Plutarch, translated by Richard Talbert, (1988). Life of Agis. New York: Penguin Classics. ISBN 0-14-044463-7.
Plutarch, translated by Richard Talbert, (1988). Life of Cleomenes. New York: Penguin Classics. ISBN
0-14-044463-7.
Plutarch, translated by Richard Talbert, (1988). Plutarch on Sparta. New York: Penguin Classics. ISBN
0-14-044463-7
Polybius, translated by Frank W. Walbank, (1979). The Rise of the Roman Empire. New York: Penguin Classics.
ISBN 0-14-044362-2.
Secondary sources
Green, Peter (1990). Alexander to Actium: The Historical Evolution of the Hellenistic Age. Los Angeles:
University of California Press. ISBN 0-500-01485-X.
Guerber, Helene Adeline. "Death of Agis" (http:/ / www. mainlesson. com/ display. php?author=guerber&
book=greeks& story=agis). The Baldwin Project. Retrieved 3-10-2007.
Haaren, John; Poland, A.B. "Cleomenes III" (http:/ / www. mainlesson. com/ display. php?author=haaren&
book=greece& story=cleomenes). The Baldwin Project. Retrieved 3-10-2007.
article
name needed
Further reading
Forrest, W.G. (1968). A History of Sparta 950-192 BC. New York: Norton.
Grimal, Pierre (1968). Hellenism and the Rise of Rome. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson.
Mitchison, Naomi (1990). The Corn King and the Spring Queen. Edinburgh: Canongate. ISBN0-86241-287-0.
Tarn, W.W.; Griffith, G.T. (1952). Hellenistic Civilization. London: Edward Arnold.
Walbank, F.W. (1984). The Hellenistic world (2nd ed.). London: Cambridge University Press.
ISBN0-521-23445-X.
Precededby
Leonidas II
Agiad King of
Sparta
235222 BC
Succeededby
Agesipolis III
Tiberius Gracchus
337
Tiberius Gracchus
For his father, see Tiberius Gracchus the Elder.
Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus
Tribune of the Roman Republic
Full name Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus
Buried Rome
Consort to Claudia Pulchra
Father Tiberius Gracchus the Elder
Mother Cornelia Africana
Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus (Latin: TISEMPRONIVSTIFPNGRACCVS; born c. 163 BC - 162 BC died c. 133
BC)
[1]
was a Roman Populares politician of the 2nd century BC and brother of Gaius Gracchus. As a plebeian
tribune, his reforms of agrarian legislation sought to transfer wealth from the wealthy, patricians and otherwise, to
the poor and caused political turmoil in the Republic.
These reforms threatened the holdings of rich landowners in Italy. He was murdered, along with many of his
supporters, by members of the Roman Senate and supporters of the conservative Optimate faction.
Background
Tiberius was born between 168 and 163 BC (his birthdate cannot be confirmed); he was the son of Tiberius
Gracchus the Elder and Cornelia Africana.
[2]
His family, the Gracchi branch of the gens Sempronia, was one of the most politically connected in Rome. Tiberius'
maternal grandparents were Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus and Aemilia Paulla, Lucius Aemilius Paulus
Macedonicus' sister, and his own sister Sempronia was the wife of Publius Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus, another
important general. Tiberius was raised by his mother, with his sister and his brother Gaius Gracchus. Later he
married Claudia Pulchra, daughter of Appius Claudius Pulcher.
Tiberius Gracchus
338
Military career
Tiberius's military career started in the Third Punic War, as military tribune appointed to the staff of his brother in
law, Scipio Aemilianus. During his tenure as military tribune under Aemilianus, Tiberius became known for his
bravery and discipline, recorded as the first to scale the enemy walls.
[3]
In 137 BC he was appointed quaestor to
consul Gaius Hostilius Mancinus and served his term in Numantia (Hispania province). The campaign was part of
the Numantine War and was unsuccessful; Mancinus's army suffered major defeats and Mancinus himself had tried
to disgracefully withdraw at night and caused his rearguard to be cut to pieces and the Roman camp looted.
[4]
It was Tiberius, as quaestor, who saved the army from destruction by signing a peace treaty with the Numantines, an
action generally reserved for a Legate.
[5]
In the negotiations, Tiberius recalled the exploits of his father Tiberius, who
had also waged war in Spain but had struck a peace agreement with the Numantines.
[6]
The Numantines so respected
Tiberius that when they learned he had lost his ledgers when they had despoiled the Roman camp, they invited him
back to their city, offering him a banquet and allowing Tiberius to take back not only his ledgers but anything else he
wanted from the spoils. Tiberius, however, refused to take anything else save some incense used for sacrificial
rituals.
Tiberius' actions stirred up a frenzy in Rome; his opponents argued that Tiberius' negotiation made Rome appear
weak and the losers of the war, while his proponents maintained that it was the general Mancinus who was several
times defeated and had tried to ignobly retreat and it was Tiberius' actions that saved the lives of many
citizen-soldiers.
[7]
The people voted to have Mancinus sent back to the Numantines in chains, a proposition Mancinus himself accepted,
though later the Numantines refused to accept him as a prisoner. Scipio Aemilianus played a significant role in
supporting Tiberius and his officers, but failed to prevent further punishment meted out to Mancinus nor did he
support the ratification of Tiberius' treaty. Despite this, Plutarch mentions that this caused little friction between the
two men, and even posits that Tiberius would have never fallen victim to assassination had Scipio not been away
campaigning against the very same Numantines given the amount of political clout that Scipio wielded in Rome.
Land crisis
Rome's internal political situation was not peaceful. In the last hundred years, there had been several wars. Since
legionaries were required to serve in a complete campaign, no matter how long it was, soldiers often left their farms
in the hands of wives and children. Small farms in this situation often went bankrupt and were bought up by the
wealthy upper class, forming huge private estates.
Furthermore, some lands ended up being taken by the state in war, both in Italy and elsewhere. After the war was
over, much of this conquered land would then be sold to or rented to various members of the populace. Much of this
land was given to only a few farmers who then had large amounts of land that were more profitable than the smaller
farms. The farmers with large farms had their land worked by slaves and did not do the work themselves, unlike
landowners with smaller farms.
According to Plutarch, "when Tiberius on his way to Numantia passed through Etruria and found the country almost
depopulated and its husbandmen and shepherds imported barbarian slaves, he first conceived the policy which was to
be the source of countless ills to himself and to his brother."
[8]
When the soldiers returned from the legions, they had nowhere to go, so they went to Rome to join the mob of
thousands of unemployed who roamed the city. As only men who owned property were allowed to enroll in the
army, the number of men eligible for army duty was therefore shrinking; and hence the military power of Rome.
Plutarch noted, "Then the poor, who had been ejected from their land, no longer showed themselves eager for
military service, and neglected the bringing up of children, so that soon all Italy was conscious of a dearth of
freemen, and was filled with gangs of foreign slaves, by whose aid the rich cultivated their estates, from which they
had driven away the free citizens."
[9]
Tiberius Gracchus
339
In 133 BC Tiberius was elected tribune of the people. Soon he started to legislate on the matter of the homeless
legionaries. Speaking before a crowd at the Rostra, Tiberius said, "The wild beasts that roam over Italy have their
dens, each has a place of repose and refuge. But the men who fight and die for Italy enjoy nothing but the air and
light; without house or home they wander about with their wives and children."
The Lex Sempronia Agraria
Seeking to improve the lot of the poor, Tiberius Gracchus proposed a law known as Lex Sempronia Agraria. The law
would reorganize control of the ager publicus, or public land; meaning land conquered in previous wars that was
controlled by the state. Previous agrarian law specified that no citizen would be allowed to possess more than 500
jugera (that is, approximately 125 hectares) of the ager publica and any land that they occupied above this limit
would be confiscated by the state. However this law was largely ignored
[10]
and rich landowners continued to
acquire land through fictitious tenants initially before transferring the land directly to themselves.
[11]
They then
began to work it with slave labour, giving rise to latifundia, alienating and impoverishing free Roman citizens.
The 500 jugera limit was a reiteration of previous land laws, such as the Licinian Laws passed in 367 BC, which had
been enacted but never enforced. As it stood in Tiberius Gracchus's time, a good deal of this land was held in farms
far in excess of 500 iugera by large landholders who had settled or rented the property in much earlier time periods,
even several generations back. Sometimes it had been leased, rented, or resold to other holders after the initial sale or
rental.
Tiberius saw that reform was needed. He met with three prominent leaders: Crassus, the Pontifex Maximus, the
consul and jurist Publius Mucius Scaevola, and Appius Claudius, his father-in-law. Together, the men formulated a
law which would have fined those who held more of their allotted land and require them to forfeit illegal possessions
to the ager publicus, for which they would be compensated. The people simply wanted assurances of future
protection, but the senatorial elites opposed the law, claiming Tiberius was seeking a redistribution of wealth,
thereby shaking the foundations of the Republic and inciting social revolution.
[12]
He proposed his law in 134 BC,
and to mollify these landowners, they would be allowed to own their land rent free, and would be entitled to 250
jugera per son, above the legal limit.
[13]
They would also be paid for the land they had to forfeit.
[14]
Furthermore, Tiberius Gracchus called for the redistribution of the re-confiscated public land to the poor and
homeless in Rome, giving them plots of 30 iugera upon which to support themselves and their families, not to
mention that the redistributed wealth would make them eligible for taxation and military service. Thus the law
sought to solve the twin problems of increasing the number of men eligible for military service (thereby boosting
Rome's military strength) and also providing for homeless war veterans.
[15]
The Senate and its conservative elements were strongly against the Sempronian agrarian reforms, with most of their
hostility due to Tiberius highly unorthodox method of passing the reforms. Because Tiberius clearly knew the
Senate wouldnt approve his reforms, he sidestepped the Senate altogether by going straight to the Concilium Plebis
(the Popular Assembly) which supported his measures. This was neither against the law or even against tradition
(Mos Maiorum), but it was certainly insulting to the Senate and it alienated Senators who otherwise might have
shown support.
However, any tribune could veto a proposal, preventing it from being laid before the Assembly. In an effort to stop
Tiberius, the Senate persuaded Marcus Octavius, another tribune, to use his veto to prevent the submission of the
bills to the Assembly. Gracchus then moved that Octavius should be immediately deposed, arguing that Octavius as
a tribune acted contrary to the wishes of his constituents. Octavius, Tiberius reasoned, violated a basic tenet of the
office of the tribune, which was to ensure the protection of the people from any political or economic oppression by
the Senate. Octavius remained resolute. The people began to vote to depose Octavius, but he vetoed their actions as
was his legal right as tribune. Tiberius, consigning himself to the worst situation, had him forcefully removed from
the meeting place of the Assembly and proceeded with the vote to depose him.
[16]
Tiberius Gracchus
340
These actions violated Octavius' right of sacrosanctity and worried Tiberius' supporters, and so instead of moving to
depose him, Tiberius commenced to use his veto on daily ceremonial rites in which Tribunes were asked if they
would allow for key public buildings, for example the markets and the temples, to be opened. In this way he
effectively shut down the entire city of Rome, including all businesses, trade and production, until the Senate and the
Assembly passed the laws. The Assembly, fearing for Tiberius's safety, formed a guard around Tiberius and
frequently escorted him home.
Tiberius justified the expulsion of Octavius by stating that a tribune was
sacred and inviolable, because he was consecrated to the people and was a champion of the people... If,
then he should change about, wrong the people, maim its power, and rob it of the privilege of voting, he
has by his own acts deprived himself of his honourable office by not fulfilling the conditions on which
he received it; for otherwise there would be no interference with a tribune even though he should try to
demolish the Capitol or set fire to the naval arsenal. If a tribune does these things, he is a bad tribune;
but if he annuls the power of the people, he is no tribune at all... And surely, if it is right for him to be
made tribune by a majority of the votes of the tribes, it must be even more right for him to be deprived
of his tribuneship by a unanimous vote.
[17]
According to Appian, a slightly different version of events is presented. Tiberius Gracchus only moved to have
Marcus Octavius removed from office after a vote was put to the Assembly. In Appian's version, after 17 of the 35
tribes voted in favor of Tiberius, Tiberius implored Octavius to step aside lest he be deprived of his office. When
Octavius refused, the 18th tribe votes in favor of Tiberius, giving him the majority and the resolution, which
included both his land law and the abrogation of Octavius' office, passed. It was only after this, according to Appian,
that Octavius slinked away unnoticed and was replaced as tribune by Quintus Memmius.
[18]
This version effectively
mitigates the accusation that Tiberius ever laid hands on an inviolate person such as Octavius, instead showing that
Tiberius won his support with full legality.
Having passed his law, Tiberius was lauded as a founding hero not just of a single city or race, but as the founding
hero of all the Italians, who had come to endure immense poverty and deprivation, denied of their rightful land
because of their military services and having lost work because of the influx of slaves, who were loyal to no man
while citizens were loyal to the state. In Appian's account, Tiberius Gracchus is seen as a popular hero, and there is
not any account given regarding Tiberius' justification for deposing Octavius.
The Senate gave trivial funds to the agrarian commission that had been appointed to execute Tiberius' laws. This
commission was composed entirely of members of Tiberius' family, including Appius Claudius, his father-in-law,
Tiberius and his brother Gaius. This, of course, did little to soothe the bitterness between the Gracchi and the Senate,
and the Senate and conservatives took every opportunity to hamper, delay and slander Tiberius.
[19]
However, late in
133 BC, king Attalus III of Pergamum died and left his entire fortune (including the whole kingdom of Pergamum)
to Rome. Tiberius saw his chance and immediately used his tribunician powers to allocate the fortune to fund the
new law. This was a direct attack on Senatorial power, since it was the Senate which was traditionally responsible
for the management of the treasury and for decisions regarding overseas affairs. The opposition of the Senate to
Tiberius Gracchus' policies increased. Quintus Pompeius addressed the Senate and said that he "was a neighbour of
Tiberius, and therefore knew that Eudemus of Pergamum had presented Tiberius with a royal diadem and a purple
robe, believing that he was going to be king in Rome." Pompeius's fears were reflective of a growing number of
senators who were afraid that Tiberius was claiming too much power for himself.
[20]
They feared that Tiberius was
seeking to become King of Rome, a loathed office which had been dismantled with the ousting of the Tarquins and
the establishment of the Republic. Such fears tipped the Senate from hatred and paranoia into committing the first
outright bloodshed in Republican politics.
Tiberius Gracchus
341
Tiberius' death
Tiberius Gracchus' overruling of the tribunician veto was considered illegal, and his opponents were determined to
prosecute him at the end of his one year term, since he was regarded as having violated the constitution and having
used force against a tribune. In one standoff between Tiberius and Titus Annius, a renowned orator, Annius argued
that if a colleague of Tiberius stood to defend him and Tiberius disapproved, he would simply in a passion physically
remove the man. Tiberius realized that his actions against Octavius had won him ill repute among the Senate and
even among the People.
[21]
After the death of a friend of Tiberius, rumors circulated that the man had been poisoned. Seizing the opportunity to
win sympathy with the People, Tiberius dressed in mourning clothes and paraded his children in front of the
Assembly, pleading for the protection of him and his kin.
[22]
He sought to repair the perception of his error against
Octavius by arguing that the office of the tribune, a sacrosanct position, could be acted upon if the holder violated his
oath. To support this he posited that other sacrosanct office holders were seized when they violated their duties, such
as Vestal Virgins or the Roman kings, done so the state would benefit from their removal.
[23]
To protect himself
further, Tiberius Gracchus won re-election to the tribunate in 133 BC, promising to shorten the term of military
service, abolish the exclusive right of senators to act as jurors and include other social classes, and admit allies to
Roman citizenship, all moves popular with the Assembly. Tiberius continued to plead with the People, lamenting
that he feared for his safety and that of his family, and moved them so much that many camped outside his house to
ensure his protection.
When the People assembled on the Capitol, Tiberius set out, despite many inauspicious omens. While the tribes were
being assembled, a skirmish broke out on the outskirts of the crowd as Tiberius' supporters were attempting to block
a group of his opponents from entering into the area to mingle about. A sympathetic senator, Fulvius Flaccus, was
able to make his way to Tiberius to warn him that the Senate was seated and plotting to kill him, having armed slaves
and their men since they could not convince the consul to do the deed.
[24]
Tiberius' men then armed themselves with
clubs and staves, prepared to meet any violence in kind. Tiberius, trying to shout above the din, gestured to his head
to signal his life was in danger, but his opponents took this as a sign requesting for a crown and ran back to the
Senate to report the signal.
When the Senate heard this, outrage spread among them. Tiberius' cousin, Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica, the
newly elected Pontifex Maximus, saying that Tiberius wished to make himself king, demanded that the consul take
action. When he refused, Nasica girded his toga over his head, shouting "Now that the consul has betrayed the state,
let every man who wishes to uphold the laws follow me!" and led the senators up towards Tiberius.
[25]
In the
resulting confrontation, Tiberius was beaten to death with clubs and staves made from benches which lay strewn
about. His fellow tribune, Publius Satyreius, dealt the first blow to his head. More than 300 supporters, including
Tiberius, were slain by stones and staves, but none by sword, and their bodies thrown into the Tiber. Such an act
denied them a proper funeral. This, according to Plutarch, was the first outbreak of civil strife in Rome.
Following the massacre, many of Tiberius' supporters were sent into exile without a trial, while others were arrested
and executed, including being sewn up in a bag with poisonous vipers.
[26]
The Senate attempted to mollify the
People by allowing the agrarian law to go into effect and a vote to replace Tiberius' place on the commission; the job
fell to Publius Crassus, father-in-law of Tiberius' brother Gaius. When threatened with impeachment, Nasica was
reassigned to Asia to remove him from the city. The People made no attempt to conceal their hatred of him,
accosting him publicly, cursing him and calling him a tyrant. Nasica wandered, despised and outcast, until he died
shortly later near Pergamum.
[27]
Even Scipio Africanus the Younger, who had formerly enjoyed the love of the
People, incurred their wrath when he said he disapproved of Tiberius' politics, and was thereafter frequently
interrupted when giving speeches, causing him to only lash out more at them.
Later, following the murder of his brother, statues of both were placed throughout the city in prominent locations,
where they were worshiped as heroes of the People, sometimes even being sacrificed to as if they were gods.
[28]
Tiberius Gracchus
342
Opposition to Tiberius Gracchus
Tiberius was essentially opposed by three men: Marcus Octavius, Scipio Nasica and Scipio Aemilianus. Octavius
opposed Tiberius because Tiberius would not let him veto the Lex Sempronia Agraria. This offended Octavius, who
then entered into a conspiracy with Scipio Nasica and Scipio Aemilianus to assassinate Tiberius. Nasica would
benefit from this because Tiberius had bought some land from a place that Nasica wanted. Because of this, Nasica
lost out on 500 sesterces. Nasica would often bring this up in the senate to mock Tiberius. Aemilianus opposed
Tiberius Gracchus because he saw the greatness of Rome in conquest rather than Tiberius's view of honor and
honesty.
According to the historian Plutarch (in his Livesof the Gracchi), only Scipio Nasica was directly involved in leading
the senators to kill Tiberius. Furthermore, the death of Tiberius Gracchus was an open attack, much closer to a riot,
and may not necessarily amount to an assassination in the modern sense. Publius Satureius delivered the first blow,
and Lucius Rufus, claimed the second.
If Octavius were to benefit, the most direct benefit would come from the lands he himself owned in excess of 500
iugera. Furthermore, Tiberius (again according to the history of Plutarch) reputedly offered to pay Octavius for his
own lost lands personally, and that the two were friends until the weight of the wealthy/Senate brought him as the
opposition to Tiberius' law. Appian's Civil Wars however does not confirm this.
There is too great a conflict between the contemporary sources to confirm the actual nature of Tiberius' death and the
personal conflicts that led up to it, but it is highly likely that Scipio Nasica was the man who led the senators to
attack Tiberius, that Octavius did oppose his law and last that Scipio Aemilianus did not agree with Tiberius' actions,
even if it was not to the point that he wished Tiberius dead.
Aftermath
The Senate sought to placate the plebeians by consenting to the enforcement of the Gracchan laws. An increase in
the register of citizens in the next decade suggests a large number of land allotments. Nonetheless, the agrarian
commission found itself faced with many difficulties and obstacles.
Tiberius' heir was his younger brother Gaius, who shared Tiberius' fate, a decade later, while trying to apply even
more revolutionary legislation.
Footnotes
[1] Life of Caius Gracchus by Plutarch (http:/ / classics.mit. edu/ Plutarch/ gracchus. html) Plutarch says Tiberius "was not yet thirty when he
was slain."
[2] [2] The Great Books, p. 672
[3] [3] Plutarch Ti. Gracch. 4,
[6] [6] Plutarch Ti. Gracch. 5
[7] [7] Plutarch Ti. Gracch. 7
[8] Plutarch, Life of Tiberius Gracchus Loeb Classical Library edition, 1921. http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/
Lives/ Tiberius_Gracchus*. html
[9] Plutarch, Life of Tiberius Gracchus Loeb Classical Library edition, 1921. http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/
Lives/ Tiberius_Gracchus*. html
[10] [10] Cambridge Ancient History vol.9, p.64
[11] [11] Plutarch, Tib. Gracch. 8
[14] [14] Swords Against the Senate, p. 38 Erik Hildinger
Tiberius Gracchus
343
[17] Plutarch, The Life of Tiberius Gracchus . Loeb Classical Library edition, 1921. http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/
Plutarch/ Lives/ Tiberius_Gracchus*. html
[18] Appian, The Civil Wars, 1.12-13
[19] [19] Plutarch, Tib. Gracch 13
[21] [21] Plutarch, Tib, Gracch. 14-15
[28] [28] Plutarch, Gaius Gracch. 18
References
The Great Books, Encyclopdia Britannica, Plutarch - The Lives of the Noble Grecians and Romans (Dryden
translation), 1952, Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 55-10323
Additional reading
Ian Scott-Kilvert, notes to Life of Tiberius Gracchus by Plutarch; Penguin Classics
BBC - Ancient Rome: The Rise and Fall of an Empire Episode 4 - 2006 (Television series and accompanying
book of same title)
Gaius Gracchus
Gracchus addressing the Concilium Plebis.
Gaius Sempronius Gracchus (154
BC 121 BC) was a Roman Popularis
politician in the 2nd century BC and
brother of the reformer Tiberius
Sempronius Gracchus. His election to
the office of tribune in the years 123
BC and 122 BC and reformative
policies while in office prompted a
constitutional crisis and his death at the
hands of the Roman Senate in 121 BC.
Gaius Gracchus
344
Background
Part of a series on the
Ancient Roman Comitium of the
Republican era
Structures
Rostra
Curia Hostilia
Curia Julia
Lapis Niger
Politicians
Cicero
Gaius Gracchus
Julius Caesar
Assemblies
Roman Senate
Curiate Assembly
v
t
e
[1]
Gaius Gracchus was born into a family who had a strong tradition in the politics of ancient Rome. His father,
Tiberius Gracchus the Elder, was a powerful man in Roman politics throughout the 2nd century BC and had built up
a large and powerful clientele largely based in Spain. His mother was Cornelia Africana, daughter of Scipio
Africanus, a woman once courted by Ptolemy VIII, the King of Egypt.
[2]
The family was attached to the Claudii faction in Roman politics despite his mother's background. It can be
supposed, however, that both the Gracchi brothers would have come into contact with powerful members of both the
Claudii and Cornelii Scipiones factions.
[2]
Gaius Gracchus was the younger brother of Tiberius Gracchus, by about nine years. He was heavily influenced both
by the reformative policy of his older brother, and by his death at the hands of a senatorial mob. Plutarch suggests
that it was "the grief he had suffered [that] encouraged him to speak out fearlessly, whenever he lamented the fate of
his brother."
[3]
Certainly aspects of his reforms, and especially his judicial reforms, seem to have been directed at the
people responsible for his brother's death.
The political career of Gaius Gracchus prior to 123 BC started with a seat on his brother Tiberius's land-commission
upon its formation in 133 BC. He served, in 126 BC, as a quaestor in the Roman province of Sardinia. In Sardinia he
advanced quickly in notoriety based on his successful merits. During his quaestorship in Sardinia, Gaius began to
hone his legendary oratory skills.
[4]
One particularly harsh winter caused legate[5] to requisition supplies from the local towns for the Roman garrison.
When they appealed and won the Senate's approval to have their supplies, Gaius personally made a tour of the towns
to appeal for their aid. Fearing Gaius was making a ploy to gain popular approval, the Senate refused envoys sent by
Micipsa, king of Numidia, who had sent grain to Gaius out of his personal favor for Gaius. The Senate further
decreed that the garrison would be immediately replaced but that Gaius would remain with the general to ensure he
Gaius Gracchus
345
stayed out of Rome.
[6]
Enraged, Gaius returned to Rome to appeal. Initially he was treated with suspicion for abandoning his post, but
quickly won popular support when he argued that he had served twelve years, two beyond the requirement, and had
served as quaestor for two years though legally only required to serve one. Further, he argued, he used the Roman
money to aid Sardinia and never heavily extolled the province to line his own pockets.
[7]
He was then accused of aiding in an Italian revolt at Fregellae, but little evidence indicted him in the matter. His
support for the reforms of Gaius Papirius Carbo and Marcus Fulvius Flaccus, his evident skills at oration and his
association with the reforms of his brother led the senatorial nobles to try him on charges plainly false or heavily
exaggerated. He cleared himself with ease and in 122 was elected to serve as a tribune for the following year.
[8]
Gaius used his famed oratory, considered to be the best in Rome, to attack his opponents at every chance and
frequently lamented the fate of his brother Tiberius. He compared how the Senate failed to emulate their ancestors'
respect for the tribune, citing the Senate's decision to wage war on the Falerii for insulting the tribune Genucius, or
how Gaius Veturius had been condemned to death for failing to make way for the tribune. He chastised the People
for standing by while Tiberius and his supporters were beaten and cited the unlawful exiles that followed because the
accused were not permitted to stand trial.
[9]
Tribuneship of 122-121 BC
Reforms in 122 BC
Gaius' social reforms were far wider reaching than those of his brother Tiberius. Perhaps motivated by the fate of his
brother, some of his earliest reforms dealt with the judiciary system. He set up two initial measures. The first held
that if a magistrate had been deposed by the People, he would be unable to hold office a second time and the second
held that the People could prosecute any magistrate who had exiled citizens without a trial.
[10]
This outright attacked
the measure the senate had set up, under the consul Popillius, wherein a special tribunal with powers of capital
punishment had been established to try Gracchian supporters in 132 BC.
Courts with capital punishment, not set up by the people, were now declared illegal by a retrospective measure
which saw Popilius driven into exile. Further reforms to the judicial system were passed to check the practice of
senatorial juries in the acquitting members of their own class of extortion. Control of the court dedicated to the trials
of extortion, the Lex Acilia, was given to the equites and the procedure was rewritten to favor the prosecutors. Gaius
passed legislation that required juries for criminal cases to be drawn from the 300 members of the Senate as well as
300 members of the equites.
Economically, Tiberius' land reforms were continued and broadened, providing for larger allotments so free
labourers could be employed. Large overseas colonies were planned to provide for thousands of settlers which may
have included some Italians as well as Roman citizens. The state was also required by the law, Lex Frumentaria, to
buy grain supplies imported from North Africa and Sicily and to store them in bulk to allow the distribution of a
monthly ration to all Roman citizens at a low price. The construction of a widespread secondary road system was
enacted to facilitate communication and trade across Italy and the contract to collect taxes in Asia was auctioned off
in Rome by the censors.
Gaius also made a few reforms to the military through the passing of the Lex Militaris. This law required the
government to clothe and equip Roman soldiers without deductions from their pay, shortened the term of military
service, and forbade the draft of boys under the age of seventeen. The intent of these reforms was to improve army
morale and to win the political support of soldiers, allies, and voters with small incomes.
[11]
Politically Gaius' most farsighted proposal was the 'franchise bill', a measure which would have seen the distribution
of Roman citizenship to all Latin citizens and the extension of Latin citizenship to all Italian allies. This proposal
was rejected because the Roman plebeians had no wish to share the benefits of citizenship, including cheap grain and
Gaius Gracchus
346
entertainment. The rejection of this measure led, in part, to the disastrous Social War of 90 BC.
In a further slight to the power of the Senate, Gaius changed physically how speeches were delivered. Formerly,
when a speaker delivered a speech in the Forum, he turned his face to the right in the direction of the curia, the
Senate house, and the Comitium. Instead, Gaius would turn his face to the left, toward the direction of the Forum
proper, effectively turning his back on the Senate.
[12]
Gaius amassed a monumental amount of political power. In each of his reforms, he personally oversaw each new
institution, selected the 300 equestrian men to serve on the juries and acted as director for each new project with such
skill that even his opponents were stunned at his efficiency.
[13]
Gaius did not campaign for political office the
following year, but instead threw his support behind Gaius Fannius for the consulship. Gaius' favor for Fannius won
Fannius the consulship and Gaius was elected to be tribune in 122 BC despite having neither been a candidate nor
having campaigned for the office, winning it on the sheer will of the People.
[14]
Senatorial Response
Seeing how wildly popular Gaius was with the People, the Senate decided to fight fire with fire and endeavored to
win the People's favor and thereby pull Gracchan supporters to the side of the Senate. A fellow tribune of Gaius,
Livius Drusus, was backed by the Senate as an alternate voice to Gaius'. He was under strict orders to not incite
violence but rather to use his position to propose legislation pleasing to the People under the auspices of the Senate.
Drusus proceeded to draft legislation that was neither credible nor beneficial to the People but was intended merely
to undermine Gaius.
[15]
When Gaius proposed two colonies to be founded with reliable citizens, the Senate accused him of trying to win
favor with the People before Drusus proposed twelve with three thousand citizens. When Gaius granted the most
needy small plots of redistributed land on the condition they pay a small rent to the public coffers, the Senate
accused him of trying to win favor with the people before Drusus proposed to do the same rent-free.
[16]
When Gaius proposed that all Latins should have equal voting rights, the Senate protested, but approved of Drusus'
measure that no Latin would ever be beaten with rods. Drusus went to great pains to ensure he was never seen as the
benefactor, politically or economically, of his legislation but rather that he proposed his measures, backed by the
Senate, to further benefit the People. Drusus' constant referencing to the Senate worked and at least some of the
People began to feel less hostility toward the Senate, marking the Senatorial plan a resounding success.
[17]
A new candidate emerged for the consulship, one Lucius Opimius, who had opposed Fannius for the consulship in
122 BC and been stymied by Gaius' machinations. Opimius, a staunch conservative and oligarchical man who
wanted to restore power to the Senate, had garnered a significant following and stood poised to challenge Gaius
directly. Opimius had made it his sole mission to unseat Gaius.
Death of Scipio Africanus the Younger
When a measure was passed to found a colony at Carthage, which had been destroyed in 146 BC by Scipio
Africanus the Younger, Gaius was appointed to oversee the construction and left for Africa. Drusus immediately
took advantage of Gaius' absence by attacking Gaius' ally, Fulvius Flaccus, who was a known agitator to the Senate
and was suspected by some for stirring up the Italian allies to revolt. When Scipio the Younger agreed to represent
the Italian allies, who were protesting the injustices done to them which Tiberius Gracchus' land reform was
supposed to remedy, he won the hostility of the People, who accused him of standing against Tiberius Gracchus and
wishing to abolish the law and incite bloodshed.
[18]
When Scipio died suddenly and mysteriously, both Fulvius and Gaius were implicated in his death. Fulvius had just
that day delivered a fiery speech against Scipio and was widely known to be Scipio's enemy,and Gaius was therefore
suspected of complicity because of his relationship with Fulvius.
[19]
Other members of the Gracchi family were also
accused; Scipio had been in a loveless marriage to the deformed and barren Sempronia, sister of the Gracchi brothers
and daughter of their mother Cornelia.
[20]
Both women were suspected of murdering Scipio because of his perceived
Gaius Gracchus
347
attempt to undo the reforms of Tiberius.
Return to Rome and outbreak of violence
The combined political positions of Lucius Opimius, Livius Drusus and Marcus Minucius Rufus, another political
enemy of Gaius, to tribune meant the repeal of as many of Gaius' measures as possible. Gaius now stood on
increasingly shaky ground with the Senate, though his popularity with the People remained undeniable. Gaius' return
to Rome from Carthage set in motion a series of events that would eventually cause him to endure the same fate as
his brother. Gaius' first action was to move from his home on the Palatine, where the wealthiest of Romans and the
political elite lived, to a neighborhood near the Forum, believing that in so doing he was keeping to his democratic
principles and reaffirming his loyalty to the People rather than to the privileged elite.
[21]
Gaius then called together all of his supporters from Italy to put into motion his legislation. The Senate convinced
Fannius, whose friendship with Gaius had run its course, to expel all those who were not Roman citizens by birth
from the city. Gaius condemned the proposal, promising support for the Italians, but his image took a hit when he
failed to cash in on the promises and did not stop Fannius' lictors from dragging away a friend. Whether he did this
because he was afraid to test his power or because he refused to do anything which would have given the Senate
pretext to initiate violence remains unknown.
Gaius further distanced himself from his fellow tribunes when he insisted that the seats for a gladiatorial show be
removed to allow the poor to watch. When they refused, he removed them secretly at night. Plutarch claims this cost
him the office of the tribune for the third time, because although he won the popular vote, the tribunes were so upset
that they falsified the ballots. Opimius and his supporters began to overturn Gaius' legislation with the hope of
provoking him into violence, but Gaius remained resolute. Rumors suggested that his mother Cornelia hired foreign
men disguised as harvesters to protect him.
[22]
Death of Quintus Antyllius
On the day that Opimius planned to repeal Gaius' laws, an attendant of Opimius, Quintus Antyllius, carrying the
entrails of a sacrifice, forced his way through a crowd. A resulting scuffle between the supporters of the two
opposing groups on the Capitoline Hill led to his death. Plutarch maintains that Antyllius had rudely pushed his way
through the crowd and gave an indecent gesture and was immediately beset upon by Gracchan supporters much to
the disapproval of Gaius.
Appian states that Gaius had arrived with an escort of body guards in a distressed state. When Antyllius saw Gaius,
he laid a hand on him, begging him not to destroy the state. When Gaius cast his scorn on Antyllius, his supporters
took it as a sign to act on his behalf and struck Antyllius down. Gaius and Fulvius failed to exonerate themselves of
the deed and returned home under the protection of their supporters to await the day's outcomes.
[23]
The death of Antyllius allowed a triumphant Opimius a pretext for action. On the following morning, with much
showboating, the body of Antyllius was presented to the Senate as indicative of the measures Gaius would take. The
senate passed a senatus consultum ultimum, granting Opimius the right to defend the state and rid it of tyrants. The
Senate armed itself and commanded all the equestrians to arm themselves and two of their servants and assemble the
next morning.
[24]
Fulvius gathered his supporters and they passed the evening in a drunken and raucous manner. Gaius, much more
somber, paused in front of the statue of his father on his way out of the Forum, and weeping went homeward. His
plight and obvious distress caused such sympathy among the People, who blamed themselves for betraying their
champion, that a large party gathered outside his home to ensure his protection. Unlike Fulvius, Gaius' men were
quiet and reflective of future events.
[25]
Gaius Gracchus
348
Death of Gaius Gracchus and Fulvius Flaccus
The following morning, Fulvius' men armed themselves with spoils from Fulvius' Gaulish campaign and marched
loudly to the Aventine. Gaius refused to gird himself with anything save a small dagger and his toga. As he left his
home, his wife Licinia, daughter of Crassus, begged him not to go meet the same men who had murdered and
dishonored Tiberius Gracchus, knowing well enough that Gaius was to die that day. Gaius, without saying a word,
gently pried himself from her arms and left her there, weeping, until her servants eventually came to pick her up and
carried her to her brother Crassus.
[26]
At Gaius' suggestion, Fulvius sent his youngest son Quintus to the Forum to speak to the Senate as a herald carrying
a staff, which was only used when heralds approached enemies in times of war. Tearful, he pled for terms which
many there were willing to hear, but Opimius insisted on speaking directly to Fulvius and Gaius, demanding they
surrender themselves for trial. These terms were not negotiable. When Quintus returned to Gaius and Fulvius, Gaius
was willing to acquiesce but Fulvius was not and sent the boy back.
[27]
When the boy came back to the Senate and relayed what his father Fulvius stated, Opimius placed him under arrest
and under guard and advanced on Fulvius' position with a contingent of archers from Crete. When they fired on
Fulvius' men, wounding many, the crowd was thrown into chaos and fled. Fulvius hid in an abandoned bath or
workshop with his eldest son and when discovered both were executed. Appian adds that when they initially hid,
citizens were hesitant to give them away, but when the whole row was threatened to be burned down they were
handed over to the mob.
[27]
Gaius, taking no part in the fighting and despairing at the bloodshed, fled to the Temple of Diana on the Aventine
where he intended to commit suicide but was stopped by his friends Pomponius and Licinius. Gaius knelt and prayed
to the goddess, asking that the People of Rome be forever enslaved by their masters since many had openly and
quickly switched sides when an amnesty was declared by the Senate.
[28]
Gaius fled the temple and tried to cross the Tiber on a wooden bridge while Pomponius and Licinius would stay back
and cover his retreat, killing as many as they could until they were themselves felled. Accompanied by only his slave
Philocrates, Gaius fled, urged by onlookers though no man offered assistance despite Gaius' repeated requests for
aid. Arriving at a grove sacred to the Furies, Philocrates first assisted Gaius in his suicide before taking his own life,
though some rumors held that Philocrates was only killed after he refused to let go of his master's body.
Aftermath
The Death of Gaius Gracchus, by Jean-Baptiste Topino-Lebrun, 1792.
Gaius' head was cut off, as Opimius
had announced that whoever brought
back the head would be paid its weight
in gold. When the head measured an
astonishing seventeen and two-thirds
pounds, it was discovered that
Septimuleius, who brought the head,
committed fraud by removing the brain
and pouring in molten lead and
therefore received no reward at all. The
bodies of Gaius, Fulvius and the three
thousand supporters who also died
were thrown into the Tiber, their
property confiscated and sold to the
public treasury. Appian adds that their
homes were looted by their opponents
Gaius Gracchus
349
Their wives were forbidden to mourn the death of their husbands and Licinia, wife of Gaius, was stripped of her
dowry. Fulvius' youngest son, who took no part in the fighting and merely acted as herald, was executed, though
Appian holds that Opimius allowed him to choose his own manner of death. Most outrageous to the People was
when Opimius celebrated his victory by building a temple to Concord in the Forum with the Senate's approval. The
People felt that a victory bought with the massacre of so many citizens was exceptionally distasteful. According to
Plutarch, one night an inscription was carved that read "This temple of Concord is the work of mad Discord."
[29]
Plutarch maintains that Opimius was the first Roman to appoint himself dictator, kill 3,000 Roman citizens without
trial, including the proconsul Fulvius Flaccus who celebrated a triumph and the tribune Gaius Gracchus, a man
renowned for his reputation and virtue. Ironically, this same Opimius then later committed fraud and accepted bribes
from the Numidian king Jugurtha and, after being convicted, spent his days in disgrace. The People, realizing their
democratic cause was now dead, understood how deeply they missed the Gracchus brothers.
[30]
Statues were erected in Rome, where they fell was consecrated as holy ground and the season's first fruits were
offered as sacrifice. Many worshiped them daily as if the Gracchi had been elevated to divine status. Cornelia
honored the memory of her sons' murders by constructing elaborate tombs at the spot of their deaths.
