A Sampl i ng of Folk Beliefs Associated wi t h Trees and Forests Charles P. Castro r ^ n ^ CMJ j l ^ l h e n was the last ti me you have seen N * ^ ^ Gflfireflies? Don' t l ook now but I started w i t h <~i ^Q%r r 2di i s rhet ori cal question to pl ug on the idea - J that fi refl i es and the subject of this essay, >A, A A^J f ol k bel i efs, have a number of things i n common. Fi rst is that we don' t see much of these two wonderf ul things anymore. I n the case of f i ref l i es, many bad things have happened to them: pol l ut i on i n the ai r, for instance, then destruction of thei r habitat, di srupt i on of their l i f e cycles, dwi ndl i ng food sources. As f or f ol k beliefs, same probl ems: pol l ut i on by i ntrusi ve technology, destruction of the sites associated w i t h thei r use, di srupti on of their f rui t f ul existence by purveyors of miseducation, di mi ni shi ng number of believers/practitioners. I also thought of fi refl i es because, j ust l i ke much of our f ol k beliefs, they bri ng nostalgia. They evoke images of those sweet yesteryears when, yes, grass was green and roses were red and you and I were young and alive and there was beauty i n the t wi nkl i ng stars and paradise coul d be f ound underneath the f ri endl y nei ghbor' s guava or mango trees. v When. we get to see firefl ies f l i ckeri ng and cavorting and swarmi ng the way fi refl i es normal l y do atop some geri atri c or f l oweri ng t amari nd tree, we woul d believe among other things that they were the playmates of some supernormal friends. An d , indeed, i f you were alone and brave and i n the mi ddl e of the ni ght stared closely and long enough, the myri ad of f l i ckeri ng t i ny l ights w oul d morph i nto an evanescent yet qui te distinct f i gure, the likes of the outl i ne perhaps of a l ong-hai red maiden clad i n f l owi ng whi te. Th e a u th o r, a n a ti ve of N u e va Vizca ya w h o n e w live s in B aguio C i ty, is a fo re ste r cu rre n tly ta k in g gra d u a te co u rse s in d e ve lo p m e n t co m m u n ica tio n a n d e n vi ro n m e n ta l stu d ie s a t U P Los B a n os. H e is currently employed as U n i ve rsi ty R e se a rch e r a t th e Fo re stry D e ve lop m e n t C e n te r. 1 0 7 APPLICATION OF IKSIN SUSTAINABLE UPLAND DEVELOPMENT Bel i ef systems are wi ndows we coul d use to revi ew our hi story vi s-a-vi s the envi ronment and natural resources - and mend our currentl y destructi ve ways. For i nstance, they coul d i ndi cate that thei r ori gi nators or earl i er advocates, the earl y Fi l i pi nos, di d have very deep respect and l ove for Mother Farth or Inang Kaiikasan. WHY THE CONCERNFOR FOLK BELIEFS? 7 *5^3Q5vfcierearestill remnants of thenotionthat folk beliefs and. relatedindigenous knowledge M. Ksystems andpractices (IKSP) haveno ^ SjSscientific basis and arenothing but K; AAASlguperstitionor stupidconcoctions fit for gullibledwellers inareas that havenotbeensufficiently reached by evangelizers, educators, andmodernization. Increasingly, however, local as well as international agencies andinstitutions working in theenvironment and natural resources sector areshowingkeeninterest onIKSP towhichfolk beliefs belong. Infact, theRioDeclaration explicitly calls for their respect andrecognition. If this phenomenonmeans anything, it couldonly bethefact that we'renowrealizing theimmensevalueof this erstwhile ignoredtreasuretroveof wisdominimproving all forms of lifeonPlanet Earth and inincreasing thechances for Planet Earth-itself tosurvive. But thegrowingconcern for IKSP may havecomea littlelate. For onething, thesenuggets of wisdomare rapidly vanishing, quickly fritteringaway beyond our reach and far beyond thereachandenjoyment of our children. In other words, they aregoing... going... going... just like, well, thefireflies that formedmagical moments in our youth: Doff t ask mewhy this snapshot appears biased for indigenous systems. I havebeenruminating or rather foraging onbelief systems andtraditional practices for over adecadenow, partly becauseof my inclinations as a leaf-lover andpartly duetomy involvement insocial forestry anduplanddevelopment. Among my distillations arethefollowing: Belief systems arewindows wecouldusetoreview our history vis-a-vis theenvironment andnatural resources andmend our currently destructiveways. For instance', they couldindicatethat their originators or earlier advocates, theearly Filipinos, didhavevery deeprespect andlovefor Mother Earth orInang Kaiikasan. According toapioneer of environmentalismin the Philippines, earlier Filipinossuch as theIfugaos andthe Kalingas of theCordillera, theMaranaos andtheTausogs 1 0 8 ENCHANTEDTREES, SACREDGROVES, ANDFOREST FAIRIES of Mindanao, andtheswiddencultures of Mindoroand Palawanhavedevelopedsystemsof ecological adaptation totheir environment andthat someof thesesuccessful systemsarestill extant inthePhilippines(Roque, 1988). "Tliesesystemsof useandmanagement of natural resources werelearnedthroughempirical testingover centuries of trial anderror. Wfiilemost of thesehaveno basis intheoretical science, their meritshavebeen demonstrated by thestabilityof theecosystems that they worked. However, themost important feature of these indigenous systems istheir total integrationwith the political economyof thesociety. Viesystemof useof natural resources hasbecomean indistinguishable component of aseamless cultural fabric." v Indigenousknowledgesystemsarepathways we couldtry inour searchfor ways bywhichhumanbeings couldliveinharmonywithGod'screationandnot subdue or exploit naturefor thesakeof short-termmaterial growth. Theymay beonegoldenkeytowards our finding solutions or powerful allies tominimize, retard, forestall, ward off, or evenannihilatehumanity'semerging nightmares, rangingfromwidespreadfamineandstarvation toloss of speciesandbiodiversity, todyinglakes and dryingrivers, todestruction of theozonelayer, toacid rain.... " Indigenous peopleineverytropical forest region havedevelopedtraditions of forest restoration, and management but suchtraditional practices'have not yet beensystematically examinedas abasisfor sustainable development bygrowingpopulations, let aloneapromising tool for conservation. Thelossof suchcultural knowledge couldproveascostly asthelossof plant or animal species," (Wolf, 1987) Indigenousknowledgesystems areremindersthat indeedordinaryfolksarealsocapableof extraordinary ideasand, alongwiththeir hinterlandhomes, cannolonger beconsideredasunattractivebackseat passengers innation- building. Andtheir continuedpresencemayjust bea blessingfor uswhohavelearnedtoforget that conscientiousscientists, academicians, researchers, development workers, andpolicy-makershavemuch to learnfromthem. AstheWorldConservationStrategy (IUCN, 1980) puts it: "Rural communities oftenhave profoundanddetailedknowledge of theecosystems and Indigenous knowledge systems are pathways we could try in our search for ways by which human beings could live in harmony with God' s creation and not subdue or exploit nature for the sake of short-term material growth. They maybe one golden key towards our finding solutions humanity' s nightmares, ranging from widespread famine and . starvation to loss of species and biodiversity, to dying lakes and drying rivers, to destruction of the ozone layer, to acid rain.... 109 AP P L I CAT I ON O F I K S fN S U S T A I N A B L E UP LAND DE V E L O P ME N T Cultural beli efs and practi ces are answers of