Authenticity in Consumption

838
2009 by JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH, Inc. Vol. 36 February 2010

All rights reserved. 0093-5301/2010/3605-0011$10.00. DOI: 10.1086/615047
The Quest for Authenticity in Consumption:
Consumers Purposive Choice of Authentic
Cues to Shape Experienced Outcomes
MICHAEL B. BEVERLAND
FRANCIS J. FARRELLY*
Drawing from image-elicited depth interviews, we investigate whether consumers
pursue the consumption of authentic objects with specic personal goals in mind.
We nd that consumers are motivated to focus on those particular cues in objects
that for them convey authenticity (what is genuine, real, and/or true) and that this
decision-making process is driven by a desire to draw different identity benets
(control, connection, virtue) from authentic objects. Our interpretive analysis elab-
orates contributions to theorizing related to consumer agency in seeking authentic
consumption experience. We provide cultural explanations for the desire to assert
the authentic self in these particular ways.
T
he nature of authenticity in consumption is contested.
Researchers explain authenticity as original and staged
(MacCannell 1973), fabricated (Belk and Costa 1998), iconic,
indexical, and hypothetical (Grayson and Martinec 2004), self-
referential hyperauthenticity (Rose and Wood 2005), symbolic
(Culler 1981), existential (Wang 1999), literal or objective
(Beverland, Lindgreen, and Vink 2008), legitimate (Kates
2004), sincere (Beverland 2006), approximate and moral
(Leigh, Peters, and Shelton 2006), and emergent (Cohen
1988). Differences also emerge as to the nature of the objects
(or cues) that can convey authenticity. For example, authen-
ticity has been identied in the patently fake (Brown 2001),
obvious reproductions (Bruner 1994), and mundane mass-
market objects (Miller 2008), while others consider such ex-
amples the very antithesis of authenticity (Eco 1986).
What can account for such difference in conceptualizations,
objects, and cues? Our ndings help to explain this diversity
by demonstrating that the process of authenticating an object
*Michael B. Beverland is professor of marketing, School of Economics,
Finance and Marketing, RMIT University, GPOBox 2476V, Melbourne, VIC
3001, Australia (michael.beverland@rmit.edu.au; m.beverland@bath.ac.uk).
Francis Farrelly is associate professor of marketing, Department of Marketing,
Monash University, Cauleld East, VIC 3145, Australia (francis.farrelly@
buseco.monash.edu.au). The authors contributed equally and are listed in
alphabetical order. We thank Kay Laochumanvanit for technical assistance
and the Australian Research Council (ARC-DP0985178) for nancial support.
Thanks also to Tandy Chalmers, Carla Taines, Kelly Tian, the editors, and
three reviewers for feedback on earlier versions of this article.
John Deighton served as editor and Eric Arnould served as associate editor
for this article.
Electronically published August 19, 2009
or experience is contingent on the consumers goals. In doing
so, we extend previous research identifying the relationship
between goals and authenticating acts (self-referential be-
haviors that reveal or produce the true self; Arnould and
Price 2000, 8), a focus on sincerity of intent in dening an
authentic member of a subculture (Belk and Costa 1998;
Leigh et al. 2006), the relationship between shifting com-
munity goals and the nature of brand authenticity (Kates
2004), and the active information processing strategies em-
ployed to nd authenticity in the less likely of objects such
as reality television (Rose and Wood 2005) and ctional tour-
ist sites (Grayson and Martinec 2004). Rose and Wood (2005)
note that much may be gleaned by better understanding how
personal predilections shape the way authenticity is con-
structed. To this end we seek to account for what constitutes
authenticity by examining how goals underpin assessments
of authenticity including the purposive strategies employed
by consumers to achieve this assessment.
This article has the following structure. First, we provide
support for the relationship between consumer goals and
authenticity through a brief review of the relevant litera-
ture. Second, we outline the interpretive methods em-
ployed to address our research objectives. Third, we pre-
sent our ndings and identify three goals underpinning
self-relevant assessments of authenticity (control, connec-
tion, and virtue). We also provide a sociocultural account
for these ndings and identify four strategies employed by
consumers when conferring authenticity to an object. We
conclude the article with a discussion of theoretical con-
tributions and suggestions for future research.
THE QUEST FOR AUTHENTICITY IN CONSUMPTION 839
THEORETICAL BACKGROUND:
AUTHENTICITY AND CONSUMER GOALS
The notion that assessments of authenticity in objects are
underpinned by consumer goals is based on the notion that
consumers actively seek authenticity to nd meaning in their
lives, and in line with associated personal goals (self-rele-
vant objectives people pursue in their daily lives; Emmons
2005) prefer brands and experiences that reinforce their de-
sired identity (or identities). Arnould and Price (2000) offer
insight into why such goals have become a critical part of
the authentication process. They establish that the loss of
traditional sources of meaning and self-identity associated
with postmodern market characteristics (caused by global-
ization, deterritorialization, and hyperreality) has encour-
aged consumers to become active and adept in appropriating
authenticity.