[31]
Appian adds
that within 15 years, all of the progress done under the Gracchi had been overturned and the poor were in a much
worse position than ever before, many reduced to unemployment.
[32]
References
[1] http:/ / en. wikipedia. org/ w/ index. php?title=Template:Ancient_Roman_Comitium_of_the_Republican_era& action=edit
[2] Bradley P., Ancient Rome: Using Evidence, Cambridge University Press, 2007
[3] Plutarch, Makers of Rome, Penguin Books, 1965
[5] http:/ / toolserver.org/ %7Edispenser/ cgi-bin/ dab_solver. py?page=Gaius_Gracchus& editintro=Template:Disambiguation_needed/
editintro& client=Template:Dn
[8] Cary M. and Scullard H., A History of Rome, PANGRAVE, 1989
[11] Ward Allen, Heichelheim Fritz, and Yeo Cedric, A History of the Roman People, Prentice Hall, 1999
[15] [15] Plutarch, Gaius Gracch. 8-9
[18] [18] Appian, Civil Wars 1.19
[32] [32] Appian, Civil Wars, 1.27
Gaius Gracchus
350
External links
At the Internet Classics Archive, MIT:
"Caius Gracchus" (http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ gracchus. html), by Plutarch, translated by John Dryden
"The Comparison of Tiberius and Caius Gracchus with Agis and Cleomenes" (http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/
t_c_comp. html), by Plutarch, translated by John Dryden
Demosthenes
351
Demosthenes
For other historical and fictional personages named Demosthenes, see Demosthenes (disambiguation).
Demosthenes
Bust of Demosthenes (Louvre, Paris, France)
Born 384BC
Athens
Died 322BC
Island of Kalaureia (present-day Poros)
Demosthenes (English pronunciation: /dms.niz/, Greek: , Dmosthns [dmostns];
384322BC) was a prominent Greek statesman and orator of ancient Athens. His orations constitute a significant
expression of contemporary Athenian intellectual prowess and provide an insight into the politics and culture of
ancient Greece during the 4th centuryBC. Demosthenes learned rhetoric by studying the speeches of previous great
orators. He delivered his first judicial speeches at the age of 20, in which he argued effectively to gain from his
guardians what was left of his inheritance. For a time, Demosthenes made his living as a professional speech-writer
(logographer) and a lawyer, writing speeches for use in private legal suits.
Demosthenes grew interested in politics during his time as a logographer, and in 354BC he gave his first public
political speeches. He went on to devote his most productive years to opposing Macedon's expansion. He idealized
his city and strove throughout his life to restore Athens's supremacy and motivate his compatriots against Philip II of
Macedon. He sought to preserve his city's freedom and to establish an alliance against Macedon, in an unsuccessful
attempt to impede Philip's plans to expand his influence southward by conquering all the other Greek states. After
Philip's death, Demosthenes played a leading part in his city's uprising against the new King of Macedonia,
Alexander the Great. However, his efforts failed and the revolt was met with a harsh Macedonian reaction. To
prevent a similar revolt against his own rule, Alexander's successor in this region, Antipater, sent his men to track
Demosthenes down. Demosthenes took his own life, in order to avoid being arrested by Archias, Antipater's
confidant.
The Alexandrian Canon compiled by Aristophanes of Byzantium and Aristarchus of Samothrace recognized
Demosthenes as one of the ten greatest Attic orators and logographers. Longinus likened Demosthenes to a blazing
thunderbolt, and argued that he "perfected to the utmost the tone of lofty speech, living passions, copiousness,
readiness, speed".
[1]
Quintilian extolled him as lex orandi ("the standard of oratory"), and Cicero said about him that
inter omnis unus excellat ("he stands alone among all the orators"), and he also acclaimed him as "the perfect orator"
Demosthenes
352
who lacked nothing.
[2]
Early years and personal life
Family and personal life
Bust of Demosthenes (British Museum, London),
Roman copy of a Greek original sculpted by
Polyeuktos.
Demosthenes was born in 384BC, during the last year of the
98thOlympiad or the first year of the 99thOlympiad.
[3]
His
fatheralso named Demostheneswho belonged to the local tribe,
Pandionis, and lived in the deme of Paeania
[4]
in the Athenian
countryside, was a wealthy sword-maker.
[5]
Aeschines, Demosthenes's
greatest political rival, maintained that his mother Kleoboule was a
Scythian by blood
[6]
an allegation disputed by some modern
scholars.
[a]
Demosthenes was orphaned at the age of seven. Although
his father provided well for him, his legal guardians, Aphobus,
Demophon and Therippides, mishandled his inheritance.
[7]
As soon as Demosthenes came of age in 366BC, he demanded they
render an account of their management. According to Demosthenes,
the account revealed the misappropriation of his property. Although his
father left an estate of nearly fourteen talents, (equivalent to about 220
years of a laborer's income at standard wages, or 11 million dollars in
terms of median US annual incomes)
[8]
Demosthenes asserted his
guardians had left nothing "except the house, and fourteen slaves and
thirty silver minae" (30 minae = talent).
[9]
At the age of 20
Demosthenes sued his trustees in order to recover his patrimony and
delivered five orations: three Against Aphobus during 363 and 362BC
and two Against Onetor during 362 and 361BC. The courts fixed Demosthenes's damages at ten talents.
[10]
When all
the trials came to an end,
[b]
he only succeeded in retrieving a portion of his inheritance.
[11]
According to Pseudo-Plutarch, Demosthenes was married once. The only information about his wife, whose name is
unknown, is that she was the daughter of Heliodorus, a prominent citizen.
[12]
Demosthenes also had a daughter, "the
only one who ever called him father", according to Aeschines in a trenchant remark.
[13]
His daughter died young and
unmarried a few days before Philip II's death.
In his speeches, Aeschines uses pederastic relations of Demosthenes as a means to attack him. In the case of
Aristion, a youth from Plataea who lived for a long time in Demosthenes's house, Aeschines mocks the "scandalous"
and "improper" relation.
[14]
In another speech, Aeschines brings up the pederastic relation of his opponent with a boy
called Cnosion. The slander that Demosthenes's wife also slept with the boy suggests that the relationship was
contemporary with his marriage.
[15]
Aeschines claims that Demosthenes made money out of young rich men, such as
Aristarchus, the son of Moschus, whom he allegedly deceived with the pretence that he could make him a great
orator. Apparently, while still under Demosthenes's tutelage, Aristarchus killed and mutilated a certain Nicodemus of
Aphidna. Aeschines accused Demosthenes of complicity in the murder, pointing out that Nicodemus had once
pressed a lawsuit accusing Demosthenes of desertion. He also accused Demosthenes of having been such a bad
erastes to Aristarchus so as not even to deserve the name. His crime, according to Aeschines, was to have betrayed
his eromenos by pillaging his estate, allegedly pretending to be in love with the youth so as to get his hands on the
boy's inheritance. Nevertheless, the story of Demosthenes's relations with Aristarchus is still regarded as more than
doubtful, and no other pupil of Demosthenes is known by name.
[16]
Demosthenes
353
Education
Demosthenes Practising Oratory by
Jean-Jules-Antoine Lecomte du Nouy
(18421923). Demosthenes used to study in an
underground room he constructed himself. He
also used to talk with pebbles in his mouth and
recited verses while running.
[17]
To strengthen
his voice, he spoke on the seashore over the roar
of the waves.
Between his coming of age in 366BC and the trials that took place in
364BC, Demosthenes and his guardians negotiated acrimoniously but
were unable to reach an agreement, for neither side was willing to
make concessions.
[18]
At the same time, Demosthenes prepared
himself for the trials and improved his oratory skill. As an adolescent,
his curiosity had been noticed by the orator Callistratus, who was then
at the height of his reputation, having just won a case of considerable
importance.
[19]
According to Friedrich Nietzsche, a German philologist
and philosopher, and Constantine Paparrigopoulos, a major Greek
historian, Demosthenes was a student of Isocrates;
[20]
according to
Cicero, Quintillian and the Roman biographer Hermippus, he was a
student of Plato.
[21]
Lucian, a Roman-Syrian rhetorician and satirist,
lists the philosophers Aristotle, Theophrastus and Xenocrates among
his teachers.
[22]
These claims are nowadays disputed.
[c]
According to
Plutarch, Demosthenes employed Isaeus as his master in Rhetoric,
even though Isocrates was then teaching this subject, either because he
could not pay Isocrates the prescribed fee or because Demosthenes
believed Isaeus's style better suited a vigorous and astute orator such as
himself .
[23]
Curtius, a German archaeologist and historian, likened the
relation between Isaeus and Demosthenes to "an intellectual armed
alliance".
[24]
It has also been said that Demosthenes paid Isaeus 10,000drachmae (somewhat over 1.5talents) on the condition
that Isaeus should withdraw from a school of Rhetoric which he had opened, and should devote himself wholly to
Demosthenes, his new pupil. Another version credits Isaeus with having taught Demosthenes without charge.
[25]
According to Sir Richard C. Jebb, a British classical scholar, "the intercourse between Isaeus and Demosthenes as
teacher and learner can scarcely have been either very intimate or of very long duration". Konstantinos Tsatsos, a
Greek professor and academician, believes that Isaeus helped Demosthenes edit his initial judicial orations against
his guardians.
[26]
Demosthenes is also said to have admired the historian Thucydides. In the Illiterate Book-Fancier,
Lucian mentions eight beautiful copies of Thucydides made by Demosthenes, all in Demosthenes's own
handwriting.
[27]
These references hint at his respect for a historian he must have assiduously studied.
[28]
Speech training
According to Plutarch, when Demosthenes first addressed himself to the people, he was derided for his strange and
uncouth style, "which was cumbered with long sentences and tortured with formal arguments to a most harsh and
disagreeable excess".
[29]
Some citizens, however, discerned his talent. When he first left the ecclesia (the Athenian
Assembly) disheartened, an old man named Eunomus encouraged him, saying his diction was very much like that of
Pericles.
[30]
Another time, after the ecclesia had refused to hear him and he was going home dejected, an actor
named Satyrus followed him and entered into a friendly conversation with him.
[31]
As a boy Demosthenes had a speech impediment: Plutarch refers to a weakness in his voice of "a perplexed and
indistinct utterance and a shortness of breath, which, by breaking and disjointing his sentences much obscured the
sense and meaning of what he spoke." There are problems in Plutarch's account, however, and it is probable that
Demosthenes actually suffered rhotacism, mispronouncing (r) as (l).
[32]
Aeschines taunted him and referred to
him in his speeches by the nickname "Batalus",
[d]
apparently invented by Demosthenes's pedagogues or by the little
boys with whom he was playing.
[33]
Demosthenes undertook a disciplined program to overcome his weaknesses and
Demosthenes
354
improve his delivery, including diction, voice and gestures.
[34]
According to one story, when he was asked to name
the three most important elements in oratory, he replied "Delivery, delivery and delivery!"
[35]
It is unknown whether
such vignettes are factual accounts of events in Demosthenes's life or merely anecdotes used to illustrate his
perseverance and determination.
[36]
Career
He leaves the Assembly, hiding his face in his
cloak.
Legal career
To make his living, Demosthenes became a professional litigant, both
as a "logographer", writing speeches for use in private legal suits, and
advocate ("synegoros") speaking on another's behalf. He seems to have
been able to manage any kind of case, adapting his skills to almost any
client, including wealthy and powerful men. It is not unlikely that he
became a teacher of rhetoric and that he brought pupils into court with
him. However, though he probably continued writing speeches
throughout his career,
[e]
he stopped working as an advocate once he
entered the political arena.
[37]
"If you feel bound to act in the spirit of that dignity, whenever you come into court to give judgement on public causes, you must bethink
yourselves that with his staff and his badge every one of you receives in trust the ancient pride of Athens."
Demosthenes (On the Crown, 210)The orator's defense of the honor of the courts was in contrast to the improper actions of which
Aeschines accused him.
Judicial oratory had become a significant literary genre by the second half of the fifth century, as represented in the
speeches of Demosthenes's predecessors, Antiphon and Andocides. Logographers were a unique aspect of the
Athenian justice system: evidence for a case was compiled by a magistrate in a preliminary hearing and litigants
could present it as they pleased within set speeches; however, witnesses and documents were popularly mistrusted
(since they could be secured by force or bribery), there was little cross-examination during the trial, there were no
instructions to the jury from a judge, no conferencing between jurists before voting, the juries were huge (typically
between 201 and 501 members), cases depended largely on questions of probable motive, and notions of natural
justice were felt to take precedence over written lawconditions that favoured artfully constructed speeches.
[38]
Since Athenian politicians were often indicted by their opponents, there wasn't always a clear distinction between
"private" and "public" cases, and thus a career as a logographer opened the way for Demosthenes to embark on his
political career.
[39]
An Athenian logographer could remain anonymous, which enabled him to serve personal
interests, even if it prejudiced the client. It also left him open to allegations of malpractice. Thus for example
Aeschines accused Demosthenes of unethically disclosing his clients' arguments to their opponents; in particular, that
he wrote a speech for Phormion (350 BC), a wealthy banker, and then communicated it to Apollodorus, who was
bringing a capital charge against Phormion.
[40]
Plutarch much later supported this accusation, stating that
Demosthenes
355
Demosthenes "was thought to have acted dishonorably"
[41]
and he also accused Demosthenes of writing speeches for
both sides. It has often been argued that the deception, if there was one, involved a political quid pro quo, whereby
Apollodorus secretly pledged support for unpopular reforms that Demosthenes was pursuing in the greater, public
interest
[42]
(i.e. the diversion of Theoric Funds to military purposes).
Early political activity
See also: On the Navy, For the Megalopolitans and On the Liberty of the Rhodians
Demosthenes was admitted to his deme as a citizen with full rights probably in 366BC, and he soon demonstrated an
interest in politics. In 363 and 359BC, he assumed the office of the trierarch, being responsible for the outfitting and
maintenance of a trireme.
[43]
He was among the first ever volunteer trierarchs in 357BC, sharing the expenses of a
ship called Dawn, for which the public inscription still survives.
[44]
In 348BC, he became a choregos, paying the
expenses of a theatrical production.
[45]
"While the vessel is safe, whether it be a large or a small one, then is the time for sailor and helmsman and everyone in his turn to show his
zeal and to take care that it is not capsized by anyone's malice or inadvertence; but when the sea has overwhelmed it, zeal is useless."
Demosthenes (Third Philippic, 69)The orator warned his countrymen of the disasters Athens would suffer, if they continued to remain
idle and indifferent to the challenges of their times.
Between 355351BC, Demosthenes continued practicing law privately while he was becoming increasingly
interested in public affairs. During this period, he wrote Against Androtion and Against Leptines, two fierce attacks
on individuals who attempted to repeal certain tax exemptions.
[46]
In Against Timocrates and Against Aristocrates,
he advocated eliminating corruption.
[47]
All these speeches, which offer early glimpses of his general principles on
foreign policy, such as the importance of the navy, of alliances and of national honor,
[48]
are prosecutions (graph
paran-mn) against individuals accused of illegally proposing legislative texts.
[49]
In Demosthenes's time, different political goals developed around personalities. Instead of electioneering, Athenian
politicians used litigation and defamation to remove rivals from government processes. Often they indicted each
other for breaches of the statute laws (graph paran-mn), but accusations of bribery and corruption were ubiquitous
in all cases, being part of the political dialogue. The orators often resorted to "character assassination" (diabol,
loidoria) tactics, both in the courts and in the Assembly. The rancorous and often hilariously exaggerated
accusations, satirized by Old Comedy, were sustained by innuendo, inferences about motives, and a complete
absence of proof; as J.H. Vince states "there was no room for chivalry in Athenian political life".
[50]
Such rivalry
enabled the "demos" or citizen-body to reign supreme as judge, jury and executioner.
[51]
Demosthenes was to
become fully engaged in this kind of litigation and he was also to be instrumental in developing the power of the
Areopagus to indict individuals for treason, invoked in the ecclesia by a process called "".
[52]
In 354BC, Demosthenes delivered his first political oration, On the Navy, in which he espoused moderation and
proposed the reform of "symmories" (boards) as a source of funding for the Athenian fleet.
[53]
In 352BC, he
delivered For the Megalopolitans and, in 351BC, On the Liberty of the Rhodians. In both speeches he opposed
Eubulus, the most powerful Athenian statesman of the period 355 to 342BC. The latter was no pacifist but came to
eschew a policy of aggressive interventionism in the internal affairs of the other Greek cities.
[54]
Contrary to
Eubulus's policy, Demosthenes called for an alliance with Megalopolis against Sparta or Thebes, and for supporting
the democratic faction of the Rhodians in their internal strife.
[55]
His arguments revealed his desire to articulate
Athens's needs and interests through a more activist foreign policy, wherever opportunity might provide.
[56]
Although his early orations were unsuccessful and reveal a lack of real conviction and of coherent strategic and
political prioritization,
[57]
Demosthenes established himself as an important political personality and broke with
Eubulus's faction, a prominent member of which was Aeschines.
[58]
He thus laid the foundations for his future
political successes and for becoming the leader of his own "party" (the issue of whether the modern concept of
political parties can be applied in the Athenian democracy is hotly disputed among modern scholars
[59]
).
Demosthenes
356
Confrontation with Philip II
First Philippic and the Olynthiacs (351349BC)
For more details on this topic, see First Philippic and Olynthiacs
Philip II of Macedon: victory medal (niketerion)
struck in Tarsus, c.2ndBC (Cabinet des
Mdailles, Paris).
Most of Demosthenes's major orations were directed against the
growing power of King Philip II of Macedon. Since 357BC, when
Philip seized Amphipolis and Pydna, Athens had been formally at war
with the Macedonians.
[60]
In 352BC, Demosthenes characterized
Philip as the very worst enemy of his city; his speech presaged the
fierce attacks that Demosthenes would launch against the Macedonian
king over the ensuing years.
[61]
A year later he criticized those
dismissing Philip as a person of no account and warned that he was as
dangerous as the King of Persia.
[62]
In 352BC, Athenian troops successfully opposed Philip at
Thermopylae,
[63]
but the Macedonian victory over the Phocians at the
Battle of Crocus Field shook Demosthenes. In 351BC, Demosthenes
felt strong enough to express his view concerning the most important
foreign policy issue facing Athens at that time: the stance his city
should take towards Philip. According to Jacqueline de Romilly, a French philologist and member of the Acadmie
franaise, the threat of Philip would give Demosthenes's stances a focus and a raison d'tre (reason for existence).
Demosthenes saw the King of Macedon as a menace to the autonomy of all Greek cities and yet he presented him as
a monster of Athens's own creation; in the First Philippic he reprimanded his fellow citizens as follows: "Even if
something happens to him, you will soon raise up a second Philip [...]".
[64]
The theme of the First Philippic (351350BC) was preparedness and the reform of the theoric fund,
[f]
a mainstay of
Eubulus's policy. In his rousing call for resistance, Demosthenes asked his countrymen to take the necessary action
and asserted that "for a free people there can be no greater compulsion than shame for their position".
[65]
He thus
provided for the first time a plan and specific recommendations for the strategy to be adopted against Philip in the
north.
[66]
Among other things, the plan called for the creation of a rapid-response force, to be created cheaply with
each hoplite to be paid only ten drachmas (two Obols per day), which was less than the average pay for unskilled
labourers in Athens implying that the hoplite was expected to make up the deficiency in pay by looting.
[67]
"We need money, for sure, Athenians, and without money nothing can be done that ought to be done."
Demosthenes (First Olynthiac, 20)The orator took great pains to convince his countrymen that the reform of the theoric fund was
necessary to finance the city's military preparations.
From this moment until 341BC, all of Demosthenes's speeches referred to the same issue, the struggle against
Philip. In 349BC, Philip attacked Olynthus, an ally of Athens. In the three Olynthiacs, Demosthenes criticized his
compatriots for being idle and urged Athens to help Olynthus.
[68]
He also insulted Philip by calling him a
"barbarian".
[g]
Despite Demosthenes's strong advocacy, the Athenians would not manage to prevent the falling of the
city to the Macedonians. Almost simultaneously, probably on Eubulus's recommendation, they engaged in a war in
Euboea against Philip, which ended in stalemate.
[69]
Demosthenes
357
Case of Meidias (348BC)
For more details on this topic, see Against Meidias.
In 348BC a peculiar event occurred: Meidias, a wealthy Athenian, publicly slapped Demosthenes, who was at the
time a choregos at the Greater Dionysia, a large religious festival in honour of the god Dionysus. Meidias was a
friend of Eubulus and supporter of the unsuccessful excursion in Euboea.
[70]
He also was an old enemy of
Demosthenes; in 361BC he had broken violently into his house, with his brother Thrasylochus, to take possession of
it.
[71]
"Just think. The instant this court rises, each of you will walk home, one quicker, another more leisurely, not anxious, not glancing behind
him, not fearing whether he is going to run up against a friend or an enemy, a big man or a little one, a strong man or a weak one, or
anything of that sort. And why? Because in his heart he knows, and is confident, and has learned to trust the State, that no one shall seize or
insult or strike him."
Demosthenes (Against Meidias, 221)The orator asked the Athenians to defend their legal system, by making an example of the defendant
for the instruction of others.
[72]
Demosthenes decided to prosecute his wealthy opponent and wrote the judicial oration Against Meidias. This speech
gives valuable information about Athenian law at the time and especially about the Greek concept of hybris
(aggravated assault), which was regarded as a crime not only against the city but against society as a whole.
[73]
He
stated that a democratic state perishes if the rule of law is undermined by wealthy and unscrupulous men, and that
the citizens acquire power and authority in all state affairs due "to the strength of the laws".
[71]
There is no consensus
among scholars either on whether Demosthenes finally delivered Against Meidias either on the veracity of
Aeschines's accusation that Demosthenes was bribed to drop the charges.
[h]
Peace of Philocrates (347345BC)
For more details on this topic, see Peace of Philocrates.
In 348BC, Philip conquered Olynthus and razed it to the ground; then conquered the entire Chalcidice and all the
states of the Chalcidic federation that Olynthus had once led.
[74]
After these Macedonian victories, Athens sued for
peace with Macedon. Demosthenes was among those who favored compromise. In 347BC, an Athenian delegation,
comprising Demosthenes, Aeschines and Philocrates, was officially sent to Pella to negotiate a peace treaty. In his
first encounter with Philip, Demosthenes is said to have collapsed from fright.
[75]
The ecclesia officially accepted Philip's harsh terms, including the renouncement of their claim to Amphipolis.
However, when an Athenian delegation arrived at Pella to put Phillip under oath, which was required to conclude the
treaty, he was campaigning abroad.
[76]
He expected that he would hold safely any Athenian possessions which he
might seize before the ratification.
[77]
Being very anxious about the delay, Demosthenes insisted that the embassy
should travel to the place where they would find Philip and swear him in without delay. Despite his suggestions, the
Athenian envoys, including himself and Aeschines, remained in Pella, until Philip successfully concluded his
campaign in Thrace.
[78]
Philip swore to the treaty, but he delayed the departure of the Athenian envoys, who had yet to receive the oaths
from Macedon's allies in Thessaly and elsewhere. Finally, peace was sworn at Pherae, where Philip accompanied the
Athenian delegation, after he had completed his military preparations to move south. Demosthenes accused the other
envoys of venality and of facilitating Philip's plans with their stance.
[79]
Just after the conclusion of the Peace of
Philocrates, Philip passed Thermopylae, and subdued Phocis; Athens made no move to support the Phocians.
[80]
Supported by Thebes and Thessaly, Macedon took control of Phocis's votes in the Amphictyonic League, a Greek
religious organization formed to support the greater temples of Apollo and Demeter.
[81]
Despite some reluctance on
the part of the Athenian leaders, Athens finally accepted Philip's entry into the Council of the League.
[82]
Demosthenes was among those who adopted a pragmatic approach, and recommended this stance in his oration On
the Peace. For Edmund M. Burke, this speech landmarks a moment of maturation in Demosthenes's career: after
Demosthenes
358
Philip's successful campaign in 346BC, the Athenian statesman realized that, if he was to lead his city against the
Macedonians, he had "to adjust his voice, to become less partisan in tone".
[83]
Second and Third Philippics (344341BC)
Satellite image of the Thracian Chersonese and
the surrounding area. The Chersonese became the
focus of a bitter territorial dispute between
Athens and Macedon. It was eventually ceded to
Philip in 338BC.
For more details on this topic, see Second Philippic, On the
Chersonese, Third Philippic
In 344BC Demosthenes travelled to the Peloponnese, in order to
detach as many cities as possible from Macedon's influence, but his
efforts were generally unsuccessful.
[84]
Most of the Peloponnesians
saw Philip as the guarantor of their freedom and sent a joint embassy to
Athens to express their grievances against Demosthenes's activities.
[85]
In response, Demosthenes delivered the Second Philippic, a vehement
attack against Philip. In 343BC Demosthenes delivered On the False
Embassy against Aeschines, who was facing a charge of high treason.
Nonetheless, Aeschines was acquitted by the narrow margin of thirty
votes by a jury which may have numbered as many as 1,501.
[86]
In 343BC, Macedonian forces were conducting campaigns in Epirus and, in 342BC, Philip campaigned in
Thrace.
[87]
He also negotiated with the Athenians an amendment to the Peace of Philocrates.
[88]
When the
Macedonian army approached Chersonese (now known as the Gallipoli Peninsula), an Athenian general named
Diopeithes ravaged the maritime district of Thrace, thereby inciting Philip's rage. Because of this turbulence, the
Athenian Assembly convened. Demosthenes delivered On the Chersonese and convinced the Athenians not to recall
Diopeithes. Also in 342BC, he delivered the Third Philippic, which is considered to be the best of his political
orations.
[89]
Using all the power of his eloquence, he demanded resolute action against Philip and called for a burst
of energy from the Athenian people. He told them that it would be "better to die a thousand times than pay court to
Philip".
[90]
Demosthenes now dominated Athenian politics and was able to considerably weaken the
pro-Macedonian faction of Aeschines.
Battle of Chaeronea (338BC)
For more details on this topic, see Battle of Chaeronea (338 BC).
The battle of Chaeronea took place the autumn of
338BC and resulted in a significant victory for
Philip, who established Macedon's supremacy
over the Greek cities.
In 341BC Demosthenes was sent to Byzantium, where he sought to
renew its alliance with Athens. Thanks to Demosthenes's diplomatic
manoeuvres, Abydos also entered into an alliance with Athens. These
developments worried Philip and increased his anger at Demosthenes.
The Assembly, however, laid aside Philip's grievances against
Demosthenes's conduct and denounced the peace treaty; so doing, in
effect, amounted to an official declaration of war. In 339BC Philip
made his last and most effective bid to conquer southern Greece,
assisted by Aeschines's stance in the Amphictyonic Council. During a
meeting of the Council, Philip accused the Amfissian Locrians of
intruding on consecrated ground. The presiding officer of the Council,
a Thessalian named Cottyphus, proposed the convocation of an
Amphictyonic Congress to inflict a harsh punishment upon the Locrians. Aeschines agreed with this proposition and
maintained that the Athenians should participate in the Congress.
[91]
Demosthenes however reversed Aeschines's
initiatives and Athens finally abstained.
[92]
After the failure of a first military excursion against the Locrians, the
Demosthenes
359
summer session of the Amphictyonic Council gave command of the league's forces to Philip and asked him to lead a
second excursion. Philip decided to act at once; in the winter of 339338BC, he passed through Thermopylae,
entered Amfissa and defeated the Locrians. After this significant victory, Philip swiftly entered Phocis in 338BC.
He then turned south-east down the Cephissus valley, seized Elateia, and restored the fortifications of the city.
[93]
At the same time, Athens orchestrated the creation of an alliance with Euboea, Megara, Achaea, Corinth, Acarnania
and other states in the Peloponnese. However the most desirable ally for Athens was Thebes. To secure their
allegiance, Demosthenes was sent, by Athens, to the Boeotian city; Philip also sent a deputation, but Demosthenes
succeeded in securing Thebes's allegiance.
[94]
Demosthenes's oration before the Theban people is not extant and,
therefore, the arguments he used to convince the Thebans remain unknown. In any case, the alliance came at a price:
Thebes's control of Boeotia was recognized, Thebes was to command solely on land and jointly at sea, and Athens
was to pay two thirds of the campaign's cost.
[95]
While the Athenians and the Thebans were preparing themselves for war, Philip made a final attempt to appease his
enemies, proposing in vain a new peace treaty.
[96]
After a few trivial encounters between the two sides, which
resulted in minor Athenian victories, Philip drew the phalanx of the Athenian and Theban confederates into a plain
near Chaeronea, where he defeated them. Demosthenes fought as a mere hoplite.
[i]
Such was Philip's hatred for
Demosthenes that, according to Diodorus Siculus, the King after his victory sneered at the misfortunes of the
Athenian statesman. However, the Athenian orator and statesman Demades is said to have remarked: "O King, when
Fortune has cast you in the role of Agamemnon, are you not ashamed to act the part of Thersites? [an obscene soldier
of the Greek army during the Trojan War]" Stung by these words, Philip immediately altered his demeanour.
[97]
Last political initiatives and death
Confrontation with Alexander
Alexander Mosaic from Pompeii, from a
3rd-centuryBC original Greek painting, now lost.
In 336335BC, the King of Macedon crippled
any attempt of the Greek cities at resistance and
shattered Demosthenes's hopes for Athenian
independence.
After Chaeronea, Philip inflicted a harsh punishment upon Thebes, but
made peace with Athens on very lenient terms. Demosthenes
encouraged the fortification of Athens and was chosen by the ecclesia
to deliver the Funeral Oration.
[98]
In 337BC, Philip created the League
of Corinth, a confederation of Greek states under his leadership, and
returned to Pella.
[99]
In 336BC, Philip was assassinated at the wedding
of his daughter, Cleopatra of Macedon, to King Alexander of Epirus.
The Macedonian army swiftly proclaimed Alexander III of Macedon,
then twenty years old, as the new King of Macedon. Greek cities like
Athens and Thebes saw in this change of leadership an opportunity to
regain their full independence. Demosthenes celebrated Philip's
assassination and played a leading part in his city's uprising. According
to Aeschines, "it was but the seventh day after the death of his
daughter, and though the ceremonies of mourning were not yet
completed, he put a garland on his head and white raiment on his body, and there he stood making thank-offerings,
violating all decency." Demosthenes also sent envoys to Attalus, whom he considered to be an internal opponent of
Alexander.
[100]
Nonetheless, Alexander moved swiftly to Thebes, which submitted shortly after his appearance at its
gates. When the Athenians learned that Alexander had moved quickly to Boeotia, they panicked and begged the new
King of Macedon for mercy. Alexander admonished them but imposed no punishment.
In 335BC Alexander felt free to engage the Thracians and the Illyrians, but, while he was campaigning in the north,
Demosthenes spread a rumoreven producing a bloodstained messengerthat Alexander and all of his
expeditionary force had been slaughtered by the Triballians.
[101]
The Thebans and the Athenians rebelled once again,
financed by Darius III of Persia, and Demosthenes is said to have received about 300talents on behalf of Athens and
Demosthenes
360
to have faced accusations of embezzlement.
[j]
Alexander reacted immediately and razed Thebes to the ground. He
did not attack Athens, but demanded the exile of all anti-Macedonian politicians, Demosthenes first of all. According
to Plutarch, a special Athenian embassy led by Phocion, an opponent of the anti-Macedonian faction, was able to
persuade Alexander to relent.
[102]
Delivery of On the Crown
See also: On the Crown
"You stand revealed in your life and conduct, in your public performances and also in your public abstinences. A project approved by the
people is going forward. Aeschines is speechless. A regrettable incident is reported. Aeschines is in evidence. He reminds one of an old
sprain or fracture: the moment you are out of health it begins to be active."
Demosthenes (On the Crown, 198)In On the Crown Demosthenes fiercely assaulted and finally neutralized Aeschines, his formidable
political opponent.
Despite the unsuccessful ventures against Philip and Alexander, the Athenians still respected Demosthenes. In
336BC, the orator Ctesiphon proposed that Athens honor Demosthenes for his services to the city by presenting
him, according to custom, with a golden crown. This proposal became a political issue and, in 330BC, Aeschines
prosecuted Ctesiphon on charges of legal irregularities. In his most brilliant speech,
[103]
On the Crown, Demosthenes
effectively defended Ctesiphon and vehemently attacked those who would have preferred peace with Macedon. He
was unrepentant about his past actions and policies and insisted that, when in power, the constant aim of his policies
was the honor and the ascendancy of his country; and on every occasion and in all business he preserved his loyalty
to Athens.
[104]
He finally defeated Aeschines, although his enemy's objections to the crowning were arguably valid
from a legal point of view.
[105]
Case of Harpalus and death
For more details on this topic, see Harpalus.
The site of the temple of Poseidon, Kalaureia,
where Demosthenes committed suicide.
In 324BC Harpalus, to whom Alexander had entrusted huge treasures,
absconded and sought refuge in Athens.
[k]
The Assembly had initially
refused to accept him, following Demosthenes's advice, but finally
Harpalus entered Athens. He was imprisoned after a proposal of
Demosthenes and Phocion, despite the dissent of Hypereides, an
anti-Macedonian statesman and former ally of Demosthenes.
Additionally, the ecclesia decided to take control of Harpalus's money,
which was entrusted to a committee presided over by Demosthenes.
When the committee counted the treasure, they found they only had
half the money Harpalus had declared he possessed. Nevertheless, they
decided not to disclose the deficit. When Harpalus escaped, the
Areopagus conducted an inquiry and charged Demosthenes with mishandling twenty talents. During the trial,
Hypereides argued that Demosthenes did not disclose the huge deficit, because he was bribed by Harpalus.
Demosthenes was fined and imprisoned, but he soon escaped.
[106]
It remains unclear whether the accusations against
him were just or not.
[l]
In any case, the Athenians soon repealed the sentence.
[107]
"For a house, I take it, or a ship or anything of that sort must have its chief strength in its substructure; and so too in affairs of state the
principles and the foundations must be truth and justice."
Demosthenes (Second Olynthiac, 10)The orator faced serious accusations more than once, but he never admitted to any improper actions
and insisted that it is impossible "to gain permanent power by injustice, perjury, and falsehood".
After Alexander's death in 323BC, Demosthenes again urged the Athenians to seek independence from Macedon in
what became known as the Lamian War. However, Antipater, Alexander's successor, quelled all opposition and
Demosthenes
361
demanded that the Athenians turn over Demosthenes and Hypereides, among others. Following his request, the
ecclesia adopted a decree condemning the most prominent anti-Macedonian agitators to death. Demosthenes escaped
to a sanctuary on the island of Kalaureia (modern-day Poros), where he was later discovered by Archias, a confidant
of Antipater. He committed suicide before his capture by taking poison out of a reed, pretending he wanted to write a
letter to his family.
[108]
When Demosthenes felt that the poison was working on his body, he said to Archias: "Now,
as soon as you please you may commence the part of Creon in the tragedy, and cast out this body of mine unburied.
But, O gracious Neptune, I, for my part, while I am yet alive, arise up and depart out of this sacred place; though
Antipater and the Macedonians have not left so much as the temple unpolluted." After saying these words, he passed
by the altar, fell down and died. Years after Demosthenes's suicide, the Athenians erected a statue to honor him and
decreed that the state should provide meals to his descendants in the Prytaneum.
[109]
Assessments
Political career
Plutarch lauds Demosthenes for not being of a fickle disposition. Rebutting historian Theopompus, the biographer
insists that for "the same party and post in politics which he held from the beginning, to these he kept constant to the
end; and was so far from leaving them while he lived, that he chose rather to forsake his life than his purpose".
[110]
On the other hand, Polybius, a Greek historian of the Mediterranean world, was highly critical of Demosthenes's
policies. Polybius accused him of having launched unjustified verbal attacks on great men of other cities, branding
them unjustly as traitors to the Greeks. The historian maintains that Demosthenes measured everything by the
interests of his own city, imagining that all the Greeks ought to have their eyes fixed upon Athens. According to
Polybius, the only thing the Athenians eventually got by their opposition to Philip was the defeat at Chaeronea. "And
had it not been for the king's magnanimity and regard for his own reputation, their misfortunes would have gone
even further, thanks to the policy of Demosthenes".
[111]
"Two characteristics, men of Athens, a citizen of a respectable character...must be able to show: when he enjoys authority, he must
maintain to the end the policy whose aims are noble action and the pre-eminence of his country: and at all times and in every phase of
fortune he must remain loyal. For this depends upon his own nature; while his power and his influence are determined by external causes.
And in me, you will find, this loyalty has persisted unalloyed...For from the very first, I chose the straight and honest path in public life: I
chose to foster the honour, the supremacy, the good name of my country, to seek to enhance them, and to stand or fall with them."
Demosthenes (On the Crown, 32122)Faced with the practical defeat of his policies, Demosthenes assessed them by the ideals they
embodied rather than by their utility.
Paparrigopoulos extols Demosthenes's patriotism, but criticizes him as being short-sighted. According to this
critique, Demosthenes should have understood that the ancient Greek states could only survive unified under the
leadership of Macedon.
[112]
Therefore, Demosthenes is accused of misjudging events, opponents and opportunities
and of being unable to foresee Philip's inevitable triumph.
[113]
He is criticized for having overrated Athens's capacity
to revive and challenge Macedon. His city had lost most of its Aegean allies, whereas Philip had consolidated his
hold over Macedonia and was master of enormous mineral wealth. Chris Carey, a professor of Greek in UCL,
concludes that Demosthenes was a better orator and political operator than strategist. Nevertheless, the same scholar
underscores that "pragmatists" like Aeschines or Phocion had no inspiring vision to rival that of Demosthenes. The
orator asked the Athenians to choose that which is just and honorable, before their own safety and preservation. The
people preferred Demosthenes's activism and even the bitter defeat at Chaeronea was regarded as a price worth
paying in the attempt to retain freedom and influence. According to Professor of Greek Arthur Wallace Pickarde,
success may be a poor criterion for judging the actions of people like Demosthenes, who were motivated by the ideal
of political liberty.
[114]
Athens was asked by Philip to sacrifice its freedom and its democracy, while Demosthenes
longed for the city's brilliance.
[]
He endeavored to revive its imperilled values and, thus, he became an "educator of
the people" (in the words of Werner Jaeger).
[115]
Demosthenes
362
The fact that Demosthenes fought at the battle of Chaeronea as a hoplite indicates that he lacked any military skills.
According to historian Thomas Babington Macaulay, in his time the division between political and military offices
was beginning to be strongly marked.
[116]
Almost no politician, with the exception of Phocion, was at the same time
an apt orator and a competent general. Demosthenes dealt in policies and ideas, and war was not his business. This
contrast between Demosthenes's intellectual prowess and his deficiencies in terms of vigor, stamina, military skill
and strategic vision is illustrated by the inscription his countrymen engraved on the base of his statue:
[117]
Had you for Greece been strong, as wise you were, The Macedonian would not have conquered her.
Oratorical skill
Herma of Demosthenes: the head is a
copy of the bronze posthumous
commemorative statue in the Ancient
Agora of Athens by Polyeuctus
(ca.280BC); this herm was found in the
Circus of Maxentius in 1825 (Glyptothek,
Munich).
In Demosthenes's initial judicial orations, the influence of both Lysias and
Isaeus is obvious, but his marked, original style is already revealed.