rural people to lack of government attenti on, the dearth of extensi on workers, the i naccessi bi li ty of development programs, the scarci ty of fri endly NGOs, and the Mani la-centri c nature of many envi ronmental advocates. species with which they are in contact and effective ways of ensuring they are used sustainably. Even when a community is growing in numbers and is clearly destroying a part of its environment, it should not be assumed that all this knowledge has disappeared or become invalid or that the traditional ways of regulating use have atrophied." Cultural beliefs and practices are answers of rural people, the barriotic or sitiotic folks, and even the Baroks and the Bartolas in the boondocks, to lack of government attention, the dearth of extension workers, the inaccessibility of development programs, the scarcity of friendly NGOs, the Manila-centric nature of many environmentalists. These bodies Of knowledge, largely related to the natural environment, are highly adaptive for human-environment interactions and they often play critical roles in determining behavioral patterns that, in turn, affect, modify, and regulate many interactions within the human ecosystem. In the words of an anthropologist (Lovelace, 1988) who helped reorient people-focused forestry programs at the FAO: "Belief systems help human societies understand the world in which they dwell as well as other worlds they may believe to exist, and help account for each society's position and its members' roles with respect to these worlds. Beliefs and the ideas, emotions, and motivations that they generate often serve as important stimuli for a wide range of human behavior that directly or indirectly affects the environment. Beliefs affect how humans position and organize themselves within, and with respect to, the landscape. Tlicy also affect human decisions to exploit, and how, when, and to what degrees these should be occupied or exploited." WHAT WE HAVE t me take you down memory lane....to what pes of tree-associated or forest-related folk eliefs used to be with us or at least within ur reach. A few words of caution though: jFirst, depending on which side of the fence you stand, some of themmay be outright funny. Some ridiculous. Some naive, some even seemingly stupid. And yet, some are also ingenious. Some are products of common sense. Some are very useful. Some are very wise and wonderful. llO ENCHANTEDTREES, SACREDGROVES, ANDFOREST FAIRIES I listedfivecategoriestoclassify our listingof the belief systems: 1) belief intheDivinepresence, 2) belief insacredsites, 3) belief incritical hours, 4) belief in hauntedplaces, and5) belief inunfit or disfavoredtrees. 1. Belief intheDivinePresence Inmany forest communities, theDivineisoftenseenasa pervasive, diffusespirit present throughout thecosmos, the earth, andnatural phenomena. Thisbelief isvery common throughout Southeast Asia, particularly amongtribal societies. It hasledmany peopletoviewor perceivenature not asarawmaterial for humanconsumptiontobe manipulatedinwhatever way peoplechoosebut asanentity filledwithspirit presenceand, assuch, must berespected. AmongtheT'boli of Mindanao, McDonagh(1986) reportsthat "eachriver, treeor mountainhasitsown spirit." Andjust liketheAmericanIndiansof yesteryears, muchof theT'boli religiousritual isthusgearedto pleasingor appeasingsuchspirits. Thepeopleareintent on attractingtheblessingsof thegoodspiritsandwardingoff destructionfromtheevil ones. "Cosmic phenomenalike eclipses, andnatural destructivephenomenalike earthquakesandtyphoons, areseenaspunishment for encroachingonthedomainof thespiritsby alteringthe natural worldsignificantly." Insuchcases, eventhesimple matter of cuttingdownatreedemandstheappropriate ritualstorecognizetherightsof thespirit world. Inasimilar vein, JunePrill-Brett (1986) tellsthat Bontok villagersviewtheir Cordilleralandasagift from theentutong-cho("theoneinthehighest"). Tothemlandis thesourceof all life: "It belongstonooneor toeveryone." Thusthey havereverencefor it. "Theluta(soil) isinvoked duringoath-swearingrituals(sapata) whenever apersonis' accusedof, acrimewheretherearenowitnessesandthe spiritsof thedeadareinvokedtowitnessandpunishthe wrongdoer." Someyearsback, I happenedtojoinahikingtripto thesecondhighest mountainof thePhilippines, Mount RuloginKabayan, Benguet. Inonetiny villageontheway APPLICATIONOF IKS mSUSTAINABLE UPLANDDEVELOPMENT Among the T' boli of Mindanao, " each river, tree or mountain has its own spirit. " Andj ust like the American Indians of yesteryears, much of the T' boli religious ritual is thus geared to pleasing or v appeasing such spirits. The people are intent on attracting the blessings of the good spirits and warding of f destruction f rom the evil ones. up, our group of Manila- andBaguio-basedmountain enthusiasts (or ecotourists,.if youmay) wasadmonishedby anelderlyKalanguyawhospokeinIlocano: "Mapankayu ngempangngaasiyu ta dikayu aglalaaw" (Gobut please don't makenoise). Themountain, thesenior uplander said, ishometotheIgorot godKabuniananddesecratingit may bringuntowardincidents totheclimbers aswell astothe adjoininguplandcommunities. Inher book, Peasants intheHills, VioletaLopez- Gonzaga(1983) describedwhy, unlikemost migrant damu- ong(lowlanders) whoseland-speculationandcattle ranchinghavepushedtheindigenouspeopleof Mindoro to takerefugeintheremoteuplands of theisland, Buhid Mangyanswiddencultivatorshavenot beensokeenon exploitingvast areas of Mindoro'sforest lands for their subsistence. Accordingtoher, theBuhidconsider landas "mostly afreeandunlimitedgoodtobeextractedfromthe forest, but theyuseit withrestraint anddeferencetothe complex of spiritual powersthat traditionallydominatethe Buhid'suniverse." Amongsuchspiritual forces isonethat hashuman attributes, theafu-daga. Thisspirit isthought tohavedirect control of theBuhidworldandhisactsaremanifest in physicallyobservablephenomenasuchassoil erosion (believedtobetheresult of thespirit'sownswiddening activities) andearthquakes or floods(believedtobeafu- daga'sexpressionof wrathover man'sfailuretoupholdthe moral order). Thoughtheafu-dagamay beinfuriated, the Buhidstill conceiveof himastheir turok (literally"support post"), believedtobecapableof dispensinggoodtopeople andwithholding duwat, that is, anythingthat isbad, wicked, destructive, or upsettingthebalanceof theBuhid's physical universesuchasstarvation, war, sickness, or death. 