Often described in terms of a search or quest, the
desire for authenticity is also said to be a response to
standardization and homogenization in the marketplace
(Thompson, Rindeisch, and Arsel 2006). Arnould and
Price (2000) identify two means of appropriating authen-
ticity to achieve self-authentication. The rst is where the
consumer cocreates product value or a consumption expe-
rience as part of self-authentication (an authenticating act).
The second, described as authoritative performance, is a
cultural display (such as rituals, festivals, or protest actions)
representative of a social unit (e.g., family, afnity group,
profession, and ethnic group) and what the consumer deems
are important aspects of life. Common to both is that the
consumer is purposeful in linking the object or experience
to stories of the self.
There is widespread agreement that authenticity is a so-
cially constructed interpretation of the essence of what is
observed rather than properties inherent in an object (Bev-
erland 2006; Beverland et al. 2008; Grayson and Martinec
2004; Rose and Wood 2005; Thompson et al. 2006). Con-
sistent with goal-driven behavior, the essence of what is
observed can represent who one desires to be (Cohen 1988;
Culler 1981; Ferrara 1988; Postrel 2003), a personal point
of view (Wang 1999), knowledge and expectations (Belk
and Costa 1998; Holt 1998) including a persons need to
match the object with their idea of howit should be (Grayson
and Martinec 2004), and belief systems and stereotypes
(Bruner 1994; Rose and Wood 2005). The link between
goals and authenticity is also evident across the literature
on subcultures of consumption and brand communities with
respect to the consumers purposeful efforts to participate
and gain status (such as consuming the right brand or
engaging in legitimate behavior; Kates 2004; Leigh et al.
2006; Quester, Beverland, and Farrelly 2006).
Bruner (1994) and numerous others (Arnould and Price
2000; Chronis and Hampton 2008; Leigh et al. 2006; Postrel
2003; Rose and Wood 2005; Wang 1999) have pointed out
that the meaning given to authenticity is context and goal
dependent. Different interpretations of authenticity are often
a by-product of the personal goals that inuence which prop-
erties of a context are uniquely identied as signicant and
relevant. In the case of the New Salem site Bruner discusses,
some visitors gave preferential treatment to nostalgia for a
simpler bygone era. For others authenticity was conferred
if the site catalyzed ideas around progress. The goals that
distinguish the curator from the merchandise seller, the fam-
ily, or the teacher who brings students to the site for edu-
cational purposes underpin different interpretations of what
is authentic.
It has also been demonstrated that the conferring of au-
thenticity to an object involves conscious negotiation or
production of meaning, including the active use of brand
cues. For example, Beverland et al. (2008) consider the
relationship between different levels of goals (from situa-
tional to identity based) and the degree to which consumers
actively scrutinize brand materials. When confronted with
the need to make quick decisions about the authenticity of
a class of beer, for example, consumers reduce claims to a
few veriable indexical cues (see also Chronis and Hampton
2008). When seeking long-term identity goals such as sup-
porting local communities, consumers drew on a broader
range of cues to actively construct a sense of authenticity
that reinforced their desired sense of self. Leigh et al.s
(2006) study of the MG brand community identies the
creative use of cues among community members when as-
sessing the authenticity of members. In this case, community
members overlook breaches of indexicality (such as modern
adaptations to historic sports cars and the use of nonstandard
or original parts) and focus on cues that signal the sincerity
of the owners efforts to maintain public awareness of the
brand.
Two recent studies demonstrate how consumers actively
nd authenticity in seemingly fake or contrived objects. Rose
and Wood (2005) reveal how consumers actively negotiate
the paradox between the subjectively real and the contrived
or fantastic to nd authenticity in reality television. Under-
pinning our view that goals inuence assessments of authen-
ticity is the observation that Rose and Woods (2005) infor-
mants were as likely to value the contrived elements of reality
television shows as the connections to personal reality because
both facilitated purposeful efforts to establish authenticity.
Grayson and Martinec (2004) establish that consumers pur-
posefully blend fact and ction to authenticate objects such
as the so-called historical residence of a ctional character
Sherlock Holmes. In doing so, these consumers actively con-
struct authenticity because they are motivated to realize as-
sociated benets, such as a sense of escape (from the pho-
niness associated with modern life), feelings of assuredness
(based on perceived evidence that what one believes in is
real), and connection with the past (cf. Rose and Wood 2005).
Signicantly, despite the multiplicity of terms and inter-
pretations applied to authenticity, ultimately what is consistent
across the literature is that authenticity encapsulates what is
genuine, real, and/or true (Arnould and Price 2000; Bendix
1992; Berger 1973; Costa and Bamossy 1995; Thompson et
al. 2006). And, as others have highlighted, consumers do not
nd authenticity in the fake but rather are able to nd elements
840 JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH
TABLE 1
INFORMANT DETAILS
Informant Age Family status
Educational
background Profession
Andrew 31 Single Trade certicate Credit controller
Anita 27 Married High school Accounts
Bernard 39 Single High school Upholsterer
Caroline 54 Single Postgraduate High school teacher
John 37 Single Trade certicate Truck driver
Judy 51 Married High school Customer service
Kate 46 Married Undergraduate Administrator
Louise 30 Single Postgraduate Human resources manager
Mario 30 Married High school Business owner
Meg 32 Married Postgraduate Financial analyst
Michael 55 Married Postgraduate Retiree
Nick 28 Single Postgraduate Accountant
Phil 40 Married Undergraduate Surveyor
Renee 23 Single High school Customer service support
Ross 60 Married Postgraduate Managing director
Rowena 33 Single High school Temping
Sandra 37 Married High school Hospitality worker
Scott 33 Single Postgraduate Channel manager
Tony 53 Married Undergraduate Plant supervisor
William 61 Single Postgraduate Chemical engineer
Zoe 38 Single High school Sales assistant
of what is genuine, real, or true in consumption experiences
or objects that others may deem to be altogether unreal or
false (Grayson and Martinec 2004; Rose and Wood 2005).