[24]
Most
of his extant speeches for private caseswritten early in his careershow
glimpses of talent: a powerful intellectual drive, masterly selection (and
omission) of facts, and a confident assertion of the justice of his case, all
ensuring the dominance of his viewpoint over his rival. However, at this early
stage of his career, his writing was not yet remarkable for its subtlety, verbal
precision and variety of effects.
[118]
According to Dionysius of Halicarnassus, a Greek historian and teacher of
rhetoric, Demosthenes represented the final stage in the development of Attic
prose. Both Dionysius and Cicero assert that Demosthenes brought together
the best features of the basic types of style; he used the middle or normal type
style ordinarily and applied the archaic type and the type of plain elegance
where they were fitting. In each one of the three types he was better than its
special masters.
[119]
He is, therefore, regarded as a consummate orator, adept
in the techniques of oratory, which are brought together in his work.
According to the classical scholar Harry Thurston Peck, Demosthenes
"affects no learning; he aims at no elegance; he seeks no glaring ornaments;
he rarely touches the heart with a soft or melting appeal, and when he does, it
is only with an effect in which a third-rate speaker would have surpassed
him. He had no wit, no humour, no vivacity, in our acceptance of these terms.
The secret of his power is simple, for it lies essentially in the fact that his
political principles were interwoven with his very spirit."
[120]
In this
judgement, Peck agrees with Jaeger, who said that the imminent political
decision imbued the Demosthenes's speech with a fascinating artistic
power.
[121]
From his part, George A. Kennedy believes that his political
speeches in the ecclesia were to become "the artistic exposition of reasoned
views".
[122]
Demosthenes was apt at combining abruptness with the extended period, brevity with breadth. Hence, his style
harmonizes with his fervent commitment. His language is simple and natural, never far-fetched or artificial.
According to Jebb, Demosthenes was a true artist who could make his art obey him. For his part, Aeschines
stigmatized his intensity, attributing to his rival strings of absurd and incoherent images.
[123]
Dionysius stated that
Demosthenes's only shortcoming is the lack of humor, although Quintilian regards this deficiency as a virtue.
[124]
In
a now lost letter of his, Cicero, though an admirer of the Athenian orator, he claimed that occasionally Demosthenes
Demosthenes
363
"nods", and elsewhere Cicero also argued that, although he is pre-eminent, Demosthenes sometimes fails to satisfy
his ears.
[125]
The main criticism of Demosthenes's art, however, seems to have rested chiefly on his known
reluctance to speak extempore;
[126]
he often declined to comment on subjects he had not studied beforehand.
However, he gave the most elaborate preparation to all his speeches and, therefore, his arguments were the products
of careful study. He was also famous for his caustic wit.
[127]
Besides his style, Cicero also admired other aspects of Demosthenes's works, such as the good prose rhythm, and the
way he structured and arranged the material in his orations.
[128]
According to the Roman statesman, Demosthenes
regarded "delivery" (gestures, voice etc.) as more important than style.
[129]
Although he lacked Aeschines's charming
voice and Demades's skill at improvisation, he made efficient use of his body to accentuate his words.
[130]
Thus he
managed to project his ideas and arguments much more forcefully. However, the use of physical gestures wasn't an
integral or developed part of rhetorical training in his day.
[131]
Moreover, his delivery was not accepted by
everybody in antiquity: Demetrius Phalereus and the comedians ridiculed Demosthenes's "theatricality", whilst
Aeschines regarded Leodamas of Acharnae as superior to him.
[132]
Rhetorical legacy
Phryne Going to the Public Baths as Venus and
Demosthenes Taunted by Aeschines by J. M. W.
Turner (1838)
Demosthenes's fame has continued down the ages. Authors and
scholars who flourished at Rome, such as Longinus and Caecilius,
regarded his oratory as sublime.
[133]
Juvenal acclaimed him as "largus
et exundans ingenii fons" (a large and overflowing fountain of
genius),
[134]
and he inspired Cicero's speeches against Mark Antony,
also called the Philippics. According to Professor of Classics Cecil
Wooten, Cicero ended his career by trying to imitate Demosthenes's
political role.
[135]
Plutarch drew attention in his Life of Demosthenes to
the strong similarities between the personalities and careers of
Demosthenes and Marcus Tullius Cicero:
[136]
The divine power seems originally to have designed Demosthenes and Cicero upon the same plan, giving them many similarities in their
natural characters, as their passion for distinction and their love of liberty in civil life, and their want of courage in dangers and war, and at the
same time also to have added many accidental resemblances. I think there can hardly be found two other orators, who, from small and obscure
beginnings, became so great and mighty; who both contested with kings and tyrants; both lost their daughters, were driven out of their country,
and returned with honor; who, flying from thence again, were both seized upon by their enemies, and at last ended their lives with the liberty
of their countrymen.
During the Middle Ages and Renaissance, Demosthenes had a reputation for eloquence.
[137]
He was read more than
any other ancient orator; only Cicero offered any real competition.
[138]
French author and lawyer Guillaume du Vair
praised his speeches for their artful arrangement and elegant style; John Jewel, Bishop of Salisbury, and Jacques
Amyot, a French Renaissance writer and translator, regarded Demosthenes as a great or even the "supreme"
orator.
[139]
For Thomas Wilson, who first published translation of his speeches into English, Demosthenes was not
only an eloquent orator, but, mainly, an authoritative statesman, "a source of wisdom".
[140]
In modern history, orators such as Henry Clay would mimic Demosthenes's technique. His ideas and principles
survived, influencing prominent politicians and movements of our times. Hence, he constituted a source of
Demosthenes
364
inspiration for the authors of the Federalist Papers (series of 85 articles arguing for the ratification of the United
States Constitution) and for the major orators of the French Revolution.
[141]
French Prime Minister Georges
Clemenceau was among those who idealized Demosthenes and wrote a book about him.
[142]
For his part, Friedrich
Nietzsche often composed his sentences according to the paradigms of Demosthenes, whose style he admired.
[143]
Works and transmission
For more details on this topic, see Works of Demosthenes.
The "publication" and distribution of prose texts was common practice in Athens by the latter half of the fourth
centuryBC and Demosthenes was among the Athenian politicians who set the trend, publishing many or even all of
his orations.
[144]
After his death, texts of his speeches survived in Athens (possibly forming part of the library of
Cicero's friend, Atticus, though their fate is otherwise unknown), and in the Library of Alexandria. However, the
speeches that Demosthenes "published" might have differed from the original speeches that were actually delivered
(there are indications that he rewrote them with readers in mind) and therefore it is possible also that he "published"
different versions of any one speech, differences that could have impacted on the Alexandrian edition of his works
and thus on all subsequent editions down to the present day.
[145]
The Alexandrian texts were incorporated into the body of classical Greek literature that was preserved, catalogued
and studied by scholars of the Hellenistic period. From then until the fourth centuryAD, copies of his orations
multiplied and they were in a relatively good position to survive the tense period from the sixth until the ninth
centuryAD.
[146]
In the end, sixty-one orations attributed to Demosthenes's survived till the present day (some
however are pseudonymous). Friedrich Blass, a German classical scholar, believes that nine more speeches were
recorded by the orator, but they are not extant.
[147]
Modern editions of these speeches are based on four manuscripts
of the tenth and eleventh centuriesAD.
[148]
Some of the speeches that comprise the "Demosthenic corpus" are known to have been written by other authors,
though scholars differ over which speeches these are.
[m]
Irrespective of their status, the speeches attributed to
Demosthenes are often grouped in three genres first defined by Aristotle:
[149]
Symbouleutic or political, considering the expediency of future actionssixteen such speeches are included in the
Demosthenic corpus;
[m]
Dicanic or judicial, assessing the justice of past actionsonly about ten of these are cases in which Demosthenes
was personally involved, the rest were written for other speakers;
[150]
Epideictic or sophistic display, attributing praise or blame, often delivered at public ceremoniesonly two
speeches have been included in the Demosthenic corpus, one a funeral speech that has been dismissed as a "rather
poor" example of his work, and the other probably spurious.
[151]
In addition to the speeches, there are fifty-six prologues (openings of speeches). They were collected for the Library
of Alexandria by Callimachus, who believed them genuine.
[152]
Modern scholars are divided: some reject them,
while others, such as Blass, believe they are authentic.
[153]
Finally, six letters also survive under Demosthenes's
name and their authorship too is hotly debated.
[n]
Demosthenes
365
In popular culture
In the historical novel Fire From Heaven by Mary Renault, Demosthenes is depicted as the chief villain
In the Ender's Game book series by Orson Scott Card, Demosthenes was used as an online pseudonym by
Valentine Wiggin
Notes
a.
^
According to Edward Cohen, professor of Classics at the University of Pennsylvania, Cleoboule was the
daughter of a Scythian woman and of an Athenian father, Gylon, although other scholars insist on the genealogical
purity of Demosthenes.
[154]
There is an agreement among scholars that Cleoboule was a Crimean and not an
Athenian citizen.
[155]
Gylon had suffered banishment at the end of the Peloponnesian War for allegedly betraying
Nymphaeum in Crimaea.
[156]
According to Aeschines, Gylon received as a gift from the Bosporan rulers a place
called "the Gardens" in the colony of Kepoi in present-day Russia (located within two miles (3km) from
Phanagoria). Nevertheless, the accuracy of these allegations is disputed, since more than seventy years had elapsed
between Gylon's possible treachery and Aeschines speech, and, therefore, the orator could be confident that his
audience would have no direct knowledge of events at Nymphaeum.
[157]
b.
^
According to Tsatsos, the trials against the guardians lasted until Demosthenes was twenty four.
[158]
Nietzsche
reduces the time of the judicial disputes to five years.
[159]
c.
^
According to the tenth century encyclopedia Suda, Demosthenes studied with Eubulides and Plato.
[160]
Cicero
and Quintilian argue that Demosthenes was Plato's disciple.
[161]
Tsatsos and the philologist Henri Weil believe that
there is no indication that Demosthenes was a pupil of Plato or Isocrates.
[162]
As far as Isaeus is concerned,
according to Jebb "the school of Isaeus is nowhere else mentioned, nor is the name of any other pupil recorded".
Peck believes that Demosthenes continued to study under Isaeus for the space of four years after he had reached his
majority.
d.
^
"Batalus" or "Batalos" meant "stammerer" in ancient Greek, but it was also the name of a flute-player (in
ridicule of whom Antiphanes wrote a play) and of a song-writer.
[163]
The word "batalus" was also used by the
Athenians to describe the anus.
[164]
In fact the word actually defining his speech defect was "Battalos", signifying
someone with rhotacism, but it was crudely misrepresented as "Batalos" by the enemies of Demosthenes and by
Plutarch's time the original word had already lost currency.
[165]
Another nickname of Demosthenes was "Argas."
According to Plutarch, this name was given him either for his savage and spiteful behavior or for his disagreeable
way of speaking. "Argas" was a poetical word for a snake, but also the name of a poet.
[166]
e.
^
Both Tsatsos and Weil maintain that Demosthenes never abandoned the profession of the logographer, but, after
delivering his first political orations, he wanted to be regarded as a statesman. According to James J. Murphy,
Professor emeritus of Rhetoric and Communication at the University of California, Davis, his lifelong career as a
logographer continued even during his most intense involvement in the political struggle against Philip.
[167]
f.
^
"Theorika" were allowances paid by the state to poor Athenians to enable them to watch dramatic festivals.
According to Libanius, Eubulus passed a law making it difficult to divert public funds, including "theorika," for
minor military operations. E.M. Burke argues that, if this was indeed a law of Eubulus, it would have served "as a
means to check a too-aggressive and expensive interventionism [...] allowing for the controlled expenditures on other
items, including construction for defense". Thus Burke believes that in the Eubulan period, the Theoric Fund was
used not only as allowances for public entertainment but also for a variety of projects, including public works.
[168]
As Burke also points out, in his later and more "mature" political career, Demosthenes no longer criticized
"theorika"; in fact, in his Fourth Philippic (341340BC), he defended theoric spending.
[169]
g.
^
In the Third Olynthiac and in the Third Philippic, Demosthenes characterized Philip as a "barbarian", one of the
various abusive terms applied by the orator to the King of Macedon.
[170]
According to Konstantinos Tsatsos and
Douglas M. MacDowell, Demosthenes regarded as Greeks only those who had reached the cultural standards of
Demosthenes
366
south Greece and he did not take into consideration ethnological criteria.
[171]
His contempt for Philip is forcefully
expressed in the Third Philippic 31 in these terms: "...he is not only no Greek, nor related to the Greeks, but not even
a barbarian from any place that can be named with honour, but a pestilent knave from Macedonia, whence it was
never yet possible to buy a decent slave." The wording is even more telling in Greek, ending with an accumulation of
plosive pi sounds: ,
, ,
.
[172]
h.
^
Aeschines maintained that Demosthenes was bribed to drop his charges against Meidias in return for a payment
of thirty mnai. Plutarch argued the Demosthenes accepted the bribe out of fear of Meidias's power.
[173]
Philipp
August Bckh also accepted Aeschines's account for an out-of-court settlement, and concluded that the speech was
never delivered. Bckh's position was soon endorsed by Arnold Schaefer and Blass. Weil agreed that Demosthenes
never delivered Against Meidias, but believed that he dropped the charges for political reasons. In 1956, Hartmut
Erbse partly challenged Bckh's conclusions, when he argued that Against Meidias was a finished speech that could
have been delivered in court, but Erbse then sided with George Grote, by accepting that, after Demosthenes secured
a judgment in his favor, he reached some kind of settlement with Meidias. Kenneth Dover also endorsed Aeschines's
account, and argued that, although the speech was never delivered in court, Demosthenes put into circulation an
attack on Meidias. Dover's arguments were refuted by Edward M. Harris, who concluded that, although we cannot be
sure about the outcome of the trial, the speech was delivered in court, and that Aeschines story was a lie.
[174]
i.
^
According to Plutarch, Demosthenes deserted his colors and "did nothing honorable, nor was his performance
answerable to his speeches".
[175]
j.
^
Aeschines reproached Demosthenes for being silent as to the seventy talents of the king's gold which he allegedly
seized and embezzled. Aeschines and Dinarchus also maintained that when the Arcadians offered their services for
ten talents, Demosthenes refused to furnish the money to the Thebans, who were conducting the negotiations, and so
the Arcadians sold out to the Macedonians.
[176]
k.
^
The exact chronology of Harpalus's entrance in Athens and of all the related events remains a debated topic
among modern scholars, who have proposed different, and sometimes conflicting, chronological schemes.
[177]
l.
^
According to Pausanias, Demosthenes himself and others had declared that the orator had taken no part of the
money that Harpalus brought from Asia. He also narrates the following story: Shortly after Harpalus ran away from
Athens, he was put to death by the servants who were attending him, though some assert that he was assassinated.
The steward of his money fled to Rhodes, and was arrested by a Macedonian officer, Philoxenus. Philoxenus
proceeded to examine the slave, "until he learned everything about such as had allowed themselves to accept a bribe
from Harpalus." He then sent a dispatch to Athens, in which he gave a list of the persons who had taken a bribe from
Harpalus. "Demosthenes, however, he never mentioned at all, although Alexander held him in bitter hatred, and he
himself had a private quarrel with him."
[178]
On the other hand, Plutarch believes that Harpalus sent Demosthenes a
cup with twenty talents and that "Demosthenes could not resist the temptation, but admitting the present, ... he
surrendered himself up to the interest of Harpalus."
[179]
Tsatsos defends Demosthenes's innocence, but Irkos
Apostolidis underlines the problematic character of the primary sources on this issueHypereides and Dinarchus
were at the time Demosthenes's political opponents and accusersand states that, despite the rich bibliography on
Harpalus's case, modern scholarship has not yet managed to reach a safe conclusion on whether Demosthenes was
bribed or not.
[180]
m.
^
Blass disputes the authorship of the following speeches: Fourth Philippic, Funeral Oration, Erotic Essay,
Against Stephanus 2 and Against Evergus and Mnesibulus,
[181]
while Schaefer recognizes as genuine only
twenty-nine orations.
[182]
Of Demosthenes's corpus political speeches, J.H. Vince singles out five as spurious: On
Halonnesus, Fourth Phillipic, Answer to Philip's Letter, On Organization and On the Treaty with Alexander.
[183]
n.
^
In this discussion the work of Jonathan A. Goldstein, Professor of History and Classics at the University of
Iowa, is regarded as paramount.
[184]
Goldstein regards Demosthenes's letters as authentic apologetic letters that were
Demosthenes
367
addressed to the Athenian Assembly.
[185]
References
[1] Longinus, On the Sublime, 12.4, 34.4
* D.C. Innes, 'Longinus and Caecilius", 277279
[2] Cicero, Brutus, 35 (http:/ / www.thelatinlibrary.com/ cicero/ brut. shtml#35), Orator, II. 6 (http:/ / www. thelatinlibrary. com/ cicero/ orator.
shtml#6); Quintillian, Institutiones, X, 1. 76 (http:/ / www. thelatinlibrary. com/ quintilian/ quintilian. institutio10. shtml#1)
* D.C. Innes, 'Longinus and Caecilius", 277
[3] H. Weil, Biography of Demosthenes, 56
[4] Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon, 171 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0002:speech=3:section=171)
[5] [5] E. Badian, "The Road to Prominence", 11
[7] O. Thomsen, The Looting of the Estate of the Elder Demosthenes, 61
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[17] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 11.1 (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0039:chapter=11:section=1)
[18] D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 3 (passim);
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[28] H. Weil, Biography of Demothenes, 1011
[32] H. Yunis, Demosthenes: On the Crown, 211, note 180
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* G. Kennedy, "Oratory", 51718
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[39] J Vince, Demosthenes Orations, Intro. xii
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[46] E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 177178
[47] E. Badian, "The Road to Prominence", 2930
[48] J. De Romilly, A Short History of Greek Literature, 116117
[49] D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 7 (pr.)
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[51] H. Yunis, Demosthenes: On The Crown, 9, 22
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[62] Demosthenes, For the Liberty of the Rhodians, 24
[63] Demosthenes, First Philippic, 17; On the False Embassy, 319
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[64] Demosthenes, First Philippic, 11
* G. Kennedy, "Oratory", 519520
[65] Demosthenes, First Philippic, 10
[67] First Philippic 28, cited by J. H. Vince, p. 84-5 notea.
[68] Demosthenes, First Olynthiac, 3; Demosthenes, Second Olynthiac, 3
* E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 185
[69] Demosthenes, On the Peace, 5
[70] Demosthenes, On the Peace, 5
* E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 174 (note 47)
[71] Demosthenes, Against Meidias, 7880 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
[72] J. De Romilly, Ancient Greece against Violence, 113117
[73] H. Yunis, The Rhetoric of Law in 4th Century Athens, 206
[74] Demosthenes, Third Philippic, 56
[75] Aeschines, The Speech on the Embassy, 34 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
* G. Cawkwell, Philip II of Macedon, 102103
[77] Demosthenes, On the Crown, 2527
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* G. Cawkwell, Philip II of Macedon, 102105; D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 12
[80] Demosthenes, On the Crown, 36; Demosthenes, On the Peace, 10
[82] Demosthenes, On the False Embassy, 111113
[84] Demosthenes, Second Philippic, 19
[85] T. Buckley, Aspects of Greek History 750-323 BC, 480
[86] Pseudo-Plutarch, Aeschines, 840c
* D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 12 (in fine)
[88] Demosthenes (or Hegesippus), On Halonnesus, 1823 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
[91] Demosthenes, On the Crown, 149, 150, 151
* C. Carey, Aeschines, 78
[92] C. Carey, Aeschines, 78, 11
* K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 283; H. Weil, Biography of Demosthenes, 4142
* K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 284285; H. Weil, Biography of Demosthenes, 4142
[95] P.J. Rhodes, A History of the Classical World, 317
* K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 284285
[97] Diodorus, Library, XVI, 87 (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0084:book=16:chapter=87:section=1)
[98] Demosthenes, On the Crown, 285, 299
[99] L.A. Tritle, The Greek World in the Fourth Century, 123
[100] P. Green, Alexander of Macedon, 119
[101] Demades, On the Twelve Years, 17 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0066:speech=1:section=17)
* J.R. Hamilton, Alexander the Great, 48
[102] Plutarch, Phocion, 17 (http:/ / www.perseus.tufts.edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0057:chapter=17:section=1)
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[105] A. Duncan, Performance and Identity in the Classical World, 70
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[108] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 29 (http:/ / www. perseus.tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0039:chapter=29:section=1)
[109] Pseudo-Plutarch, Demosthenes, 847d
[110] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 13. 1 (http:/ / www. perseus.tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0039:chapter=13:section=1)
[111] Polybius, Histories, 18, 14 (http:/ / www. perseus.tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0234:book=18:chapter=14)
[112] K. Paparregopoulus, Ab, 396398
[113] C. Carey, Aeschines, 1214
[114] A.W. Pickard, Demosthenes and the Last Days of Greek Freedom , 490
[115] J. De Romilly, A Short History of Greek Literature, 120122
[116] T.B. Macaulay, On Mitford's History of Greece, 136
[117] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 30
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[147] F. Blass, Die attische Beredsamkeit, III, 2, 60
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[152] I. Worthington, Oral Performance, 135
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[171] D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 13
[172] J.H. Vince, Demosthenes I, 242-43
[173] Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon, 52 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0002:speech=3:section=52);
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[174] E.M. Harris, "Demosthenes' Speech against Meidias", passim; H. Weil, Biography of Demosthenes, 28
[175] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 20; Pseudo-Plutarch, Demosthenes, 845f
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[177] I. Apostolidis, note 1219 in J.G. Droysen, History of Alexander the Great, 719720; J. Engels, Hypereides, 308313; I. Worthington,
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[178] Pausanias, Description of Greece, 2. 33 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
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[181] F. Blass, Die attische Beredsamkeit, III, 1, 404406 and 542546
[182] A. Schaefer, Demosthenes und seine Zeit, III, 111, 178, 247 and 257; H. Weil, Biography of Demosthenes, 6667
[183] J.H. Vince, Demosthenes Orations, 268, 317, 353, 463
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Braund, David (2003). "The Bosporan Kings and Classical Athens" (http:/ / www. pontos. dk/ publications/
books/ bss-1-files/ BSS1_16_Braund. pdf). In Bilde, Pia Guldager; Hjte, Jakob Munk; Stolba, Vladimir F. The
Cauldron of Ariantas. Aarhus University Press. ISBN87-7934-085-7.
Burke, Edmund M. (1998). "The Looting of the Estate of the Elder Pericles". Classica Et Mediaevalia V. 49
edited by Ole Thomsen. Museum Tusculanum Press. ISBN87-7289-535-7.
Burke, Edmund M. (October 2002). "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes: Elite Bias in the Response to
Economic Crisis". Classical Antiquity (University of California Press) 21 (2): 165193. JSTOR
10.1525/ca.2002.21.2.165 (http:/ / www. jstor. org/ stable/ 10. 1525/ ca. 2002. 21. 2. 165).
Carey, Chris (2000). Aeschines. University of Texas Press. ISBN0-292-71223-5.
Cawkwell, George (1978). Philip II of Macedon. Faber & Faber. ISBN0-571-10958-6.
Cohen, Edward (2002). "The Local Residents of Attica". The Athenian Nation. Princeton University Press.
ISBN0-691-09490-X.
Cox, Cheryl Anne (1998). "The Nonkinsman, the Oikos, and the Household". Household Interests: Property,
Marriage Strategies, and Family Dynamics in Ancient Athens. Princeton University Press. ISBN0-691-01572-4.
"Demosthenes". Encyclopaedic Dictionary The Helios (in Greek) 5. 1952.
Droysen, Johann Gustav (1999). Apostolidis, Renos; Apostolidis, Irkos; Apostolidis, Stantis, eds. History of
Alexander the Great (in Greek [translated by Renos Apostolidis]). Credit Bank (Trapeza Pisteos).
ISBN960-85313-5-7.
Dunkan, Anne (2006). Performance and Identity in the Classical World. Cambridge University Press.
ISBN0-521-85282-X.
Engels, Johannes (1989). Studien zur politischen Biographie des Hypereides (in German). Tuduv.
ISBN3-88073-295-7.
Gibson, Graig A. (2002). Interpreting a Classic. University of California Press. ISBN0-520-22956-8.
Goldstein, Jonathan A. (1968). The Letters of Demosthenes. Columbia University Press.
Green, Peter (1992). Alexander of Macedon, 356-323 B.C. University of California Press. ISBN0-520-07166-2.
Habinek, Thomas N. (2004). Ancient Rhetoric and Oratory. Blackwell Publishing. ISBN0-631-23515-9.
Hamilton, J.R. (1974). Alexander the Great. University of Pittsburgh Press. ISBN0-8229-6084-2.
Demosthenes
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Hansen, Mogens Herman (1999). The Athenian Democracy in the Age of Demosthenes. University of Oklahoma
State. ISBN0-8061-3143-8.
Harris, Edward M. (1989). "Demosthenes' Speech against Meidias". Harvard Studies in Classical Philology
(Department of the Classics, Harvard University) 92: 117136. JSTOR 311355 (http:/ / www. jstor. org/ stable/
311355).
Hawhee, Debra (2005). Bodily Arts: Rhetoric and Athletics in Ancient Greece. University of Texas Press.
ISBN0-292-70584-0.
Innes, D.C. (2002). "Longinus and Caecilius: Models of the Sublime". Mnemosyne, Fourth Series (BRILL) 55
(3): 259284. doi: 10.1163/156852502760185261 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1163/ 156852502760185261). JSTOR
Jaeger, Werner (1938). Demosthenes. Walter de Gruyter Company. ISBN3-11-002527-2.
Jebb, Sir Richard Claverhouse (1876). The Attic Orators from Antiphon to Isaeos. Macmillan and Co.
Kapparis, Konstantinos A. (1999). Apollodoros Against Neaira. Walter de Gruyter. ISBN3-11-016390-X.
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Cambridge University Press. doi: 10.1017/CHOL9780521210423 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1017/
CHOL9780521210423). ISBN0-521-21042-9.
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ISBN0-521-84233-6.
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MacDowell, Douglas M. (2009). Demosthenes the Orator (digital edition). Oxford University Press.
ISBN0-19-160873-4.
Marcu, Valeru (2005). Men and Forces of Our Time. Kessinger Publishing. ISBN1-4179-9529-7.
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Eleftheroudakis.
Peck, Harry Thurston (1898). Harper's Dictionary Of Classical Literature And Antiquities.
Phillips, David (2004). "Philip and Athens". Athenian Political Oratory: 16 Key Speeches. Routledge (UK).
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Pickard, A. W. (2003). Demosthenes and the Last Days of Greek Freedom 384 - 322 B.C. Gorgias Press LLC.
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Romilly de, Jacqueline (2001). Ancient Greece against Violence (translated in Greek). To Asty.
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Rebhorn, Wayne A. (1999). Renaissance Debates on Rhetoric. Cornell University Press. ISBN0-226-14312-0.
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Schaefer, Arnold (1885). Demosthenes und seine Zeit (in German). Third Volume. B. G. Teubner.
Slusser, G. (1999). "Ender's Game". Nursery Realms edited by G. Westfahl. University of Georgia Press.
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Thomsen, Ole (1998). "The Looting of the Estate of the Elder Demosthenes" (http:/ / books. google. com/
?id=2JB_rQpAv80C& pg=PA45& lpg=PA45& dq=Demosthenes,+ Thomsen). Classica et Mediaevalia Revue
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Trapp, Michael (2003). Greek and Latin Letters. Cambridge University Press. ISBN0-521-49943-7.
Tritle, Lawrence A. (1997). The Greek World in the Fourth Century. Routledge (UK). ISBN0-415-10583-8.
Tsatsos, Konstantinos (1975). Demosthenes. Estia (in Greek).
Usher, Stephen (1999). "Demosthenes Symboulos". Greek Oratory: Tradition and Originality. Oxford University
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Van Tongeren, Paul J. M. (1999). Reinterpreting Modern Culture: An Introduction to Friedrich Nietzsche's
Philosophy. Purdue University Press. ISBN1-55753-156-0.
Vince, J.H. (1930). "Preface". Demosthenes Orations Vol. 1. Loeb Classical Library.
Weil, Henri (1975). Biography of Demosthenes in "Demosthenes' Orations". Papyros (from the Greek
translation).
Whitehead, David (2000). Hypereides: the Forensic Speeches. Oxford University Press. ISBN0-19-815218-3.
Wooten, Cecil (OctoberNovember 1977). "Cicero's Reactions to Demosthenes: A Clarification". The Classical
Journal (The Classical Association of the Middle West and South) 73 (1): 3743. JSTOR 3296953 (http:/ / www.
jstor. org/ stable/ 3296953).
Worman, Nancy (Spring 2004). "Insult and Oral Excess in the Disputes between Aeschines and Demosthenes".
The American Journal of Philology (The Johns Hopkins University Press) 125 (1): 125. doi:
10.1353/ajp.2004.0011 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1353/ ajp. 2004. 0011). JSTOR 1562208 (http:/ / www. jstor.
org/ stable/ 1562208).
Worthington, Ian (2003). Alexander the Great: A Reader. Routledge. ISBN0-415-29187-9.
Worthington, Ian (2004). "Oral Performance in the Athenian Assembly and the Demosthenic Prooemia". Oral
Performance and its Context edited by C.J. MacKie. Brill Academic Publishers. ISBN90-04-13680-0.
Worthington, Ian (1986). "The Chronology of the Harpalus Affair" (http:/ / www. tandfonline. com/ doi/ abs/ 10.
1080/ 00397678608590798#preview). Symbolae Osloenses (Taylor & Francis) 61 (1): 6376. doi:
10.1080/00397678608590798 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1080/ 00397678608590798). Retrieved 2011-11-08.
Yunis, Harvey (2001). Demosthenes: On the Crown. Cambridge University Press. ISBN0-521-62930-6.
Yunis, Harvey (2005). "The Rhetoric of Law in Fourth-Century Athens". The Cambridge Companion to Ancient
Greek Law edited by Michael Gagarin, David Cohen. Cambridge University Press. ISBN0-521-81840-0.
Further reading
Adams, Charles Darwin (1927). Demosthenes and His Influence. New York: Longmans.
Brodribb, William Jackson (1877). Demosthenes. J.B. Lippincott & co.
Bryan, William Jennings (1906). The world's famous orations (Volume 1). New York: Funk and Wagnalls
Company.
Butcher, Samuel Henry (1888). Demosthenes. Macmillan & co.
Clemenceau, Georges (1926). Demosthne. Plon.
Easterling P. E., Knox Bernard M. W. (1985). The Cambridge History of Classical Literature. Cambridge
Kennedy, George A. (1963). Art of Persuasion in Greece. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University press.
Murphy, James J., ed. (1967). Demosthenes' "On the Crown": A Critical Case Study of a Masterpiece of Ancient
Oratory. New York: Random House.
Pearson, Lionel (1981). The art of Demosthenes. Chico, CA: Scholars press. ISBN0-89130-551-3.
Renault, Mary (1975). The nature of Alexander. Here and in her fiction, Renault portrays Demosthenes as corrupt,
cowardly and cruel.
Demosthenes
376
External links
Art of Speech (http:/ / library. thinkquest. org/ C001146/ curriculum. php3?action=item_view& item_id=22&
print_view=1)
Britannica, 11th Edition (http:/ / encyclopedia. jrank. org/ DEM_DIO/ DEMOSTHENES. html)
Britannica online (http:/ / www. britannica. com/ eb/ article-9029911)
Lendering, Jona (http:/ / www. livius. org/ de-dh/ demosthenes/ demosthenes. html)
Pickard A.W. (http:/ / www. third-millennium-library. com/ readinghall/ GalleryofHistory/ DEMOSTHENES/
DOOR. html)
His era
Beck, Sanderson: Philip, Demosthenes, and Alexander (http:/ / www. san. beck. org/ EC22-Alexander. html)
Blackwell, Christopher W.: The Assembly during Demosthenes' era (http:/ / www. stoa. org/ projects/ demos/
article_assembly?page=7& greekEncoding=UnicodeC/ )
Britannica online: Macedonian supremacy in Greece (http:/ / www. britannica. com/ eb/ article-261110/
ancient-Greek-civilization)
Smith, William: A Smaller History of Ancient Greece-Philip of Macedon (http:/ / www. ellopos. net/ elpenor/
greek-texts/ ancient-greece/ history-of-ancient-greece-19-philip. asp)
Miscellaneous
SORGLL: Demosthenes, On the Crown 199-208; read by Stephen Daitz (http:/ / www. rhapsodes. fll. vt. edu/
demosthenes. htm)
Libanius, Hypotheses to the Orations of Demosthenes (http:/ / www. stoa. org/ projects/ demos/
article_libanius?page=33& greekEncoding=Unicode)
Works by Demosthenes (http:/ / www. gutenberg. org/ author/ Demosthenes) at Project Gutenberg
Cicero
377
Cicero
For other uses, see Cicero (disambiguation).
Cicero
A mid-first century AD bust of Cicero in the Capitoline Museums, Rome
Born 3 January 106 BC
Arpinum, Roman Republic
(modern-day Arpino, Lazio, Italy)
Died 7 December 43 BC (aged 63)
Formia, Roman Republic
Occupation Politician, lawyer, orator, philosopher and poet
Nationality Ancient Roman
Subjects Politics, law, philosophy, rhetoric
Literary movement Golden Age Latin
Notable work(s) Orations: In Verrem, In Catilinam I-IV, Philippicae
Philosophy: De Oratore, De Re Publica, De Legibus, De Finibus, De Natura Deorum, De Officiis
Republic
Mark Antony
CleopatraVII
Pompey
Theatre of Pompey
Cicero
First Triumvirate
Roman Forum
Comitium
Cicero
378
Rostra
Curia Julia
Curia Hostilia
v
t
e
[1]
Marcus Tullius Cicero (/ssro/; Classical Latin:[marks tllis kkro]; AncientGreek: Kikern; 3
January 106 BC 7 December 43 BC; sometimes anglicized as Tully
[1]
/tli/), was a Roman philosopher,
politician, lawyer, orator, political theorist, consul and constitutionalist. He came from a wealthy municipal family of
the Roman equestrian order, and is widely considered one of Rome's greatest orators and prose stylists.
[2][3]
His influence on the Latin language was so immense that the subsequent history of prose in not only Latin but
European languages up to the 19th century was said to be either a reaction against or a return to his style. According
to Michael Grant, "the influence of Cicero upon the history of European literature and ideas greatly exceeds that of
any other prose writer in any language".
[4]
Cicero introduced the Romans to the chief schools of Greek philosophy
and created a Latin philosophical vocabulary (with neologisms such as humanitas, qualitas, quantitas, and
essentia)
[5]
distinguishing himself as a linguist, translator, and philosopher.
Petrarch's rediscovery of Cicero's letters is often credited for initiating the 14th-century Renaissance in public affairs,
humanism, and classical Roman culture. According to Polish historian Tadeusz Zieliski, "Renaissance was above
all things a revival of Cicero, and only after him and through him of the rest of Classical antiquity." The peak of
Cicero's authority and prestige came during the eighteenth-century Enlightenment, and his impact on leading
Enlightenment thinkers such as John Locke, David Hume, and Montesquieu was substantial. His works rank among
the most influential in European culture, and today still constitute one of the most important bodies of primary
material for the writing and revision of Roman history, especially the last days of the Roman Republic.
Though he was an accomplished orator and successful lawyer, Cicero believed his political career was his most
important achievement. It was during his consulship that the Second Catilinarian Conspiracy attempted the
government overthrow through an attack on the city from outside forces, and Cicero suppressed the revolt by
executing five conspirators without due process. During the chaotic latter half of the 1st century BC marked by civil
wars and the dictatorship of Gaius Julius Caesar, Cicero championed a return to the traditional republican
government. Following Julius Caesar's death Cicero became an enemy of Mark Antony in the ensuing power
struggle, attacking him in a series of speeches. He was proscribed as an enemy of the state by the Second
Triumvirate and consequently killed in 43 BC.
Personal life
Main article: Personal life of Marcus Tullius Cicero
Early life
Cicero was born in 106 BC in Arpinum, a hill town 100 kilometers (62mi) southeast of Rome. His father was a
well-to-do member of the equestrian order and possessed good connections in Rome. However, being a semi-invalid,
he could not enter public life and studied extensively to compensate. Although little is known about Cicero's mother,
Helvia, it was common for the wives of important Roman citizens to be responsible for the management of the
household. Cicero's brother Quintus wrote in a letter that she was a thrifty housewife.
[6]
Cicero's cognomen, or personal surname, comes from the Latin for chickpea, cicer. Plutarch explains that the name
was originally given to one of Cicero's ancestors who had a cleft in the tip of his nose resembling a chickpea.
However, it is more likely that Cicero's ancestors prospered through the cultivation and sale of chickpeas.
[7]
Romans
often chose down-to-earth personal surnames: the famous family names of Fabius, Lentulus, and Piso come from the
Cicero
379
Latin names of beans, lentils, and peas. Plutarch writes that Cicero was urged to change this deprecatory name when
he entered politics, but refused, saying that he would make Cicero more glorious than Scaurus ("Swollen-ankled")
and Catulus ("Puppy").
[8]
The Young Cicero Reading by Vincenzo Foppa
(fresco, 1464), now at the Wallace Collection
During this period in Roman history, to be considered "cultured" meant
being able to speak both Latin and Greek. Cicero, like most of his
contemporaries,Wikipedia:Citation needed was therefore educated in
the teachings of the ancient Greek philosophers, poets and historians.
The most prominent teachers of oratory of that time were themselves
Greek.
[9]
Wikipedia:Citing sources#What information to include
Cicero used his knowledge of Greek to translate many of the
theoretical concepts of Greek philosophy into Latin, thus translating
Greek philosophical works for a larger audience. It was precisely his
broad education that tied him to the traditional Roman elite.
[10]
According to Plutarch, Cicero was an extremely talented student,
whose learning attracted attention from all over Rome,
[11]
affording him the opportunity to study Roman law under
Quintus Mucius Scaevola.
[12]
Cicero's fellow students were Gaius Marius Minor, Servius Sulpicius Rufus (who
became a famous lawyer, one of the few whom Cicero considered superior to himself in legal matters), and Titus
Pomponius. The latter two became Cicero's friends for life, and Pomponius (who later received the nickname
"Atticus") would become Cicero's longtime chief emotional support and adviser.
Cicero wanted to pursue a public career in politics along the steps of the Cursus honorum. In 90 BC88 BC, he
served both Gnaeus Pompeius Strabo and Lucius Cornelius Sulla as they campaigned in the Social War, though he
had no taste for military life, being an intellectual first and foremost. Cicero started his career as a lawyer around
8381 BC. His first major case, of which a written record is still extant, was his 80 BC defense of Sextus Roscius on
the charge of patricide.
[13]
Taking this case was a courageous move for Cicero; patricide was considered an appalling
crime, and the people whom Cicero accused of the murder, the most notorious being Chrysogonus, were favorites of
Sulla. At this time it would have been easy for Sulla to have the unknown Cicero murdered. Cicero's defense was an
indirect challenge to the dictator Sulla, and on the strength of his case, Roscius was acquitted.