2. Belief inSacredSites Thiscategory issimilar tothebelief inDivinepresencebut refersmoretoplacesconsideredastaboo. Inthiscase, the areas mquestionareutilizedfor special purposes pr occasionsonlyandunwarrantedintrusionsmayinvitethe ireof lesser but still quitepowerful spirits or deities dwellinginthem. ______ EN C H A N T ED T R E E S, SA C R E D G RO V ES, A N D FO REST FA I R I ES Prill-Brett (1986) says that among the Bontok, specific localitieswithin the village territory are considered sacred. One is thepapatayan ("where sacrifices are offered"), agroup of pine trees above the village where rice cultivation rituals are performed on village rest days. The guardian spirits of the village who reside here communicate aprognosis on village welfare through the butchering of sacrificial animals and the reading of their bile sacsand gall bladders. Cutting trees or even branches from diis site, Prill-Brett says, is punishable by fines and supernatural sanction, the latter usually invoked. Also located above the village, she says, is asacred grove for weather ceremonies (peray). "Whenever storms hit the village with winds strong enough to damage rice crops, aceremony is performed at this site by the village \ hereditary priest (pumapatay). This ceremony is believed to stop the strong winds and calmthe storm." A third sacred grove is located above the entrance of the village, and this is for feast of merit and fertility (chuno), provided to the village by upper-ranking families. I n certain parts of Northeastern Thailand, there is a similar belief in village guardian spirits. Rathakette et ai. (1985) wrote of the belief in the existence of the phi pu ta spirits in certain wooded areas. "// is considered taboo to exploit, modify, or remove anything fromsuch sacred groves. Not even a leaf litter could be taken away and neither grazing nor hunting is permitted. Ignoring the taboo invites supernatural punishment by ghosts and other nefarious deities, and disaster is believed to ensue. Unintentional breaking of the prohibition requires the guilty to expiate the moral crime by requesting a diviner to K conduct special prayers and offerings to the spirit ancestors." The authors say that prohibiting the exploitation of such areasresulted in the preservation and protection of many undisturbed patches of forest vegetation in various parts of Northeast Thailand. Among the Buhid Mangyan, certain forest groves, unusual tree formations, and burial sites, frequently in tiie densest part of the forest, are rigorously avoided both for swiddening and settlement (Lopez-Gonzaga, 1983). I t is believed that human encroachment on these areaswould unleash the maleficient forces. The bel i ef i n the presen ce of the Di vi n e i n wooded areas i s very common throughout Southeast Asi a, parti cul arl y amon g tri bal soci eti es. It has fed man y peopl e to vi ew or percei ve n ature n ot as a raw materi al for human con sumpti on to be man i pul ated i n whatever way peopl e choose but as an en ti ty fi l l ed wi th spi ri t presen ce an d, as such, must be respected. X X 3 APPLICATION OF IKS IN SUSTAINABLE UPLAND DEVELOPMENT In addi ti on to wooded areas and spri ngs, there are other si tes consi dered to have sacred or ethni cally vi tal associ ati ons and are therefore left relati vely unmolested by i ndi genous people. These i nclude mountai n peaks, tri bal hunti ng grounds, places of worshi p, tri bal boundari es, and si tes where sacri fi ci al food and dri nk are offered to ancestor spi ri ts. I recently had the privilege of conversing with Yaom Sumbad (one of the key actors in Lopez-Gonzaga's book cited earlier). He confirmed the existence of such practice not only among the Buhid but also among the other Mangyan groups in Mindoro.M/tg Ubingang Mangyan'ay sari-sari. Merong ilalagay'sa puno na di abot ng hay op at hinahayaang maagnas. Meron ding binabakuran. Sa mga Hanunoo, ililibing at pagkatapos ng anim na buwan huhukayin at dadalhin sa kuweba." The Buhid leader also revealed that sacred sites are not confined to forests. He warned that forest spirits also dwell in springs: "Ang paniniwala namin sa taong-gubat, yung di nakikita, ay nandoon din sila sa triga bukal. Ang sabi ay huwag umihi o twnae sa bukal. At magpasintabi ka sa kanila. Tabi-tabi! Makikiraan... Kung iihian o taehan mo ang mga ito, ang mangyayari ay babalikan ka nila at magkakasakit ang ari mo." (Yaom Sumbad, pers. comm., 1995) In addition to wooded areas and springs, there are other sites considered to have sacred or ethnically vital associations and are therefore left relatively unmolested by indigenous people. These include mountain peaks, tribal hunting grounds, places of worship, tribal boundaries, and sites where'.sacrificial food and drink are offered to ancestor spirits. In Abra, the Banao, Gubang, and Mabaka tribal people maintain what they call lapat which are either forests where no human activities are to be done or streams where no fishing is allowed (Bernard Balansi and Jeremias Tiggangay, pers. comm., 1995). The lapat is said to be an age-old practice in Abra as well as in the adjoining province of Apayao to limit.irresponsible use of natural resources (see Box 1). In Barlig, Mountain Province, terrace farmers consider it taboo to convert kaka-iw (ancestral woodlots) and hunting grounds into payyu (ricefields) no matter how suitable these wilderness areas are for growing rice (Delia Fiadchongan-Castro, pers. comm., 1995). This respect is the same as that accorded to family burial sites which are often located in steep slopes. ENCHANTED TREES, SACRED GROVES, AND FOREST FAIRIES Box 1 ISNEGS DECLARE LAPAT TO CONSERVE NATURAL RESOURCES by Candido J. Tuscano THE FIRST strains of the Apayao hymn which was written and composed by Dr. Maryann A. Soriano read: Verdant are your mountains How bountiful your fields and plains Full of life your rivers clear O Apayao, we hold you dear. r The hymn aptly describes the serenebeauty and pristine environment of the province of Apayao as well as her bountiful natural resources. The people of Apayao, particularly the Isnegs, have continued to nurture and conserve their resources which for generations have provided themmost, i f not all, of their basic needs. The Isnegs are the dominant or major ethno-ILnguistic group in the province who have,tilled the land and nurtured its resources following the traditional rules and laws which ha^e kept such resources as bountiful as ever. One of theserules was to declare any resource as aqapaty' According to Ramon C. Basan, a former mayor of Kabugao, the capital of ApSyao, and the Provincial Tribal Chieftain who, at the age of 84, is the oldest living Isneg in Kabugao, lapat :) literally means a territory declared to conserve the resources within. It is a culture of the Isnegs usually practiced when a member of thefamily dies. Basan related that during theburial, the dead person's family declares a creek, river, forest, or fruit tree and others as their lapat for one year or a maximumof two years. =) When any of these places has been declared as lapat, nobody is allowed to catch fish, gather forest products, and hunt wildlife or pick fruits until the period of thelapat lapses. Anybody caught fishing, gathering forest products and hunting wildlife in the area is punished in accordancewith the culture. The venerable Basan said the violators of thelapat will be meted out adusa (penalty) or fine which consists of not less than PI,000 or any material of value such as gusi Oar) or blanket the value of which should not be less than PI ,000. According to Basan, during the lapat period, the species in the area declared as lapat increased in population, hence these species are conserved. Thus, the population of the species remained at sustainable levels. This traditional practice of the Isnegs helped conserve the environment and natural resources / in the area. After the lapat period, Basan said, a ritual followed wherein the lapat sign will be taken down. But not anybody not even the members of thefamily can just remove thelapat sign. Basan said the concerned family will hire somebody to do that usually a brave warrior who is known to havekilled a person before. During the ceremony, the warrior will have to informthe people how many persons he had killed and where, so that they will know i f he was fit to remove thelapat sign and to declare that the resources therein may again be used by the family. The warrior and the family will share in