What needs to be better understood is how these different
interpretations come into being, and it is here that much is
to be gained from an exploration of the nature and role of
personal goals and their cultural underpinnings.
METHODS
As we are working within the meaning-based tradition of
research, we adopted an interpretative approach. Both authors
conducted all interviews, which were held in the informants
homes. Our primary data were derived from semistructured
depth interviews with 21 informants (see table 1 for details).
We used a recruitment agency to locate informants, and we
instructed the agency to provide a diverse sample in terms
of age, gender, income, and educational background in order
to gain a rich range of experiences and insights into views
of authenticity. Long interviews allowed access to consum-
ers rsthand personal experiences and meanings associated
with authenticity and inauthenticity. To facilitate articulation
of unconscious meanings and motivations, we asked infor-
mants to have at hand possessions, pictures, or memorabilia
reective of important experiences and favored (hated) ob-
jects. To stimulate further discussion, we developed a le
of around 100 images, including pictures of day-to-day life,
tourist sites, historic gures/events and artifacts, local and
foreign brands (new and old versions where relevant), and
cultural icons such as sporting paraphernalia. The choice of
items was informed by the literature on authenticity. These
images were made available to informants at the interview
after they had discussed their own objects. These techniques
were particularly useful in facilitating informants to artic-
ulate their views of authenticity (cf. Belk, Ger, and Aske-
gaard 2003).
The authors asked a mix of grand tour questions and
oating prompts (McCracken 1988). At the beginning of
the interview, informants were asked to think about the
general meaning of authenticity to them. Since the infor-
mants would often approach this question with personal
stories or experiences, further prompts were used to under-
stand the signicance of such events. Following a general
discussion of authenticity and authentic experiences, we fo-
cused on commercial objects, including brands and events.
Informants were asked to discuss three brands they thought
were authentic and three they considered inauthentic. In-
formants selected these from their own experience or from
the image le discussed earlier. The informants sometimes
struggled initially to dene authenticity, and they often en-
riched, rened, and in some cases altered their view during
the interview in a spirit of joint discovery and critical re-
exivity. This enrichment occurred because of the availability
of prompts and the noninvasive nature of the interviewing
and because informants relaxed as they told their stories.
Although the interviews were broad and only semistructured,
informants were asked to elaborate on various statements they
made; provide more explanation for the experiences, objects,
people, advertisements and brands they referred to; and elab-
orate on the personal relevance of the subject matter. Given
this method, informants spoke for virtually the entire period,
with the researchers only engaging in oating prompts (fol-
lowing the initial grand tour question), asking for clarication
on certain terms and every so often summarizing informant
responses or views. Interviews lasted on average 2 hours,
FIGURE 1
AUTHENTICATING OBJECTS, BRANDS, AND EXPERIENCES (OBE)
although several lasted considerably longer. Interviews were
audio recorded and transcribed verbatim, resulting in over
2,200 pages of text.
Both authors analyzed the transcripts. We rst read the
transcripts and conducted our own interpretation before
meeting to discuss the ndings in more detail. Our initial
classication involved establishing the links between life
stories and judgments of authenticity and whether these
transferred to objects. In our close readings of the textual
data, we noted that participants comments suggested ben-
ets, standards, and motivations and that these factors un-
derpinned their attraction to cues conveying an objects
authenticity. At this point, theoretical categories were elab-
orated on during open and axial coding procedures. We
then began a process of dialectical tacking, moving back
and forward between our ndings and the relevant liter-
ature to deepen our understanding of the nature of au-
thenticity and the processes by which consumers assess
objects and the underlying goals involved (cf. Spiggle
1994). As a nal step, we interviewed one more informant
to further explore situations where consumers dealt with
conict between different goals.
VALUED IDENTITY BENEFITS OF SELF-
AUTHENTICATION: FEELINGS OF
CONTROL, CONNECTION, AND VIRTUE
Our ndings highlight the inseparable link between de-
terminations of authenticity and informant personal goals
(i.e., the desire for self-authentication), as well as the critical
need to look beyond assessment of the object to more fully
appreciate the meaning of authenticity (Rose and Wood
2005). A summary of the ndings is provided in gure 1.
When conferring authenticity to commercial objects such as
experiences, brands, and events, our informants realized pos-
itive identity benets in the form of a favorable character-
ization of the true self. Three distinct personally relevant
benets (also referred to herein as goals) were evident across
our cases (table 2 provides summary details): control, con-
nection, and virtue (each desired benet reected wider so-
ciocultural norms). Importantly, whether in the case of
brands, objects, or experiences, these identity benets were
a reection of the interpretation of what was considered
genuine, real, and/or true. Informants were also active in
applying standards and information-processing strategies to
cues when assessing authenticity.