Ciceros case was divided into three parts. The first was explaining exactly the charge brought by Ericius. He
explained how a rustic son of a farmer, who lives off of the pleasures of his own land, would not have gained
anything from committing patricide because he would have inherited his father's land anyway. The second was the
boldness and greed of two of the accusers, Magnus and Capito. Cicero tells the jury that they are the more likely
perpetrators for murder because they are both greedy for conspiring together against a fellow kinsman, and Magnus'
boldness for being unashamed to appear in court to support the false charges.The third explained that Chrysogonus
had immense political power and the accusation was successfully made due to that power. Even though Chrysogonus
may not have been what Cicero said he was, but through rhetoric, Cicero successfully made him appear to be a
foreign freed man who was clever enough to take advantage of the aftermath of the civil war, and prosper. It showed
what kind of a person he was and that something like murder was not beneath him.
In 79 BC, Cicero left for Greece, Asia Minor and Rhodes, perhaps because of the potential wrath of Sulla.
[14]
Cicero
traveled to Athens, where he again met Atticus, who had become an honorary citizen of AthensWikipedia:Citation
needed and introduced Cicero to some significant Athenians. In Athens, Cicero visited the sacred sites of the
philosophers, but not before he consulted different rhetoricians in order to learn a less physically exhausting style of
speech.Wikipedia:Citation needed His chief instructor was the rhetorician Apollonius Molon of Rhodes. He
instructed Cicero in a more expansive and less intense form of oratory that would define Cicero's individual style in
years to come.Wikipedia:Citation needed
Cicero's interest in philosophy figured heavily in his later career and led to him introducing Greek philosophy to
Roman culture,
[15]
Wikipedia:Please clarify creating a philosophical vocabulary in Latin. In 87 BC, Philo of Larissa,
Cicero
380
the head of the Academy that was founded by Plato in Athens about 300 years earlier, arrived in Rome. Cicero,
"inspired by an extraordinary zeal for philosophy",
[16]
sat enthusiastically at his feet and absorbed Plato's philosophy.
He admired especially Plato's moral and political seriousness, but he also respected his breadth of
imagination.Wikipedia:Citation needed Cicero nonetheless rejected Plato's theory of IdeasWikipedia:Citation
needed. Cicero said of Plato's Dialogues, that if Zeus were to speak, he would use their language.
Public career
Main article: Political career of Marcus Tullius Cicero
His first office was as one of the twenty annual Quaestors, a training post for serious public administration in a
diversity of areas, but with a traditional emphasis on administration and rigorous accounting of public monies under
the guidance of a senior magistrate or provincial commander. Cicero served as quaestor in western Sicily in 75 BC
and demonstrated honesty and integrity in his dealings with the inhabitants. As a result, the grateful Sicilians asked
Cicero to prosecute Gaius Verres, a governor of Sicily, who had badly plundered Sicily. His prosecution of Gaius
Verres was a great forensic success for Cicero. Governor Gaius Verres hired the prominent lawyer of a noble family
Quintus Hortensius Hortalus. After a lengthy period on Sicily collecting testimonials, evidence and persuading
witnesses to come forth, Cicero returned to Rome and won the case in a series of dramatic court battles. His unique
style of oratory set him apart from the flamboyant Hortalus. Upon the conclusion of this case, Cicero came to be
considered the greatest orator in Rome. The view that Cicero may have taken the case for reasons of his own is
viable. Quintus Hortensius Hortalus was, at this point, known as the best lawyer in Rome; to beat him would
guarantee much success and prestige that Cicero needed to start his career. Cicero's oratorical skill is shown in his
character assassination of Verres and various other persuasive techniques used towards the jury. One such example is
found in the speech Against Verres I, where he states "with you on this bench, gentlemen, with Marcus Acilius
Glabrio as your president, I do not understand what Verres can hope to achieve".
[17]
Oratory was considered a great
art in ancient Rome and an important tool for disseminating knowledge and promoting oneself in elections, in part
because there were no regular newspapers or mass media at the time. Cicero was neither a patrician nor a plebeian
noble; his rise to political office despite his relatively humble origins has traditionally been attributed to his brilliance
as an orator.
[18]
Cicero grew up in a time of civil unrest and war. Sullas victory in the first of a series of civil wars led to a new
constitutional framework that undermined libertas (liberty), the fundamental value of the Roman Republic.
Nonetheless, Sullas reforms strengthened the position of the equestrian class, contributing to that classs growing
political power. Cicero was both an Italian eques and a novus homo, but more importantly he was a Roman
constitutionalist. His social class and loyalty to the Republic ensured that he would "command the support and
confidence of the people as well as the Italian middle classes". The fact that the optimates faction never truly
accepted Cicero undermined his efforts to reform the Republic while preserving the constitution. Nevertheless, he
was able to successfully ascend the Roman cursus honorum, holding each magistracy at or near the youngest
possible age: quaestor in 75 BC (age 31), aedile in 69 BC (age 37), and praetor in 66 BC (age 40), where he served
as president of the "Reclamation" (or extortion) Court. He was then elected consul at age 43.
Cicero
381
Consul
Cicero Denounces Catiline, fresco by Cesare Maccari, 188288
Cicero was elected Consul for the year 63
BC. His co-consul for the year, Gaius
Antonius Hybrida, played a minor role.
During his year in office, he thwarted a
conspiracy centered on assassinating him
and overthrowing the Roman Republic with
the help of foreign armed forces, led by
Lucius Sergius Catilina. Cicero procured a
Senatus Consultum Ultimum (adeclaration
of martial law) and drove Catiline from the
city with four vehement speeches (the
Catiline Orations), which to this day remain
outstanding examples of his rhetorical style.
The Orations listed Catiline and his
followers' debaucheries, and denounced Catiline's senatorial sympathizers as roguish and dissolute debtors clinging
to Catiline as a final and desperate hope. Cicero demanded that Catiline and his followers leave the city. At the
conclusion of his first speech, Catiline hurriedly left the senate, (which was being held in the Temple of Jupiter
Stator). In his following speeches, Cicero did not directly address Catiline. He delivered the second and third
orations before the people, and the last one again before the Senate. By these speeches, Cicero wanted to prepare the
Senate for the worst possible case; he also delivered more evidence against Catiline.
[19]
Catiline fled and left behind his followers to start the revolution from within while Catiline assaulted the city with an
army of "moral bankrupts and honest fanatics". Catiline had attempted to involve the Allobroges, a tribe of
Transalpine Gaul, in their plot, but Cicero, working with the Gauls, was able to seize letters which incriminated the
five conspirators and forced them to confess their crimes in front of the Senate.
[20]
The Senate then deliberated upon the conspirators' punishment. As it was the dominant advisory body to the various
legislative assemblies rather than a judicial body, there were limits to its power; however, martial law was in effect,
and it was feared that simple house arrest or exile the standard options would not remove the threat to the state.
At first Decimus Silanus spoke for the "extreme penalty"; many were then swayed by Julius Caesar, who decried the
precedent it would set and argued in favor of life imprisonment in various Italian towns. Cato the Younger then rose
in defence of the death penalty and all the Senate finally agreed on the matter. Cicero had the conspirators taken to
the Tullianum, the notorious Roman prison, where they were strangled. Cicero himself accompanied the former
consul Publius Cornelius Lentulus Sura, one of the conspirators, to the Tullianum. Cicero received the honorific
"Pater Patriae" for his efforts to suppress the conspiracy, but lived thereafter in fear of trial or exile for having put
Roman citizens to death without trial.
After the conspirators were put to death, Cicero was proud of his accomplishment. Some of his political enemies
argued that though the act gained Cicero popularity, he exaggerated the extent of his success. He overestimated his
popularity again several years later after being exiled from Italy and then allowed back from exile. At this time, he
claimed that the Republic would be restored along with him.
Cicero
382
Exile and return
In 60 BC Julius Caesar invited Cicero to be the fourth member of his existing partnership with Pompey and Marcus
Licinius Crassus, an assembly that would eventually be called the First Triumvirate. Cicero refused the invitation
because he suspected it would undermine the Republic.
[21]
In 58 BC, Publius Clodius Pulcher, the tribune of the plebs, introduced a law (the Leges Clodiae) threatening exile to
anyone who executed a Roman citizen without a trial. Cicero, having executed members of the Second Catilinarian
Conspiracy four years previously without formal trial, and having had a public falling out with Clodius, was clearly
the intended target of the law. Cicero argued that the senatus consultum ultimum indemnified him from punishment,
and he attempted to gain the support of the senators and consuls, especially of Pompey. When help was not
forthcoming, he went into exile. He arrived at Thessalonica, Greece, on May23, 58BC.
[22][23][24]
Cicero's exile
caused him to fall into depression. He wrote to Atticus: "Your pleas have prevented me from committing suicide.
But what is there to live for? Don't blame me for complaining. My afflictions surpass any you ever heard of
earlier".
[25]
After the intervention of recently elected tribune Titus Annius Milo, the senate voted in favor of recalling
Cicero from exile. Clodius cast a single vote against the decree. Cicero returned to Italy on August5, 57BC, landing
at Brundisium.
[26]
He was greeted by a cheering crowd, and, to his delight, his beloved daughter Tullia.
[27]
Cicero tried to reintegrate himself into politics, but his attack on a bill of Caesar's proved unsuccessful. The
conference at Luca in 56BC forced Cicero to make a recantation and pledge his support to the triumvirate. With this,
a cowed Cicero retreated to his literary works. It is uncertain whether he had any direct involvement in politics for
the following few years.
[28]
He only reluctantly accepted a promagistracy in Cilicia for 51BC, after a shortage of
eligible governors was created by legislation requiring an interval of five years between a consulship or praetorship
and a provincial command.Wikipedia:Citation needed He was absent from Italy as proconsul of Cilicia from May 51
to November 50BC. Accompanied by his brother Quintus as a legate, he was mostly spared from warfare due to
internal conflict among the Parthians, yet for storming a mountain fortress he acquired the title of imperator.
Julius Caesar's civil war
The struggle between Pompey and Julius Caesar grew more intense in 50 BC. Cicero chose to favour Pompey as he
was in defence of the senate and Republican tradition, but at the same time he prudently avoided openly alienating
Caesar. When Caesar invaded Italy in 49 BC, Cicero fled Rome. Caesar, seeking the legitimacy an endorsement by a
senior senator would provide, courted Cicero's favour, but even so Cicero slipped out of Italy and traveled to
Dyrrachium (Epidamnos), Illyria, where Pompey's staff was situated.
[29]
Cicero traveled with the Pompeian forces to
Pharsalus in 48 BC,
[30]
though he was quickly losing faith in the competence and righteousness of the Pompeian lot.
Eventually, he provoked the hostility of his fellow senator Cato, who told him that he would have been of more use
to the cause of the optimates if he had stayed in Rome. After Caesar's victory at Pharsalus, Cicero returned to Rome
only very cautiously. Caesar pardoned him and Cicero tried to adjust to the situation and maintain his political work,
hoping that Caesar might revive the Republic and its institutions.
In a letter to Varro on c. April 20, 46 BC, Cicero outlined his strategy under Caesar's dictatorship. Cicero, however,
was taken completely by surprise when the Liberatores assassinated Caesar on the ides of March, 44 BC. Cicero was
not included in the conspiracy, even though the conspirators were sure of his sympathy. Marcus Junius Brutus called
out Cicero's name, asking him to restore the republic when he lifted the bloodstained dagger after the
assassination.
[31]
A letter Cicero wrote in February 43 BC to Trebonius, one of the conspirators, began, "How I
could wish that you had invited me to that most glorious banquet on the Ides of March"!
[32]
Cicero became a popular
leader during the period of instability following the assassination. He had no respect for Mark Antony, who was
scheming to take revenge upon Caesar's murderers. In exchange for amnesty for the assassins, he arranged for the
Senate to agree not to declare Caesar to have been a tyrant, which allowed the Caesarians to have lawful support and
kept Caesar's reforms and policies intact.
[33]
Cicero
383
Opposition to Mark Antony and death
Cicero's death (France, 15th century).
Cicero and Antony now became the two leading men in RomeCicero
as spokesman for the Senate; Antony as consul, leader of the Caesarian
faction, and unofficial executor of Caesar's public will. Relations
between the two, never friendly, worsened after Cicero claimed that
Antony was taking liberties in interpreting Caesar's wishes and
intentions. Octavian was Caesar's adopted son and heir; after he
returned to Italy, Cicero began to play him against Antony. He praised
Octavian, declaring he would not make the same mistakes as his father.
He attacked Antony in a series of speeches he called the Philippics,
after Demosthenes's denunciations of PhilipII of Macedon. At the time
Cicero's popularity as a public figure was unrivalled.
[34]
Cicero supported Decimus Junius Brutus Albinus as governor of
Cisalpine Gaul (Gallia Cisalpina) and urged the Senate to name Antony an enemy of the state. The speech of Lucius
Piso, Caesar's father-in-law, delayed proceedings against Antony. Antony was later declared an enemy of the state
when he refused to lift the siege of Mutina, which was in the hands of Decimus Brutus. Ciceros plan to drive out
Antony failed. Antony and Octavian reconciled and allied with Lepidus to form the Second Triumvirate after the
successive battles of Forum Gallorum and Mutina. The Triumvirate began proscribing their enemies and potential
rivals immediately after legislating the alliance into official existence for a term of five years with consular
imperium. Cicero and all of his contacts and supporters were numbered among the enemies of the state, and
reportedly, Octavian argued for two days against Cicero being added to the list.
[35]
Cicero was one of the most viciously and doggedly hunted among the proscribed. He was viewed with sympathy by
a large segment of the public and many people refused to report that they had seen him. He was caught December7,
43BC leaving his villa in Formiae in a litter going to the seaside where he hoped to embark on a ship destined for
Macedonia.
[36]
When his killers Herennius (a centurion) and Popilius (a tribune) arrived, Cicero's own slaves
said they had not seen him, but he was given away by Philologus, a freed slave of his brother Quintus Cicero.
Cicero's last words are said to have been, "There is nothing proper about what you are doing, soldier, but do try to
kill me properly." He bowed to his captors, leaning his head out of the litter in a gladiatorial gesture to ease the task.
By baring his neck and throat to the soldiers, he was indicating that he wouldn't resist. According to Plutarch,
Herennius first slew him, then cut off his head. On Antony's instructions his hands, which had penned the Philippics
against Antony, were cut off as well; these were nailed along with his head on the Rostra in the Forum Romanum
according to the tradition of Marius and Sulla, both of whom had displayed the heads of their enemies in the Forum.
Cicero was the only victim of the proscriptions to be displayed in that manner. According to Cassius Dio (in a story
often mistakenly attributed to Plutarch),
[37]
Antony's wife Fulvia took Cicero's head, pulled out his tongue, and
jabbed it repeatedly with her hairpin in final revenge against Cicero's power of speech.
[38]
Cicero's son, Marcus Tullius Cicero Minor, during his year as a consul in 30BC, avenged his father's death, to a
certain extent, when he announced to the Senate Mark Antony's naval defeat at Actium in 31BC by Octavian and his
capable commander-in-chief, Agrippa.
Octavian (or Augustus, as he was later called) is reported to have praised Cicero as a patriot and a scholar of
meaning in later times, within the circle of his family.
[39]
However, it was the acquiescence of Augustus that had
allowed Cicero to be killed, as Cicero was proscribed by the new Triumvirate.
However, his career as a statesman was marked by inconsistencies and a tendency to shift his position in response to
changes in the political climate. His indecision may be attributed to his sensitive and impressionable personality; he
was prone to overreaction in the face of political and private change. "Would that he had been able to endure
prosperity with greater self-control, and adversity with more fortitude!" wrote C. Asinius Pollio, a contemporary
Cicero
384
Roman statesman and historian.
[40][41]
Family
Marcus Tullius Cicero
Cicero married Terentia probably at the age of 27, in 79 BC. According to the
upper class mores of the day it was a marriage of convenience, but endured
harmoniously for some 30 years. Terentia's family was wealthy, probably the
plebeian noble house of Terenti Varrones, thus meeting the needs of Cicero's
political ambitions in both economic and social terms. She had a half-sister (or
perhaps first cousin) named Fabia, who as a child had become a Vestal Virgin, a
very great honour. Terentia was a strong willed woman and (citing Plutarch) "she
took more interest in her husband's political career than she allowed him to take
in household affairs."
[42]
In the 50s BC, Cicero's letters to Terentia became shorter and colder. He
complained to his friends that Terentia had betrayed him but did not specify in
which sense. Perhaps the marriage simply could not outlast the strain of the
political upheaval in Rome, Cicero's involvement in it, and various other disputes
between the two. The divorce appears to have taken place in 51 BC or shortly
before.
[43]
In 46 or 45 BC,
[44]
Cicero married a young girl, Publilia, who had
been his ward. It is thought that Cicero needed her money, particularly after
having to repay the dowry of Terentia, who came from a wealthy family.
[45]
This marriage did not last long.
Although his marriage to Terentia was one of convenience, it is commonly known that Cicero held great love for his
daughter Tullia.
[46]
When she suddenly became ill in February 45 BC and died after having seemingly recovered
from giving birth to a son in January, Cicero was stunned. "I have lost the one thing that bound me to life" he wrote
to Atticus.
[47]
Atticus told him to come for a visit during the first weeks of his bereavement, so that he could comfort
him when his pain was at its greatest. In Atticus's large library, Cicero read everything that the Greek philosophers
had written about overcoming grief, "but my sorrow defeats all consolation."
[48]
Caesar and Brutus as well as
Servius Sulpicius Rufus sent him letters of condolence.
[49][50]
Cicero hoped that his son Marcus would become a philosopher like him, but Marcus himself wished for a military
career. He joined the army of Pompey in 49 BC and after Pompey's defeat at Pharsalus 48 BC, he was pardoned by
Caesar. Cicero sent him to Athens to study as a disciple of the peripatetic philosopher Kratippos in 48 BC, but he
used this absence from "his father's vigilant eye" to "eat, drink and be merry." After Cicero's murder he joined the
army of the Liberatores but was later pardoned by Augustus. Augustus' bad conscience for not having objected to
Cicero's being put on the proscription list during the Second Triumvirate led him to aid considerably Marcus Minor's
career. He became an augur, and was nominated consul in 30 BC together with Augustus. As such, he was
responsible for revoking the honors of Mark Antony, who was responsible for the proscription, and could in this way
take revenge. Later he was appointed proconsul of Syria and the province of Asia.
[51]
Cicero
385
Legacy
Cicero about age60, from a marble bust
Cicero has been traditionally considered the master of Latin prose, with
Quintilian declaring Cicero was "not the name of a man, but of
eloquence itself. "
[52]
He is credited with transforming Latin from a
modest utilitarian language into a versatile literary medium capable of
expressing abstract and complicated thoughts with clarity.
[53]
Julius
Caesar praised Cicero's achievement by saying it is more important to
have greatly extended the frontiers of the Roman spirit (ingenium) than
the frontiers of the Roman empire
[54]
According to John William
Mackail, "Ciceros unique and imperishable glory is that he created the
language of the civilized world, and used that language to create a style
which nineteen centuries have not replaced, and in some respects have
hardly altered."
[55]
Cicero was also an energetic writer with an interest
in a wide variety of subjects in keeping with the Hellenistic
philosophical and rhetorical traditions in which he was trained. The
quality and ready accessibility of Ciceronian texts favored very wide
distribution and inclusion in teaching curricula as suggested by an
amusing graffito at Pompeii admonishing "you will like Cicero, or you
will be whipped"
[56]
Cicero was greatly admired by influential Latin
Church Fathers such as Augustine of Hippo, who credited Cicero's lost
Hortensius for his eventual conversion to Christianity
[57]
and St. Jerome, who had a feverish vision in which he was
accused of being "follower of Cicero and not of Christ" before the judgment seat.
[58]
This influence further increased
after the Dark Ages in Europe, from which more of his writings survived than any other Latin author. Medieval
philosophers were influenced by Cicero's writings on natural law and innate rights. Petrarch's rediscovery of Cicero's
letters provided impetus for searches for ancient Greek and Latin writings scattered throughout European
monasteries, and the subsequent rediscovery of Classical Antiquity led to the Renaissance. Subsequently, Cicero
came to be regarded synonymous with classical Latin to such an extent that humanist scholars began to assert that no
Latin word or phrase was to be used unless it could be found in Cicero's works, a stance criticized by Erasmus.
[59]
His voluminous correspondence, much of it addressed to his friend Atticus, has been especially influential,
introducing the art of refined letter writing to European culture. Cornelius Nepos, the 1st century BC biographer of
Atticus, remarked that Cicero's letters contained such a wealth of detail "concerning the inclinations of leading men,
the faults of the generals, and the revolutions in the government" that their reader had little need for a history of the
period.
[60]
Among Cicero's admirers were Desiderius Erasmus, Martin Luther, and John Locke.
[61]
Following the
invention of the printing press, De Officiis was the second book to be printed second only to the Gutenberg Bible.
Scholars note Cicero's influence on the rebirth of religious toleration in the 17th century.
While Cicero the humanist deeply influenced the culture of the Renaissance, Cicero the republican inspired the
Founding Fathers of the United States and the revolutionaries of the French Revolution.
[62]
John Adams said of him
"As all the ages of the world have not produced a greater statesman and philosopher united than Cicero, his authority
should have great weight."
[63]
Jefferson names Cicero as one of a handful of major figures who contributed to a
tradition of public right that informed his draft of the Declaration of Independence and shaped American
understandings of "the common sense" basis for the right of revolution.
[64]
Camille Desmoulins said of the French
republicans in 1789 that they were "mostly young people who, nourished by the reading of Cicero at school, had
become passionate enthusiasts for liberty". Jim Powell starts his book on the history of liberty with the sentence:
"Marcus Tullius Cicero expressed principles that became the bedrock of liberty in the modern world." Legitimate
government protects liberty and justice according to "natural law." "Murray N. Rothbard praised Cicero as 'the great
transmitter of Stoic ideas from Greece to Rome.... Stoic natural law doctrines ... helped shape the great structures of
Cicero
386
Roman law which became pervasive in Western Civilization." Government's purpose was the protection of private
property.
Likewise, no other antique personality has inspired as much venomous dislike as Cicero especially in more modern
times.
[65]
His commitment to the values of the Republic accommodated a hatred of the poor and persistent
opposition to the advocates and mechanisms of popular representation.
[66]
Friedrich Engels referred to him as "the
most contemptible scoundrel in history" for upholding republican "democracy" while at the same time denouncing
land and class reforms.
[67]
Cicero has faced criticism for exaggerating the democratic qualities of republican Rome,
and for defending the Roman oligarchy against the popular reforms of Caesar. Michael Parenti admits Cicero's
abilities as an orator, but finds him a vain, pompous and hypocritical personality who, when it suited him, could
show public support for popular causes that he privately despised. Parenti presents Cicero's prosecution of the
Catiline conspiracy as legally flawed at least, and possibly unlawful.
[68]
Cicero also had an influence on modern astronomy. Nicolaus Copernicus, searching for ancient views on earth
motion, said that he "first... found in Cicero that Hicetas supposed the earth to move."
Works
Main article: Writings of Marcus Tullius Cicero
Cicero was declared a "righteous pagan" by the early Catholic Church, and therefore many of his works were
deemed worthy of preservation. Subsequent Roman writers quoted liberally from his works De Re Publica (On The
Republic) and De Legibus (On The Laws), and much of his work has been recreated from these surviving fragments.
Cicero also articulated an early, abstract conceptualization of rights, based on ancient law and custom. Of Cicero's
books, six on rhetoric have survived, as well as parts of eight on philosophy. Of his speeches, 88 were recorded, but
only 58 survive.
Speeches
(81 BC) Pro Quinctio (In Defense of Quinctius)
(80 BC) Pro Roscio Amerino (In Defense of Sextus Roscius of Ameria)
(70 BC) In Verrem I, II.1-5 (Against Gaius Verres, or The Verrine Orations)
(69 BC) Pro Fonteio (In defense of Fonteius)
(69 BC) Pro Caecina (In defense of Caecina)
(66 BC) Pro Cluentio (In defense of Aulus Cluentius)
(66 BC) De Imperio Gnaei Pompei or De Lege Manilia ("On the Command of Gnaeus Pompey", in support of
Pompey's appointment to command the Roman forces against Mithridates V)
(63 BC) De Lege Agraria contra Rullum I-III (On the agrarian law proposed by Rullus)
(63 BC) In Catilinam I-IV (Catiline Orations or Against Catiline) Archived
[69]
March 2, 2005 at the Wayback
Machine
(63 BC) Pro Rabirio Perduellionis Reo (In Defense of Gaius Rabirius, in the court for treason)
(62 BC) Pro Sulla (In defense of Faustus Sulla)
(62 BC) Pro Archia Poeta (In Defense of Aulus Licinius Archias the poet)
(59 BC) Pro Flacco (In defense of Flaccus)
(57 BC) Post reditum in senatu (Speech to the senate after his return)
(57 BC) Post reditum ad Quirites (Speech to the people after his return)
(57 BC) De domo sua (On his house)
(57 BC) De Haruspicum responsis (On the response of the haruspices)
(56 BC) Pro Sestio (In defense of Sestius)
(56 BC) In Vatinium (Cross-examination of Vatinius)
(56 BC) Pro Caelio (In Defense of Marcus Caelius Rufus): English translation
(56 BC) De Provinciis Consularibus (On the Consular Provinces)
Cicero
387
(56 BC) Pro Balbo (In Defense of Cornelius Balbus)
(55 BC) In Pisonem (Against Piso)
(54 BC) Pro Rabirio Postumo (In Defense of Rabirius Postumus)
(52 BC) Pro Milone (In Defense of Titus Annius Milo)
(46 BC) Pro Marcello (In Support of the recall of Marcellus)
(46 BC) Pro Ligario (In Defense of Quintus Ligarius)
(45 BC) Pro Deiotaro (In Defense of King Deiotarus)
(44-43 BC) Philippicae (the 14 philippics, Philippica IXIV, against Mark Antony)
Rhetoric & Philosophy
(55 BC) De Oratore ad Quintum fratrem libri tres (On the Orator, three books for his brother Quintus)
(51 BC) De Re Publica (On the Republic)
(?? BC) De Legibus (On the Laws)
(46 BC) Brutus (Brutus)
(46 BC) Orator (Orator)
(45 BC) Academica (On Academic Skepticism)
(45 BC) De Finibus Bonorum et Malorum (On the Ends of Good and Bad Things) - a book on ethics. Title also
translated as "On Moral Ends"
[70]
(45 BC) Tusculanae Disputationes (Tusculan Disputations) - five books on death, pain, depression and related
passions, and happiness as a state of mind
(45 BC) Hortensius - an exhortation to philosophy, now lost.
(45 BC) Consolatio - to soothe his grief after the death of Tullia in Feb. of the same year; also lost
(45 BC) De Natura Deorum (On the Nature of the Gods)
(44 BC) De Divinatione (On Divination)
(44 BC) De Fato (On Fate)
(44 BCE) De Amicitia (On Friendship)
(44 BC) Cato Maior de Senectute (Cato the Elder On Old Age)
(44 BC) Laelius de Amicitia (Laelius On Friendship)
(44 BC) De Gloria (On Glory) - now lost.
(44 BC) De Officiis (On Duties)
Letters
More than 900 letters by Cicero to others have survived, and over 100 letters from others to him.
(6843 BC) Epistulae ad Atticum (Letters to Atticus)
(5954 BC) Epistulae ad Quintum Fratrem (Letters to his brother Quintus)
(43 BC) Epistulae ad Brutum (Letters to Brutus)
(6243 BC) Epistulae ad Familiares (Letters to his friends)
Notable fictional portrayals
Ben Jonson dramatised the conspiracy of Catiline in his play Catiline His Conspiracy, featuring Cicero as a
character. Cicero also appears as a minor character in William Shakespeare's play Julius Caesar.
Cicero was portrayed on the motion picture screen by British actor Alan Napier in the 1953 film Julius Caesar,
based on Shakespeare's play. He has also been played by such noted actors as Michael Hordern (in Cleopatra), and
Andr Morell (in the 1970 Julius Caesar). Most recently, Cicero was portrayed by David Bamber in the HBO series
Rome (20052007) and appeared in both seasons.
In her series of historical novels "Masters of Rome" Colleen McCullough presents an unflattering depiction of
Cicero's career, showing him struggling with an inferiority complex and vanity, morally flexible and fatally
Cicero
388
indiscreet, while his rival Julius Caesar is shown in a more approving light. Cicero is portrayed as a hero in the novel
A Pillar of Iron by Taylor Caldwell (1965). Robert Harris' novels Imperium and Lustrum (Conspirata in the U.S.) are
the first two parts of a planned trilogy of novels based upon the life of Cicero. In these novels Cicero's character is
depicted in a more balanced way than in those of McCullough, with his positive traits equaling or outweighing his
weaknesses (while conversely Caesar is depicted as more sinister than in McCullough). Cicero is a major recurring
character in the Roma Sub Rosa series of mystery novels by Steven Saylor. He also appears several times as a
peripheral character in John Maddox Roberts's SPQR series. Roberts's protagonist, Decius Metellus, admires Cicero
for his erudition, but is disappointed by his lack of real opposition to Caesar, as well as puzzled by his relentless
fawning on the Optimates, who secretly despise Cicero as a parvenu.
Notes
[1] E.g. H. Jones, Master Tully: Cicero in Tudor England (Nieuwkoop: De Graaf, 1998).
[2] Rawson, E.: Cicero, a portrait (1975) p.303
[3] Haskell, H.J.: This was Cicero (1964)p.300301
[4] Cicero, Selected Works, 1971, pp.24
[5] [5] Conte, G.B.: "Latin Literature: a history" (1987) p.199
[6] Rawson, E.: Cicero, a portrait (1975) p.56; Cicero, Ad Familiares 16.26.2 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Cic. +
Fam.+ 16.26.2) (Quintus to Cicero)
[7] Trollope, Anthony. The Life of Cicero (http:/ / www.gutenberg. org/ files/ 8945/ 8945-h/ 8945-h. htm) Volume 1. p. 42
[8] Plutarch, Cicero 1.35 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Cicero*. html#1. 3)
[9] [9] Rawson, E.:"Cicero, a portrait" (1975) p.8
[10] Everitt, A.:"Cicero: The Life and Times of Rome's Greatest Politician" (2001) p.35
[11] Plutarch, Cicero 2.2 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Cicero*. html#2. 2)
[12] Plutarch, Cicero 3.2 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Cicero*. html#3. 2)
[13] [13] Rawson, E.: "Cicero, a portrait" (1975) p.22
[14] [14] Haskell, H.J.: "This was Cicero" (1940) p.83
[15] [15] De Officiis, book 1, n. 1
[16] [16] Rawson:"Cicero, a portrait" (1975) p.18
[17] [17] Trans. Grant, Michael. Cicero: Selected Works. London: Penguin Books. 1960.
[18] http:/ / www.bartleby.com/ 268/ 2/ 11. html
[19] [19] Cicero, Marcus Tullius, Selected Works, Penguin Books Ltd, Great Britain, 1971
[20] Cicero, In Catilinam 3.2 (http:/ / www. perseus.tufts.edu/ cgi-bin/ / ptext?lookup=Cic. + Catil. + 3. 4) (at the Perseus Project); Sallust,
Bellum Catilinae 40-45 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Sallust/ Bellum_Catilinae*. html#40) (at Lacus Curtius);
Plutarch, Cicero 18.4 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Cicero*. html#18. 4) (at Lacus Curtius).
[21] Rawson, E.: Cicero, 1984 106
[22] Haskell, H.J.: This was Cicero, 1964 200
[23] Haskell, H.J.: This was Cicero, 1964 p.201
[24] Plutarch. Cicero 32 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Cicero*. html#32)
[25] [25] Haskell, H.J.: "This was Cicero" (1964) p.201
[26] Cicero, Samtliga brev/Collected letters (in a Swedish translation)
[27] Haskell. H.J.: This was Cicero, p.204
[28] [28] Grant, M: "Cicero: Selected Works", p67
[29] Everitt, Anthony: Cicero pp. 215.
[30] Plutarch, Cicero 38.1 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Cicero*. html#38)
[31] Cicero, Second Philippic Against Antony
[32] Cicero, Ad Familiares 10.28 (http:/ / www. thelatinlibrary. com/ cicero/ fam10. shtml#28)
[33] [33] Cecil W. Wooten, "Cicero's Philippics and Their Demosthenic Model" University of North Carolina Press
[34] Appian, Civil Wars 4.19 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Appian/ Civil_Wars/ 4*. html#19)
[35] Plutarch, Cicero 46.35 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Cicero*. html#46. 3)
[36] Haskell, H.J.: This was Cicero (1964) p.293
[37] Cassius Dio, Roman History 47.8.4 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Cassius_Dio/ 47*. html#8. 4)
[38] Everitt, A.: Cicero, A turbulent life (2001)
[39] Plutarch, Cicero, 49.5 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Cicero*. html#49. 5)
[40] [40] Haskell, H.J.:"This was Cicero" (1964) p.296
[41] [41] Castren and Pietil-Castren: "Antiikin ksikirja" /"Handbook of antiquity" (2000) p.237
[42] [42] Rawson, E.: "Cicero, a portrait" (1975) p.25
Cicero
389
[43] Susan Treggiari, Terentia, Tullia and Publilia: the women of Cicero's family, London: Routledge, 2007, pp. 76f.
[44] [44] Treggiari, op. cit., p. 133
[45] Rawson, E.: Cicero p.225
[46] Haskell H.J.: This was Cicero, p.95
[47] [47] Haskell, H.J.:"This was Cicero" (1964) p.249
[48] Cicero, Letters to Atticus, 12.14. Rawson, E.: Cicero p. 225
[49] Rawson, E.:Cicero p.226
[50] Cicero, Samtliga brev/Collected letters
[51] Paavo Castren & L. Pietil-Castren: Antiikin ksikirja/Encyclopedia of the Ancient World
[52] Quntilian, Institutio Oratoria 10.1.1 12
[53] Merriam-Webster's Encyclopedia of Literature, "Ciceronian period" (1995) p. 244 (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=eKNK1YwHcQ4C& pg=PA244)
[54] Pliny, Natural History, 7.117
[55] Cicero, Seven orations, 1912
[56] Hasan Niyazi, From Pompeii to Cyberspace - Transcending barriers with Twitter (http:/ / www. 3pipe. net/ 2011/ 05/
from-pompeii-to-cyberspace-transcending. html)
[57] Augustine of Hippo, Confessions, 3:4
[58] Jerome, Letter to Eustochium, XXII:30
[59] Erasmus, Ciceronianus
[60] Cornelius Nepos, Atticus (http:/ / www. tertullian. org/ fathers/ nepos. htm#Atticus) 16, trans. John Selby Watson.
[61] [61] Richards 2010, p.121
[62] [62] De Burgh, W.G., "The legacy of the ancient world"
[63] American republicanism: Roman Ideology in the United States Mortimer N. S. Sellers, NYU Press, 1994
[64] Thomas Jefferson, Letter to Henry Lee, 8 May 1825, in The Political Thought of American Statesmen, eds. Morton Frisch and Richard
Stevens (Itasca, Ill.: F. E. Peacock Publishers, 1973), 12.
[65] [65] Bailey, D.R.S. "Cicero's letters to Atticus" (1978) p.16
[66] Letters to Atticus I & II
[67] Noted in Michael Parenti, The Assassination of Julius Caesar: A People's History of Ancient Rome, 2003:86. ISBN 1-56584-797-0
[68] Michael Parenti, The Assassination of Julius Caesar: A People's History of Ancient Rome, 2003, pp. 107111, 93. ISBN 1-56584-797-0
[69] https:/ / web. archive.org/ web/ 20050302093516/ http:/ / www. uah. edu/ student_life/ organizations/ SAL/ claslattexts/ cicero/ incatilinam.
html
[70] Cicero On Moral Ends. (De Finibus) Julia Annas - editor, Raphael Woolf transltr Cambridge University Press, 2001
References
Badian, E: "Cicero and the Commission of 146 B.C.", Collection Latomus 101 (1969), 54-65.
Caldwell, Taylor (1965). A Pillar of Iron. New York: Doubleday & Company. ISBN0-385-05303-7.
Cicero, Marcus Tullius, Ciceros letters to Atticus, Vol, I, II, IV, VI, Cambridge University Press, Great Britain,
1965
Cicero, Marcus Tullius, Latin extracts of Cicero on Himself, translated by Charles Gordon Cooper, University of
Queensland Press, Brisbane, 1963
Cicero, Marcus Tullius, Selected Political Speeches, Penguin Books Ltd, Great Britain, 1969
Cicero, Marcus Tullius, De Officiis (On Duties), translated by Walter Miller. Harvard University Press, 1913,
ISBN 978-0-674-99033-3, ISBN 0-674-99033-1
Cicero, Marcus Tullius, Selected Works, Penguin Books Ltd, Great Britain, 1971
Cowell, F R: Cicero and the Roman Republic (Penguin Books, 1948; numerous later reprints)
Everitt, Anthony (2001). Cicero: the life and times of Rome's greatest politician. New York: Random House.
ISBN0-375-50746-9.
Gruen, Erich S. (1974). The Last Generation of the Roman Republic. University of California Press.
Haskell, H. J. (1942). This was Cicero. Alfred A. Knopf.
March, Duane A. (1989). "Cicero and the 'Gang of Five'". Classical World 82 (4): 225234. doi:
10.2307/4350381 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 2307/ 4350381).
Narducci, Emanuele (2009). Cicerone. La parola e la politica. Laterza. ISBN88-420-7605-8.
Cicero
390
Plutarch Penguins Classics English translation by Rex Warner, Fall of the Roman Republic, Six Lives by
Plutarch: Marius, Sulla, Crassus, Pompey, Caesar, Cicero (Penguin Books, 1958; with Introduction and notes by
Robin Seager, 1972)
Rawson, Beryl: The Politics of Friendship: Pompey and Cicero (Sydney University Press, 1978)
Rawson, Elizabeth:
"Cicero the Historian and Cicero the Antiquarian", JRS 62 (1972), 33-45.
Cicero: A Portrait (Allen Lane, Penguin Books Ltd., 1975) ISBN 0-7139-0864-5. Revised edition: Bristol
Classical Press, 1983. ISBN 0-86292-051-5. American edition of revised edition: Cornell University Press,
1983. ISBN 0-8014-1628-0 (hardcover); ISBN 0-8014-9256-4 (paperback).
Richards, Carl J. (2010). Why We're All Romans: The Roman Contribution to the Western World. Rowman &
Littlefield. ISBN978-0-7425-6778-8.
Scullard, H. H. From the Gracchi to Nero, University Paperbacks, Great Britain, 1968
Smith, R E: Cicero the Statesman (Cambridge University Press, 1966)
Stockton, David: Cicero: A Political Biography (Oxford University Press, 1971)
Strachan-Davidson, James Leigh (1936). Cicero and the Fall of the Roman Republic. Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
Taylor, H. (1918). Cicero: A sketch of his life and works. Chicago: A. C. McClurg & Co.
Wistrand, M. (1979). Cicero Imperator: Studies in Cicero's Correspondence 51-47 B.C. Gteborg.
Yates, Frances A. (1974). The Art of Memory. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ISBN0-226-95001-8.
Further reading
Everitt, Anthony (2001). Cicero. A turbulent life. London: John Murray Publishers. ISBN978-0-7195-5493-3.
Fuhrmann, Manfred (1992). Cicero and the Roman Republic. Oxford: Blackwell. ISBN0-631-17879-1.
Gildenhard, Ingo (2011). Creative Eloquence: The Construction of Reality in Cicero's Speeches. Oxford/New
York: Oxford University Press.
Habicht, Christian (1990). Cicero the politician. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.
ISBN0-8018-3872-X.
Macdonald, C. (1986). De imperio (Nachdr. d. Ausg. Basingstoke 1966. ed.). Bristol: Bristol Classical Press.