the expenses for the .celebration which normally consisted of the butchering of animals, playing of gongs, and dancing. The w.hole community is invited to join the celebration. For the traditional dance, only those to be selected by the warrior can join in. After all the rituals, the warrior and a member of the family shall embrace in front of the people to signal the end of the lapat. Once thelapat has ended, thefamily can now use the resources for their needs. Old man Basan said that the lapat is a very important cultural practice which should be practised by more people becauseit is very effective in conserving and preserving the resources and environment in Apayao. [Source: Baguio Midland Courier, Vol. X LI X , No. 39, Sept. 29, 1996] 115 APPLICATION OF IKS IN SUSTAINABLE UPLAND DEVELOPMENT " Ang paniniwala namin sa taorig- gubat, yung di nakikita, aynandoon din si/ a sa mga bukal. Ang sabi ay huwag umihi o tumae sa bukal. At magpasintabi ka sa kanila. Tabi-tabi! Makikiraan... Kung iihian o taehan mo ang mga ito, ang mangy ay an ay babalikan ka nila at magkakasakit ang ari mo." Yaom Sumbad, Mangyan leader 3. Belief in Critical Hours Many rural communities in the Philippines consider certain times of the day usually high noon and twilight as sacred and/or critical. During such hours, it is taboo to go outdoors, build a fire in the fields, or engagein noisy and vigorous activities. Thebelief is that spirits are active and prone to doing harm to human beings during such times. I recall how in my boyhood days in Dupax del Sur, Nueva Vizcaya, old women restrained us hyper-kinetic boys from doing raucous outdoor activity and using our slingshots during agmatuon (literally "time when the sun is directly overhead"). The fear is that we kids would harm or be harmed by themarmarna (roving spirits) or thedi- . makitkita (unseen beings) who are believed to roam aplenty at high noon. I 'm not surei f such a belief was intentionally nurtured to ensurepeaceful and worry-free siesta for the hispanized farmfolk. What I now do know is that, at least in my case, many abayyek (tadpole) in the carabao pond, many atuwwato (dragonfly) along the mountain trail, many apirruka (Philippine bulbul) in the bignay tree, and many a Y-shaped guava twig in thebangkag (vegetable farm) have been spared from somenaughty kids' itchy hands due to their mothers' enforcement.of "curfew" precisely during such hours when the invitations of thekite-friendly wind in the meadow and thedalag and bukto in the crystal-clear river and the softness of the carpet of grass in thehills and the cicadas atop the fruit-laden trees would be at their most irresistiblepitch! Such prohibitions would be observed most during Lenten season or thereabouts. Thus, no matter how terribly taunting nay, seducing were the love calls'of the alimuken (wild dove) or thekilyawan (oriole) or even the despisedtsakuk (cuckoo), the good boys among us had to make do wi th our shareof husking the corn, shelling the peanuts, drying the tobacco leaves, baby-sitting kid sisters, or shooing away the neighbor's hen and her dozen chicks from ruining the newly sown tomato seeds. I f we happened to be in theuma (upland farm) or in the ricefieids, we would be expected to havetaken the carabaos to their favorite mudhole or bamboo-shaded "parking lot" by then. Then wewould j oin the old folks in thekalapaw (farm hut) to while away thewitching hour often by nursing one's 1 1 6 ENCHANTED TREES, SACRED GROVES, AND FOREST FAIRIES leech bites or squeezing out kwantung spines lodged in somebody else's unlucky foot. All the while, we would be forced to listen to a litany of parently reminders (almost always with reference to our Olympian slingshot skills) the likes of: Why don't you go after the uwak (crow) that . raided the ripe papaya and the banana instead of the meatless, harmless and sweet-singing sitsitik (sunbird)? Why not'go pull the barsanga (a weed) or bain-bain (makahiya) off the upland rice in the uma instead of combing the cogon hills all day for pugo (quail) nests? And why not learn how to make ratna (fish trap) or weave pasiking (rattan backpack) instead of challenging the kids in the ballasiw (other side of the river)? The same curfew would be imposed at dusk when the night cicadas start to sing and it is time to inventory the chickens up in the tamarind or caimito trees and to kindle the earthen stoves for supper. In case we needed to go out to urinate or to dump rubbish in the abandoned tupig pit, we would caution the spirits by saying "bari-bari...," "kayu-kayo..." or "tabi-tabi...." And when we would eat outdoors at noon or at night, we would remember to invite the unseen beings by saying "Mangantayo, apo..." - od'.erwise we would contract stomach ache or some such trouble. Prill-Brett (1986) relates a similar belief in critical hours among the Bontok Igorot: "Tixere are designated times of the day, from 11 AM to noon and from 5:30 PM to 6:30 PM, that are believed to be dangerous for walking mountain trails. These designated times are dusk and the hottest part of the day, times when malevolent spirits that push people over the mountainsides are believed to be roaming around." Beliefs like these, Prill-Brett says, ait based on "the assumption that for activities there is a proper time and place to be observed and respected in order to be in harmony with the supernatural beings in the area. The said belief is the Bontok's way of structuring their relationships with the environment, since.they perceive themselves to be sharing the land with these supernatural beirigs who hold them responsible for the stewardship of the land. retrospect, it would appear now that many forest areas have been spared from despoliation as a positive The bel i ef i n cri ti cal hours i s the Bontok' s way of structuri ng thei r rel ati onshi ps wi th the envi ronment, si nce they percei ve themsel ves to be shari ng the l and wi th these supernatural bei ngs who hol d them responsi bl e for the stewardshi p of the l and. 117 A P P L I C A T I ON OF I K S IN S U S T A I N A B L E UP L A N D DE V E L O P ME N T Rural communities stil l harbor tal es of groves and fiel ds and other spots that are best avoided because of the ugl y and sinister deities bel ieved to dwel l in them. Many geriatric trees and patches of wil derness areas have thus been spared until recentl y from the l ogger' s ax or from l and specul ators because of such bel ief systems. result of the reprieve brought about by such belief in sacred or critical hours. I f summed over the years, those seemingly insignificant idle times would have otherwise been used for frenetic activity of chopping trees, making kaingin, hunting, poaching, and grassland burning, among other forms of forestland use. In the pine forests of the Cordillera in particular, the forbidden noonday walks on mountain trails would have otherwise caused a lot of forest fires. 