Feeling in Control
The rst account of authenticity related to agency and the
desire of informants to achieve mastery over their environ-
ment (see also Leigh et al. 2006). In this sense, control is
an end-state (whereby consumers seek to be in control;
Richins 2005) rather than a process. Hochschild (1983) ob-
served airline cabin crew sometimes engaging in small rule-
breaking actions to regain a sense of control over their work.
Importantly, Hochschilds research identied that these
workers were seeking control in order to reafrm their iden-
tity as professional skilled individuals (i.e., such actions
were driven by a desire to reafrm work role authenticity).
Extending this line of research, a number of informant pas-
sages associated authenticity with feeling a sense of personal
control over their surroundings and life in general. For ex-
ample:
Interviewer: Your picture of surng. Thats authentic?
Phil: Surng has taught me lots of things like persistence
because it takes ages and because it is up to you to keep
improving all the time for yourself. No coaches, as you say,
you might go with your mates but once you are out there it
is just you, and I like it like that because . . . you rely on
your abilities. And that lesson and experience is the most
authentic thing of all that you carry with you. And it is good,
you know, in knowing what you are about and making
choices even with surf brandsI mean why buy Quiksilver
or Volcom or Ripcurl just because it is the brand of today
that supposedly carries the cool factor, buy it because you
reckon its good for you, maybe because it helps to be better
in the water. This says something about you that is real and
as I say I use this outside of surng too in my work and that
is absolutely real to me anyway.
Like several of our informants Phil merged his notion of
what was real (including surng experiences and buying
brands and products) with a conception of self associated
with self-improvement and self-reliance through personal
achievement and informed choices. Achievement in surng
requires persistent effort and dedication. Although one can
receive coaching and guidance, mastery of the activity is
self-determined. As well, standing alone in surng is au-
thentic because it provides lessons for success in other ac-
tivities such as business decisions and consumption choices.
Phil rejects social inuences such as fashion or peer pres-
sure, preferring to select brands that help him achieve per-
sonal mastery. For Phil, these brand choices represent an
authenticating act (Arnould and Price 2000).
Just as Phil identies authenticity through the application
of qualities unique to the individual (knowledge, experience
and skill), Tony associates authenticity with deliberate
choices, careful analysis, and realistic expectations. For ex-
ample:
Tony: First of all authenticity is not a mistake . . . authen-
ticity is a checking process.
Interviewer: Checking process?
Tony: I mean to determine whether something is authentic
or not you need to be able to test the system.
Interviewer: And anything else?
Tony: Realistic I suppose is authentic.
Interviewer: What do you mean by realistic?
Tony: Its a realistic achievement, a realistic goal . . . a vision
as something that I have that I aspire to, that I know that I
can get.
Interviewer: Right.
Tony: Im getting towards the end of my working life where
I have managed to be able to achieve and accumulate like
wealth, possessions, and that becomes a part of the history
of my life, which becomes authentic. So that sort of covers
everything, my home, my car.
Interviewer: So why are they authentic?
Tony: Because its a realistic achievement. Its things that
you could turn round and say, because I studied and I was
diligent I was able to achieve these things. I mean, I dont
know, almost a shrine to your life.
Tony draws a connection between sustained effort over
many years and the authenticity of his objects. Like Phil,
Tony transfers the lessons gained from a character-forming
activity (in this case engineering), where personal applica-
tion was central to success, to other aspects of life, including
consumption choices (see his passage on ING below). For
example, just as an engineer achieves mastery over nature
and materials through the careful application of theory to
reality and an understanding of tolerances, so Tony appre-
ciates the need to set realistic goals in other life events. As
a result, Tony plays a central role in shaping events for his
benet. Objects, such as his house and car, are the physical
manifestation of his mastery over his environment.
The mastery evident in Phils and Tonys passages was
also central in other accounts of consumptionas noted in
table 2. Rowena, for example, desires the genuine article
in order to retain control over her health. Michael views an
Apple computer as authentic because it empowers him and
others to engage in tasks they could not normally manage.
Apple (selected over other computers because Michael views
this brand as being rst to market with a mass-market, easy-
to-use computer) thus allows Michael to achieve mastery over
events. William also desires to retain control over his con-
sumption decisions by refusing to accept marketer claims at
face value. Instead, claims that are relevant to the offer (in
this case the relationship between country-of-origin, quality
perceptions, and price) are subjected to further examination.
Overall, when consumers seek to be in control, they desire
personal sovereignty (the exclusive right to control oneself)
over consumption choices and prefer objects and experi-
ences that help realize associated benets. For example,
Megs desire for control over her diabetes forces her to
review mandatory ingredient labeling on food products,
which in turn results in increased mental and physical effort
on her behalf (one-and-a-half hour shopping trips) and in
the choice of brands like Yoplait that she knows from per-
sonal experience have no physical side effects. Consistent
with this desire for independent judgment and empower-
ment, the informants focused on performance claims when
assessing the authenticity of a brand. In cases where func-
tional claims could only be experienced through use, brands
were judged authentic only after personal experience of the
reputed benets (i.e., value in use). For example:
Interviewer: What do you mean cynical?