ISBN0-86292-182-1.
Palmer, Tom G. (2008). "Cicero (10643 B.C.)" (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=yxNgXs3TkJYC). In
Hamowy, Ronald. The Encyclopedia of Libertarianism. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE; Cato Institute. p.63.
ISBN978-1-4129-6580-4. LCCN 2008009151 (http:/ / lccn. loc. gov/ 2008009151). OCLC 750831024 (http:/ /
www. worldcat. org/ oclc/ 750831024).
Parenti, Michael (2004). The Assassination of Julius Caesar: A People's History of Ancient Rome (http:/ /
thenewpress.com/ index. php?option=com_title& task=view_title& metaproductid=1011). New York: The New
Press. ISBN1-56584-942-6.
Powell, J.G.F., ed. (1995). Cicero the philosopher : twelve papers. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
ISBN0-19-814751-1.
Shackleton Bailey, D. R. (1971). Cicero. London: Duckworth. ISBN0-7156-0574-7.
Sihler, Ernest G. (1914). Cicero of Arpinum: A Political and Literary Biography (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=3TckAAAAMAAJ). New Haven: Yale University Press.
Treggiari, S. (2007). Terentia, Tullia and Publilia. The women of Cicero's family. London: Routledge
Cicero
391
External links
General
Tulliana. Cicero and Roman Thought (http:/ / www. tulliana. eu/ home. php?LANG=E& PAG=H)
Links to Cicero resources (http:/ / cicero. missouristate. edu/ cicero. htm)
University of Texas Cicero Homepage (http:/ / www. utexas. edu/ depts/ classics/ documents/ Cic. html)
Works by or about Cicero (http:/ / worldcat. org/ identities/ lccn-n79-32166) in libraries (WorldCat catalog)
Works by Cicero on Open Library at the Internet Archive
Philosophy
"Cicero" (http:/ / www. iep. utm. edu/ cicero/ ) article by Edward Clayton in the Internet Encyclopedia of
Philosophy
Logic and Rhetoric in the Philosophical Works of Cicero (http:/ / www. ontology. co/ cicero-philosophy. htm)
The Philosophical Works of Cicero. A Selected Bibliography (http:/ / www. ontology. co/ biblio/
cicero-philosophy-biblio. htm)
Works by Cicero
List of online translations of Cicero's works (http:/ / www. attalus. org/ info/ sources. html#Cic)
Cicero's De amicitia, Paradoxa, De senectute, and the text known as "Sallust's invectives," Center for Digital
Initiatives, University of Vermont Libraries (http:/ / cdi. uvm. edu/ collections/ getCollection.
xql?pid=manuscripts& title=Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts)
Online Library of Liberty (http:/ / oll. libertyfund. org/ index. php?option=com_staticxt& staticfile=show.
php?person=3780& Itemid=27)
Ethical Writings of Cicero: De Officiis (On Moral Duties); De Senectute (On Old Age); De Amicitia (On
Friendship), and Scipios Dream (http:/ / oll. libertyfund. org/ title/ 540), trans. Andrew P. Peabody (Boston:
Little, Brown, and Co., 1887). 3 volumes in 1. See original text in The Online Library of Liberty (http:/ / oll.
libertyfund. org/ ).
Letters of Marcus Tullius Cicero: with his Treatises on Friendship and Old Age (http:/ / oll. libertyfund. org/
title/ 541), trans. E. S. Shuckburgh. And Letters of Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus, trans. William Melmoth,
revised by F.C.T. Bosanquet (New York: P.F. Collier, 1909). See original text in The Online Library of
Liberty (http:/ / oll. libertyfund. org/ ).
The Political Works of Marcus Tullius Cicero: Comprising his Treatise on the Commonwealth; and his
Treatise on the Laws (http:/ / oll. libertyfund. org/ title/ 1879). Translated from the original, with Dissertations
and Notes in Two Volumes. By Francis Barham, Esq. (London: Edmund Spettigue, 184142). 2 vols. See
original text in The Online Library of Liberty (http:/ / oll. libertyfund. org/ ).
The Orations of Marcus Tullius Cicero (http:/ / oll. libertyfund. org/ title/ 1736), trans. C.D. Yonge (London:
G. Bell and Sons, 191321). 4 vols. See original text in The Online Library of Liberty (http:/ / oll. libertyfund.
org/ ).
Works by Cicero (http:/ / www. gutenberg. org/ author/ Marcus+ Tullius+ Cicero) at Project Gutenberg
Perseus Project (Latin and English): Classics Collection (see: M. Tullius Cicero) (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts.
edu/ cache/ perscoll_Greco-Roman. html)
The Latin Library (Latin): Works of Cicero (http:/ / www. thelatinlibrary. com/ cic. html)
UAH (Latin, with translation notes): Cicero Page (http:/ / www. uah. edu/ student_life/ organizations/ SAL/ texts/
latin/ classical/ cicero/ index. html)
De Officiis (http:/ / www. constitution. org/ rom/ de_officiis. htm), translated by Walter Miller
Cicero's works (http:/ / www. intratext. com/ Catalogo/ Autori/ AUT76. HTM): text, concordances and frequency
list
SORGLL: Cicero, In Catilinam I; I,1-3, read by Robert Sonkowsky (http:/ / www. rhapsodes. fll. vt. edu/ cicero.
htm)
Cicero
392
Biographies and descriptions of Cicero's time
At Project Gutenberg
Plutarch's biography of Cicero contained in the Parallel Lives (http:/ / www. gutenberg. org/ etext/ 674)
Life of Cicero by Anthony Trollope, Volume I (http:/ / www. gutenberg. org/ etext/ 8945) Volume II
Cicero by Rev. W. Lucas Collins (Ancient Classics for English Readers) (http:/ / www. gutenberg. org/ etext/
11448)
Roman life in the days of Cicero by Rev. Alfred J. Church (http:/ / www. gutenberg. org/ etext/ 13481)
Social life at Rome in the Age of Cicero (http:/ / www. gutenberg. org/ etext/ 11256) by W. Warde Fowler
At Heraklia website (https:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20060114090741/ www. heraklia. fws1. com/
contemporaries/ cicero/ ) at the Wayback Machine (archived January 14, 2006)
Dryden's translation of Cicero from Plutarch's Parallel Lives (http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ cicero. html)
At Middlebury College website (http:/ / community. middlebury. edu/ ~harris/ LatinAuthors/ Cicero. html)
Political offices
Precededby
Lucius Julius Caesar and Gaius Marcius
Figulus
Consul of the Roman
Republic
with Gaius Antonius
Hybrida
63 BC
Succeededby
Decimus Junius Silanus and Lucius Licinius
Murena
Demetrius I of Macedon
393
Demetrius I
King of Macedon
Marble bust of Demetrius I Poliorcetes. Roman copy from 1st century AD of a Greek original from 3rd century BC
294288 BC
Antipater II of Macedon
Lysimachus and Pyrrhus of Epirus
Phila, Eurydice of Athens, Deidamia I of Epirus, Lanassa, and Ptolemais
Issue
Stratonice of Syria and Antigonus II Gonatas with Phila
Father Antigonus I Monophthalmus
Mother Stratonice
Born 337 BC
Died 283 BC
Demetrius I (Greek: , 337283 BC), called Poliorcetes (/pli.rsitiz/; Greek: , "The
Besieger"), son of Antigonus I Monophthalmus and Stratonice, was a Macedonian nobleman, military leader, and
finally king of Macedon (294288 BC). He belonged to the Antigonid dynasty and was it's first member to rule
Macedonia.
Biography
At the age of twenty-two he was left by his father to defend Syria against Ptolemy the son of Lagus. He was defeated
at the Battle of Gaza, but soon partially repaired his loss by a victory in the neighbourhood of Myus. In the spring of
310, he was soundly defeated when he tried to expel Seleucus I Nicator from Babylon; his father was defeated in the
autumn. As a result of this Babylonian War, Antigonus lost almost two thirds of his empire: all eastern satrapies fell
to Seleucus.
After several campaigns against Ptolemy on the coasts of Cilicia and Cyprus, Demetrius sailed with a fleet of 250
ships to Athens. He freed the city from the power of Cassander and Ptolemy, expelled the garrison which had been
stationed there under Demetrius of Phalerum, and besieged and took Munychia (307 BC). After these victories he
was worshipped by the Athenians as a tutelary deity under the title of Soter () ("Preserver").
In the campaign of 306 BC against Ptolemy he defeated Menelaus, Ptolemy's brother, in the naval Battle of Salamis,
completely destroying the naval power of Egypt. Demetrius conquered Cyprus in 306 BC, capturing one of
Ptolemy's sons.
[1]
Following the victory Antigonus assumed the title king and bestowed the same upon his son
394
Demetrius. In 305 BC, now bearing the title of king bestowed upon him by his father, he endeavoured to punish the
Rhodians for having deserted his cause; his ingenuity in devising new siege engines in his unsuccessful attempt to
reduce the capital gained him the title of Poliorcetes. Among his creations were a battering ram 180 feet (55m) long,
requiring 1000 men to operate it; and a wheeled siege tower named "Helepolis" (or "Taker of Cities") which stood
125 feet (38m) tall and 60 feet (18m) wide, weighing 360,000 pounds.
Coin of Demetrius I (337-283 BC). Greek inscription reads
([coin] of King Demetrius)
Demetrius I Poliorcetes portrayed on a tetradrachm
coin
In 302 BC he returned a second time to
Greece as liberator, and reinstated the
Corinthian League. But his licentiousness
and extravagance made the Athenians long
for the government of Cassander. Among
his outrages was his courtship of a young
boy named Democles the Handsome. The
youth kept on refusing his attention but one
day found himself cornered at the baths.
Having no way out and being unable to
physically resist his suitor, he took the lid
off the hot water cauldron and jumped in.
His death was seen as a mark of honor for
himself and his country. In another instance,
Demetrius waived a fine of 50 talents
imposed on a citizen in exchange for the
favors of Cleaenetus, that man's son.
[2]
He
also sought the attention of Lamia, a Greek
courtesan. He demanded 250 talents from
the Athenians, which he then gave to Lamia
and other courtesans to buy soap and
cosmetics.
He also roused the jealousy of Alexander's
Diadochi; Seleucus, Cassander and
Lysimachus united to destroy him and his
father. The hostile armies met at the Ipsus in
Phrygia (301 BC). Antigonus was killed,
and Demetrius, after sustaining severe losses, retired to Ephesus. This reversal of fortune stirred up many enemies
against himthe Athenians refused even to admit him into their city. But he soon afterwards ravaged the territory of
Lysimachus and effected a reconciliation with Seleucus, to whom he gave his daughter Stratonice in marriage.
Athens was at this time oppressed by the tyranny of Lacharesa popular leader who made himself supreme in
Athens in 296 BCbut Demetrius, after a protracted blockade, gained possession of the city (294 BC) and pardoned
the inhabitants for their misconduct in 301.
In the same year he established himself on the throne of Macedonia by murdering Alexander V, the son of
Cassander. He faced rebellion from the Boeotians but secured the region after capturing Thebes in 291 BC. That year
he married Lanassa, the former wife of Pyrrhus. But his new position as ruler of Macedonia was continually
threatened by Pyrrhus, who took advantage of his occasional absence to ravage the defenceless part of his kingdom
(Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 7 if.); at length, the combined forces of Pyrrhus, Ptolemy and Lysimachus, assisted by the
disaffected among his own subjects, obliged him to leave Macedonia in 288 BC.
After besieging Athens without success he passed into Asia and attacked some of the provinces of Lysimachus with
varying success. Famine and pestilence destroyed the greater part of his army, and he solicited Seleucus' support and
395
assistance. But before he reached Syria hostilities broke out, and after he had gained some advantages over his
son-in-law, Demetrius was totally forsaken by his troops on the field of battle and surrendered to Seleucus.
His son Antigonus offered all his possessions, and even his own person, in order to procure his father's liberty. But
all proved unavailing, and Demetrius died after a confinement of three years (283 BC). His remains were given to
Antigonus and honoured with a splendid funeral at Corinth.
His descendants remained in possession of the Macedonian throne till the time of Perseus, when Macedon was
conquered by the Romans in 168 BC.
Demetrius was married five times; his first wife was Phila daughter of Regent Antipater by whom he had two
children: Stratonice of Syria and Antigonus II Gonatas. His second wife was Eurydice of Athens and his third wife
was Deidamia, a sister of Pyrrhus of Epirus. Deidamia bore him a son called Alexander who is said by Plutarch to
have spent his life in Egypt, probably in an honourable captivity. His fourth wife was Lanassa and fifth wife was
Ptolemais, daughter of Ptolemy I Soter and Eurydice of Egypt, by whom he had a son called Demetrius the Fair. He
also had an affair with a celebrated courtesan called Lamia of Athens, by whom he had a daughter called Phila.
Literary references
Plutarch
Plutarch wrote a biography of Demetrius
[77]
.
Hegel
Hegel, in the Lectures on the History of Philosophy, says of another Demetrius, Demetrius Phalereus that "Demetrius
Phalereus and others were thus soon after [Alexander] honoured and worshipped in Athens as God."
[3]
What the
exact source was for Hegel's claim is unclear. Diogenes Lartius in his short biography of Demetrius Phalereus does
not mention this.
[4]
Apparently Hegel's error comes from a misreading of Plutarch's Life of Demetrius
[77]
which is about Demetrius
Poliorcetes and not Demetrius of Phalereus. But, Plutarch describes in the work how Demetrius Poliorcetes
conquered Demetrius Phalereus at Athens. Then, in chapter 12 of the work, Plutarch describes how Demetrius
Poliorcetes was given honors due to the god Dionysus. Somehow this account by Plutarch was confusing not only
for Hegel, but for others as well.
[5]
Others
Plutarch's account of Demetrius' departure from Macedonia in 288 BC inspired Constantine Cavafy to write "King
Demetrius" ( ) in 1906, his earliest surviving poem on a historical theme.
Demetrius appears (under the Greek form of his name, Demetrios) in L. Sprague de Camp's historical novel, The
Bronze God of Rhodes, which largely concerns itself with his siege of Rhodes.
Alfred Duggan's novel Elephants and Castles provides a lively fictionalised account of his life.
396
References
[1] Walter M. Ellis, Ptolemy of Egypt, Routledge, London, 1994, p. 15.
[2] Plutarch, Life of Demetrius
[3] Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, Lectures on the History of Philosophy, volume 2, Plato and the Platonists, p. 125, translated by E. S.
Haldane and Frances H. Simson, Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press, 1995.
[4] Diogenes Lartius, Lives and Opinions of Eminent Philosophers, Book V.
[5] Kenneth Scott, "The Deification of Demetrius Poliorcetes: Part I", The American Journal of Philology, 49:2 (1928), pp. 137166. See, in
particular, p. 148.
Sources
Ancient sources
Plutarch, Life of Demetrius (http:/ / www. attalus. org/ old/ demetrius1. html)
Diodorus Siculus, Library of History (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/
Diodorus_Siculus/ home. html), books 1921
Polyaenus, Stratagems, 4.7 (http:/ / www. attalus. org/ translate/ polyaenus4B. html#7. 1)
Justin, Epitome of Trogus (http:/ / www. attalus. org/ translate/ justinus. html), books 1516
Athenaeus, Deipnosophists, 6.252255 (http:/ / www. attalus. org/ old/ athenaeus6c. html#252)
Modern works
R. M. Errington, A History of the Hellenistic World, pp.3358. Blackwell Publishing (2008). ISBN
978-0-631-23388-6.
Demetrius I at Livius.org (http:/ / www. livius. org/ de-dh/ demetrius/ demetrius_poliorcetes. html)
Alfred Duggan, "Besieger of Cities" (http:/ / www. goodreads. com/ book/ show/ 7734372-besieger-of-cities)
Regnal titles
Precededby
Antigonus I Monophthalmus
Antigonid dynasty Succeededby
Precededby
Antipater II of Macedon
King of Macedon
294288 BC
Succeededby
Lysimachus and Pyrrhus of Epirus
Mark Antony
397
Mark Antony
For other Romans with a similar Latin name, see List of Romans named Marcus Antonius. For other people with a
similar English name, see Mark Anthony.
Marcus Antonius
Bust of Mark Antony in Vatican City
Triumvir of the Roman Republic
In office
27 November 43 BC 31 December 33 BC
Serving with Octavian and Marcus Lepidus
In office
1 January 34 BC 31 December 34 BC
Serving with Lucius Scribonius Libo
Preceded by Lucius Cornificius and Sextus Pompeius
Succeeded by Octavian and Lucius Volcatius Tullus
In office
1 January 44 BC 31 December 44 BC
Serving with Julius Caesar
Preceded by Julius Caesar
Succeeded by Aulus Hirtius and Gaius Vibius Pansa Caetronianus
People's Tribune of the Roman Republic
In office
1 January 49 BC 7 January 49 BC
Personal details
Born 14 January 83 BC
Died 1 August 30 BC
Alexandria, Ptolemaic Egypt
Mark Antony
398
Spouse(s)
Fadia
Antonia Hybrida Minor (?47 BC)
Fulvia (4640
BC)
Octavia Minor (4032
BC)
Cleopatra (3230
BC)
Children Antonia Prima
Marcus Antonius Antyllus
Iullus Antonius
Antonia Major
Antonia Minor
Alexander Helios
Cleopatra Selene II
Ptolemy Philadelphus
Religion Roman Paganism
Military service
Allegiance
Roman Republic
Service/branch Roman Army
Years of service 5430 BC
Rank Proconsul
Battles/wars Gallic Wars
Caesar's Civil War
Post-Caesarian Civil War
Liberators' civil war
Roman-Parthian Wars
Final Roman Civil War
Marcus Antonius (Latin: MANTONIVSMFMN)
[1]
(January 14, 83 BC August 1, 30BC), commonly known in
English as Mark Antony, was a Roman politician and general who played a critical role in the transformation of the
Roman Republic from an oligarchy into the autocratic Roman Empire.
Antony was an important supporter of and military commander for Julius Caesar during his conquest of Gaul and
subsequent civil war. Caesar appointed Antony the administrator of Italy while he eliminated his political opponents
in Greece, North Africa, and Spain. After Caesar's assassination in 44 BC, Antony joined forces with Marcus
Lepidus, one of Caesar's generals, and Caesar's adoptive son Octavian in a three-man dictatorship known as the
Second Triumvirate. The Triumvirate defeated Caesar's murderers, the Liberatores, at the Battle of Philippi in 42 BC
and divided government of the Republic between themselves. Antony was assigned Rome's eastern provinces,
including Rome's client kingdom of Ptolemaic Egypt ruled by Queen Cleopatra, and command of Rome's war
against Parthia.
Relations within the Triumvirate were strained as the various members sought greater political power. Civil war
between Antony and Octavian was averted in 40 BC when Antony married Octavian's sister Octavia Minor. Despite
his marriage, Antony continued his love affair with Cleopatra, further straining political ties to Rome. With Lepidus
expelled in 36 BC, the Triumvirate finally broke up in 33 BC as disagreements between Octavian and Antony
erupted into civil war in 31 BC. The Roman Senate, at Octavian's direction, declared war on Cleopatra and
proclaimed Antony a traitor. Antony was defeated by Octavian at the naval Battle of Actium the same year.
Mark Antony
399
Defeated, Antony fled with Cleopatra back to Egypt where he committed suicide.
With Antony dead, Octavian was left as the undisputed master of the Roman world. Octavian would assume the title
Augustus and would reign as the first Roman Emperor.
Early life
A member of the Plebeian Antonia clan (gens), Antony was born in Rome on January 14, 83 BC.
[2][3]
His father and
namesake was Marcus Antonius Creticus, son of the noted orator by the same name who had been murdered during
the Marian Terror of the winter of 876 BC.
[4]
His mother was Julia Antonia, a distant cousin of Julius Caesar.
Antony was an infant at the time of Lucius Cornelius Sulla's march on Rome in 82 BC.
[5]

[6]
Antony's brother Lucius, on a coin
issued at Ephesus during his
consulship in 41 BC
According to the Roman orator Marcus Tullius Cicero, Antony's father was
incompetent and corrupt, and was only given power because he was incapable of
using or abusing it effectively.
[7]
In 74 BC he was given military command to
defeat the pirates of the Mediterranean, but he died in Crete in 71 BC without
making any significant progress.
[8]
The elder Antony's death left Antony and his
brothers, Lucius and Gaius, in the care of their mother. Julia later married
Publius Cornelius Lentulus Sura, an eminent member of the old Patrician
nobility.
[9]
Lentulus, despite exploiting his political success for financial gain,
was constantly in debt due to the extravagance of his lifestyle. He was a major
figure in the Second Catilinarian Conspiracy and was summarily executed on the
orders of the Consul Cicero in 63 BC for his involvement.
[9]
His death resulted in
a feud between the Antonia and the famous orator.
Antony's early life was characterized by lack of proper parental guidance. According to the historian Plutarch, he
spent his teenage years wandering through Rome with his brothers and friends gambling, drinking, and becoming
involved in scandalous love affairs. According to Cicero, he had a homosexual relationship with Gaius Scribonius
Curio.
[10]
There is little reliable information on his political activity as a young man, although it is known that he
was an associate of Publius Clodius Pulcher and his street gang.
[11]
He may also have been involved in the Lupercal
cult as he was referred to as a priest of this order later in life.
[12]
By age twenty, Antony had amassed an enormous
debt. Hoping to escape his creditors, Antony fled to Greece in 58 BC, where he studied philosophy and rhetoric at
Athens.
Early career
Military service
In 57 BC, Antony joined the military staff of Aulus Gabinius, the Proconsul of Syria, as chief of the cavalry.
[13]
The
appointment marks the beginning of his military career.
[14]
As Consul the previous year alongside Antony's mentor
Publius Clodius Pulcher, Gabinius had exiled Cicero.
Hyrcanus II, the Roman-supported Hasmonean High Priest of Judea, fled Jerusalem to Gabinius to seek protection
against his rival and son-in-law Alexander. Years earlier in 63 BC, the Roman general Pompey had captured him and
his father, King Aristobulus II, during his war against the remnant of the Seleucid Empire. Pompey had deposed
Aristobulus and installed Hyrcanus as Romes client ruler over Judea.
[15]
Antony achieved his first military
distinctions after securing important victories at Alexandrium and Machaerus.
[16]
With the rebellion defeated by 56
BC, Gabinius restored Hyrcanus to his position as High Priest.
Mark Antony
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Bust of Pharaoh Ptolemy XII Auletes.
The following year, in 55 BC, Gabinius intervened in the political
affairs of Ptolemaic Egypt. Pharaoh Ptolemy XII Auletes had been
deposed in a rebellion led by his daughter Berenice IV in 58 BC, forcing
him to seek asylum in Rome. During Pompeys conquests years earlier,
Ptolemy had received the support of Pompey, who named him an ally of
Rome.
[17]
Gabinius invasion sought to restore Ptolemy to his throne.
This was done against the orders of the Senate but with the approval of
Pompey, then Romes leading politician, and only after the deposed king
provided a 10,000 talent bribe. The Greek historian Plutarch records it
was Antony who convinced Gabinius to finally act. After defeating the
frontier forces of the Egyptian kingdom, Gabinius's army proceeded to
attack the palace guards but the guards surrendered before a battle
commenced.
[18]
With Ptolemy XII restored as Romes client king,
Gabinius garrisoned two thousand Roman soldiers, later known as the
Gabiniani, in Alexandria to ensure Ptolemys authority. In return for its
support, Rome exercised consideration power over the kingdoms
affairs, particularly control over the kingdoms revenues and crop
yields.
[19]
During the campaign in Egypt, Antony first met Cleopatra, the then 14 year old daughter of Ptolemy XII. The
Roman historian Appian of Alexandria later recorded his desire for the Egyptian princess began at this meeting.
[20]
While Antony was serving Gabinius in the East, the domestic political situation had changed in Rome. In 60 BC, a
secret agreement (known as the "First Triumvirate") was entered into between three men to control the Republic:
Marcus Licinius Crassus, Gnaeus Pompey Magnus, and Gaius Julius Caesar. Crassus, Rome's wealthiest man, had
defeated the slave rebellion of Spartacus in 70 BC; Pompey conquered much of the Eastern Mediterranean in the 60's
BC; Caesar was Rome's Pontifex Maximus and a former general in Spain. In 59 BC, Caesar, with funding from
Crassus, was elected Consul to pursue legislation favorable to Crassus and Pompey's interests. In return, Caesar was
assigned the governorship of Illyricum, Cisalpine Gaul, and Transalpine Gaul for five years beginning in 58 BC.
Caesar used his governorship as a launch point for his conquest of free Gaul. In 55 BC, Crassus and Pompey served
as Consuls while Caesar had his command extended for another five years. Rome was effectively under the absolute
power of these three men.
[21][22]
The Triumvirate used the demagogue Publius Clodius Pulcher, Antony's patron, to
exile their political rivals, notably Cicero
[23]
and Cato the Younger.
During his early military service, Antony married his cousin Antonia Hybrida Minor, the daughter of Gaius Antonius
Hybrida. Sometime between 54 and 49 BC, the union produces a single daughter, Antonia Prima. It is unclear if this
is Antony's first marriage.
[24]
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Service under Caesar
Gallic Wars
See also: Gallic Wars
The ancient Mediterranean in 50 BC at the end of Caesar's Gallic Wars, with the territory
of Rome in yellow.
Antony's association with Publius
Clodius Pulcher allowed him to
achieve greater prominence. Clodius,
through the influence of his benefactor
Marcus Licinius Crassus, had
developed a positive political
relationship with Julius Caesar.
Clodius secured Antony a position on
Caesar's military staff in 54 BC,
joining his conquest of Gaul. Serving
under Caesar, Antony demonstrated
excellent military leadership. Despite a
temporary alienation later in life,
Antony and Caesar developed friendly
relations which would continue until
Caesar's assassination in 44 BC.
Caesar's influence secured greater
political advancement for Antony. After a years of service in Gaul, Caesar dispatched Antony to Rome to formally
begin his political career, receiving election as Quaestor for 52 BC as a member of the Populares faction. Assigned
to assist Caesar, Antony returned to Gaul and commanded Caesar's cavalry during the his victory at the Battle of
Alesia against the Gallic High King Vercingetorix. Following his year in office, Antony was promoted by Caesar to
the rank of Legate and assigned command of two legions (approximately 7,500 total soldiers).
[25]
During this time, the alliance between Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus had effectively ended. Caesar's daughter Julia,
who had married Pompey to secure the alliance, had died in 54 BC while Crassus had been killed at the Battle of
Carrhae in 53 BC. Without the stability they provided, the divide between Caesar and Pompey grew ever larger.
[26]
Caesar's glory in conquering Gaul had served to further strain his alliance with Pompey,
[27]
who, having grown
jealous of his former ally, had drifted away from Caesar's democratic Populares party towards the oligarchic
Optimates faction led by Cato. The supporters of Caesar, led by Clodius, and the supporters of Pompey, led by Titus
Annius Milo, routinely clashed. In 52 BC, Milo succeeded in assassinating Clodius, resulting in widespread riots and
the burning of Senate meeting house, the Curia Hostilia, by Clodius' street gang. Anarchy resulted, causing the
Senate to look to Pompey. Fearing the persecutions of Lucius Cornelius Sulla only thirty-years earlier, they avoided
granting Pompey the dictatorship by instead naming him sole Consul for the year, giving him extraordinary but
limited powers. Pompey ordered armed soldiers into the city to restore order and to eliminate the remnants of
Clodius' gang.
[28]
Antony remained on Caesar's military staff until 50 BC, helping mopping-up actions across Gaul to secure Caesar's
conquest. With the war over, Antony was sent back to Rome to act as Caesar's protector against Pompey and the
other Optimates. With the support of Caesar, who as Pontifex Maximus was head of the Roman religion, Antony was
appointed the College of Augurs, an importantly priestly office responsible for interpreting the will of the Roman
gods by studying the flight of birds. All public actions required a favorable auspices, granting the college
considerable influence. Antony was then elected as one of the ten People's Tribunes for 49 BC. From this position,
Antony could protect Caesar from his political enemies by vetoing any actions unfavorable to his patron.
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Civil War
See also: Caesar's Civil War
Cato the Younger, a member of the Optimates
faction, was one of the chief architects of the
decree which provoked Caesar into civil war.
The feud between Caesar and Pompey erupted into open confrontation
by early 49 BC. The Consuls for the year, Gaius Claudius Marcellus
Maior and Lucius Cornelius Lentulus Crus, were firm Optimates
opposed to Caesar.
[29]
Pompey, though remaining in Rome, was then
serving as the governor of Spain and commanded several legions. Upon
assuming office in January, Antony immediately summoned a meeting
of the Senate to resolve the conflict: he proposed both Caesar and
Pompey lay down their commands and return to the status of mere
private citizens.
[30]
His proposal was well received by most of the
senators but the Consuls and Cato vehemently opposed it. Antony then
made a new proposal: Caesar would retain only two of his eight legions
and the governorship of Illyrium if he was allowed to stand for the
Consulship in absentia. This arrangement ensured his immunity from
suit would continue, he had needed the Consulship to protect himself
from prosecution by Pompey. Though Pompey found the concession
satisfactory, Cato and Lentulus refused to back down, with Lentulus
even expelling Antony from the Senate meeting by force. Antony fled
Rome, fearing for his life, and returned to Caesar's camp on the banks
of the Rubicon River, the southern limit of Caesar's lawful command.
Within days of Antony's expulsion, on 7 January 49 BCE, the Senate
reconvened. Under the leadership of Cato and with the tacit support of
Pompey, the Senate passed the final decree (senatus consultum
ultimum) stripping Caesar of his command and ordering him to return
to Rome and stand trial for war crimes. The Senate further declared
Caesar a traitor and a public enemy if he did not immediately disband
his army.
[31]
With all hopes of finding a peaceful solution gone after
Antony's expulsion, Caesar used Antony as a pretext for marching on Rome. As Tribune, Antony's person was
sacrosanct and therefor it was unlawful to harm him or refuse to recognize his veto. Three days later, on 10 January,
Caesar crossed the Rubicon River, starting a civil war.
[32]
During the southern march, Caesar placed Antony as his
second in command.
Caesar's rapid advance surprised Pompey, who, along with the other chief members of the Optimates, fled Italy for
Greece. After entering Rome, instead of pursuing Pompey, Caesar marched to Spain to defeat Pompeian-loyalists
there. Meanwhile, Antony, with the rank of Propraetor despite never having served as Praetor, was installed as
governor of Italy and commander of the army stationed in there while Marcus Lepidus, one of Caesar's staff officers,
provided the provision administration of Rome itself.
[33][34]
Though Antony was well liked by his soldiers, most
other citizens despised him for his lack of interest in the hardships they faced due to the civil war.
[35]
By the end of the year 49 BC, Caesar, already at the ruler of Gaul, had captured Italy, Spain, Sicily, and Sardinia out
of Optimates control. In early 48 BC, prepared to sail with seven legions to Greece to face Pompey. Caesar had
entrusted the defense of Illyricum to Gaius Antonius, Antony's younger brother, and Publius Cornelius Dolabella.
Pompey's forces, however, defeated them and assumed control the Adriatic Sea along with it. Additionally, the two
legions they commanded defected to Pompey. Without their fleet, Caesar lacked the necessary transport ships to
cross into Greece with his seven legions. Instead, sailed with only two and placed Antony in command of the
remaining five at Brundisium with instructions to join him as soon as he was able. In early 48 BC, Lucius Scribonius
Libo was given command of Pompey's fleet, comprising some fifty galleys.
[36][37]
Moving off to Brundisium, he
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403
blockaded Antony. Antony, however, managed to trick Libo into pursuing some decoy ships, causing Libos
squadron to be trapped and attacked. Most of Libos fleet managed to escape, but several of his troops were trapped
and captured.
[38]
With Libo gone, Antony joined Caesar in Greece by March 48 BC.
The Battle of Pharsalus: the decisive battle of Caesar's Civil War. Antony commanded the
left wing of Caesar's army.
During the Greek campaign, Plutarch
records Antony was Caesar's top
general and was second to only him in
reputation.
[39]
Antony joined Caesar in
in the western Balkan Peninsula and
besieged Pompey's larger army at
Dyrrhachium. With food source
running low, Caesar, in July, ordered a
nocturnal assault on Pompey's camp,
but Pompey's larger forces pushed
back the assault. Though an indecisive
result, the victory was tactical victory
for Pompey. Pompey, however, did not
order a counter-assault on Caesar's
camp, allowing Caesar to retreat
unhindered. Caesar would later remark the civil war would have ended that day if Pompey had only attacked him.
[40]
Caesar managed to retreat to Thessaly, with Pompey in pursuit.
Assuming a defensive position at the plain of Pharsalus, Caesar's army prepared for pitched battle with Pompey,
which outnumbered his own two to one. At the Battle of Pharsalus on 9 August 48 BC, Caesar commanded by the
right wing opposite Pompey while Antony commanded the left, indicating Antony's status as Caesar's top general.
The resulting battle was a decisive victory for Caesar. Though the civil war had not ended at Pharsulus, the battle
marked the pinnacle of Caesar's power and effectively ended the Republic.
[41]
The battle gave Caesar a much needed
boost in legitimacy as prior to the battle much of the Roman world outside of Italy supported Pompey and the
Optimates as the legitimate government of Rome. After his defeat, most of the Senate defected to Caesar, including
many of the soldiers who had fought under Pompey. Pompey himself fled to Ptolemaic Egypt, but Pharaoh Ptolemy
XIII Theos Philopator feared retribution from Caesar and had Pompey assassinated upon his arrival.
Governor of Italy
Instead of immediately pursuing Pompey and the remaining Optimates, Caesar returned to Rome and was appointed
Dictator with Antony as his Master of the Horse and second in command.
[42]
Caesar presided over his own election
to a second Consulship for 47 BC and then, after eleven days in office, resigned this dictatorship.
[43]
Caesar then
sailed to Egypt, where he deposed Ptolemy XIII in favor of his sister Cleopatra in 47 BC. Cleopatra would become
his mistress and the union would produce a son, Caesarion. Caesar's actions further strengthen Rome control over the
already Roman-dominated kingdom.
[44]
While Caesar was away in Egypt, Antony remained in Rome to govern Italy and restore order.
[45]
Without Caesar to
guide him, however, Antony quickly faced political difficulties and proved himself unpopular. The chief cause of his
political challenges concerned debt forgiveness. One of the Tribunes for 47 BC, Publius Cornelius Dolabella, a
former general under Pompey, proposed a law which would have canceled all outstanding debts. Antony opposed the
law for political and personal reasons: he believed Caesar would not support such massive relief and suspected
Dolabella had sexually seduced his wife Antonia Hybrida Minor. When Dolabella sought to enact the law by force
and seized the Roman Forum, Antony responded by unleashing his soldiers upon the assembled mass.
[46]
The
resulting instability, especially among Caesar's veterans who would have benefited from the law, forced Caesar to
return to Italy by October 47 BC.
Mark Antony
404
Antony's handling of the affair with Dolabella caused a cooing of his relationship with Caesar. Antony's violent
reaction had caused Rome to fall into a state of anarchy. Caesar sought to mend relations with the populist leader.
Caesar was elected to a third term as Consul for 46 BC, but proposed the Senate should transfer the consulship to
Dolabella. When Antony protested, Caesar was forced to withdraw the motion out of shame. Later, Caesar sought to
exercise his prerogatives as Dictator and directly proclaim Dolabella as Consul instead.
[47]
Antony again protested
and, in his capacity as an Augur, declared the omens were unfavorable and Caesar again backed down.
[48]
Seeing the
expediency of removing Dolabella from Rome, Caesar ultimately pardoned him for role in the riots and took him as
one of his generals in his campaigns against the remaining Optimates resistance. Antony, however, was stripped of
all official positions and received no appointments for the year 46 BC or 45 BC. Instead of Antony, Caesar appointed
Marcus Aemilius Lepidus to be his Consular colleague for 46 BC. While Caesar campaigned in North Africa,
Antony remained in Rome as a mere private citizen. After returning victorious from North Africa, Caesar was
appointed Dictator for ten years and brought Cleopatra to Rome. Antony again remained in Rome while Caesar, in
45 BC, sailed to Spain to defeat the final opposition to his rule. When Caesar returned in late 45 BC, the civil war
was over.
During this time Antony married his third wife, Fulvia. Following the scandal with Dolabella, Antony had divorced
his second wife and quickly married Fulvia. Fulvia had previously been married to both Publius Clodius Pulcher and
Gaius Scribonius Curio, having been a widow since Curio's assassination in 52 BC. Though Antony and Fulvia were
formally married in 47 BC, Cicero suggests the two had been in a relationship since at least 58 BC.
[49][50]
The union
would produce two children: Marcus Antonius Antyllus (b. 47) and Iullus Antonius (b. 45)
Assassination of Caesar
Main article: Assassination of Julius Caesar
The Ides of March
Whatever conflicts existed between himself and Caesar, Antony remained faithful to Caesar, ensuring their
estrangement did not last long. Antony reunited with Caesar at Narbo in 45 BC with full reconciliation coming in 44
BC when Antony was elected Consul alongside Caesar. Caesar planned a new invasion of Parthia and desired to
leave Antony in Italy to govern Rome in his name. The reconciliation came soon after Antony rejected an offer by
Gaius Trebonius, one of Caesar's generals, to join a conspiracy to assassinate Caesar.
[51][52]
Soon after assuming office together, the Lupercalia festival was held on 15 February 44 BC. The festival was held in
honor of Lupa, the she-wolf which suckled the infant orphans Romulus and Remus, the founders of Rome.
[53]
The
political atmosphere of Rome at the time of the festival was deeply divided. Caesar had enacted a number
constitutional reforms which centralized effectively all political powers within his own hands. He was granted
further honors, including a form of semi-official cult, with Antony as his high priest.
[54]
Additionally, the day before
the festival, Caesar had been named Dictator for Life, effectively granting unlimited power. Caesar's political rivals
feared these reforms were his attempts at transforming the Republic into an open monarchy. During the festival's
activities, Antony publicly offered Caesar a diadem, which Caesar refused. The event presented a powerful message:
a diadem was a symbol of a king. By refusing it, Caesar demonstrated he had no intention of making himself King of
Rome. Antony's motive for such actions are not clear and it is unknown if he acted with Caesar's prior approval or on
his own.
[55]
Mark Antony
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The "Death of Julius Caesar", as depicted by Vincenzo Camuccini. Caesar was
assassinated on the Ides of March (15 March) 44 BC.
A group of Senators resolved to kill
Caesar to prevent him from seizing the
throne. Chief among them were
Marcus Junius Brutus and Gaius
Cassius Longinus. Although Cassius
was "the moving spirit" in the plot,
winning over the chief assassins to the
cause of tyrannicide, Brutus, with his
family's history of deposing Rome's
kings, became their leader.
[56]
Cicero,
though not personally involved in the
conspiracy, later claimed Antony's
actions sealed Caesar's fate as such an
obvious display of Caesar's
preeminence motivated them to act.
[57]
Originally, the conspirators had planned to eliminate not only Caesar but also
many of his supporters, including Antony, but Brutus rejected the proposal, limiting the conspiracy to Caesar
alone.
[58]
With Caesar preparing to depart for Parthia in late March, the conspirators prepared to act when Caesar
appeared for the Senate meeting on the Ides of March (15 March).