4. Belief in Haunted Places One can easily dismiss the age-old belief in ghosts, spirits and supernatural beings as figments Of imagination made tenable by generation after generation of telling and retelling as bedtime stories for children. But as it is, rural communities still harbor tales of groves and fields and other spots that are best avoided because of the ugly and sinister deities believed to dwell in them. Many geriatric trees and patches of wilderness areas have thus been spareduntil recently from the logger's ax or from land speculators because of such belief systems. In his book Boyhood in Monsoon Country, the . essayist Maximo D. Ramos (1975) gave a list of the more popular creatures said to dwell in trees in the rural areas of Zambales. One is thekai-baan who is said to look like a three-year-oid child, has a fair skin and a treasure of long hair "flowing like corn silk," and chooses the bagbagutot shrub {Phyllanthus reticulatus) as its favorite abode. This fellow is said to be a generous friend but quite vindictive when harmed by careless folk. It is believed to be capable of causing sore eyes, a wry mouth, and black and blue spots on the skin. Also mentioned by Ramos are the agbarbarangay who sail the air in fleets at night, and anchor their boats to the top of large trees. They are said to invite whoever is brave enough to go for a ride and the mediumwould then be told specific wild roots or herbs to cure the village's common diseases, after which he would be left up in the tree where his folks would find himpeacefully asleep the next day. JUL& ENCHANTED TREES, SACRED GROVES, AND FOREST FAIRIES Other creatures Ramos described are the pugot (also calledlanib or kapre), thesantilmo, theagkarkarison, and a headless black creature that could assume a variety of sizes, fromthat of an infant to a giant the size of a big tree. " These beings are said to do nothing but evil. TJie moment a man trespassed their haunts they would try to frighten him out of his wits, or sometimes they would carry him up to the crotch of the tree they lived in and kill or leave him there." For precautions against these tree-dwelling evil beings, Ramos Says the best thing to do is never to get near, much less touch, big trees with oblong leaves such as the balete(Ficus balete) or the bangar {Sterculia foetida) or the bulala, for these are the domicile of the kapre and pugot. "The sameprohibition holds for any termite mound where a blade of grass never grows and a fallen leaf never lingers. Such a mound is certain to be the footstool of thepugot or lanib. It is also the favorite entrance and egress of the dwarfs into and out of their underground world." Ramos also pictured thesinanlakay andsinanbaket, semblances of an old man and an old woman, respectively. He said they are demons garbed in black clothes and haunted trees near cemeteries or deserted lots grown over with shrubs and trees. The old man is said to sometimes wear a soutane and is thus calledsinampade, or semblance of a priest. Don't get the impression though that tree-dwelling spirits are the monopoly of Ilocano-speaking provinces. A more recent book by the same author, The Creatures of Midnight (Ramos, 1990), lists about 85 such creatures. The said creatures are scattered throughout the Philippine archipelago and a number have Ilocano as well as Tagalog, Zambal, Pangasinan, Ibanag, Dikol, Tausug, Visayan, and Zamboangan names. Interestingly, except for those believed to dwell in aquatic ecosystems, majority of the creatures inventoried by Ramos have somediing to do with trees or forests. The belief in benevolent and maleficient spirits dwelling in nature -- in trees, rocks, streams, forests, and mountains is also said to be strong among the Manuvu (Manobo) people of Central Mindanao. In an essay, the The bel i ef i n benevol ent and mal efi ci ent spi ri ts dwel l i ng i n nature - i n trees, rocks, streams, forests, and mountai ns i s al so sai d to be strong among the Manuvu (Manobo) peopl e of Central Mi ndanao. 119 APPLICATION OF IKS IN SUSTAINABLE UPLAND DEVELOPMENT In the remote upl and vi l l ages of Mankayan-, Benguet, peopl e take precauti ons when they get near certai n bi g rocks and deep porti ons of mountai n streams. Such pl aces are bel i eved to be guarded by a tumungaw (unseen dwel l er) or a pinten, respecti vel y. In the case of bi g rocks, you must refrai n from touchi ng them. For the deep ban-aw, you must fi rst gentl y warn the resi dent pinten by throwi ng pebbl es on the water before you di p or swi m. anthropologist E. Arsenio Manuel (1977) wrote that the Manuvu have this belief due to their pervasive faith in the "duality of existence", that is, of the physical body and the spiritual double. The Manuvu also believe in superior gods and lesser deities who dwell in the skyworld and the earthworld and whose favors are sought for success in agricultural work, fishing, hunting, recovery from illness, or protection and victory in war. I n the remote upland villages of Mankayan, Benguet, people take precautions when they get near certain big rocks and deep portions of mountain streams (Michael Dapdapig, pers. com., 1995). Such places are believed to be guarded by atumungaw (unseen dweller) or apinten, respectively. I n the case of big rocks, you must refrain from touching them. For the deepban-aw, you must first gently warn the resident pinten by throwing pebbles on the water before you dip or swim. Curiously, among today's relatively urbanized Filipinos, the belief in haunted areas still exists -- yes, even in what Sylvia Mayuga (1995) has termed the "stunted, monoxide-coated trees of Manila." A case in point is Balete Drive in Quezon City which, in addition to its actual line of balete trees, is said to be occasionally avoided by motorists especially on moonlit nights because of a "white lady" who becomes one's surprise passenger but later disappears when confronted.'In" Jalajala, Rizal, the barangay folks of Pagkalinawan talk of their avoiding a mountain spring in the upper reaches of the village. This is because the place is believed to be haunted by spirits who have the power to increase or decrease the volume of water flowing out of the spring when provoked (Daylinda Cabanilla, pers. com., 1988). Somewhere in the northern edge of Narvacan, Ilocos Sur, is ahill called Bantay Tirad. Franklin Cabaluna (1977) writes that onthe hill's slopes are luxuriant grasslands where deer and other game abound and where deep and perpetually gushing springs attract animals seeking watering holes. Townsfolk, especially hunters, are reportedly wary of the place - thus for a time resulting in its pristine state because it is believed to be inhabited by nymphs and other enchanted creatures. E NCHANT E D T R E E S , S ACR E D G R O V E S , AND F OR ES T F AI R I E S More recently, there have been accounts of "mysterious coincidences" in the Dolores, Quezon part of Mount Banahaw related to the electrification plans for Kinabuhayaft, a famous pilgrimage site largely kept serene tree-covered and tourist-attractive by members of the Samahan Tres PersonaSolo Dios (Mayuga, 1995). These mysteries include the effective intercession of the DENR in the environmentalist people's protest against the cutting of trees by Meralco to pave the way for posts and power cables after going to court and other such legal means of seeking redress proved futile: This is not the first time, however, that such phenomena occurred. Mayuga cited an account recorded in Fr. Vicente Marasigan's Banahaw Guru: Symbolic Deeds of Agapito I llustrisimo: "In 1940... an increasing number of pilgrims and excursionists to Kinabuhayan spring had begun to show commercial possibilities that tempted a business syndicate well connected with the municipal and provincial governments to plan a swimming pool resort around the spring of resurrection. Tres Persona, technically squatters on national park land, would have to go. Suddenly the spring dried up