Tony: Well, I tend to get cynical about advertising and brands.
When you turn around and say authentic brands, generally I
would say a product thats not built by huge massive ad-
vertising dollars. Its advertised by showing me exactly what
the product does.
Interviewer: Right.
Tony: This sort of might indicate what Im saying. On my
computer I switch it on and I get that ING will give me
5.25% interest. But its not telling me that, you know, Im
a smarter person for going to ING. You know what I mean?
Its stark. Its clear. Its not giving me any other reason to
invest my money in them than the fact that I get 5.25%.
Interviewer: And you can prove it?
Tony: Yes, thats right. I can just go up to the Commonwealth
Bank and say, okay, how much are you going to give me?
Meg reports:
Id say theyre [brands] authentic in terms of what theyre
trying to promote, so . . . if the shampoo says it will ease
frizz control in your hair and it does, then okay its achieved
my objective in purchasing it. If it doesnt, then I wont buy
it again. So I think its the proof in the pudding. You can
tell it does this and this, whiz bang, lights, cameras, and
action, but until I try the product Ill never know that. So I
think it needs to be very honest in terms of what it can deliver.
In each passage above, informants related authenticity to
functional performance benets and thus desired factual in-
formation because it enabled them to make informed de-
cisions. The ING brand has particular value to Tony because
the espoused claims, rather than being advertising puffery,
provide him with information critical to establishing the
truth as to what is the best brand. The brand focuses on
what matters in relation to bankinginterest rates. Meg
also desires information that conveys just the core benet
of the brand. However, unlike interest rates, the performance
benets of Megs shampoo must be experienced directly.
Thus, Meg prefers marketers to make realistic claims that
address practical problems (frizz control) that she can con-
rm through experience.
Feeling Connected
A second account of authenticity discussed by our infor-
mants related to a feeling of being connected to important
others, to community, place, culture, or to society in general.
Key benets associated with feeling connected were an ide-
alization of community, personal enrichment through being
part of something, and being proximate to like-minded oth-
ersconsistent with the desire to develop an authentic self
as an active member of the community. These informant
accounts expressed a distinct preference for brands that rep-
resented a means to experience connection. Central to this
account of authenticity was a strong preference for proximity
to place, people, and culture because such activities repre-
sented a higher idealthat of valuing fellowship within a
community. For example:
Scott: I was in Egypt and I had a guide who was local . . .
so the authenticity of the tour feels something a bit different
than if you had an Australian trying to take that tour.
Interviewer: So what creates that authentic feeling, do you
think?
Scott: I think its the knowledge of the person. For example,
I could have the knowledge of Egypt but Im not Egyptian,
so I think its the culture and understanding and feeling of
being Egyptian that would give it the authenticity of traveling
through the pyramids . . . the authenticity in, I suppose, a
travel perspective is that youre enveloped by the experience,
meaning that you do not feel like youre three or four degrees
of separation, in a way youre with that one other person, so
you only feel like youre two degrees away. So getting the
authentic feel of being wherever you are . . . it is enriched
to a point where you feel like youre part of it, you dont
feel that far away from it. And it narrows the gap between
me and somebody who has lived there all their lives.
Throughout his interview, Scott states his desire to be
personally enriched by connection to place and to have lo-
cals reect back to him what it means to be part of a par-
ticular society. Central to Scotts account of his travels is
his preference for proximity to local people. For example,
while Scott was touring Egypt, having a local guide relay
the nature of place to him enabled him to come the closest
that he could to understanding what it really means to be
Egyptian.
In their accounts of connection, informants repeatedly men-
tioned places, events, community, and tradition as part of their
identity. For example (see table 2), being part of the local
cycling community and participating in a fund-raising ride
(Around the Bay in a Day) is real for Nick because it connects
him with like-minded others. This desire to be part of some-
thing with like-minded others is what Relph (1976) refers
to as existential insidedness, where individuals relate to a
place or a community event as though they are inside it. By
engaging in this relatively grueling ride, Nick, who is an
experienced cyclist and part of the St. Kilda, Melbourne,
cycling fraternity (I do maybe three days per week. I live
in St. Kilda, so theres a fairly big cycling culture down
there. I go before work, about 5:30. Theres large groups,
so its a fairly social sport) reinforces his desired self as
someone who plays a part in the community. This ideali-
zation of community and participation in communal life (as
a means of ensuring continuity) is identied in Zoes passage
below:
Zoe: There is a surf school and ongoing events like small
local surf competitions and get-togethers and that is very real
for me. Funnily enough, there is talk that one of the local
surf shops outlets wants to sponsor it, which is good because
they see the need to keep it going too. It is really important,
and it says a lot about people in the area and how surng
brings people together . . . who might not know each other
but all want to be there for the same reasons. It is a great
way for the kids to learn a great outdoor sport but just to
experience life in a community and getting together with the
TABLE 2
ELEMENTS OF INFORMANTS AUTHENTICITY GOALS
Goal Denition Informant exemplars
Control Mastery of self and
environment
Interviewer: So what does a brand need to be authentic?