Antony, having learned of the plot the night before, went to stop Caesar from attending the meeting. However, a
group of senators intercepted Caesar just as he was passing the Theater of Pompey, where the Senate was
temporarily meeting, and directed him towards the meeting before Antony could reach him. According to the Greek
historian Plutarch, as Caesar arrived at the Senate, Lucius Tillius Cimber presented him with a petition to recall his
exiled brother.
[59]
The other conspirators crowded round to offer their support. Within moments, the entire group,
including Brutus, was striking out at the dictator. Caesar attempted to get away, but, blinded by blood, he tripped and
fell; the men continued stabbing him as he lay defenseless on the lower steps of the portico. According to the Roman
historian Eutropius, around 60 or more men participated in the assassination. Caesar was stabbed 23 times and died
from the blood loss attributable to the multiple stab wounds.
[60][61]
Leader of the Caesarian Party
In the turmoil surrounding the assassination, Antony escaped Rome dressed as a slave, fearing Caesar's death would
be the start of a bloodbath among his supporters. When this did not occur, he soon returned to Rome. The
conspirators, who styled themselves the Liberatores ("The Liberators"), had barricaded themselves on the Capitoline
Hill for their own safety. Though they believed Caesar's death would restore the Republic, Caesar had been
immensely popular with the Roman middle and lower classes, who become enraged upon learning a small group of
aristocrats had killed their champion.
Antony, as the sole Consul, soon took the initiative and seized the state treasury. Calpurnia Pisonis, Caesar's widow,
presented him with Caesar's personal papers and custody of his extensive property, clearly marking him as Caesar's
heir and leader of the Caesarian faction.
[62]
Caesar's Master of the Horse Marcus Aemilius Lepidus marched over
6,000 troops into Rome on 16 March to restore order and to act as the bodyguards of the Caesarian faction. Lepidus
wanted to storm the Capitol, but Antony preferred a peaceful solution as a majority of both the Liberators and
Caesar's own supporters preferred a settlement over civil war.
[63]
On 17 March, at Antony's arrangement, the Senate
meet to discuss a compromise, which, due the presence of Caesar's veterans in the city, was quickly reached.
Caesar's assassins would be pardoned of their crimes and, in return, all of Caesar's actions would be ratified.
[64]
In
particular, the offices assigned to both Brutus and Cassius by Caesar were likewise ratified. Antony also agreed to
accept the appointment of his rival Dolabella as his Consular colleague to replace Caesar.
[65]
Having neither troops,
money, nor popular support, the Liberatores were forced to accept Antony's proposal. This compromise was a great
Mark Antony
406
success for Antony, who managed to simultaneously appease Caesar's veterans, to reconcile the Senate majority, and
to appear to the Liberatores as their partner and protector.
[66]
Octavian, Julius Caesar's adoptive son. Antony would struggle
with Octavian for leadership of the Caesarian party following
Caesar's assassination.
On 19 March, Caesar's will was opened and read. In it,
Caesar posthumously adopted his great-nephew Gaius
Octavius and named him his principal heir. Then only 19
years old and stationed with Caesar's army in Macedonia, the
youth became a member of Caesar's Julian clan, changing his
name to "Gaius Julius Caesar Octavianus" (Octavian) in
accordance with the conventions of Roman adoption.
Though not the chief beneficiary, Antony did receive some
bequests.
[67]
Shortly after the compromise was reached, as a sign of good
faith, Brutus, against the advice of Cassius and Cicero,
agreed Caesar would be given a public funeral and his will
would be validated. Caesar's funeral was held on 20 March.
Antony, as Caesar's faithful lieutenant and reigning Consuls,
was chosen to preside over the ceremony and to recite the
elegy. During the demagogic speech, he enumerated the
deeds of Caesar and, publicly reading his will, detailed the
donations Caesar had left to the Roman people. Antony then
seized the blood-stained toga from Caesar's body presented it
to the crowd. Worked into a fury by the bloody spectacle, the
assembly rioted. Several buildings in the Forum and some
houses of the conspirators were burned to the ground.
Panicked, many of the conspirators fled Italy.
[68]
Under the
pretext of not being able to guarantee their safety, Antony relieved Brutus and Cassius of their judicial duties in
Rome and instead assigned them responsibility for procuring wheat for Rome from Sicily and Asia. Such
assignment, in addition to being unworthy of their rank, would have kept them far from Rome and would have
shifted the balance away towards Antony. Refusing such secondary duties, the two traveled to Greece instead.
Additionally, Cleopatra left Rome for Egypt, giving birth to Caesar's son on the way, whom she named Caesarion
after his father.
Despite the provisions of Caesar's will, Antony proceeded to act as leader of the Caesarian faction, including
appropriating to himself a portion of Caesar's fortune rightly belong to Octavian. Antony enacted the Lex Antonia,
which formally abolished the Dictatorship, in an attempt to consolidate his power by gaining the support of the
Senatorial class. He also enacted a number of laws he claimed to have found in Caesar's papers to ensure his popular
with Caesar's veterans, particularly by providing land grants to them. Lepidus, with Antony's support, was named
Pontifex Maximus to succeed Caesar. To solidify the alliance between Antony and Lepidus, Antony's daughter
Antonia Prima was engaged to Lepidus's son, also named Lepidus. Surrounding himself with a bodyguard of over six
thousand of Caesar's veterans, Antony presented himself as Caesar's true successor, largely ignoring Octavian.
[69]
First Conflict with Octavian
Octavian arrived in Rome in May to claim his inheritance. Although Antony had amassed political support, Octavian
still had opportunity to rival him as the leading member of the Caesarian faction. The Senatorial Republicans
increasingly viewed Anthony as a new tyrant while Antony had lost the support of many Romans and supporters of
Caesar when he opposed the motion to elevate Caesar to divine status.
[70]
When Antony refused to relinquish
Caesar's vast fortune to him, Octavian borrowed heavily to fulfill the bequests in Caesar's will to the Roman people
Mark Antony
407
and to his veterans, as well as to establish his own bodyguard of veterans. This earned him the support of Caesarian
sympathizers who hoped to use him as a means of eliminating Antony.
[71]
The Senate, and Cicero in particular,
viewed Antony as the greater danger between the two. By summer 44 BC, Antony was in a difficult position due to
his actions regarding his compromise with the Liberatores following Caesar's assassination. He could either
denounce the Liberatores as murderers and alienate the Senate or he could maintain his support for the compromise
and risk betraying the legacy of Caesar, strengthening Octavian's position. In either case, his position as ruler of
Rome would be weakened. The Roman historian Cassius Dio later recorded that while Antony, as reigning Consul,
maintained the advantage in the relationship, the general affection of the Roman people was shifting to Octavian due
to his status as Caesar's son.
[72][73]
Supporting the Senatorial faction against Antony, Octavian, in September 44 BC, encouraged the leading Senator
Marcus Tullius Cicero to attack Antony in a series of speeches portraying him as a threat to the Republican
order.
[74][75]
Risk of civil war between Antony and Octavian grew. Octavian continued to recruit Caesar's veterans to
his side and away from Antony, with two of Antony's legions defecting to him in November 44 BC. At that time,
Octavian, a mere private citizen, lacked the legal authority to command the Republic's armies, making his command
illegal. With popular opinion in Rome turning against him and his Consular term nearing its end, Antony attempted
to secure a favorable military assignment to secure an army to protect himself. The Senate, as was custom, assigned
Antony and Dolabella the provinces of Macedonia and Syria, respectively, to govern in 43 BC after their Consular
term expired. Antony, however, objected to the assignment, preferring to govern Cisalpine Gaul which had been
assigned to Decimus Junius Brutus Albinus, one of Caesar's assassins.
[76][77]
When Decimus refused to surrender his
province, Antony marched north in December 44 BC with his remaining soldiers to take the province by force,
besieging Decimus at Mutina.
[78]
The Senate, led by a fiery Cicero, denounced Antony's actions and declared him an
outlaw.
Ratifying Octavian extraordinary command on 1 January 43 BC, the Senate dispatched him along with the Consuls
Hirtius and Pansa to defeat Antony and his five legions.
[79][80]
Antony's forces were defeated at the Battle of Mutina
in April 43 BC, forcing Antony to retreat to Transalpine Gaul. Both consuls were killed, however, leaving Octavian
in sole command of their armies, some eight legions.
[81][82]
The Second Triumvirate
Main article: Second Triumvirate
Forming the Alliance
With Antony defeated, the Senate, hoping to eliminate Octavian and the remainder of the Caesarian party, assigned
command of the Republic's legions to Decimus. Sextus Pompey, son of Caesar's old rival Pompey Magnus, was
given command of the Republic's fleet from his base in Sicily while Brutus and Cassius were granted the
governorships of Macedonia and Syria respectively. These appointments attempted to renew the "Republican"
cause.
[83]
However, the eight legions serving under Octavian, composed largely of Caesar's veterans, refused to
follow one of Caesar's murderers, allowing Octavian to retain his command. Meanwhile, Antony recovered his
position by joining forces with Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, who had been assigned the governorship of Transapline
Gaul and Nearer Spain.
[84]
Antony sent Lepidus to Rome to broker a conciliation. Though he was an ardent
Caesarian, Lepdius had maintained friendly relations with the Senate and with Sextus Pompey. His legions, however,
quickly joined Antony, giving him control over seventeen legions, the largest army in the West.
[85]
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408
Map of the Roman Republic in 43 BC after the establishment of the Second Triumvirate:
By mid-May, Octavian began secret
negotiations to form an alliance with
Antony to provide a united Caesarian
party against the Liberators.
Remaining in Cisalpine Gaul, Octavian
dispatched emissaries to Rome in July
43 BC demanded he be appointed
Consul to replace Hirtius and Pansa
and that the decree declaring Antony a
public enemy be rescinded.
[86]
When
the Senate refused, Octavian marched
on Rome with his eight legions and
assumed control over the city in
August 43 BC. Octavian proclaimed
himself Consul, rewarded his soldiers, and then set about prosecuting Caesar's murderers. By the lex Pedia, all of the
conspirators and Sextus Pompey were convicted in absentia and declared public enemies. Then, at the instigation of
Lepidus, Octavian went to Cisalpine Gaul to meet Antony.
In November 43 BC, Octavian, Lepidus, and Antony meet near Bononia.
[87]
After two days of discussions, the group
agreed to establish a three man dictatorship to govern the Republic for five years, known as the "Three Man for the
Restoration of the Republic" (Latin: "Triumviri Rei publicae Constituendae"), known to modern historians as the
Second Triumvirate. In addition, they divided upon themselves military command of the Republic's armies and
provinces: Antony received Gaul, Lepidus Spain, and Octavian (as the junior partner) Africa. Government of Italy
was undivided between the three. The Triumvirate would have to conquer the rest of Rome's holdings, whilst the
Eastern Mediterranean remained in the hands of Brutus and Cassius and control of the Mediterranean islands rested
with Sextus Pompey.
[88]
On 27 November 43 BC, the Triumvirate was formally established by law, the lex Titia. To
finalize their alliance, Octavian married Antony's step-daughter Clodia Pulchra.
The primary objective of the Triumvirate was to avenge Caesar's death and to make war upon his murderers. Before
marching against Brutus and Cassius in the East, the Triumvirs decided to eliminate their enemies at Rome. To do
so, they employed a legalized form of mass murder: proscription. First used by the Dictator Lucius Cornelius Sulla
in 82 BC, Sulla drew up a list of his political enemies to purge Rome of opposition to his rule. Any man whose name
appeared on the list was stripped of his citizenship and excluded from all protection under law. Further, reward
money was given to any informer who gave information leading to the death of a proscribed man, and any person
who killed a proscribed man was entitled to keep part of his property, with the remainder going to the state. No
person could inherit money or property from proscribed men, nor could any woman married to a proscribed man
remarry after his death.
Like Sulla's proscription before it, the Triumvirate's proscription produced deadly results: one third of the Senate and
two thousand Roman knights were killed. Among the most famous outlaws condemned was Cicero, who was
executed on December 7. In addition to the political consequences of eliminating opposition, the proscription also
restored to deplete State Treasury, which had drained by Caesar's civil war the decade before. The fortune of a
proscribed man would be confiscated by the state, giving the Triuvmate the funds they needed to pay for the coming
war against Brutus and Cassius. When the proceeds from the sale of the confiscated estates of the proscribed was
insufficient to finance the war, the Triumvirs imposed new taxes, especially on the wealthy. By January 42 BC the
proscription officially ended. Though only lasting two months and far less bloody than that of Sulla, the episode
traumatized Roman society. A number of outlaws, to avoid being killed, also fled to either Sextus Pompey in Sicily
or to the Liberators in the East.
[89]
In order to legitimize their own rule, all Senators who survived the proscription
were allowed to keep their positions if they swore allegiance to the Triumvirate. In addition, to justify their war of
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vengeance against the murderers of Caesar, on 1 January 42 BC, the Triumvirate officially deified Caesar as "The
Divine Julius".
War against the Liberators
Main articles: Liberators' civil war and Battle of Philippi
Due to the infighting within the Triumvirate during 43 BC, Brutus and Cassius had assumed control of much of
Rome's eastern territories, including amassing a large army. Before the Triumvirate could cross the Adriatic Sea into
Greece where the Liberators had stationed their army, the Triumvirate had to address the threat possessed by Sextus
Pompey and his fleet. From his base in Sicily, Sextus raided the Italian coast and blockading the Triumvirs. Octavian
friend and admiral Quintus Rufus Salvidienus thwarted an attack by Sextus against the southern Italian mainland at
Rhegium, but was then defeated in the resulting naval battle because of the inexperience of his crews. Only when
Antony arrived with his fleet was the blockade broken. Though the blockade was defeated, control of Sicily
remained in Sextus's hand, but the defeat of the Liberators was the Triumvirate's first priority.
First Battle of Philippi - 3 October 42 BC
Second Battle of Philippi - 23 October 42 BC
In the summer of 42 BC, Octavian and
Antony sailed for Macedonia to face the
Liberators with nineteen legions, the vast
majority of their army.
[90]
(approximately
100,000 regular infantry plus supporting
cavalry and irregular auxiliary units),
leaving Rome under the administration of
Lepidus. Likewise, the army of the
Liberators also commanded an army of
nineteen legions; their legions, however,
were not at full strength while the legions of
Antony and Octavian were. While the
Triumvirs commanded a larger number of
infantry, the Libeators commanded a larger
cavalry contingent.
[91]
The Liberators, who
controlled Macedonia, did not wish to
engage in a decisive battle, but rather to
attain a good defensive position and then
use their naval superiority to block the
Triumvirs communications with their
supply base in Italy. They had spent the
previous months plundering Greek cities to
swell their war-chest and had gathered in
Thrace with the Roman legions from the
Eastern provinces and levies from Rome's
client kingdoms.
Brutus and Cassius held a position the high
ground along both sides of the via Egnatia
west of the city of Philippi. The south position was anchored to a supposedly impassable marsh, while on the north
to impervious hills. They had plenty of time to fortify their position with a rampart and a ditch. Brutus put his camp
on the north while Cassius on the south of the via Egnatia. Antony arrived shortly and positioned his army on the
south of the via Egnatia, while Octavian put his legions north of the road. Antony offered battle several times, but the
Liberators were not lured to leave their defensive stand. Thus, Antony tried to secretly outflank the Liberators'
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position through the marshes in the south. Thus provoked a pitched battle on 3 October 42 BC. Antony commanded
the Triumvirate's army due to Octavian's sickness on the day, with Antony directly controlling the right flank
opposite Cassius. Because of his health, Octavian remained in camp while his lieutenants assumed a position on the
left flank opposite Brutus. In the resulting first battle of Philippi, Antony defeated Cassius and captured his camp
while Brutus overran Octavian's troops and penetrated into the Triumvirs' camp but was unable to capture the sick
Octavian. The battle was a tactical draw but due to poor communications Cassius believed the battle was a complete
defeat and committed suicide to prevent being captured.
Brutus assumed sole command of the Liberator army and preferred a war of attrition over open conflict. His officers,
however, were dissatisfied with this defensive tactics and his Caesarian veterans threatened to switch sides, forcing
Brutus to give battle at the second battle of Philippi on 23 October. While the battle was initially evenly matched,
Antony's leadership routed Brutus' forces. Brutus committed suicide the day after the defeat and the remainder of his
army swore allegiance to the Triumvirate. Over fifty thousand Romans had been killed in the battles. While Anthony
treated the losers mildly, Octavian dealt cruelly with his prisoners and even beheaded Brutus' corpse.
[92][93][94]
The battles of Philippi ended the civil war in favor of the Caesarian faction. With the defeat of the Liberators, only
Sextus Pompey and his fleet remained to challenge the Triumvirate's control over the Republic.
Master of the Roman East
Division of the Republic
Map of the Roman Republic in 42 BC after the Battle of Philippi:
The victory at Philippi left the
members of the Triumvirate as masters
of the Republic, save Sextus Pompey
in Sicily. Upon returning to Rome, the
Triumvirate repartioned rule of Rome's
provinces between themselves, with
Antony as the clear senior partner. He
received the largest distribution,
governing all of the Eastern provinces
while retaining Gaul in the West.
Octavian's position improved, as he
received Spain, which was taken from
Lepidus. Lepdius was then reduced to
holding only Africa, and he assumed a
clearly tertiary role in the Triumvirate. Rule over Italy remained undivided, but Octavian was assigned the difficult
and unpopular task of demobilizing their veterans and providing them with land distributions in Italy.
[95][96]
Antony
assumed direct control of the East while he installed one of his lieutenants as the ruler of Gaul. During his absence,
several of his supporters held key positions at Rome to protect his interests there.
The East was in need of reorganization after the rule of the Liberators in the previous years. In addition, Rome
contended with Parthian Empire for dominance of the Near East. The Parthian threat to the Triumvirate's rule was
urgent due to the fact that the Parthians supported the Liberators in the recent civil war, which aid included the
supply troops at Philippi.
[97]
As ruler of the East, Antony also assumed responsibility for overseeing Caesar's
planned invasion of Parthia to avenge the defeat of Marcus Licinius Crassus at the Battle of Carrhae in 53 BC.
In 42 BC, the Roman East was composed of a few directly controlled provinces. The provinces included Macedonia,
Asia, Bithynia, Cilicia, Cyprus, Syria, and Cyrenaica. Approximately half of the Eastern territory was controlled by
Rome's client kingdoms, nominally independent kingdoms subject to Roman direction. These kingdoms included:
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Odrysian Thrace in Eastern Europe
The Bosporan Kingdom along the northern coast of the Black Sea
Galatia, Pontus, Cappadocia, Armenia, and several smaller kingdoms in Anatolia
Judea, Commagene, and the Nabataean Kingdom in the Middle East
Ptolemaic Egypt in Africa
Antony and Cleopatra
Antony and Cleopatra (1883) by Lawrence
Alma-Tadema
Antony summoned Cleopatra to Tarsus in October 41 BC. There they
formed an alliance and became lovers. Antony returned to Alexandria
with her, where he spent the winter of 41 BC 40 BC. In spring 40 BC
he was forced to return to Rome following news of his wife Fulvia's
involvement in civil strife with Octavian on his behalf. Fulvia died
while Antony was en route to Sicyon (where Fulvia was exiled).
Antony made peace with Octavian in September 40 BC and married
Octavian's sister Octavia Minor.
The Parthian Empire (ancient Iran) had supported Brutus and Cassius
in the civil war, sending forces which fought with them at Philippi;
following Antony and Octavian's victory, the Parthians invaded Roman territory, occupying Syria, advancing into
Asia Minor and installing Antigonus as puppet king in Judaea to replace the pro-Roman Hyrcanus. Antony sent his
general Ventidius to oppose this invasion. Ventidius won a series of victories against the Parthians, killing the crown
prince Pacorus and expelling them from the former Roman territories which they had seized.
Antony and Octavia on the obverse of a
tetradrachm issued in 39 BC at Ephesus; on the
reverse, twinned serpents frame a Dionysus who
holds a cantharus and thyrsus and stands on a
cista mystica
Antony now planned to retaliate by invading Parthia, and secured an
agreement from Octavian to supply him with extra troops for his
campaign. With this military purpose on his mind, Antony sailed to
Greece with Octavia, where he behaved in a most extravagant manner,
assuming the attributes of the Greek god Dionysus in 39 BC. But the
rebellion in Sicily of Sextus Pompeius, the last of the Pompeians, kept
the army promised to Antony in Italy. With his plans again disrupted,
Antony and Octavian quarreled once more. This time with the help of
Octavia, a new treaty was signed in Tarentum in 38 BC. The
triumvirate was renewed for a period of another five years (ending in
33 BC) and Octavian promised again to send legions to the East.
But by now, Antony was skeptical of Octavian's true support of his Parthian cause. Leaving Octavia pregnant with
her second child Antonia in Rome, he sailed to Alexandria, where he expected funding from Cleopatra, the mother of
his twins. The queen of Egypt lent him the money he needed for the army, and after capturing Jerusalem and
surrounding areas in 37 BC, he installed Herod as puppet king of Judaea, replacing the Parthian appointee
Antigonus.
Antony then invaded Parthian territory with an army of about 100,000 Roman and allied troops but the campaign
proved a disaster. After defeats in battle, the desertion of his Armenian allies and his failure to capture Parthian
strongholds convinced Antony to retreat, his army was further depleted by the hardships of its retreat through
Armenia in the depths of winter, losing more than a quarter of its strength in the course of the campaign.
Meanwhile, in Rome, the triumvirate was no more. Octavian forced Lepidus to resign after the older triumvir
attempted an ill-judged political move. Now in sole power, Octavian was occupied in wooing the traditional
Republican aristocracy to his side. He married Livia and started to attack Antony in order to raise himself to power.
He argued that Antony was a man of low morals to have left his faithful wife abandoned in Rome with the children
Mark Antony
412
to be with the promiscuous queen of Egypt. Antony was accused of everything, but most of all, of "going native", an
unforgivable crime to the proud Romans. Several times Antony was summoned to Rome, but remained in
Alexandria with Cleopatra.
A map of the Donations of Alexandria (by Mark Antony to Cleopatra and
her children) in 34 BC.
Again with Egyptian money, Antony invaded
Armenia, this time successfully. In the return, a
mock Roman Triumph was celebrated in the streets
of Alexandria. The parade through the city was a
pastiche of Rome's most important military
celebration. For the finale, the whole city was
summoned to hear a very important political
statement. Surrounded by Cleopatra and her
children, Antony ended his alliance with Octavian.
He distributed kingdoms among his children:
Alexander Helios was named king of Armenia,
Media and Parthia (territories which were not for
the most part under the control of Rome), his twin
Selene got Cyrenaica and Libya, and the young Ptolemy Philadelphus was awarded Syria and Cilicia. As for
Cleopatra, she was proclaimed Queen of Kings and Queen of Egypt, to rule with Caesarion (Ptolemy XV Caesar, son
of Cleopatra by Julius Caesar), King of Kings and King of Egypt. Most important of all, Caesarion was declared
legitimate son and heir of Caesar. These proclamations were known as the Donations of Alexandria and caused a
fatal breach in Antony's relations with Rome.
While the distribution of nations among Cleopatra's children was hardly a conciliatory gesture, it did not pose an
immediate threat to Octavian's political position. Far more dangerous was the acknowledgment of Caesarion as
legitimate and heir to Caesar's name. Octavian's base of power was his link with Caesar through adoption, which
granted him much-needed popularity and loyalty of the legions. To see this convenient situation attacked by a child
borne by the richest woman in the world was something Octavian could not accept. The triumvirate expired on the
last day of 33 BC and was not renewed. Another civil war was beginning.
During 33 and 32 BC, a propaganda war was fought in the political arena of Rome, with accusations flying between
sides. Antony (in Egypt) divorced Octavia and accused Octavian of being a social upstart, of usurping power, and of
forging the adoption papers by Caesar. Octavian responded with treason charges: of illegally keeping provinces that
should be given to other men by lots, as was Rome's tradition, and of starting wars against foreign nations (Armenia
and Parthia) without the consent of the Senate.
Antony was also held responsible for Sextus Pompeius' execution with no trial. In 32 BC, the Senate deprived him of
his powers and declared war against Cleopatra not Antony, because Octavian had no wish to advertise his role in
perpetuating Rome's internecine bloodshed. Both consuls, Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus and Gaius Sosius, and a
third of the Senate abandoned Rome to meet Antony and Cleopatra in Greece.
Mark Antony
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The Battle of Actium (1672) by Lorenzo Castro
(National Maritime Museum, London)
In 31 BC, the war started. Octavian's loyal and talented general Marcus
Vipsanius Agrippa captured the Greek city and naval port of Methone,
loyal to Antony. The enormous popularity of Octavian with the legions
secured the defection of the provinces of Cyrenaica and Greece to his
side. On September 2, the naval battle of Actium took place. Antony
and Cleopatra's navy was destroyed, and they were forced to escape to
Egypt with 60 ships.
Death
Octavian, now close to absolute power, did not intend to give them
rest. In August 30 BC, assisted by Agrippa, he invaded Egypt. With no other refuge to escape to, Antony committed
suicide by stabbing himself with his sword in the mistaken belief that Cleopatra had already done so. When he found
out that Cleopatra was still alive, his friends brought him to Cleopatra's monument in which she was hiding, and he
died in her arms.
Cleopatra was allowed to conduct Antony's burial rites after she had been captured by Octavian. Realising that she
was destined for Octavian's triumph in Rome, she made several attempts to take her life and finally succeeded in
mid-August. Octavian had Caesarion murdered, but he spared Antony's children by Cleopatra, who were paraded
through the streets of Rome. Antony's daughters by Octavia were spared, as was his son, Iullus Antonius. But his
elder son, Marcus Antonius Antyllus, was killed by Octavian's men while pleading for his life in the Caesareum.
Aftermath and legacy
Cicero's son, Cicero Minor, announced Antony's death to the senate. Antony's honours were revoked and his statues
removed (damnatio memoriae). Cicero Minor also made a decree that no member of the Antonii would ever bear the
name Marcus again. In this way Heaven entrusted the family of Cicero the final acts in the punishment of
Antony.
[98]
When Antony died, Octavian became uncontested ruler of Rome. In the following years, Octavian, who was known
as Augustus after 27 BC, managed to accumulate in his person all administrative, political, and military offices.
When Augustus died in 14 AD, his political powers passed to his adopted son Tiberius; the Roman Principate had
begun.
The rise of Caesar and the subsequent civil war between his two most powerful adherents effectively ended the
credibility of the Roman oligarchy as a governing power and ensured that all future power struggles would centre
upon which one individual would achieve supreme control of the government, eliminating the Senate and the former
magisterial structure as important foci of power, in these conflicts. Thus, in history, Antony appears as one of
Caesar's main adherents, he and Octavian Augustus being the two men around whom power coalesced following the
assassination of Caesar, and finally as one of the three men chiefly responsible for the demise of the Roman
Republic.
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Marriages and issue
Fragmentary portrait bust from Smyrna thought
to depict Octavia, sister of Octavian and Antony's
wife
Antony had been married in succession to Fadia, Antonia, Fulvia,
Octavia and Cleopatra, and left behind him a number of children.
Through his daughters by Octavia, he would be ancestor to the Roman
Emperors Caligula, Claudius and Nero.
1. Marriage to Fadia, a daughter of a freedman. According to Cicero,
Fadia bore Antony several children. Nothing is known about Fadia
or their children. Cicero is the only Roman source that mentions
Antonys first wife.
2. Marriage to first paternal cousin Antonia Hybrida Minor.
According to Plutarch, Antony threw her out of his house in Rome
because she slept with his friend, the tribune Publius Cornelius
Dolabella. This occurred by 47 BC and Antony divorced her. By Antonia, he had a daughter:
Antonia, granddaughter of Gaius Antonius Hybrida, married the wealthy Greek Pythodoros of Tralles.
3. Marriage to Fulvia, by whom he had two sons:
Marcus Antonius Antyllus, murdered by Octavian in 30 BC.
Iullus Antonius, married Claudia Marcella Major, daughter of Octavia.
4. Marriage to Octavia the Younger, sister of Octavian, later Augustus; they had two daughters:
Antonia Major also known as Julia Antonia Major,
[99]
married Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus (consul 16 BC);
maternal grandmother of the Empress Valeria Messalina and paternal grandmother of the Emperor Nero.
Antonia Minor also known Julia Antonia Minor, married Nero Claudius Drusus, the younger son of the
Empress Livia Drusilla and brother of the Emperor Tiberius; mother of the Emperor Claudius, grandmother of
the Emperor Caligula and Empress Agrippina the Younger, and maternal great-grandmother of the emperor
Nero.
5. Children with the Queen Cleopatra VII of Egypt, the former lover of Julius Caesar:
The twins Alexander Helios & Cleopatra Selene II. Selene married King Juba II of Numidia and later
Mauretania; the queen of Syria, Zenobia of Palmyra, is reportedly descended from Selene and Juba II.
Ptolemy Philadelphus.
Descendants
Through his youngest daughters, Antony would become ancestor to most of the Julio-Claudian dynasty, the very
family which as represented by Octavian Augustus that he had fought unsuccessfully to defeat. Through his eldest
daughter, he would become ancestor to the long line of kings and co-rulers of the Bosporan Kingdom, the
longest-living Roman client kingdom, as well as the rulers and royalty of several other Roman client states. Through
his daughter by Cleopatra, Antony would become ancestor to the royal family of Mauretania, another Roman client
kingdom, while through his sole surviving son Iullus, he would be ancestor to several famous Roman statesmen.
1. Antonia, born 50 BC, had 1 child
A. Pythodorida of Pontus, 30 BC or 29 BC 38 AD, had 3 children
I. Artaxias III, King of Armenia, 13 BC 35 AD, died without issue
II. Polemon II, King of Pontus, 12 BC or 11 BC 74 AD, died without issue
III. Antonia Tryphaena, Queen of Thrace, 10 BC 55 AD, had 4 children
a. Rhoemetalces II, King of Thrace, died 38 AD, died without issue
b. Gepaepyris, Queen of the Bosporan Kingdom, had 2 children
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415
i. Tiberius Julius Mithridates, King of the Bosporan Kingdom, died 68 AD, died
without issue
ii. Tiberius Julius Cotys I, King of the Bosporan Kingdom, had 1 child
i. Tiberius Julius Rhescuporis I, King of the Bosporan Kingdom, died 90 AD,
had 1 child
i. Tiberius Julius Sauromates I, King of the Bosporan Kingdom, had 1
child
i. Tiberius Julius Cotys II, King of the Bosporan Kingdom, had 1
child
i. Rhoemetalces, King of the Bosporan Kingdom, died 153
AD, had 1 child
i. Eupator, King of the Bosporan Kingdom, died 174
AD, had 1 child
i. Tiberius Julius Sauromates II, King of the
Bosporan Kingdom, died 210 AD or 211 AD,
had 2 children
i. Tiberius Julius Rhescuporis II, King of
the Bosporan Kingdom, died 227 AD, had
1 child
i. Tiberius Julius Rhescuporis
III,King of the Bosporan Kingdom,
died 227 AD
ii. Tiberius Julius Cotys III, King of the
Bosporan Kingdom, died 235 AD, had 3
children
i. Tiberius Julius Sauromates III,
King of the Bosporan Kingdom,
died 232 AD
ii. Tiberius Julius Rhescuporis IV,
died 235 AD
iii. Tiberius Julius Ininthimeus,
died 240 AD, had 1 child
i. Tiberius Julius Rhescuporis
V, King of the Bosporan
Kingdom, died 276 AD, had
3 children
i. Tiberius Julius
Pharsanzes, King of
the Bosporan
Kingdom, died 254 AD
ii. Synges, King of the
Bosporan Kingdom,
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416
died 276 AD
iii. Tiberius Julius
Teiranes, King of the
Bosporan Kingdom,
died 279 AD, had 2
children
i. Tiberius Julius
Sauromates IV,
King of the
Bosporan
Kingdom, died
276 AD
ii. Theothorses,
King of the
Bosporan
Kingdom, died
309 AD, had 3
children
i. Tiberius
Julius
Rhescuporis
VI, King
of the
Bosporan
Kingdom,
died 342
AD
ii.
Rhadamsades,
King of
the
Bosporan
Kingdom,
died 323
AD
iii. Nana,
Queen of
Caucasian
Iberia,
died 363
AD
i.
Rev
II of
Iberia
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417
ii.
Aspacures
II of
Iberia
c. Cotys IX, King of Lesser Armenia
d. Pythodoris II of Thrace, died without issue
2. Marcus Antonius Antyllus, 47 BC 30 BC, died without issue
3. Iullus Antonius, 43 BC 2 BC, had 3 children
A. Lucius Antonius, 20 BC 34 AD, had 2 children
I. Marcus Antonius Primus, 30/35 AD after 81 AD
II. Antonia Postuma, born 34 AD
B. Gaius Antonius
C. Iulla Antonia, born after 19 BC
4. Prince Alexander Helios of Egypt, born 40 BC, died without issue (presumably)
[100]
5. Cleopatra Selene, Queen of Mauretania, 40 BC 6 AD, had 2 children
A. Ptolemy, King of Mauretania, 1 BC 40 AD, had 1 child
I. Drusilla, Queen of Emesa, 38 AD 79 AD, had 1 child
a. Gaius Julius Alexio, King of Emesa, had 1 child
i. Gaius Julius Fabia Sampsiceramus III Silas, King of Emesa, had at least 1 child
[101]
B. Princess Drusilla of Mauretania, born 5 AD or 8 BC
6. Antonia Major, 39 BC before 25 AD, had 3 children
A. Domitia Lepida the Elder, c. 19 BC 59 AD, had 1 child
I. Quintus Haterius Antoninus
B. Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus, 17 BC 40 AD, had 1 child
I. Nero (see line of Antonia Minor below)
C. Domitia Lepida the Younger, 10 BC 54 AD, had 3 children
I. Marcus Valerius Messala Corvinus
II. Valeria Messalina, 17 AD or 20 AD 48 AD, had 2 children
a. (Messalina was the mother of the two youngest children of the Roman Emperor Claudius
listed below)
III. Faustus Cornelius Sulla Felix, 22 AD 62 AD, had 1 child
a. a son (this child and the only child of the Claudia Antonia listed below are the same
person)
7. Antonia Minor, 36 BC 37 AD, had 3 children
A. Germanicus, 16 BC or 15 BC 19 AD, had 6 children
I. Nero Caesar, 6 AD 30 AD, died without issue
II. Drusus Caesar, 7 AD 33 AD, died without issue
III. Caligula, 12 AD 41 AD, had 1 child;
a. Julia Drusilla, 39 AD 41 AD, died young
IV. Agrippina the Younger, 15 AD 59, had 1 child;
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418
a. Nero, 37 AD 68 AD , had 1 child;
i. Claudia Augusta, January 63 AD April 63 AD, died young
V. Julia Drusilla, 16 AD 38 AD, died without issue
VI. Julia Livilla, 18 AD 42 AD, died without issue
B. Livilla, 13 BC 31 AD, had three children
I. Julia, 5 AD 43 AD, had 4 children
a. Gaius Rubellius Plautus, 33 AD 62 AD, had several children
[102]
b. Rubellia Bassa, born between 33 AD and 38 AD, had at least 1 child
[103]
i. Octavius Laenas, had at least 1 child
i. Sergius Octavius Laenas Pontianus
c. Gaius Rubellius Blandus
d. Rubellius Drusus
II. Tiberius Julius Caesar Nero Gemellus, 19AD 37 AD or 38 AD, died without issue
III. Tiberius Claudius Caesar Germanicus II Gemellus, 19 AD 23 AD, died young
C. Claudius, 10 BC 54 AD, had 4 children
I. Claudius Drusus, died young
II. Claudia Antonia, c. 30 AD 66 AD, had 1 child
a. a son, died young
III. Claudia Octavia, 39 AD or 40 AD 62 AD, died without issue
IV. Tiberius Claudius Caesar Britannicus, 41 AD 55 AD, died without issue
8. Prince Ptolemy Philadelphus of Egypt, 36 BC 29 BC, died without issue (presumably)
Artistic portrayals
Works in which the character of Mark Antony plays a central role:
William Shakespeare's Julius Caesar and Antony and Cleopatra, and the films made from these two plays (played
by Marlon Brando and Charlton Heston, respectively).
John Dryden's All for Love
The 1934 film Cleopatra (played by Henry Wilcoxon)
The 1953 film Serpent of the Nile (played by Raymond Burr)
The 1963 film Cleopatra (played by Richard Burton)
The TV series Xena: Warrior Princess (played by Manu Bennett)
The HBO/BBC TV series Rome (see Mark Antony (character)) (played by James Purefoy)
The Capcom Video Game Shadow of Rome, in which he is depicted as the main antagonist
The 1999 film Cleopatra (played by Billy Zane)
The 2005 TV mini series Empire (played by Vincent Regan)
Giles Coren portrayed Mark Antony in the sixth episode of the second series of The Supersizers Eat (aired BBC
One, 9:00pm Monday July 27, 2009)
BBC One docudrama Ancient Rome: The Rise and Fall of an Empire (played by Alex Ferns)
The 2010 EA video game Dante's Inferno as a boss alongside a giant Cleopatra in the second circle of hell (lust);
his last words to Cleopatra before disappearing are "you said we'd be together for eternity".
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419
Novels
Colleen McCullough's Masters of Rome series, Antony is portrayed as a deeply flawed character, a brave warrior
but sexually promiscuous, often drunk and foolish, and a monster of vanity who loves riding in a chariot drawn by
lions.
The Memoirs of Cleopatra, a novel by Margaret George
Conn Iggulden's Emperor novels
Poetry
Constantine P. Cavafy's poem The God Abandons Antony, a hymn to human dignity, depicts the imaginary last
moments of Mark Antony while he sees his fortunes turning around.
Lytle, William Haines (18261863), Antony and Cleopatra
Notes
[1] In full, Marcus Antonius Marci Filius Marci Nepos; in English, "Marcus Antonius, son of Marcus, grandson of Marcus".
[2] Plutarch, Life of Antony 86.5. (http:/ / penelope.uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Antony*. html#86. 5)
[3] Suerbaum 1980, 327334.
[4] [4] Huzar 1978, p. 14
[5] [5] Goldsworthy, 2010, pg 39
[6] As recorded by a calendar inscription known as the Fasti Verulani (ca. 1737 AD) for January 14 = Degrassi, Inscriptiones Italiae
13.2.397398, as cited by Jerzy Linderski and Anna Kaminska-Linderski, "The Quaestorship of Marcus Antonius," Phoenix 28.2 (1974), p.