and returned after the plan was abandoned, flowing until 28 years later when the old plan was resurrected. Again, the same thing happened. TJtat last time was 1968.... Since then, government and big business have left Kinabuhayan pretty much alone, even when 7,283 hectares of Banahaw watershed were handed . over to NAPOCOR management by Marcos' P.D. 1111, creating the Makiling-Banahaw Geothermal Reservation in the energy crisis of the mid-70s." 5. Belief in Unfit or Disfavored Trees In addition to balete trees and their haunted relatives, there are certain species that are left unmolested where they are for one reason or another. The unwitting in situ preservation of these plants has certainly helped keep the micro-environment of other trees, including the birds, insects, and other wildlife that they harbor, in top form. In many senses then, the belief is a boon for advocates of biodiversity conservation, the protection of rare or Uireatened flora and fauna, and the maintenance of wilderness areas to serve as refuge and feeding sites for wildlife as well as source of planting materials for forest regeneration or rehabilitation efforts. There have been accounts of " mysteri ous coi nci dences" i n Mount Banahaw rei ated to the el ectri fi cati on pl ans for Ki nabuhayan, a famous pi l gri mage si te l argel y kept serene, tree-covered and touri st-attracti ve by members of the Samahan Tres Persona Sol o Di os. These mysteri es i ncl ude the effecti ve i ntercessi on of the DENR i n the envi ronmental i st peopl e' s protest agai nst the cutti ng of trees by Meral co -- after l egal means of seeki ng redress proved futi l e. X25X APPL I CATI ON OP I KS I N SU STAI NAB L E U P L AND DE V E L OP M E NT For obvious reasons, themost avoided trees in the Philippines arethecentury-old trees. They may beacacia trees(Albizia saman), mangoes(Mangifera indica), tamarinds (Tamarindus indicus), or kalumpang (Sterculia foetida). They areavoided not as trees per sebut because of their big, gnarled shapes, believed to bean indicator that somespirits dwell in them. I f thesetrees happen to be found in cemeteries or in thepatio of Spanish-period churches, themorepeoplebecomewary of them.. No one would normally lay theax or thechainsaw on their trunks, and neither would onevolunteer to beleft aloneunder their boughs at night (seeBox 2). In thecoastal towns of Western Pangasinan, for instance, unmarried women arecautioned not to get near big mango trees especially if they areunescorted and i f the trees areladenwith fruit. The trees aresaid to bethe hideouts of thepugot, amalesupernatural being that has a strong penchant for courting women and waylaying them for several days (Dante Pecson, pers. comm., 1990). Similarly avoided in the areaarethemabolo trees {Diospyros philippinensis), believed to harbor hideous beings called lampong. Box 2 PHI LI PPI NE TREES BELI EVED TO BE HAUNTED L O C A L NA ME S C I ENT I F I C NAME Acacia, Akasya, Raintree Albizia saman (formerly Samanea saman) Achuete, Appatot, Anatto Dixa orellana Balete, Strangler Fig Ficus baleie Bangar (Ilocano), Kalumpang (Tagalog) Sterculia foetida Binuang Octomeles sumatrana Bitaog, Palo Maria Callophyllum innophyllum Bulala Nephelium philippinensis Mabolo, Kamagong Diospyros phitipphiensis Manggn, Mango Mangifera indica Narra Pterocarpus indicus Sampaiok, Salamagi, Tamarind Tamarindus indicus Tuai, Tiwwi Biscofia javanica X2S25 ENCHANTED T R E E S , S ACR E D G R O V E S , AND F O R E S T F AI R I ES I n the more remote upland villages of Mankayan, Benguet, residents are wary of thetiwwi trees {Biscofia javanica). People are cautioned not to cut the species or even urinate, under themlest thetumungaw will be offended andwill bring harmto the guilty. There have been persistent accounts of trespassers gettingi l l and freed from thetumungaw's punishment only after their kin offered chicken and blankets (Michael Dapdapig, pers. comm., , 1995). This probably explains why in many parts of the /Cordilleras you get to see a number of large broad-leaved / trees standing tall over the needle-leafed pine trees - many Lof themaretiwwi saved by people's belief in tree-residing spirits. The presence of fireflies in trees, be they young or old, has also proved useful in protecting precious patches of trees. I n many towns I 've been to, fireflies have become indicators not only of the presence of unpolluted air but also of the existence of powerful spirits. Any tree that flickers with fireflies at night almost always becomes a candidate for exemption from the ax of cautious loggers. This is because of the popular belief that fireflies are associated with fairies(diwata), enchantresses (enkantada), and other supernatural beings. Trees harboring these luminescent beetles are thus consciously avoided. Even their adjoining vegetation or the smaller trees and shrubs under themare also often included as part of the taboo for tree harmers. At times too, birds, lizards and other animals dwelling in themare secured from undue harm. There are, of course, certain trees that are spared by loggers not because of the belief in the supernatural but more because of the allegedly "bad" characteristics that such trees have. For example, in some parts of Mindanao, particularly Agusan, visitors would still be treated to sights of giant trees (over 100 centimeters in diameter and taller than the tallest coconut palms) standing as lone sentinels along the highway or in the middle of flat fields. These trees are cajled toog(Combretodendron quadrialatum). They were unwittingly left as evidence of Mindanao's glorious past as timber country not so much for the logger's adherence to somebelief systems but because such trees belong to die "unfit" or "unwanted" category. The toog trees are said to contain certain substances that would easily dull and/or bring rust to the ax or saw, not to mention die wood's toughness against ordinary carpentry tools. The presence of fi refl i es i n trees, be they young or ol d, has proved useful i n protecti ng preci ous patches of trees. Fi refl i es have become i ndi cators not onl y of the presence of unpol l uted ai r but al so of the exi stence of powerful spi ri ts. Any tree that fl i ckers wi th fi refl i es at ni ght al most al ways becomes a candi date for exempti on from the axe of l oggers, because of the bel i ef that fi refl i es are associ ated wi th fai ri es and other supernatural bei ngs. 2U253? AP P L I CAT I ON OF I K S IN S U S T A I N A B L E UP LAND DE V E L O P ME N T Another local example exists among firewood gatherers in Dupax del Sur, Nueva Vizcaya. In this case, trees belonging to the plant family Leeaceae and called ang- ang in Ilocano and mali-mali in Tagalog are classified as "reject" species. People who cut and bring themhome for firewood are ridiculed because the wood brings nothing but ash and smoke. Worse, they are said to cause kettles and clay pots to break. In certain parts of Kalinga and Apayao, firewood gatherers are also cautioned from getting certain trees whose wood would cause rice to be spoiled easily and sometimes bring out poisonous smoke (Henry Aliten, pers. comm., 1995). In Thailand, a group of Khon Kaen University researchers led by Dr. Pagarat Rathakette (1985) did an inventory of trees considered as "unfit" or "disfavored" among local wood users. The trees thus listed were: Po (Ficus religiosa) This species is the most sacred tree in the eyes