Rowena: A name you would know and trust like Yoplait yoghurt.
Interviewer: What is it about Yoplait? Is authenticity important when buying something?
Rowena: Its important to me, particularly foodwise because Ive got diabetes, so Ive got
to be careful with what I eat.
Michael : Apple computer.
Interviewer: How is that authentic?
Michael : That authenticates the ability to retain and develop our knowledge. So it gives
us a greater view of the world. Its been able to allow us to achieve things that we
would never have been able to achieve. The reach for the stars, if you like.
Interviewer: So authentic includes things humans cannot do by ourselves?
Michael : Not so much cant do by ourselves but certainly cant do as quickly. More accu-
rately as well, of course.
William: When you see something and they say its authentic most people look with
skepticism, whereas I look at it to say, why are they saying it? Like Swiss watches.
The Swiss watch industry gained reputation for being the most accurate, but now you
can buy Swiss watches which werent made in Switzerland.
Interviewer: Okay.
William: But theyre trying to use the Swiss name to get that image and genuineness.
Connection Relating to others, culture,
time and place, and
community
Nick: On Sunday, I was in an event Around the Bay in a Day. That was a great experi-
ence because the objective of it is to raise funds for the Smith Family so its a good
cause as well. It was very well run, although we had to wait for a ferry for 2 hours.
. . . That was the only downer but you cant expect anything more than that. . . .
There were about 9,000 people that did it, so its quite a big event. . . . It is authentic
because the people that are there are there because they want to be there. . . . It is
the whole event because theres so many people doing it and youre passing people,
youre riding with people, talking with people the whole way, and its just a whole day
experience. . . . At the end you sit around and talk to people and you tell stories or
whatever.
Interviewer: How does it t to authenticity?
Nick: Well as I said everyones there because they want to be there and they feel right
into it, if you know what I mean. It feels right because people are there because they
want to be, not because theyre supposed to be or theyre putting on a front. . . .
Theres a feeling of realness.
Interviewer: Any brands in particular?
John: Benson and Hedges, Wineld, Marlboro.
Interviewer: Why?
John: Theyre legendary cigarette manufacturers. You see them all around the world in
advertising. Theyve become very much inauthentic at the moment because obviously
for health reasons, theyre not able to market their products like they used to be able
to so therefore people stop taking notice of these companies.
Interviewer: Because of what they did?
John: No, I dont think its because of what they did. See, theres no place for their
products.
Interviewer: So what part of the brand has become inauthentic?
John: The advertising of it.
Interviewer: Why?
John: Because the companies are not allowed to advertise as much anymore so people
arent as aware of these products as much because its not in their face all of the time.
Interviewer: Okay, so something that is authentic has to be popular and recognized
more?
John: Yes, denitely, otherwise it loses its image, loses its authenticity.
Virtue Being true to a set of moral
values
Caroline: I think it springs from selessness. Like if you dont think about yourself all the
time and you act authentically you are looking outwards rather than inwards. You are
not doing things for your own sake or your own self.
Interviewer: How is that authentic?
Caroline: For me authentic behavior is behavior that is worthwhile and moral and honest.
. . . Nike have been implicated in some pretty awful things and child labor and making
shoes at low cost and then selling them for an exorbitant price, so I would think that
they are an inauthentic brand.
TABLE 2 (Continued)
Goal Denition Informant exemplars
Interviewer: What is it about Nike?
Renee: I put them in an inauthentic category just because although they became the
market leader and did a lot of creative stuff, I think that theyve exploited their reputa-
tion in the meanwhile by general employment practices.
Interviewer: Employment practices?
Renee: Theyve made a lot of money partly because theyre authentic but at the same
time they are paying low wages and they do a lot of exploitation as well.
Interviewer: What is it?
Judy: Its the Barbie doll.
Interviewer: Its the Barbie doll, yes.
Judy: Yes, because its promoting certain values through what it is.
Interviewer: So that values make it inauthentic?
Judy: They promote a kind of an ideal of how girls should look.
Interviewer: So whats the consequence of that?
Judy: Because hardly any girls look like that. . . . The Cabbage Patch dolls are better
because they look real, they look like real babies, and some of them are ugly and
some have dark skin and some have no hair.
other parents and kids and pitching in to make sure something
like this runs. One of the guys made a big barbecue trolley
that we wheel around, and it might be a small thing but, you
know, it is often the centerpiece after all the surng is done,
and people gather around it . . . someone else might have
brought some music and all are welcome. And the little things
like that make these things a community and that is important
for us here and why it is a great place to live.
Interviewer: So things that contribute to the community are
authentic?
Zoe: Yes.
For several of our informants, important local events rep-
resented an authoritative performance (Arnould and Price
2000) in the way they enabled characterization of a self that
sought to celebrate and sustain community. In Zoes pas-
sage, the surf school and local surf events fostered shared
values. Her mention of pitching in (whether this involved
sponsorship, providing music, or the barbecue trolley) sym-
bolizes the importance given to unity and having as a com-
mon objective the desire to connect (with members of the
community) and the positive socialization of the children.