217, note 24. The religious prohibition placed by Augustus on the day, marked as a dies vitiosus ("defective" day), is explained by Linderski,
"The Augural Law", Aufstieg und Niedergang der rmischen Welt II.16 (1986), pp. 21872188. January 14 is accepted as Antony's birthday
also by C.B.R. Pelling, Plutarch: Life of Antony (Cambridge University Press, 1988), p. 299, commentary to Plutarch, Antony 73.5 (http:/ /
penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Antony*. html#73); Nikos Kokkino, Antonia Augusta (Routledge, 1992),
p. 11; Pat Southern, Mark Antony (Tempus, 1998), p. ii; Adrian Goldsworthy, Antony and Cleopatra (Yale University Press, 2010), n.p. (http:/
/ books.google. com/ books?id=YguHDNElxpMC& pg=PT421& dq="a+ grand+ celebration+ for+ his+ birthday+ on+ 14+ january"&
hl=en& sa=X& ei=MovzUM2PK4aFrAH5rYHYAQ& ved=0CDAQ6AEwAA). According to Suetonius (Claudius 11.3 (http:/ / penelope.
uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Suetonius/ 12Caesars/ Claudius*. html#11. 3)), the emperor Claudius, Antony's grandson through
maternal lineage, evaded the prohibition on commemorating Antony's birthday by calculations showing that had he been born under the Julian
calendar he would have shared his birthday with Drusus, the emperor's father. Drusus was born in late March or early April, based on a
reference that he was born "within the third month" after his mother Livia married Augustus on January 17; G. Radke, "Der Geburtstag des
lteren Drusus," Wurzburger Jahrbucher fur die Altertumswissenschaft 4 (1978), pp. 211213, proposed that a birth date of March 28 for
Drusus would resolve the chronological difficulties. Radke's proposal is summarized in English by the commentary on Suetonius's sentence by
Donna W. Hurley, Suetonius: Divus Claudius (Cambridge University Press, 2001), p. 106 (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=9yVR5Fac278C& pg=PA106& dq=drusus+ antony+ birthday+ january& hl=en& sa=X& ei=oRj8UMbAGsOorAHf3IDQBA&
ved=0CD4Q6wEwAg#v=onepage& q=drusus antony birthday january& f=false), and by Marleen B. Flory, "The Symbolism of Laurel in
Cameo Portraits of Livia," in Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome (University of Michigan Press, 1995), vol. 40, p. 56, note 48.
[7] [7] Huzar 1978, p. 15
[8] [8] Scullard 1980, p. 154
[9] [9] Huzar 1978, p. 17
[10] [10] Eyben 1993, p. 236
[11] [11] Eyben 1993, p. 58
[12] [12] Huzar 1978, p. 25
[13] [13] Weigall, 1931, p. 102
[14] [14] Jallet-Huant, 2009, pg 25
[15] [15] Rocca
[16] Plutarch, Antony, 3
[17] [17] Siani-Davis, 1997, pg 316
[18] [18] Bradford, 2000, pg 43
[19] [19] Siani-Davis, 1997, 388
[20] Appian, The Civil Wars, 1
[21] [21] Jallet-Huant, 2009, pg 27-31
[22] [22] Martin, 2003, pg 174-177
[23] [23] Haskell, 1964, pg 201
[24] Cicero is the only ancient source to mention a first marriage to an otherwise unknown Fadia (Philippics, XIII, 10)
Mark Antony
420
[25] [25] Jallet-Huant, 2009, pg 33
[26] [26] Holland, Rubicon, pg 287
[28] [28] Gruen, 1974, pg 233-234
[29] Caesar, B.G. 8.50 (http:/ / classics. mit.edu/ Caesar/ gallic. 8. 8. html#847)
[30] Plutarch, Anthony, 6
[31] Caesar, B.C. i.5 (http:/ / classics.mit. edu/ Caesar/ civil. 1. 1. html#149)
[32] Plutarch, Pompey, 56.4
[33] [33] Hinard, 2000, pg 786
[34] [34] Jallet-Huant, 2009, pg 39-40
[36] [36] Broughton, pg. 281
[37] [37] Holmes, pg. 127
[38] [38] Holmes, pg. 128
[40] Plutarch, Pompey, 65
[41] [41] Davis, 1999, pg 59
[43] [43] Jehne, 1987, pg 15-38
[44] [44] Jallet-Huant, 2009, pg 52-53
[45] [45] Hinard, 2000, pg 796 and 798
[46] Plutarch: Antony, c. 9, in Plutarch, Roman Lives ISBN 978-0-19-282502-5
[47] [47] Dio 43.51.8.
[48] Plutarch, Antony, 11.3, less clear from Dio.
[49] Cicero.Phil.2.48. (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts.edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 02. 0021:speech=2:section=48)
[50] Cicero.Phil.2.99. (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts.edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 02. 0021:speech=2:section=99)
[51] [51] Broughton, pg. 299
[52] [52] Bringmann, pg. 272
[53] Ovid, Fasti: Lupercalia (http:/ / www.tonykline.co.uk/ PITBR/ Latin/ OvidFastiBkTwo. htm#_Toc69367692)
[54] [54] Fuller, Chapter 13
[56] [56] Broughton, pg 320
[57] Cicero, 2nd Philippic, 34
[58] Velleius Paterculus, 2.58.5 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Velleius_Paterculus/ 2B*. html#58); Plutarch,
Brutus, 18.2-6 (http:/ / penelope.uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Brutus*. html#18).
[59] Plutarch - Life of Brutus (http:/ / classics.mit.edu/ Plutarch/ m_brutus. html)
[60] [60] Woolf
[61] Suetonius, Julius, c. 82.
[62] [62] David, 2000, pg 246
[63] [63] Jallet-Huant, 2009, pg 64
[65] [65] Bramstedt, 2004, pg 143
[66] [66] Hinard, 2000, 827
[67] [67] Hinard, 2000, pg 832
[68] [68] Eck (2003), pg 10
[69] [69] Hinard, 2000, pg 248
[70] [70] Eck, 2003, pg 11.
[71] Syme, 1939, pg 114120.
[72] Dio Cassius, Roman History, XLV, 11
[73] [73] Bleicken, 1998, pg 58
[74] [74] Chisholm, 1981, pg 26.
[75] [75] Rowell, 1962, pg 30
[76] Eck 2003, pg 1112.
[77] [77] Rowell, 1962, pg 21
[78] [78] Rowell, 1962, pg 24
[79] [79] Eck, 2003, pg 12
[80] [80] Syme, 1939, pg 167
[81] Syme, 1939, pg 173174
[82] [82] Scullard, 1982, pg 157.
Mark Antony
421
[83] [83] Hinard, 2000, pg 838
[84] Syme, 1939, pg 176186.
[85] [85] Hinard, 2000, pg 839-840
[86] [86] Rowell, 1962, pg 26-27
[87] [87] Eck, 2003, pg 15
[88] [88] Hinard, 2000, pg 841-842
[89] [89] Hinard, 2000, pg 846-847
[90] Appian, The Civil Wars, Book 14, CVIII
[91] [91] Hinard, 2000, pg 850
[92] [92] Jallet-Huant, 2009, pg 144-153
[93] [93] Hindard, 2000, pg 850-851
[94] [94] Cosme, 2009, pg 56-57
[95] [95] Hinard, 2000, pg 854
[96] [96] Hinard, 2000, pg 253
[97] Bivar, 1968, pg 5657
[98] [98] Plutarch. Fall of the Roman Republic. London: Penguin Classics, 1958.
[99] Minto, The Heliopolis Scrolls, p.159
[100] Roller, The World of Juba II and Kleopatra Selene p. 8489
[101] Zenobia, Queen of Palmyra claimed descent from Cleopatra VII of Egypt through Silas and his father Alexio
[102] [102] Their names are unknown, but it is known that all of them were killed by Nero, thus descent from this line is extinct
[103] [103] Sir Ronald Syme claims that Sergius Octavius Laenas Pontianus, consul in 131 under Emperor Hadrian, set up a dedication to his
grandmother, Rubellia Bassa.
References
Primary sources
Dio Cassius xli.liii
Appian, Bell. Civ. i.v.
Caesar, Commentarii de Bello Gallico and Commentarii de Bello Civili
Cicero, Letters and Philippics
Orations: The fourteen [[Philippicae|Philippics (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/
ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 02. 0021)] against Marcus Antonius ~ Tufts University Classics Collection]
Plutarch, Parallel Lives (Lives of the Noble Greeks and Romans)
Plutarch's Parallel Lives: "Antony" ~ Internet Classics Archive (http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ antony.
html) (MIT)
Plutarch's Parallel Lives: "Pompey" ~ Internet Classics Archive (http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ pompey.
html) (MIT)
Plutarch's Parallel Lives: "Life of Antony" Loeb Classical Library edition, 1920 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago.
edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Antony*. html)
Plutarch's Parallel Lives: "The Comparison of Demetrius and Antony" ~ Internet Classics Archive (http:/ /
classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ d_antony. html) (MIT)
Mark Antony
422
Secondary sources
Babcock, C.L. (1965). "The early career of Fulvia". American Journal of Philology 86.
le Bohec, Yann (2001). Cesar chef de guerre: Cesar stratege et tacticien [Caesar the Warlord: Strategy and
Tactics of the Roman Republic]. ISBN978-2-268-03881-0.
Bradford, Ernle (2000). Classical Biography: Cleopatra. Toronto: The Penguin Groups.
J. Minto, The Heliopolis Scrolls, ShieldCrest, 2009
Brambach, Joachim (2004). Kleopatra. Herrscherin und Geliebte [Cleopatra: Ruler and Mistress].
ISBN978-3-424-01239-2.
Bringman, Klaus (2007). A History of the Roman Republic.
Broughton, Thomas Robert Shannon (1952). The Magistrates of the Roman Republic, Vol. II. American
Philological Association.
Charlesworth, M. P.; Tarn, W. W. (1965). Octavian, Antony, and Cleopatra. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Cosme, Pierre (2009). Auguste [Augustus]. ISBN978-2-262-03020-9.
David, Jean-Michel (2000). La Rpublique romaine de la deuxime guerre punique la bataille d'Actium [The
Roman Republic of the Second Punic War to the Battle of Actium]. ISBN978-2-020-23959-2.
Davis, Paul K. (1999). 100 Decisive Battles from Ancient Times to the Present: The World's Major Battles and
How They Shapped History. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Eck, Werner (2003). The Age of Augustus. Translated by Deborah Lucas Schneider. Oxford: Blackwell
Publishing. ISBN978-0-631-22957-5.
Eyben, Emiel (1993). Restless youth in ancient Rome. Psychology Press. ISBN0-415-04366-2.
Fuller, J. F. C. (1965). Julius Caesar: Man, Soldier, and Tyrant. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.
Goldsworthy, Adrian (2010). Antony and Cleopatra (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=YguHDNElxpMC&
pg=PA39). Yale University Press. ISBN978-0-300-16700-9.
Gowing, Alain M. (1992). The Triumviral Narratives of Appian and Cassius Dio. Michigan Monographs in
Classical Antiquity. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
Gruen, Erich S. (1974). The Last Generation of the Roman Republic. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Haskell, H. J. (1942). "This Was Cicero: Modern Politics in a Roman Toga". Classical Journal 38 (6).
Hinard, Francois, ed. (2000). Histoire romaine des origines Auguste [The History of Rome from its Origins to
Augustus]. ISBN978-2-213-03194-1.
Holland, Tom (2004). Rubicon: The Triumph and Tragedy of the Roman Republic. London: Abacus.
ISBN0-349-11563-X.
Holmes, T. Rice (1923). The Roman Republic and the Founder of the Empire, Vol. III.
Huzar, Eleanor G. (1978). Mark Antony: A Biography (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=Pos8_zvVYDUC).
Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. ISBN0-8166-0863-6.
Jallet-Huant, Monique (2009). Marc Antoine: gnralissime, prince d'orient et acteur dans la chute de la
rpublique romaine [Mark Antony: Generalissimo, Oriental Prince, and Player in the Fall of the Roman
Republic]. ISBN978-2-84772-070-9.
Jehne, Martin (1987). Der Staat des Dicators Caesar [The State of the Dictator Caesar]. Bohlau.
ISBN978-3-412-06786-1.
Jones, A.M.H. (1938). The Herods of Judaea. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Lindsay, Jack (1936). Marc Antony, His World and His Contemporaries. London: G. Routledge & Sons.
Martin, Jean-Pierre (2003). Histoire romaine [Roman History]. ISBN978-2-200-26587-8.
Rocca, Samuel (2008). The Forts of Judaea 168 BC-AD 73: From the Maccabees to the Fall of Masada (http:/ /
books. google. com/ books?id=Gup5vH_B-aoC& pg=PA5& lpg=PA5& dq=hyrcanus+ ii& source=bl&
ots=dgCo24t9Ep& sig=dStZUjRgnMNsm8LfbfBAc_OWTk8& hl=en& sa=X&
ei=_qbQUt-EEqbIsAS_9YG4Cg& ved=0CDcQ6AEwAjgK#v=onepage& q=hyrcanus ii& f=false). Oxford:
Mark Antony
423
Osprey Publishing.
Scullard, Howard Hayes (1984). From the Gracchi to Nero: A History of Rome from 133 BC to AD 68. London:
Routledge. ISBN0-415-02527-3.
Siani-Davis, Mary (1997). "Ptolemy XII Auletes and the Romans". Historia: Zeitschrift fr Alte Geschichte.
Suerbaum, Werner (1980). "Merkwrdige Geburtstage". Chiron (10): 327355.
Southern, Pat (1998). Mark Antony. Stroud: Tempus Publishing. ISBN0-7524-1406-2.
Syme, Ronald (1939). The Roman Revolution. Oxford: Clarendon.
Weigall, Arthur (1931). The Life and Times of Marc Antony (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=5J8OAAAAQAAJ).
New York: G.P. Putnam and Sons.
Wolf, Greg (2006). Et Tu Brute? - The Murder of Caesar and Political Assassination. ISBN1-86197-741-7.
External links
Media related to Marcus Antonius at Wikimedia Commons
Shakespeares Funeral Oration of Mark Antony in English and Latin translation (http:/ / homepages. wmich. edu/
~johnsorh/ ProseComp/ caesar. html)
The Life of Marc Antony, in BTM Format (http:/ / www. cristoraul. com/ ENGLISH/ readinghall/
GalleryofHistory/ Marc-Anthony/ LIFE-MA-DOOR. html)
Political offices
Precededby People's Tribune of the Roman
Republic
49 BC
Succeededby
Precededby
Gaius Julius Caesar
without colleague
first with Gaius Julius Caesar,
then with Publius Cornelius Dolabella
(suffectus)
44 BC
Succeededby
Aulus Hirtius and Gaius Vibius Pansa
Caetronianus
Precededby
Lucius Cornificius and Sextus
Pompeius
first with Lucius Scribonius Libo,
then with Aemilius Lepidus Paullus
(suffectus)
34 BC
Succeededby
Octavian and Lucius Volcatius Tullus
Precededby Triumvir of the Roman Republic
alongside Octavian and Marcus
Aemilius Lepidus
43 BC - 33 BC
Succeededby
Dion of Syracuse
424
Dion of Syracuse
Dion (Greek: ; 408354 BC), tyrant of Syracuse in Sicily, was the son of Hipparinus, and brother-in-law of
Dionysius I of Syracuse.
Family
Dion was the son of the Syracusan statesman Hipparinus, who had assisted the despot Dionysius I, in the Syracusan
army. Hipparinus' other children were Megacles and Aristomache. Aristomache married the despot Dionysius I, who
married the Locrian Doris simultaneously. Although Dion's sister was beloved by her fellow Syracusans, it was
Doris who gave birth to the heir (Dionysius II). Aristomache had four children. Among them, Sophrosyne married
the younger Dionysius, and Arete married Dion (whose son was Hipparinus).
[1]
Dionysius the Elder's closest adviser
Dion was so close to the elder despot that he was given the most important assignments. Dion excelled in managing
the embassies that dealt with the warring Carthage. The despot was satisfied with Dion's adviser role so, eventually,
Dion was authorized to withdraw money from the realm's treasury. The despot demanded, however, to be informed
daily when he did so. Dion thereby became extremely rich and his residence was magnificently furnished.
Nonetheless, Dion occasionally criticized the despot.
The arrival of Plato
From his youth, Dion had excelled in intellectual activities. He convinced Dionyius to invite Plato (who was visiting
the Italian peninsula) to Syracuse. Dion joined Plato's philosophical school, excelling amongst his other disciples.
Dion used every effort to inculcate the maxims of his master in the mind of the tyrant. Once, Dion invited the despot
to a conference with Plato. However, Dionysius was offended by the philosopher (who was speaking against
tyrannical leaders, in general). This ensued in a quarrel, after which the despot ordered the assassination of the
philosopher (who ended up sold as an Athenian slave, at Aegina). Nonetheless, between Dion and the despot, the
relationship continued as before.
Succession to Dionysius
Dionysius was on his deathbed when Dion attempted to discuss the succession (on his Syracusan sister's behalf) with
him. The attempt was intercepted by the doctors (who tried to ingratiate themselves with the younger Dionysius, who
was the natural heir). He then deliberately poisoned his father, who was unable to utter another word, before passing
away.
The elder despot had dreaded that anyone might depose him treacherously. He had therefore cloistered his own heir
so he grew up inside the Syracusan acropolis, neither acquiring the minimal formation nor developing any personal
fibre. Besides, the younger Dionysius was given to libertine practices. Furthermore, when he succeeded, his entire
court was formed by licentious youngsters, who were completely disengaged from their political duties. The
Syracusan institutions thus began to collapse. Instead, with both his large experience and his moderate life, Dion was
the same correct functionary. Soon, the people deemed that he was the only one who might save Sicily. In the court,
Dion proposed the Carthaginian war. Dion offered either to travel to northern Africa (to end the situation
diplomatically) or to furnish Sicily with 50 new triremes (for war) with his own money. Although Dionysius the
Younger was delighted by this, his courtiers began resenting Dion's interventions (who didn't join their revelry).
Dion of Syracuse
425
Particularly, (jealously) they suggested to Dionysus that Dion was trying to oust him, in favour of the line of his
sister Aristomache.
Educating Dionysius
Dion concluded that educating Dionysius would be the resolution to all Syracuse's problems. With his philosophical
base, Dion began teaching him about the most basic politeness and, soon, he began talking about more tolerant forms
of government. Such lessons sparked the ruler's desire so Plato was invited again to Syracuse. However, the
opponents gained influence with Dionysius, so the tyrannical philosopher Philistus was recalled (after he had been
banished, by the elder Dionysius), and founded his own political party immediately.
Under such circumstances, Dion began building a conspiracy, with both Heracleides and Theodotes. They would
wait patiently for political reform, although they would oust the despot if this did not happen. Eventually Dion was
ready to install a full democracy, although, by his wealthy patrician birth, he disliked this type of government.
Nonetheless, Plato arrived and he was welcomed with much clat. Effectively, this meant significant changes in
Dionysius, who became sober and attentive, whereas his realm lived an intellectual fad. Then, during a traditional
sacrifice, the ruler declaimed openly that he didn't want to be a despot anymore.
Banishment
Such an event alarmed the partisans of Philustus, and they campaigned intensively against Dion. To Dionysius, they
insisted that (slighting the military power and the magnificent treasures) the ruler was chasing pathetic chimeras
whereas Dion was the greatest deceiver, who expected (meanwhile) seizing the entire realm for his own nephews.
Dionysius began believing such reasons so the despot adopted a hostile attitude toward Dion.
The situation peaked when Dionysius and Philistus intercepted an obscure letter, which had been sent by Dion to the
Carthaginians. Dion recommended that they should consult him, for a peace agreement, because he would provide
all demands to them. Fearing an international plot of Dion, the resolute despot feigned a sudden friendship then and,
with him, Dion walked to the seashore (which was under the Syracusan acropolis). There, the despot showed the
letter to Dion (who wasn't allowed to argue) and, immediately, Dion was forced into exile; sailing toward the Italian
peninsula. Diplomatically, Plato was confined inside the acropolis; (receiving excellent treatment, as an important
guest) thus he wouldn't follow Dion (to divulge such events amongst the Athenians). When the Carthaginian war
restarted, the despot allowed the philosopher's departure too, promising the return of Dion for the next summer.
At Athens
By such events, it was probable that, with her princely children, the more popular Aristomache (who was preferred,
as Syracusan, by her fellow citizens) would seize the power. Even the people wanted this (expecting some sort of
break from the 50 year old despotic regime). Dionysius noticed this and he attempted to amend the situation.
Publicly, he explained that (for his own sake) Dion was temporarily at Athens so (with his current obstinance) he
wouldn't provoke some violent backlash against the despot. Still, Dion held his Syracusan estate and he was
receiving the usual revenues of his businesses as well. Furthermore, the despot handed two vessels, to his female
relatives, so they could send his rich possessions after him to Athens. Besides, the women added many rich presents.
Thus, Dion lived amongst the Athenian high society, dwelling at the upper Athens with the patrician Athenian
Calippus of Syracuse (who would be his murderer, eventually), with whom he had gotten acquainted during the
celebrations of the Eleusian Mysteries. Additionally, Dion purchased a rural residence, for leisure. His closest friend
was the mirthful Speusippus (with whom he spent most of his time).
However, the young despot delayed the return of Dion until the end of the war. Treacherously, he recommended to
Plato that Dion shouldn't declaim publicly against the Syracusan regime. Consequently, Dion obeyed, staying within
the Athenian Academy, studying philosophy.
Dion of Syracuse
426
However, Dion began traveling throughout the region (transgressing the requested low profile), meeting many local
statesmen. Indeed, Dion was quite celebrated by his personality (which was courteous and intellectual) and many
Greek urban centers rewarded him. For instance, the Spartans endowed him with the local citizenship, although this
nation was warring against Thebes and being allied with Dionysius (who was enraged by such news).
His rebellion
Being despoiled
Eventually, the jealous despot decided to seize all Dion's Syracusan properties (through his royal chamberlains),
sending him no more revenue. Also, the ruler expected to mend his international image, forcing a new visit of Plato,
through public threats against Dion. The celebrated philosopher returned to Syracuse, though, after some hypocritical
cordiality, they began arguing bitterly about Dion's fate. The philosopher ended up jailed again, amongst the royal
soldiers (who were desirous to kill him), until an Athenian embassy released him. In his consequent rage, Dionysus
sold Dion's estate (plundering the money) and Dion's wife Arete was given to the tyrant's close adviser Timocrates.
His expedition
Thus, Dion desired revolt in Syracuse. Particularly, his closest friends were telling to him that, at Syracuse, the
people were expecting enthusiastically to revolt with Dion, if only he may get there. Dion should need to bring
neither weapons nor soldiers.
Although (abroad) the exiled Syracusan leaders were quite scared (and few joined the expedition), Dion could gather
many other important Greek figures. Eventually, they mustered 800 fine soldiers (who were ideal, to embolden the
Syracusans properly), at Zacynthus. To these mercenaries, Dion assured that they would be made Sicilian
commanders once they defeated the politically weak despot. At Zacynthus, Dion sacrificed to Apollo and, at the
local racetrack, he served a magnificent farewell dinner with golden tableware and superb dishes for the whole
expedition.
In 357 BC, Dion's fleet comprised 2 merchantmen (which brought the soldiers), 1 ancillary vessel, and 2 triremes.
Particularly, he loaded much food for they would sail through high sea (as Philistus was surveying the Italian coast).
After 13 days, they reached Sicily, at Pachynus. However (despite his own helmsman's advice) Dion sailed further
along the southern coast of Sicily. Then, by some seasonal northern winds (which were followed by an intense
storm), the vessels were pushed southward and they were nearly smashed into pieces against the rocky insular
territories of Cercina, at northern Africa. The fleet had to wait for five days until a favorable southerly wind brought
it back to Sicily. There, Dion had to land in Carthaginian territory. Although he was a personal friend to the governor
Synalus of Minoa, he hadn't recognized him, barring the disembarkment. Thus, Dion had to launch an amphibious
assault, under orders not to take lives. After both leaders met, the Carthaginian offered plentiful supplies, lodging the
expedition of Dion.
Then, Dion's soldiers learned that Dionysius was visiting Caulonia (at the Italian Peninsula), with 80 ships. They
insisted on action to Dion, so they began their march toward Syracuse. On the road, they were joined by 5,000 other
Sicilians (through Agrigento, Gela, Camarina, and the rural Syracuse). Such people were wretchedly armed yet they
were quite decided. Within the urban center, the Syracusans were emotionally stirred although they kept their calm,
fearing the despot's informers. About Acrae, Dion spread the fake rumor that, beforehand, he would attack both
Lentini and Campania. These regiments deserted Timocrates' forces, to defend their respective towns. Then, during
the night, Dion ordered the expedition to advance, reaching the Anapus river (which was 2km from Syracuse). At
daybreak, Dion sacrificed religiously, in behalf of the rising sun. He had a garland on his head and the soldiers
imitated him, crowning their heads with wreaths. After the gods granted victory promises, Dion launched his attack.
Dion of Syracuse
427
Seizing Syracuse
Before the arrival of Dion, the people slew all despot's agents and Timocrates (who couldn't reach the acropolis in
time) had to flee. Dion led his army into Syracuse, through the gate of Temenitid. He wore a brilliant armor and a
garland crowned his head. Beside Dion, Megacles and Callipus were while the foreign mercenaries led the large
insurgent army. The local statesmen were awaiting for them, wearing white robes. After ordering a trumpeting, Dion
proclaimed that both him and Megacles had deposed the despot. Then, Dion walked through the Achradina and the
people threw flowers at him, celebrated with wine, and performed sacrifices. Dion climbed onto the magnificent
sundial (which had been erected by the despots), on which he incited the citizens for their liberty. Reciprocally, by
the people, Dion and Megacles were named full power generals and, together, both designated 20 syracusan generals
(of whom 10 were formerly exiled figures).
A week afterward, the young despot filtered into his still-loyal syracusan acropolis (which hadn't been captured, yet,
and which was holding its large garrison), with the protection of his loyal fleet, whereas Dion had built a palisade
(which surrounded this fortification). Dionysus attempted negotiating with Dion but he responded that the now free
Syracusans should decide. The proposals of the despot were utterly spurned and Dion suggested his surrender.
Deceivingly, Dionysus accepted this and he invited a local embassy, to discuss the details. Dion picked the
representatives, who were confined immediately after entering into the palace. After the daybreak, from the
fortification, a surprising sally of the despot's army overwhelmed the many besieging Syracusans, who retreated in
utter disorder. With his men, amidst such extreme confusion, Dion was unable to issue orders so he charged
personally against the worst sector and (effectively) all his men followed him. However, the enemies recognized
him, charging preferentially against. Dion was injured in his hand, his breastplate was completely beaten up, and his
shield was pierced by many spears and javelins. Dion ended onto the ground and he was snatched out of the field, by
his men. After Timonides took the command, Dion mounted a horse and he reunited all revolutionary forces,
throughout Syracuse. Particularly, the great foreign mercenaries had superior skills, with respect to the frustrated
despot's men (who had expected capturing Syracuse swiftly), who ended retreating back into the castle. By such
signal victory, the Syracusans awarded 100 minae to the foreign men and Dion was presented with a golden crown,
by his foreign warriors.
Losing popular support
After some time, a package (which contained many personal letters) came out of the acropolis, onto Dion's hands,
and he ordered their public reading. Two letters had been written by Dion's female relatives, who begged for many
thing). However, another letter was inked, nominally, by the son of Dion although it was a Dionysius' missive.
Nonetheless, it was read before the people, too. After some menaces, the despot reminded Dion's important past
services (in the despots' behalf) and the letter ended recommending that Dion should enthrone a new tyrannical
regime, to dodge the vengeful Syracusans.
Effectively, the people began distrusting Dion (whose political initiatives were conservative, already). Particularly,
those Syracusans who were dedicated to liberal activities (such as the merchants) resorted to Heracleides, who was a
famous officer, who had been exiled too. Enthusiastically, Heracleides learned the situation immediately and he
formed his own political party. Then, he was appointed Admiral, by the assembly, so he gained the favor of the
sailors as well (in the eminently maritime Syracuse). This enraged Dion, who demanded his destitution, because this
would limit his full power command. Reluctantly, the people obeyed. However, both political leaders met at Dion's
home and, to confront the despot unitedly (in such perilous days), Dion ordered the assembly and Heracleides was
reinstalled in the admiralty.
Hypocritically, Heracleides had many goodwill gestures to Dion but (underhand) he kept instigating the Syracusans,
for the most revolutionary causes. Furthermore, this popular leader's fleet was the one which fought the rest of the
sicilian revolution and, in a battle, they captured Philistus (who was slain humiliatingly, before all Syracusans). The
rivalry peaked after Heracleides couldn't prevent Dionysius' escape, through his blockade. (The despot's son
Dion of Syracuse
428
Apollocrates was left, commanding the fortification) The Syracusans started rebuking the popular leader, so
Heracleides decided to send Hippo and, together, to the popular assembly, they proposed so:
the Syracusan land should be equally redistributed, amongst the citizens
the foreign officers should lose their salary
new commanders should be appointed
Dion opposed such plans and, then, the Syracusans reacted decisively, against his rather oppressive government
(which relied much, on the so unpopular foreigners) thus 25 new generals (among whom Heracleides was) where
appointed.
Confronting the Syracusans
Indeed, the foreign mercenaries had been offered, underhand, to receive full citizenship, if they might desert Dion.
Nonetheless, they refused. Then, (with their leader) the expedition decided abandoning the ungrateful Syracuse. On
that day, the soldiers rounded Dion protectively, against the aggressive civilians (who were about attacking them).
Dion ordered that (without aggressing) their weapons had to be brandished and they escaped swiftly, with loud cries.
The scared pedestrians retreated however, on their horses, some generals followed them, to a nearby river. There,
Dion was really angry and his men formed, for an onset. Before this, the Syracusans fled, suffering some casualties.
At Lentini, Dion was friendly received whereas the foreign mercenaries were made local citizens. There, the Sicilian
congress held a meeting, denouncing Syracuse, but they responded that they preferred their actual liberties, instead
of other totalistic government (referring Dion).
Recovering Syracuse
At Syracuse, the navy had defeated a cargo convoy, which was destined to the Acropolis, capturing some ships. This
ensued in a boisterous celebration of alcohol, which involved all citizens, throughout the streets. Before such
extreme unrestraint, Nypsius (who had commanded the vessels) ordered an unexpected sally and his soldiers pillaged
the city at will. As the Syracusans couldn't reunite their forces and they were about losing everything, they sent an
embassy, which rushed toward Lentini. They jumped from their horses, kneeling before Dion with tears on their
eyes, and, in a consequent assembly, they related the events. Then, weeping emotionally, Dion could utter:
"Peloponnesians and Sicilians! I have convoked you so you may decide your own actions. For my part, I am decided
already, to perish for my nation at Syracuse, whether victoriously or not. Remember that I have been with you in
many battles. However, neither I have deserted you at your worst moments nor I will disappoint my nation, at its
worst adversity." The entire assembly burst, with euphoric shouts, and Dion announced that (after a supper) all
soldiers should muster, to march toward Syracuse, on that same night.
However, learning about Dion's imminent arrival, the despot decided, burying the entire Syracuse together with his
own spurned despotic dreams, so he ordered to his men that the urban center should be ignited. During that night, the
entire Syracuse burned while its citizens were slain, throughout the streets. On the next day, the now popularly
demanded Dion mustered, at the Syracusan Hecatompedon, dispatching his light troops (to encourage the
Syracusans, right away) and commending all the available troops (which could be gathered), to the respective
military leaders. Subsequently, Dion headed the troops splendidly, across the streets, cheered by the local people.
However, whereas the enemy had hidden, behind the destroyed palisade of the acropolis, the liberating soldiers were
unable, to reach it, through the intense fire and its dense smoke. They were the Syracusans, who encouraged
spontaneously, to charge onto the enemy, which ended retreating back into the fortification. Dion captured 2,000
enemies (who were ransomed later). However, they couldn't celebrate much for (then) they had, to deal with the
blazing Syracuse and its reconstruction. Nonetheless, with both the local people and his own soldiers, Dion rebuilt
the palisade of the acropolis, during a single night.
Dion of Syracuse
429
Regaining the Syracusan power
During the next days, most popular leaders of Syracuse fled, being ashamed after mistreating Dion even during their
worst hour. Amongst the few who remained around, Heracleides was. The foreign mercenaries of Dion suggested
that he should be executed, to extirpate the so complicated populism. However, Dion amnestied his political
adversaries, in accordance with his philosophical principles of political tolerance.
Confronting the other popular leader
Then, before a public assembly, the euphoric Heracleides proposed that Dion should be appointed general of full
powers, again. The Syracusan aristocracy backed this but the Syracusan sectors (who had been supporting
Heracleides, historically) refused accepting that their leader might lose his traditional Admiralty. Dion acceded to
this however (soon) the Syracusans began insisting once again, about redistributing both the land and the houses.
Dion spurned this utterly therefore, with his fleet, Heracleides moved to Messene where he gathered his political
forces, aggressively. Furthermore, Heracleides sought an accord with Dionysius, through the Spartan Pharax, and, by
this reason, at Syracuse, both the aristocracy and the army divided their political support between both political
leaders. Syracuse plunged thus, into a disorganized crisis, lacking its regular provisions. Pharax camped at
Agrigentum and Dion marched thither. After a minor battle, Dion learned that Heracleides would take advantage,
landing at Syracuse during his absence, to seize it. Then, with his best men, Dion rushed through 140km, back to
Syracuse, during just one night, and (with such well timed arrival) he prevented the debarkation of the rebels.
Hopelessly, Heracleides sailed around, until encountering the Spartan Gaesylus (who expected reclaiming the
Syracusan government, on behalf of this nation). To this, Dion responded: "Here, in Syracuse, we have enough
generals already. Besides, (even) I have been made Spartan so I could serve this nation likewise, just like you."
Gaesylus was so met with such response that, declining his original aspiration, he promised chastising Heracleides if
he might attack Dion again. After this event, (furthermore) Dion disbanded the expensive Syracusan navy (which
had been so conflictive, in the hands of the populists).
Expelling the tyranny
By Dion, the acropolis was subsequently cloistered by a new wall and its beleaguered occupants ended surrendering
both the site and its contents. On the day on which Apollocrates abandoned the site (with five vessels, toward the
Italian peninsula), the entire Syracuse gathered around, to witness such historical day (after 50 years of oppression).
Then, Dion reunited emotionally, with Aristomache, Arete, and the young Hipparinus, bidding them so (again) all
lived together, at his residence.
Also, Dion spent the majority of his own possessions for presents, which were given to his friends, to his foreign
mercenaries, and to anyone who had contributed to his cause. Indeed, Dion was, amongst the most famed
Mediterranean leaders, and he corresponded constantly, with the Athenian Academy, showing much interest for the
opinion of its philosophers.
His new regime
However, Dion's government was characterized by some totalitarian impulses. To begin with, he could distance
never from his so strong despotic family ties, being permanently suspected by the people. Besides, the people
resented always, against his foreign mercenaries, who arrogated most executive functions of Syracuse. Furthermore,
Dion disliked the democracy (because it was too haphazard) so he attempted implementing a regime, in which an
aristocratic senate might take most decisions (with little popular participation). For this, Dion attempted copying the
government models, which existed at Sparta, Crete, and Corinth, bringing some Corinthian politicians (who were
integrated, right into Dion's court).
Dion of Syracuse
430
Then, Heracleides refused joining the aristocratic senate (after an invitation of Dion) and, again, the populist leader
began conspiring. He protested because Dion hadn't leveled the acropolis, after he had barred the profanation of
Dionysius' tomb, and because he had brought the foreign politicians. Then, Dion countenanced that his most virulent
partisans (who desired this, long time ago) slew Heracleides (at his own home). Although (solemnly) Dion led the
magnificent funeral of the popular leader, with his foreign mercenaries; the assassination was quite resented
popularly, as a serious blot of Dion's regime.
Cult
The Syracusan assembly 'supplicated Dion as a god with prayers' when he returned to Syracuse (Plutarch, Life of
Dion 29.2).
[2]
However, Diodorus (16.20.6) described these honors as heroic.
[3]
Assassination
Callippus built a conspiracy, gathering the already many sectors which were resenting Dion, to oust him. The
Athenian began gaining the trust of Dion, informing him of the many rumors which circulated inside the army
against his regime (although many weren't truthful). Thus, an actual plot was built although Dion kept believing in
his honesty (discrediting those, who denounced the actual plan of Callippus, to him).
Then, Dion's son committed suicide and Callippus spread the rumor that Dion would recall Apollocrates (who was
his closest relative) so he would be his successor. At this point, the conspiracy was widely known and Dion said: "If
(beside my usual foes) I may fear my own friends; opening my chest to the treacherous dagger, I would prefer being
slain in a thousand occasions, before enduring such menace longer." Then, Callippus convoked both Aristomache
and Arete (who were investigating) at the temple of Persephone, forswearing against the rumors by the great oath of
the goddess. However, (ironically) he scheduled the assassination of Dion, precisely for this goddess' celebratory
day.
On that date, Dion was celebrating at home with his friends. The assassins were Zacynthians, who wore light
garments and who were unarmed. They walked into the house while (behind) many other accomplices began
shutting all doors and windows (restraining these). The Peloponnesians jumped onto Dion, choking his throat and
mashing his body, however they were unable still, to assassinate him. While the many witnesses didn't dare
intervening (fearing for their own lives), to the outside, the killers screamed, beseeching for some weapon. Minutes
later, a short Spartan sword (which was richly ornamented) was dropped into, by the Syracusan Lycon. Dion was
trembling fearfully when (with it) his own foreign mercenaries stabbed him, to death.
Mary Renault's historical novel The Mask of Apollo tells the story of Dion and his relationship to Plato and his
Syracusan predecessors through the eyes of an itinerant tragic actor.
Notes
[1] Plutarch, Lives. Life of Dion. ( About (http:/ / ancienthistory. about. com/ library/ bl/ bl_text_plutarch_dion. htm?terms=dion)/Wikisource)
[2] [2] Pindar and the cult of heroes By Bruno Currie Page 180 ISBN 0-19-927724-9
[3] [3] The imperial cult in the Latin West Page 4 ISBN 90-04-12539-6
References
Lives by Plutarch and Cornelius Nepos (cf. Diod. Sic. xvi. 6-20)
T Lau (1860)
Renata von Scheliha, Dion (1934)
H. Berve, Dion (1956)
Dion of Syracuse
431
Preceded by:
Tyrant of Syracuse
Intermittently from 357 354 BC
Succeeded
by:
Calippus
Marcus Junius Brutus the Younger
This article is about the famous assassin of Julius Caesar. For other people with the cognomen "Brutus", see Brutus.
Marcus Junius Brutus
Senator of the Roman Republic
Marble bust of Brutus, at the Palazzo Massimo alle Terme in the National Museum of Rome
Reign 58 BC42 BC
Full name Marcus Junius Brutus
Born June 85 BC
Birthplace Rome, Roman Republic
Died 23 October 42 BC (aged 43)
Place of death Philippi, Macedonia
Marcus Junius Brutus (early June 85 BC 23 October 42BC), often referred to as Brutus, was a politician of the
late Roman Republic. After being adopted by his uncle he used the name Quintus Servilius Caepio Brutus, but
eventually returned to using his original name.
He is best known in modern times for taking a leading role in the assassination of Julius Caesar.
432
Early life
Marble bust of Brutus, at the Capitoline Museums in
Rome.
Marcus Junius Brutus the Younger was the son of Marcus
Junius Brutus the Elder and Servilia Caepionis. His father was
killed by Pompey the Great in dubious circumstances after he
had taken part in the rebellion of Lepidus; his mother was the
half-sister of Cato the Younger, and later Julius Caesar's
mistress.
[1]
Some sources refer to the possibility of Caesar being
his real father,
[2]
despite Caesar's being only 15 years old when
Brutus was born.
Brutus' uncle, Quintus Servilius Caepio, adopted him in about
59BC, and Brutus was known officially for a time as Quintus
Servilius Caepio Brutus before he reverted to using his
birth-name. Following Caesar's assassination in 44BC, Brutus
revived his adoptive name in order to illustrate his links to
another famous tyrannicide, Gaius Servilius Ahala, from whom
he was descended.
[3]
Brutus held his uncle in high regard
[4]
and his political career
started when he became an assistant to Cato, during his
governorship of Cyprus.