of Buddhists; it is thus considered sacrilegious to cut it. Kabok (Irvingia malayana) This tree's local name means "not fulfilled"; its use is believed to cause poverty in the family. Poey {Irvingia species) A bitter-tasting tree, this is believed to bring bitterness in life to the family that uses it. The local name means "naked" and it may thus bring nothingness or emptiness to its users. ai {Ficus- species) Considered parasitic, this tree is said to lead its users to become dependent upon others for their living. Ma Moung Paa {Mangifera indica) This is the mango tree; the use of its wood for housing is believed to bring bad luck and illness to tire house-owner. Loem{Canarium subulatum) This tree is said to bring bad luck and illness to its,users. Just like the belief of many rural people in the Philippines, the Thai also consider any standing tree that has been hit by lightning as a symbol of very bad luck. Thus, such a tree is not used, regardless of its species or wood quality. In some cases too, the place where such a lightning victim stands is avoided for fear that lightning may strike again. In like manner, and also similar to the Philippines, the Thai regard trees growing in burial grounds as belonging to the dead and are thus left unmolested. ENCHANTED TREES, SACRED GROVES, AND FOREST FAIRIES WHAT WE CAN G E T FROM FOL K B E L I E F S (heir existence and inspiring presence amidst Jthe onslaught of civilization, so-called, may Uready be enough reason for just letting folk )eliefs and their practitioners be at peace Iwhere they are. But since we live in a troubled world whose inhabitants constantly need reminders to behave properly, folk beliefs and practices may have practical uses outside their original spheres. Here are a few possible areas where they may find utilitarian niches: Maintenance of small-scale forest ecosystems. Establishment and/or maintenance of nature sites, wilderness areas, mini parks. Conservation of wildlife, indigenous trees and other plants, biological diversity.' Promotion of ecological tourism, nature appreciation, nature-focused fieldtrips. Improvement of community-based natural resource management programs. Building support for forest conservation. Establishment of buffer zones, social fences for protected areas. Teaching youth about Nature, wildlife, flora, ecosystems, people-land relations. \ * . Serving as islands of hope in the search for ways to save the biosphere and reform man's destructive attitude towards Mother Nature and the environment. R&D activities related to forestry, agriculture, health, nutrition, medicine. WHAT WE COUL D DO The question we may ask now is what to do next. Put simply,,what shall we do when we all go out? Some off- the-sleeve recommendations: 1. Let's have aroll call of the folk beliefs and other IKSP diat we have. Definitely there are a lot more exciting ones to discover or re-discover out there. The idea is to know where they are, what areas or concerns do they cover, and how may we use and protect them. It would The i dea of catal ogui ng i ndi genous knowl edge systems and practi ces i s not to expose them to GATT and to schemi ng b i o- prospectors, patent- seekers or pl agi ari sts b oth l ocal and forei gn b ut rather to determi ne how many of them are exi sti ng, what or who i s b otheri ng them, and what we can do to protect them. We cannot conserve or even l ove what we don' t know. APPLICATION OF I KS I N SUSTAINABLE UPLAND DEVELOPMENT I f we i ntend to do somethi ng good f or the f ol k bel i ef s and other i ndi genous knowl edge systems and practi ces, l et' s do i t qui ck. Even as we make bl ah-bl ah- bl ah here about the meri ts and demeri ts of such systems, f or al l we know they may be gone bef ore you and I can even get to know they ever exi sted. be fine to do a catalogue, completewith illustrations of how they look like or how they operate. The idea here is not to expose diem, to GATT and to scheming bio- prospectors, patent-seekers or plagiarists both local and foreign but rather to determine how many of themare existing, what or who is bothering them, and what we can do to protect thermWe cannot conserve or even love what we don't know. 2. Let's form a network of IKSP advocates. I f possible let tins linkage be a real wide net of relevant individuals and organizations... people who value trees and forests and other nature sites not for the material things they offer but more for the aesthetic, spiritual and other such higher levels of satisfaction that One could get from them. But more important, let such a network work. There's a real big job to do in convincing people and agencies to respect IKSP and to integrate some in their policies, programs and decision-making activities. 3. I f we intend to do something good for thefolk beliefs and other IKSP, let's do it quick. Even as we make blah-blah-blah here about the merits and demerits of such systems, for all we know they may be gone before you and I can even get to know they ever existed. For instance, a Cordilleran writer tells that "modernization in the guise of a cash economy alien to tribal sensibilities has contributed to the decay and disappearance of ethnic rituals and practices among the Igorots"(Daiwey, 1994). 4. One possibly good thing we can do to IKSP is to see how they may be preserved, innovated upon, and passed on to those who could use them. I read sometime back that the sloping agricultural land technology (SALT), popularized in the Philippines by the Mindanao Baptist Rural Life Center and now a major soil and water conservation technology advocated in DENR social forestry projects, had its origins in the indigenous communities of Guatemala. 5. Let's agree on certain pathways en route to doing something concrete and wide-ranging about, folk beliefs and other indigenous knowledge systems and practices. A Magna Carta to guide agencies and NGOs in dieir often intrusive activities may be helpful. But let's not 126 ENCHANTEDTREES, SACREDGROVES, ANDFOREST FAIRIES 9. pinsomuchhopeonCongress; thoseguysdownthere arebusydoingother thingsandCannot seemtoget their actstogether. i. For astart, interagencyworkinggroupsmay befine. That is, if youcanfindfinepeoplewhoarewillingto work despiteor becauseof their agencyaffiliations. It appearsthere'snot muchpecuniarysatisfactioninfolk beliefs andother knowledgesystems, otherwisethese fieldscouldhavereceivedtheir shareof consultants the likes of thoseinthemega-fundedenvironment and natural resourceprojects inthePhilippinesand elsewhere. . For R&Dguys, well, admit thefact that IKSP isway belowtheladder, if at all, of thenational research sector'sR&Dagenda. That'snot surprising. Sowhat to do? Tip: Let your IKSP R&Dpiggy-rideonother researchprojects. Whiledoingoneout thereinthe boondocks, widenyour horizon. Listentotheunlettered guysyoumeet uptherealongthemountaintrail. Talasananginyongpang-amuy-amoy, lakasanang inyongpagmamasid-masid, dalasananginyong paglingun-lingon, lalimananginyongpagkutub-kutob. InadditiontoR&D, why not dosomethingrelatedto information, educationandcommunication(IEC)? We needanIEC programtonurtureappreciationand respect for what rural folks, especially theindigenous people, haveinterms of beliefs, traditions, practices, andlocal knowledge. ThisIEC programmaynot bea separateone; it couldbeincorporatedinrelated conservationoutreachefforts, for onething. But it shouldbeonethat shouldinstill IKS-consciousness and theproper