Adding weight to the power of these events as authoritative
performances is their widespread support as evidenced by
how long they have been in existence, growth in partici-
pation, and the wider involvement of institutions such as
the local school and surf shop.
The valuing of connection to place and community was
also reected in purchase behavior. Louise recounted her
desire to buy something that reminded her of her time spent
in London. A common ritual among young Australians is
the Big OE or overseas experience whereby people spend
time following high school or university working and trav-
eling overseas (for historical reasons London is the desti-
nation of choice). At the end of her stay in London, Louise
sought an item that would connect her back to place and
her memories of friends made there. For example:
Louise: I bought a bracelet that was very authentic.
Interviewer: So what was it about that bracelet?
Louise: I was in London and I went down to my favorite
market, which is Portobello Road, and I really wanted to buy
something that reminded meI was about to leave London,
Id been living there for about 5 yearsand I wanted to buy
something that reminded me of my experience in London,
and I didnt want anything too materialistic, I wanted some-
thing special. So I went to the market, and I bought three
rose gold charms, and I knew that by buying those it would
be something that Id wear all the time and it would remind
me of London.
When seeking an object that connected her back to her
time in London, Louise deliberately chose to go to the mar-
kets at Portobello Roada favorite among Londoners.
Rather than selecting an object that Australians might as-
sociate with Englishness (i.e., typical tourist items), Lou-
ise selects something that reects her almost insider status
(i.e., her two degrees of separation). This object connects
her back to a place and time she values and would signal
to other expatriates and Londoners insider knowledge, po-
tentially allowing her to form connections with them.
The value attached to being a part of a community was
also reected in informants accounts of brands and au-
thenticity. Johns passage in table 2, for example, reects
the relationship between being accepted by the mainstream
and authenticity. Offering an unusual take on the legitimacy
of cigarette brands, John evaluates them as historic icons
that are now no longer viewed as authentic. Critically, this
loss of status is not due to the health risks associated with
cigarettes but to consensus in the community that the ad-
vertising of such products should be banned. As a result,
these brands are no longer real because they do not play a
visible part in community affairs as they did when they were
sponsors of major sporting events. It is the case that changes
in societal attitudes toward smoking have seen this activity
move from the mainstream to the periphery, with the result
that cigarette brands no longer dene individuals (it was
common among smokers to identify with advertisements
celebrating the Marlboro man or the Alpine woman) or
provide the basis for connection.
Nicks selection of the cycling brand Campagnolo reects
this valuing of contribution to community. For example, he
reports:
Campagnolo is more traditional. I think its going back to
the grass roots of cycling. Whereas Shimano make shing
rod reels and all that sort of stuff; so you get the feeling that
Campagnolo are completely focused on what theyre doing
for cycling and that makes them a little bit more authentic.
. . . I always relate the general sense to a feeling you get,
its just people talking about them [Campagnolo] more than
anything else. Ive never used them before but I assume
theyre better.
For Nick the Campagnolo brand is run by passionate
cyclists (like him) who dedicate themselves to producing
quality products that benet the sport. This brand is valuable
because it provides him with a means to indirectly connect
to a living tradition of cycling (i.e., the grass roots). The
importance Nick attaches to this view is further revealed by
the fact that, although he has never used the brand, other
cyclists constantly talk about it as the quality leader, which
lends it subcultural legitimacy (cf. Kates 2004) and therefore
authenticity. This valuing of brands as conduits for con-
nection was central to many informant accounts. For ex-
ample:
Interviewer: How about the Simpsons? (Picture prompt.)
Rowena: Its big, worldwide.
Interviewer: Big?
Rowena: I can identify it you know. Im on that couch at 6
oclock at night watching the reruns of The Simpsons, word
for word. Its been around for 1215 years. Its a popular
program and you canlittle kids can relate to it, my grand-
mother can relate to it, so you know.
In her discussion of authenticity Rowena stresses how
The Simpsons enable her to connect with her children and
parents, as well as other people in general (by being able
to recount every word). For Nick and Rowena, these ob-
jects are valuable because they enable them to engage in
shared experiences on a daily basis. Again, central to both
Nicks and Rowenas accounts of authenticity is an ideal-
ization of being together or community and of how par-
ticular brands allow one to feel engaged with others (cf.
Thompson 1997). Rose and Wood (2005) examined how
such a contrived event as reality television could be au-
thentic. We believe that one reason is that these highly pop-
ular shows (Big Brother, Survivor, and American Idol) allow
people to connect to shared experiences by providing the
basis for water cooler conversations. For example, Row-
enas stress on being able to recount episodes of the Simp-
sons (such as mimicking signature phrases) would enable
her to communicate with others who shared her love of the
show.
Feeling Virtuous
The nal account of authenticity we identied captured
informants who represented their authentic self by making
judgments based on purity of motive. Conferring authentic-
ity in these accounts was akin to expressing ones morals.
Associated benets included the feeling of virtuousness that
comes with staying true to ones morals and the spiritual
enrichment that comes from seeing desired universal values
in practice. Caroline, who denes herself as a nonmateri-
alist and not much of a consumer, repeatedly recalled
her experiences in India when discussing authenticity:
Interviewer: What about your pictures of India?