[5]
During this time, he enriched himself
by lending money at high rates of interest. Brutus was also
active in the province of Cilicia, in the year before Cicero was
proconsul there; Cicero documents how Brutus profited from moneylending to the provincials in his Letters.
[6]
He
returned to Rome a rich man, where he married Claudia Pulchra.
[7]
From his first appearance in the Senate, Brutus
aligned with the Optimates (the conservative faction) against the First Triumvirate of Marcus Licinius Crassus,
Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus and Gaius Julius Caesar.
Senate career
When civil war broke out in 49 BC between Pompey and Caesar, Brutus followed his old enemy and present leader
of the Optimates, Pompey. When the Battle of Pharsalus began, Caesar ordered his officers to take Brutus prisoner if
he gave himself up voluntarily, and if he persisted in fighting against capture, to let him alone and do him no
violence.
[8]
After the disaster of the Battle of Pharsalus, Brutus wrote to Caesar with apologies and Caesar immediately forgave
him. Caesar then accepted him into his inner circle and made him governor of Gaul when he left for Africa in pursuit
of Cato and Metellus Scipio. In 45BC, Caesar nominated Brutus to serve as urban praetor for the following year.
Also, in June 45 BC, Brutus divorced his wife and married his first cousin, Porcia Catonis, Cato's daughter.
[9][10]
According to Cicero the marriage caused a semi-scandal as Brutus failed to state a valid reason for his divorce from
Claudia other than he wished to marry Porcia.
[11]
The marriage also caused a rift between Brutus and his mother,
who resented the affection Brutus had for Porcia.
[12]
433
Assassination of Julius Caesar (44 BC)
Main article: Assassination of Julius Caesar
Death of Caesar by Vincenzo Camuccini.
Around this time, many senators began
to fear Caesar's growing power
following his appointment as dictator
for life.
[13]
Brutus was persuaded into
joining the conspiracy against Caesar
by the other senators.
[14]
Eventually,
Brutus decided to move against Caesar
after Caesar's king-like behavior
prompted him to take action.
[15][16]
His
wife was the only woman privy to the
plot.
[17][18]
The conspirators planned to carry out
their plot on the Ides of March (March
15) that same year. On that day, Caesar was delayed going to the Senate because his wife, Calpurnia Pisonis, tried to
convince him not to go.
[19]
The conspirators feared the plot had been found out.
[20]
Brutus persisted, however,
waiting for Caesar at the Senate, and allegedly still chose to remain even when a messenger brought him news that
would otherwise have caused him to leave.
[21]
When Caesar finally did come to the Senate, they attacked him. Publius Servilius Casca Longus was allegedly the
first to attack Caesar with a blow to the shoulder, which Caesar blocked.
[22]
However, upon seeing Brutus was with
the conspirators, he covered his face with his toga and resigned himself to his fate.
[23]
The conspirators attacked in
such numbers that they even wounded one another. Brutus is said to have been wounded in the hand and in the
legs.
[24][25]
After the assassination, the Senate passed an amnesty on the assassins. This amnesty was proposed by Caesar's friend
and co-consul Marcus Antonius. Nonetheless, uproar among the population caused Brutus and the conspirators to
leave Rome. Brutus settled in Crete from 44 to 42 BC.Wikipedia:Citation needed
434
Marcus Junius Brutus.
In 43 BC, after Octavian received his consulship from the Roman Senate,
one of his first actions was to have the people that had assassinated Julius
Caesar declared murderers and enemies of the state. Marcus Tullius Cicero,
angry at Octavian, wrote a letter to Brutus explaining that the forces of
Octavian and Marcus Antonius were divided. Antonius had laid siege to the
province of Gaul, where he wanted a governorship. In response to this siege,
Octavian rallied his troops and fought a series of battles in which Antonius
was defeated.
Battle of Philippi (42 BC)
Upon hearing that neither Antonius nor Octavian had an army big enough to
defend Rome, Brutus rallied his troops, which totaled about 17 legions.
When Octavian heard that Brutus was on his way to Rome, he made peace
with Antonius. Their armies, which together totaled about 19 legions,
marched to meet Brutus and Gaius Cassius Longinus. The two sides met in
two engagements known as the Battle of Philippi. The first was fought on
October3, 42BC, in which Brutus defeated Octavian's forces, although
Cassius was defeated by Antonius' forces. The second engagement was
fought on October23, 42BC and ended in Brutus' defeat.
EID MAR ("Ides of March") denarius, issued by
Marcus Junius Brutus in 43/42 BC. The obverse
of the coin features a portrait of Marcus Brutus.
The inscription reads BRVT IMP L PLAET
CEST, which means Brutus, Imperator, Lucius
Plaetorius Cestianus. Lucius Plaetorius Cestianus
was the moneyer who actually managed the mint
workers who produced the coin. The two daggers
on the reverse differ to show more than one
person was involved in the slaying. The cap is a
pileus (liberty cap) that in Roman times was
given to slaves on the day of their emancipation
freedom from slavery. In the context of the
assassination, Brutus is making it clear the killers
were defending the Republic and its people from
Caesars grasp at kingship.
After the defeat, he fled into the nearby hills with only about four
legions. Knowing his army had been defeated and that he would be
captured, Brutus committed suicide. Among his last words were,
according to Plutarch, "By all means must we fly; not with our feet,
however, but with our hands." Brutus also uttered the well-known
verse calling down a curse upon Antonius (Plutarch repeats this from
the memoirs of Publius Volumnius): Forget not, Zeus, the author of
these crimes (in the Dryden translation this passage is given as Punish,
great Jove, the author of these ills).
[26]
Plutarch wrote that, according
to Volumnius, Brutus repeated two verses, but Volumnius was only
able to recall the one quoted.
Antonius, as a show of great respect, ordered Brutus' body to be
wrapped in Antonius' most expensive purple mantle (this was later
stolen and Antonius had the thief executed). Brutus was cremated, and
his ashes were sent to his mother, Servilia Caepionis.
[27]
His wife
Porcia was reported to have committed suicide upon hearing of her
husband's death, although, according to Plutarch (Brutus 53 para2),
there is some dispute as to whether this is the case: Plutarch states that
there is a letter in existence that was allegedly written by Brutus
mourning the manner of her death.
[28][29][30]
Chronology
85 BC: Brutus was born in Rome to Marcus Junius Brutus The Elder and Servilia Caepionis.
58 BC: He was made assistant to Cato, governor of Cyprus which helped him start his political career.
53 BC: He was given the quaestorship in Cilicia.
435
49 BC: Brutus followed Pompey to Greece during the civil war against Caesar.
48 BC: Brutus was pardoned by Caesar.
46 BC: He was made governor of Gaul.
45 BC: He was made Praetor.
44 BC: Murdered Caesar with other liberatores; went to Athens and then to Crete.
42 BC: Battle with Marcus Antonius's forces.
Legacy
This was the noblest Roman of them all:
All the conspirators save only he
Did that they did in envy of great Caesar;
He only, in a general honest thought
And common good to all, made one of them.
His life was gentle, and the elements
So mix'd in him that Nature might stand up
And say to all the world "This was a man!"
William Shakespeare, Julius Caesar, Act5, Scene5 (Mark Antony)
Influence
Brutus by Michelangelo Buonarroti.
The phrase Sic semper tyrannis! ["thus, ever (or always), to
tyrants!"] is attributed to Brutus at Caesar's assassination. The
phrase is also the official motto of the Commonwealth of Virginia.
John Wilkes Booth, the assassin of Abraham Lincoln, claimed to be
inspired by Brutus. Booth's father, Junius Brutus Booth, was named
for Brutus, and Booth (as Marcus Antonius) and his brother (as
Brutus) had performed in a production of Julius Caesar in New
York just six months before the assassination. On the night of the
assassination, Booth is alleged to have shouted "Sic semper
tyrannis" while leaping to the stage of Ford's Theater. Lamenting
the negative reaction to his deed, Booth wrote in his journal on
April21, 1865, while on the run, "[W]ith every man's hand against
me, I am here in despair. And why; For doing what Brutus was
honored for ... And yet I for striking down a greater tyrant than they
ever knew am looked upon as a common cutthroat." Booth was also
known to be greatly attracted to Caesar himself, having played both
Brutus and Caesar upon various stages.
The well-known phrase "Et tu, Brute?" ("And you, Brutus?") is famous as Caesar's utterance in the play Julius
Caesar, although they are not his last words, and the sources describing Caesar's death disagree about what his last
words were.
436
Fiction
In Dante's Inferno, Brutus is one of three people deemed sinful enough to be chewed in one of the three mouths of
Satan, in the very center of Hell, for all eternity. The other two are Cassius, who was Brutus's fellow conspirator
and Judas Iscariot (Canto XXXIV). Dante condemned these three in the afterlife for being Treacherous Against
Their Masters and enemies of the King/Emperor.
Shakespeare's play Julius Caesar depicts Caesar's assassination by Brutus and his accomplices, and the murderers'
subsequent downfall. In the final scene, Marcus Antonius describes Brutus as "the noblest Roman of them all",
for he was the only conspirator who acted for the good of Rome.
In the Masters of Rome novels of Colleen McCullough, Brutus is portrayed as a timid intellectual who hates
Caesar for personal reasons, foremost of them the fact that his marriage arrangement with Caesar's daughter,
Julia, whom Brutus deeply loved, was dissolved in Caesar's political gamble to give his daughter's hand to
Pompey to cement with him an alliance. Cassius and Trebonius use him as a figurehead because of his family
connections, and his descendence from the founder of the Republic. He appears in Fortune's Favourites, Caesar's
Women, Caesar and The October Horse.
Ides of March is an epistolatory novel by Thornton Wilder dealing with characters and events leading to, and
culminating in, the assassination of Julius Caesar.
In the TV series Rome, Brutus, portrayed by Tobias Menzies, is depicted as a young man torn between what he
believes is right, and his loyalty and love of a man who has been like a father to him. In the series, his personality
and motives are somewhat inaccurate, as Brutus is portrayed as an unwilling participant in politics. In the earlier
episodes he is frequently inebriated and easily ruled by emotion. Brutus' relationship to Cato is not mentioned,
and his three sisters and wife Porcia are omitted from the series completely.
Brutus is an occasional supporting character in Asterix comics, most notably Asterix and Son in which he is the
main antagonist. The character appears in the first three live Asterix film adaptations - though briefly in the first
two - Asterix and Obelix vs Caesar (played by Didier Cauchy) and Asterix at the Olympic Games. In the latter
film, he is portrayed as a comical villain by Belgian actor Benot Poelvoorde: he is a central character to the film,
even though he was not depicted in the original Asterix at the Olympic Games comic book. Following sources
cited in Plutarch, he is implied in that film to be Julius Caesar's biological son.
The Hives' song "B is for Brutus" contains titular and lyrical references to Junius Brutus.
The video game Assassin's Creed Brotherhood features a small side story in the form of the "Scrolls of Romulus"
written by Brutus, which reveals that Caesar was a Templar and Brutus and the conspirators were members of the
Roman Brotherhood of Assassins. At the end of the side quest, the player is able to get Brutus' armor and dagger.
The cartoon character primarily known as "Bluto" was renamed "Brutus" for a few years.
References
[1] Suetonius, The Deified Julius, 50
[2] Plutarch, Life of Brutus, 5.2.
[3] M. Crawford (1971) Roman Republican Coinage 502.2 shows that Brutus issued coins bearing the inscription Q. CAEPIO BRVTVS PRO
[COS] (Q. Caepio Brutus, proconsul) in 42 BC
[6] Cicero, Att. V 21
[7] Cicero. ad Fam. iii. 4.
[9] Plutarch, Marcus Brutus, 13.3.
[10] [10] Cicero. Brutus. 77, 94
[11] [11] Cic. Att. 13. 16
[12] [12] Cic. Att. 13. 22
[13] Cassius Dio, Roman History, 44.8.4.
[14] [14] Cassius Dio, Roman History, 44.12.2.
[15] Cassius Dio, Roman History, 44.12.3. (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Cassius_Dio/ 44*. html#12)
437
[16] [16] Cassius Dio, 44.13.1.
[17] Cassius Dio, 44.13.
[18] Plutarch, Marcus Brutus, 14.4
[19] Plutarch. Marcus Brutus. 15.1.
[20] [20] Cassius Dio. Roman History. 44.18.1.
[25] Nicolaus. Life of Augustus. 24.
[26] Plutarch, Life of Brutus, chapter 48
[27] Plutarch, Marcus Brutus, 52.1-53.4.
[28] Valerius Maximus, De factis mem. iv.6.5.
[29] Cassius Dio, Roman History. 47.49.3.
[30] Appian, The Civil Wars, Book 5.136.
Further reading
Clarke, M. L. (1981). The Noblest Roman. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
Heitland, W. E. (1909). The Roman Republic. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Plutarch (1910). Arthur H. Clough, ed. Lives. London: Dutton.
Syme, Ronald (1939). The Roman Revolution. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Wistrand, Erik (1981). The Policy of Brutus the Tyrannicide. Goteborg, Sweden: Kungl.
Parenti, Michael (2003). The Assassination of Julius Caesar. New York: New Press.
External links
Media related to Marcus Junius Brutus at Wikimedia Commons
Information on Marcus Junius Brutus from www.Greektext.com (http:/ / www. greektexts. com/ library/ Plutarch/
Marcus_Brutus/ eng/ index. html)
Livius.org: Brutus (http:/ / www. livius. org/ bn-bz/ brutus/ brutus02. html)
Aratus of Sicyon
438
Aratus of Sicyon
For Aratus of Soli, see Aratus.
Highlights of Aratus' life. The sites are numbered
chronologically.
Aratus (Greek: ; 271213 BC) was a statesman of the
ancient Greek city-state of Sicyon and a leader of the Achaean
League. He deposed the Sicyonian tyrant Nicocles in 251 BC.
Aratus was an advocate of Greek unity and brought Sicyon into
the Achaean League, which he led to its maximum extent. He
was elected strategos numerous times and led the Achaeans
against Macedonia, the Aetolians and the Spartans. After the
Spartans defeated and nearly destroyed the cities of the
Achaean League, he requested Antigonus Doson of Macedonia
to help fight against the Aetolians and Spartans. After
Antigonus died in 222 BC, Aratus did not get along with Philip
V of Macedon, who wanted to make the Achaean League
subject to Macedonia. Polybius and Plutarch record that Philip
had Aratus poisoned.
[1]
Early life
Aratus was born in 271 BC in Sicyon. His father, Clinias, was governing this city as magistrate. Clinias was
pacifying the country after ending a long succession of tyrants.
[2]
In 264 BC, Abantidas led a new revolt. Clinias was slain. Abantidas sought to kill the 7 years old Aratus. Aratus
escaped after wandering into the home of Soso, Abantidas' sister, who had also been married to Prophantus (Clinias'
brother). She was so emotionally moved by the child's circumstance that she hid him until nightfall, and then sent
him off to Argos.
In Argos, Aratus was educated with liberal notions by other exiles, many of whom had been friends of his family.
Aratus grew to hate tyranny. Aratus also attended the Argos' palaestra regularly, developing an athletic body, noted
in statues. He even won the pentathlon once.
Soon, Aratus became a political leader in exile. He was admired because of both his aristocratic birth and his
enthusiasm.
Liberating Sicyon
At this time, Nicocles was the latest tyrant of Sicyon. His reign had begun four months previously, and was marked
by the brutal suppression of all opposition. He feared Aratus so he commissioned spies to follow him in Argos.
Aratus considered his future, and nothing in Macedonia, with King Antigonus II, nor in Egypt, with King Ptolemy II,
looked promising. Consequently, Aratus decided to liberate Sicyon with the help of the other exiles. The revolt had
to be swift, avoiding any protracted conflict, which they could not afford.
In 251 BC, Aratus and his men slipped into Sicyon quietly at night, climbing the steep wall on the rocky side with
ladders. Right before the dawn, Aratus captured the guards, and he sent orders to spread the news of the revolt to the
local people so they might join. At dawn, all Sicyon surrounded the palace and, after a herald harangued them, the
people thronged into the palace which was set afire. The flames could be seen from Corinth, 12km away. Nicocles
escaped through an underground passageway. Aratus divided the spoils from the palace between his soldiers and the
Aratus of Sicyon
439
people. Only one citizen was killed in his revolt.
Pacifying Sicyon
Aratus had brought most of the exiles back, but after fifty years of tyranny, most exiles had become destitute. They
claimed their former properties which had been given away. Fearing a civil war, Aratus decided that Sicyon would
join the Achaean League. Sicyon lost its Dorian status because of this. Once inside the league, Aratus served in the
cavalry. His commanders were surprised because he responded as dutifully as the lowest soldier.
Aratus resorted to Ptolemy, King of Egypt, to help Sicyon. Ptolemy was a personal friend because Aratus often sent
him Greek paintings, made by famous artists from Sicyon, which was an important center of art. Ptolemy had
already sent 25 talents, but this wasn't enough. Aratus decided to visit him personally. After a hazardous trip, during
which he was almost captured by the Macedonians, Aratus arrived in Egypt. Ptolemy presented Sicyon with 150
talents. This calmed Sicyon definitively and the exiles erected a brass statue on Aratus' behalf.
The Macedonian King Antigonus began a calumny campaign against Aratus, to destroy the friendship between
Ptolemy and Aratus. Ptolemy sent diplomats to Sicyon to clear the issue.
Soon, it was clear that Aratus lived only for Sicyon's prosperity, which was what determined who could be
considered one of his friends.
The Achaean Strategos
In 245 BC, Aratus was appointed Strategos of the Achaean League. At the time, the Achaean League's worst rivals
were Macedonia, who had garrisons throughout the Peloponnesus, and the Aetolian League, which had formed a
military alliance with Macedonia. His first military action was to aid the Boeotian army. Leading 10,000 soldiers,
Aratus attacked both Locris and Calydon.
Capturing Corinth
Corinth had been garrisoned years before by Philip II of Macedonia. Aratus discovered a way to liberate the city,
with the help of four Syrian brothers. One of them, Erginus, had stolen the Corinthian royal treasury and he decided
to store his fortune at Sicyon. There, he revealed to Aratus that his brother Diocles, who was a soldier in the
Macedonian garrison, had discovered a part of the walls which was only 4.5 meter high. It was accessible through
some rocks, by a hidden path. Aratus guaranteed a 60 talent reward to all four brothers, pawning his own wife's
silver jewelry to cover the cost.
Again as Strategos in 243 BC, Aratus led 400 men to Corinth, leading the finest 100 men personally right into the
garrison, through the secret passage. The Macedonians were overwhelmed by the assaulters. The next morning,
Corinth's garrison surrendered and the entire Achaean army arrived.
Aratus gathered all the Corinthians at the theater. Aratus was wearing his armour and leaned on his spear, which he
held in his right hand. Without his uttering a word, the multitude acclaimed him. Aratus spoke on behalf of the
Achaean League, asking the Corinthians to join them. Then he returned the city's keys, which had been taken by the
Macedonians. The Achaeans garrisoned Corinth with 400 men.
Aratus of Sicyon
440
Expanding the League
Consequently, Megara, Troezen, and Epidaurus revolted against Macedonia and joined the Achaean League. Also,
the Achaean soldiers followed Aratus anywhere, fighting the Macedonian King. Aratus invaded Attica and occupied
Salamis. Aratus convinced his friend King Ptolemy to join the Achaean League; upon entry its king received special
powers.
A recognized leader
Soon, the Achaeans recognized that Aratus' lone interest was boosting the league's greatness. Thus, although it was
prohibited by the law, Aratus was appointed Strategos in successive years, from 241 BC until 235 BC. Aratus
repeated the maxim that, although a single city may not be strong enough, together inside the Achaean League, all
cities could survive as a whole.
Against the Peloponnesian tyrants
Additionally, Aratus campaigned against any tyrannical Peloponnesian leader.
Argos
Among such campaigns, Aratus' most difficult was at Argos. This city had fallen under a succession of tyrants,
andsentimentallyAratus desired to liberate the place where he had grown up. With the Achaeans, Aratus led a
series of campaigns but the Argives never gave in, since they were already accustomed to live under tyranny. In one
battle, a spear cut Aratus' thigh. At Cleonae, Aratus had the opportunity to win over Argos through Aristippus, but
Macedonian soldiers helped Aristomachos to subject Argos again.
Lydiadas
Lydiadas had been Megalopolis' tyrant but he relented, restricting his power and joining the Achaean League. In
return, Lydiadas was appointed Strategos. Alternately in successive years, both Aratus and Lydiadas were Strategoi,
from 234 BC until 230 BC. Soon Lydiadas wanted to outmatch Aratus inside the league. As a declared personal
enemy, Lydiadas began ranting constantly against him. However, the Achaean council was suspicious of Lydiadas'
tyrannical past, so he lost much of his political support.
Allying with Aetolia
Despite recent severe confrontations, after Antigonus II died, in 239 BC, Aetolia, whose leader was Pantaleon,
agreed to help the Achaeans against Macedonia. Although this was temporary, it meant that the powerful Achaean
League achieved its widest territorial reach, about 229 BC, almost exclusively due to Aratus' policies.
Aratus attempted to liberate Athens. In the Thriasian Plain, his leg was severely broken, but he stayed on using a
litter. Eventually, he captured Athens' Academy and pardoned the local people. Later, Aratus convinced Diogenes,
the local Macedonian commander, to sell Piraeus, Munychia, Salamis, and Sunium, which he had until then held for
Macedonia, to the Athenians, for 150 talents (20 of which were paid by Aratus).
On hearing news of this, Aegina, Hermione, and most Arcadian cities joined the Achaean League. Also, by Aratus'
insistence, Aristomachos brought Argos into the league and he was appointed Strategos. Phliasia also joined at this
time.
Aratus of Sicyon
441
The Worst years
Against Sparta
When Cleomenes III became king of Sparta, he ravaged the Peloponnesian cities. The Achaean League confronted
this menace, with Aratus as Strategos for twelfth time, in 227 BC. Aratus captured Mantineia, by surprise, but
Cleomenes captured Megalopolis and garrisoned it.
Furthermore, Cleomenes overthrew all Spartan political institutions so that he could raid with fewer restrictions.
Consequently, Aratus began corresponding secretly with Antigonus. Soon the Macedonians were called
"Confederate", garrisoning some Peloponnesian cities again and aiding other cities with troops. For instance, Corinth
was reinforced by Macedonian troops although its garrison was still Achaean.
Mantineia fell and, then, Cleomenes demanded being appointed Strategos. The Achaean council invited him to
Argos for talks but Cleomenes brought his entire army to Lerna, which was a distance of 4km from Argos. This
alarmed Aratus and he suggested to Cleomenes that, as "good friends", just 300 Spartans may enter Argos.
Cleomenes felt offended by the offer and, in the Achaean Council, both argued so bitterly that Cleomenes formally
declared war on the league.
Sparta captured most Achaean cities and Aratus witnessed his league crumble. Aratus was commanded to police the
league. Thus, he executed people, both in Sicyon and in Corinth. The Corinthians attempted to abduct Aratus but
they failed. Subsequently, Corinth surrendered voluntarily to Sparta. The city was garrisoned and further fortified.
Both Aetolia and Athens denied further assistance to the League. Aratus, who was still being appointed Strategos
yearly, became a weak Greek political figure, with neither power nor hope.
Nonetheless, Cleomenes showed many courtesies towards Aratus, desiring to ingratiate himself with the league.
Aratus' Corinthian estate wasn't touched, while Cleomenes offered him a 12 talent pension. Aratus declined to accept
these gifts, excusing himself:
"Now, I don't govern affairs. Instead, they govern me."
Being angered by this response, Cleomenes launched a massive invasion of Sicyon territory.
Against Aetolia
He was utterly defeated by the Aetolians at Caphyae in 220 BC. Two thousand Achaean soldiers fled the field after,
erroneously, Aratus had ordered an attack on the Aetolians, who were better positioned, over a hilly terrain. The
Achaean Council crititicized Aratus so badly that he lost confidence. As a result, the Aetolians were able to leave the
Peloponnesus without opposition, although Aratus could have defeated them easily.
[3]
Friend of Macedonia
After three months of siege on Sicyon, in 224 BC Aratus deemed that Achaea should surrender Sicyon to Macedonia
definitively, because this city was their condition for a complete alliance. In Aegium, the Achaean council approved
this. Then, some angered Corinthians plundered all Aratus' possessions and gave his residence to Cleomenes.
Aratus met Antigonus III at Pegae. The Macedonian King had brought 20,000 soldiers plus 1,300 cavalrymen. They
swore reciprocal fidelity, although Aratus, understandably, was scared, after years of war, and especially since his
own career had begun hating the previous Macedonian Kings. However, soon he discovered that Antigonus admired
him.
Immediately, the renewed Achaean League smashed the Spartan threat. Argos, Corinth, Mantineia, and all other
cities were retaken. Cleomenes was defeated decisively at Sellasia, in 222 BC, after which he fled to Egypt.
Aratus of Sicyon
442
Loyalty to Macedonia
Henceforth, until his death, Aratus subjugated his policies to the Macedonian monarchy. He demonstrated that, as
Antigonus' chief advisor, he was as capable as before (as a democratic functionary). Indeed, Aratus became
Antigonus' favorite. Among other things, Mantineia was renamed "Antigonea", by Aratus.
Some time before the alliance, Aratus had made a sacrifice where two conjoined gallbladders were found. The
interpretation was that "two bitter enemies would join amicably." This was remembered when, watching an
entertainment at Corinth, both Aratus and Antigonus ended protected from a very cold weather, under the same
cloak.
However, the Peloponnesians criticized Aratus harshly, for he allowed the Macedonians to torture, execute, pillage,
and so forth indiscriminately. For instance, Aratus witnessed many statues erected which represented the former
tyrants, while those which represented the leaders who had liberated Corinth were torn down. Among these, only
Aratus' statue was left.
Teaching the new king
Antigonus returned to Macedonia where he soon died fighting against Illyria. His nephew Philip moved to
Peloponnesus, to live with Aratus and become acquainted with the local people. In 221 BC, Philip V assumed the
throne and continued his uncle's favor towards Aratus.
In 218 BC, Phillip's royal advisors tricked him into supporting Epiratos, who was Aratus' rival. Epiratos was elected
Strategos. However, the Macedonian King discovered the calumnious maneuver and punished the deceitful advisors.
The King returned his support to Aratus, so Aratus was Strategos again, in 217 BC.
No longer under the threat of Macedonian invasion, the Achaean League dissipated. Aetolia took advantage of this
situation to pillage the Peloponnesus again, this time with some Spartan assistance. Aratus convinced Philip
personally to harass Aetolia with his army by surprise, in 217 BC. Aetolia was forced to sign a peace.
With his experience, Aratus was the person who taught the young King the most about both royal policies and
behavior. For this reason, Aratus was so hated by the other advisors that they insulted Aratus bitterly on any
occasion. Their leaders were Apelles and Leontius. Eventually, they were executed by the King.
His death
However, forgetting all dignity and courtesy, Philip V became an intemperate monarch. For instance, being cordially
lodged at Aratus' home, he had a lengthy secret affair with Aratus' daughter-in-law.
Accordingly, by secret meetings, Philip V provoked a civil war capriciously in Messene, pitting magistrates against
demagogues. Aratus could do nothing to reconcile the parties, and 200 magistrates were slain. Aratus reproached the
King quite bitterly over this event. To settle things down, the King invited Aratus, to a religious sacrifice at Mt.
Ithome. There, Aratus said:
"You have conquered almost all Greece but you don't control the people's emotions whereas a King's strongest
fortresses are both popular confidence and affection."
Soon, Aratus, who continued as the Achaean Strategos year after year, didn't want to talk with the King. Then, he
refused to join the Epirian expedition.
After being defeated by the Romans, Philip V returned to the Peloponnesus. The King complicated the Messene's
politics again and then the ravaged their country, without a reason. Once more, Aratus reacted openly against him.
Furthermore, he was then informed about his daughter-in-law's affair, although Aratus didn't tell anything to his son.
Philip V had become completely tyrannical, and he decided to end this bitter confrontation by killing Aratus. The
King planned to do this discreetly, during his absence. So the Macedonian general Taurion was assigned to this task
After getting acquainted with him, Taurion administered a slow effect poison to Aratus. Aratus began suffering
Aratus of Sicyon
443
progressive heats and coughs while his body decayed slowly but steadily.
Aratus understood the situation but he knew that nothing could be done politically. Thus, he kept silence. Only once,
he commented to a friend:
"These are the consequences of the king's love."
Aratus died at Aegium, in 213 BC.
Although the local people were ready to bury him with great pomp, Sicyon claimed the corpse. Since it was
prohibited to bury him inside the city, the citizens consulted Delphi's oracle. They were so happy by the response
that the burial became a festival. Aratus' corpse was buried at the most conspicuous spot, which was then named
Arateium.
Notes
[1] Polybius 8.14; Plutarch Aratus 52
[2] Plutarch, The Lives, "Aratus"
[3] Polybius: The Histories, The Histories (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Polybius/ home. html)
Galba
This article is about the Roman emperor. For the Roman consul, see Servius Sulpicius Galba (consul). For the
Roman praetor, see Servius Sulpicius Galba (praetor). For the king of Suessiones, see Galba (Suessiones).
Galba
6th Emperor of the Roman Empire
Bust of Galba
Reign 8 June 68 15 January 69
(8 months)
Galba
444
Full name
Servius Sulpicius Galba
(at birth);
Lucius Livius Ocella Sulpicius Galba
(until ascension);
Servius Sulpicius Galba Caesar
Augustus
(as emperor);
Imperator Servius Galba Caesar
Augustus
(imperial name)
[1]
Born 24 December, 3 BC
Birthplace Near Terracina, Italy
Died 15 January 69 (aged 71)
Place of death Rome
Predecessor Nero
Successor Otho
Consort to Aemilia Lepida
Dynasty None
Mother Mummia Achaica
Roman imperial dynasties
Year of the Four Emperors
Chronology
Galba 6869
Otho 69
Vitellius 69
Vespasian 6979
Succession
Preceded by
Julio-Claudian dynasty
Followed by
Flavian dynasty
Galba (Latin: Servius Sulpicius Galba Caesar Augustus;
[2]
24 December 3 BC 15 January 69), was Roman
Emperor for seven months from 68 to 69. Galba was the governor of Hispania Tarraconensis, and made a bid for the
throne during the rebellion of Julius Vindex. He was the first emperor of the Year of the Four Emperors.
Origins and family life
He was born as Servius Sulpicius Galba near Terracina, "on the left as you go towards Fundi" in the words of
Suetonius.
Through his paternal grandfather ("more eminent for his learning than for his rank for he did not advance beyond
the grade of praetor" and who "published a voluminous and painstaking history", according to Suetonius), who
predicted his rise to power,
[3]
he was descended from Servius Sulpicius Galba. Galba's father attained the consulship,
and although he was short, hunchbacked and only an indifferent speaker, was an industrious pleader at the bar.
His mother was Mummia Achaica, the granddaughter of Lutatius Catulus (cos. 78) and great-granddaughter of
Lucius Mummius Achaicus. They only had one other child, an elder son called Gaius who left Rome after
Galba
445
squandering the greater part of his estate, and committed suicide because Tiberius dishonored him by preventing him
from taking part in the allotment of the provinces in his year. His father married a second wife, Livia Ocellina, a
distant kinswoman of the empress Livia. She later adopted Galba, so he took her names, remaining Lucius Livius
Ocella Sulpicius Galba until becoming emperor.
His was a noble family, and he was a man of great wealth, but was unconnected by birth and only very, very
remotely by adoption with any of the first six Caesars. In his early years he was regarded as a youth of remarkable
abilities, and it is said that both Augustus and Tiberius prophesied his future eminence (Tacitus, Annals, vi. 20
[4]
;
Suet. Galba4
[5]
; Dio 57.19.4).
His wife, Aemilia Lepida, however, was connected by the marriages of some of her relatives to some of the
Julii-Claudii. They had two sons, probably Gaius and Servius (most likely Livius Ocella Galba), who died during
their father's life. The elder son was born circa 25 AD. Hardly anything is known about his life as he died young. He
was engaged to his step-sister Antonia Postuma, but they never wed, which leads modern historians to believe that
he died during this time. Their engagement is dated to 48, and that is generally believed to be his time of death.
The date of birth of the younger son occurred later than 25 but before 30. This Galba outlived his older brother. He
was a quaestor in 58, but he was never seen in politics after that. His time of death is generally believed to be around
60 AD. Galba Minor was never married and had no children.
[6]
In addition, Suetonius's description of Galba was that In sexual matters he was more inclined to males, and then
none but the hard bodied and those past their prime.
[7]
This seems to be the only case in Roman history where a
named individual male is stated to prefer adult males.
[8]
Public service
He became Praetor in 20, and consul in 33; he earned a reputation in the provinces of Gaul, Germania, Africa and
Hispania for his military capability, strictness and impartiality. On the death of Caligula, he refused the invitation of
his friends to make a bid for the empire, and loyally served Claudius. For the first half of Nero's reign he lived in
retirement, until 61, when the emperor bestowed on him the province of Hispania Tarraconensis.
In the spring of 68, Galba was informed of Nero's intention to put him to death, and of the insurrection of Julius
Vindex in Gaul. He was at first inclined to follow the example of Vindex, but the defeat at Vesontio (Besanon) and
suicide
[9]
of the latter renewed Galba's hesitation. It was said that the courtier Calvia Crispinilla was behind his
defection from Nero.
The news that Nymphidius Sabinus, the Praetorian Prefect, had given him his favour revived Galba's spirits. Until
now, he had only dared to call himself the legate of the senate and Roman people; after Nero's suicide, he assumed
the title of Caesar, and marched straight for Rome.
Following Nero's death, Nymphidius Sabinus sought to seize power prior to the arrival of Galba, but he could not
win the loyalty of the Praetorian guard and was killed. Upon Galba's approach to the city in October, he was met by
soldiers presenting demands; Galba replied by killing many of them.
Galba
446
Emperor (June 68)
Rule
Galba
Galba's primary concern during his brief reign was restoring state
finances, and to this end he undertook a number of unpopular
measures, the most dangerous his refusal to pay the praetorians the
reward promised in his name. Galba scorned the notion that soldiers
should be "bribed" for their loyalty. He was notoriously cruel
throughout the Empire; according to the historian Suetonius, Galba
levied massive taxes against areas that were slow to receive him as
Emperor.
He also sentenced many to death without trial, and rarely accepted requests for citizenship. He further disgusted the
populace by his meanness and dislike of pomp and display. Advanced age destroyed his energy, and he was entirely
in the hands of favourites.
Three of these Titus Vinius, who became Galba's colleague as consul, Cornelius Laco, the commander of the
Praetorian Guard, and Galba's freedman Icelus Marcianus were said to virtually control the emperor. The three
were called "The Three Pedagogues" because of their influence on Galba. All this made the new emperor gravely
unpopular.
During the later period of his provincial administration, Galba was indolent and apathetic, but this was due either to a
desire not to attract Nero's notice or to the growing infirmities of age. Tacitus says all pronounced him worthy of the
empire, until he became emperor ("omnium consens cpax imperi nisi imperasset").
Military mutiny on the frontier
On 1 January 69, two legions in Germania Superior refused to swear loyalty to Galba. They toppled his statues,
demanding that a new emperor be chosen. On the following day, the soldiers of Germania Inferior also rebelled and
took the decision of who should be the next emperor into their own hands, proclaiming the governor of the province,
Vitellius, as Emperor.
This outbreak of revolt made Galba aware of his own unpopularity and of the general discontent. In order to check
the rising storm, he adopted as his heir and successor L. Calpurnius Piso. The populace regarded the choice of
successor as a sign of fear and the Praetorians were indignant, because the usual donative was not forthcoming.
Furthermore, M. Salvius Otho, who was expecting to be adopted, was alienated by the choice of Piso.
Assassination (January 69)
Otho had governed Lusitania and was one of Galba's earliest supporters. He was disappointed at the selection of Piso
and entered into communication with the discontented Praetorians, and he was hailed by them as their emperor on 15
January 69. Galba at once set out to meet the rebels, though he was so feeble that he had to be carried in a litter. He
was met by a troop of Otho's cavalry and was killed near Lacus Curtius.
One guard, centurion Sempronius Densus, died defending him. Piso was killed shortly afterwards. According to
Plutarch, during Galba's last moments he offered his neck, and said, "Strike, if it be for the good of the Romans!"
According to Suetonius, Galba prior to his death had put on a linen corsetalthough remarking that it had little
protection against so many swords.
After his death, Galba's head was brought to Otho, who gave it to his camp followers who paraded and mocked
itthe camp followers' mocking was their angry response to a remark by Galba that his strength was unimpaired.
The head was then bought by a freedman so he could throw it on the place where his former master had been
executed on Galba's orders. Galba's steward buried both head and trunk in a tomb by the Aurelian Road.
Galba
447
Altogether, around 120 people claimed the credit for killing Galba, being anxious to win Otho's favour and hoping to
be rewarded. A list of their names was drawn up, which fell into the hands of Vitellius when he succeeded Otho as
emperor. Every one of them was executed.
Notes
[1] [1] Galba's regal name has an equivalent meaning in English as "Commander Servius Galba Caesar, the Emperor".
[2] In Classical Latin, Galba's name would be inscribed as SERVIVS SVLPICIVS GALBA AVGVSTVS.
[3] Suetonius, 4 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Suetonius/ 12Caesars/ Galba*. html#4)
[4] http:/ / www. perseus.tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Tac. + Ann. + 6. 20
[5] http:/ / penelope. uchicago.edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Suetonius/ 12Caesars/ Galba*. html#4
[6] [6] The following quote is NOT in Suetonius and has been removed to a footnote until the citation can be corrected and/or verified. ... Suetonius
mentions that "Galba Minor had discovered his father's affair with a male slave and threatened to tell his step-mother, which led to death of
him."
[7] Suetonius, Galba, 22
[8] Richlin, The Garden of Priapus: Sexuality and Aggression in Roman Humor, Oxford, 1992
[9] Plutarch Galba 6.4
References
"Galba, Servius Sulpicius (emperor)". Encyclopdia Britannica (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press.
External links
Primary sources
Galba.net: researching Galba's heritage (http:/ / www. galba. net)
Life of Galba (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Suetonius/ 12Caesars/ Galba*. html)
(Suetonius; English translation and Latin original)
Life of Galba (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Galba*. html)
(Plutarch; English translation)
Cassius Dio, Book63 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Cassius_Dio/ 63*. html)
Secondary material
Galba at RomansOnline (http:/ / www. romansonline. com/ Persns. asp?IntID=6& Ename=Galba)
Biography at De Imperatoribus Romanis (http:/ / www. roman-emperors. org/ galba. htm)
Political offices
Precededby
Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus and Lucius
Arruntius Camillus Scribonianus
Consul of the Roman Empire together
with Lucius Cornelius Sulla Felix
33
Succeededby
Paullus Fabius Persicus and
Lucius Vitellius
Precededby
Nero
Roman Emperor
6869
Succeededby
Otho
Precededby
Titus Catius Asconius Silius Italicus and
Publius Galerius Trachalus
Consul of the Roman Empire together
with Titus Vinius
69
Succeededby
Fabius Valens and Arrius
Antoninus
Article Sources and Contributors
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Plutarch Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=609252848 Contributors: 15lsoucy, ARDink, Againme, Ahoerstemeier, AkasIitocs, Akhilleus, Akulo, Alansohn, Alastair Haines,
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Plutarch's Parallel Lives

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