conduct that goeswithit, particularlyamong fieldofficers of DENR, other government agencies, NGOs, communityorganizers, extensionworkers, researchers, andeco-tourists. Youdon't reallyhavetobe,ananthropologist, a researcher, anenvironmentalist, ableedingheart to haveaneyeandnosefor IKSP. Gotowheretheangels fear totreadandlearn. "Rumbleout yonder, explore theforests, climbthemountains, bagthepeaks, runthe rivers, andbreathedeepof that yet sweet andlucidair" (words for frazzledguysfromEdwardAbbey). You don' t really have to be an anthropologist, a researcher, an environmentalist, a bleeding heart to have an eye and nose f or IKSP. Go to where the angels f ear to tread and learn. " Rumble out yonder, explore the f orests, climb the mountains, bag the peaks, run the rivers, and breathe deep of that yet sweet and lucid air. 127 APPL I CATI ON OF I KS I N SUSTAI NABL E UPL AND DEVEL OPMENT "A rigorous st udy of l ocal t radit ions, cust oms, rit es, indigenous t echnol ogy and inst it ut ions may yiel d val uabl e cont ribut ions t o science and t oward appropriat e and pert inent t echnol ogy. Tradit ions t hat may int erest us incl ude superst it ion, myt hol ogy, fol k medicine, nut rit ional habit s, rel igious rit es, t radit ional agricul t ure and aquacul t ure, t radit ional craft s, t radit ional design and const ruct ion, t radit ional processes in food t echnol ogy, and so fort h." G.B. Calleja, "Science in the Boondocks" 10. I f you know of certain places where thesefolk beliefs are still happily existing, go visit them now. Most probably such places are still unpolluted, serene, and green. But they may not be there for long. The trip should therefore help nourish your heart, your spirit and your memories, especially i f you have lived too long in the city or have buried your soul so deepin . mundane things. Bring along your kids, even the wife or husband as the case may be, also the other "significant other" and the mother in law. Folk beliefs and practices are of course not confined to trees and forests. They can also be found in the other current concerns of science and government', such as nutrition, medicine, and agriculture. t)n this note, one eminent Filipino scientist (Calleja, 1987) once wrote: "A rigorous study of local traditions, customs, rites, indigenous technology and institutions may yield valuable contributions to science and toward appropriate and pertinent technology. Traditions that may interest us include superstition, mythology, folk medicine, nutritional habits, religious rites, traditional agriculture and aquaculture, traditional crafts, traditional design and construction, traditional processes in food technology, and so forth." BACK TO FIREFLIES L^yvyVTJ -TIhen I was a boy, fireflies were a common KJT" ~^jfa s ight a t n i 8 l l t * n m e foothills of the Sierra W mA f w^Madre where I lived. We called them ulalanti then and, of course, we didn't [have TV sets at the time nor even electric bulbs to disturb the precious hours of wonder and imagination that the said nocturnal insects brought. Now I can hardly find one bit of firefly to show my kids, nephews and nieces. Neither can* I excite them anymore with stories about the enkantada or thekapre or theansisit. There are no longer big balete trees where they used to abound. The mountains upstream have become artless and uninspiring due to logging and squatting. You're lucky nowadays if you ever get to hear accounts of a kainginero who got some mysterious ailment for chopping down an old tree or a drunkard for kicking a termite mound or a land-speculator for dynamiting a humongous rock. ENCHANTEDTREES, SACREDGROVES, ANDFOREST FAIRIES Thelast timeI'veseenlotsof fireflies wasinthe late'80s, onatreealongthetrail toImu'gan, analmost Shangri-La-likevillagenestledintheCaraballomountains borderingParigasinanandNuevaVizcaya. There'sahappy coincidenceof sortshere: Imuganiswherethenowfamous Kalahanexperienceinholistic community-basedupland development islocated. Andoneof thesecretsof the successof Kalahaninterms.of keepingits. wilderness areas verdant anditspeoplehappyisitscapitalizingonandyet respectingthearea'stime-reveredbeliefsandtraditions. Okaythen, let'sjust hopeit won't-raintonight so wecanpossiblygoout andlook for fireflies! REFERENCES Cabaluna, Franklin. 1977. Narvacan. InAlfredoR. Roces(ed.) FilipinoHeritage: TheMakingof aNation. Manila: Lahing PilipinoPublishing. Calleja, G.B. 1987. ScienceintheBoondocksandOther Essays onScienceandSociety. Manila: KalikasanPress. Daiwey, EdwinP. 1990. CordilleraTribal PracticesAreDying. Malaya, April 20, 1990. IUCN(International Unionfor theConservationof Natureand Natural Resources). 1980. WorldConservationStrategy. Gland, Switzerland: IUCN. Lopez-Gonzaga, Violeta. 1983. PeasantsintheHills. Quezon City: Universityof thePhilippinesPress. Lovelace, GeorgeW. 1984. Cultural Beliefsandthe Management of Agroecosystems. InTerryRambo&Percy E. Sajise(eds.) AnIntroductiontoHumanEcologyResearch onAgricultural SystemsinSoutheast Asia. College, Laguna, Philippines: UP LosBanos. Manuel, E. Arsenio. 1977. TheManuvuPeople. InAlfredoR. Roces(ed.) FilipinoHeritage: TheMakingof aNation. Manila: LahingPilipinoPublishing. Mayuga, SylviaL. 1995. A ThousandFairiesWeeping. Sunday Inquirer Magazine (Vol. 11, No. 32) October 8, 1995. McDonagh, Sean. 1986. ToCarefor theEarth: A Call toaNew Theology. QuezonCity: ClaretianPublications. APPL I CATI ON OF I KS I N SUSTAI NABL E UPL AND DEVEL OPMENT Prill-Brett, June. 1986. The Bontok: Traditional Wet-Rice and Swidden Cultivators of the Philippines. I n Gerald G. Marten (ed.) Traditional Agriculture in Southeast Asia: A Human Ecology Perspective. Washington, D.C.: University Press of America. Ramos, Maximo D. 1975. Boyhood in Monsoon Country. Manila: Regal Publishing. Ramos, Maximo D. 1990. The Creatures of Midnight. Quezon City: Phoenix Publishing House. ^Rathakette, Pagarat, P. Somnasang, S. Ratanapanya & S. Homchoen, 1985. Taboos and Traditions: Their Influence on the Conservation and Exploitation of Trees in Social Forestry Projects in Northeastern Thailand. I n Y.S. Rao et al. (eds.) Community Forestry: Social Aspects. Bangkok: Food and Agriculture Organization. Roque, Celso R. 1988. Filipino Environmentalism: An Approach to Natural Resources Management. Paper presented in the First Seminar on Philippine Environmentalism jointly sponsored by FDC, DENR and PCARRD. UPLB College of Forestry, College, Laguna. Tuscano, Candido J. 1996. Isnegs Declare Lapat to Conserve Natural Resources. Baguio Midland Courier, Vol . X LI X , No. 39,Sept. 29, 1996. Wolf, Edward C. 1987. On the Brink of Extinction: Conserving the Diversity of Life. Washington, D.C.: WorldWatch Institute. X30
An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, Volume 2
An Account Of The English Colony In New South Wales, From Its First Settlement In 1788, To August 1801: With Remarks On The Dispositions, Customs, Manners, Etc. Of The Native Inhabitants Of That Country. To Which Are Added, Some Particulars Of New Zealand; Compiled, By Permission, From The Mss. Of Lieutenant-Governor King; And An Account Of The Voyage Performed By Captain Flinders And Mr. Bass.
Shakespeare and Precious Stones
Treating of the Known References of Precious Stones in Shakespeare's Works, with Comments as to the Origin of His Material, the Knowledge of the Poet Concerning Precious Stones, and References as to Where the Precious Stones of His Time Came from