Caroline: I have done a lot of traveling in my life, and before
I went to India every year, I went to a different country, and
then I got to India, and I have been back 13 times because
I feel there is a level of honesty and everything that is lacking
in other places.
Interviewer: Okay. I have never been to India so could you
maybe explain what is it about India that is authentic?
Caroline: I feel unlike other countries its been less touched
by Western consumerism, Western values, Western civiliza-
tion . . . so when I rst went there it was a country like I
had never encountered . . . the food was different, the re-
ligion, the way people related, their values. They seem to
live life on a different level, concerned with different things
that I think are more authentic and more meaningful.
Interviewer: What are the things that they are concerned
with?
Caroline: The way they approach people I think is more
authentic. They are concerned with family, with a basic sort
of values perhaps because life is harder for them. Again I
am generalizing because recently now they are open to the
West, you know, theres Star TV in India, theres computers,
outsourcing, so they are changing very, very rapidly, which
I nd sad.
Interviewer: Yes.
Caroline: But before all that they are concerned with the
universal things about life that are nothing to do with
consuming.
Carolines passage reveals that she regularly seeks spir-
itual enrichment by traveling to India. She gains a number
of positive outcomes from such self-authenticating acts.
First, she believes that by traveling to places where people
live her values, she can engage in more meaningful rela-
tionships, particularly as the local inhabitants are more gen-
uine because they are less interested in material pursuits
(People didnt want anything from you so they were in-
terested in you as a person). Second, Caroline is able to
present herself to others as someone of moral conviction
because she is active in living her values. Carolines account
of authenticity idealizes a set of values she feels she cannot
nd in her everyday life in Australia. Her attraction to these
values is emphasized in Carolines discussion of the totality
of differences between Australia and India (in terms of food,
religion, customs, and values). These differences demon-
strate that another world (a world she values) is possible if
one is prepared to reject consumerism.
Consistent with Carolines attempt to transcend materi-
alist pursuits, informants accounts of virtue revealed no-
tions of innocence and being free from false pretense. For
example:
Interviewer: Can you explain in detail what you see in this
picture?
Anita: Yes. Theres a small child with his socks down playing
with a cricket bat thats been handmade by a couple of pieces
of wood. Theres a couple of kids looking, and theres another
child squatting down behind him ready to catch the ball.
Interviewer: So what do you see, and how is it related to
authenticity?
Anita: Well, I thought it was related to authenticity because
it looks like an honest, down-to-earth picture, just the in-
nocence of children playing. You cant get more truthful than
children playing.
Caroline: I picked Michelangelos Pieta because I think that
encapsulates really authentic emotion. Its the mother with
the dead son and the grief, and its a very emotional piece
that taps into universal feelings.
Interviewer: So the sculpture describes the authentic
feelings?
Caroline: Yes. The person who sculptured it has produced
a sculpture that is about very authentic basic human emotion.
Every mother would experience that if she lost a son.
Interviewer: So not Michelangelo himself that you would
associate with authenticity but the feelings?
Caroline: Yes, what he has produced. He may have sculp-
tured that for money. Someone may have commissioned him,
in which [case] the authenticity doesnt really come from
him, but he has produced something beautiful and honest.
To me its authentic.
Anitas and Carolines focus on notions of universal in-
nocence, honesty, and truth characterized other accounts of
virtue. For Anita, children were seen as authentic because
their play was not compromised by self-interest. Caroline
also draws a link between authenticity and universal emo-
tions. She virtually dismisses the role played by the artist
(and his motives) and those of his sponsor, attributing au-
thenticity only to the universal emotion conveyed in the
work itself.
Consistent with the accounts of control and connection,
informants applied notions of virtue to their assessments of
brands. Caroline and Renee judge Nike to be inauthentic
because of a lack of morals (see table 2 for further exam-
ples). For example, although Renee recognizes that the brand
became a market leader through creativity, it is the perceived
lack of social ethics that drives her judgment, including her
subsequent decision to stop using Nike. Judy judges Barbie
to be inauthentic because of the negative impact on the body
image of young girls (while Cabbage Patch dolls are au-
thentic for the opposite reason). For these three (and other)
informants, breaches of ethical norms resulted in a loss
of authenticity because the brands were judged as lacking
moral ber. For example:
Mario: McDonalds I suppose would be the prime example
of dishonesty.
Interviewer: How?
Mario: Well, in the past they have always kind of promoted
their food as giving well-being and happiness and really it
was a bad product.
Interviewer: Authenticity and honesty, are they the same?
Mario: Yes, for me for something to be authentic its got to
be honest.
Interviewer: Okay.
Mario: And not trying to cheat someone or market something
when they know that its not a good product.
Central to accounts of virtue were notions of honesty and
a lack of ulterior motive. Both Marios and Renees (see
table 2) assessments of McDonalds and Nike reect this
ideal. In both cases, the offending brands are viewed as
trying to gain something by stealth, such as perceptions of
quality or higher margins. Once these brands have been
found out they are judged as inauthentic brand partners
because of their suspect motives. In each case, brands are
judged against a moral standardMcDonalds was viewed
as deceitful because of the gap between the marketing mes-
sages and the healthiness of the their products, while Nike
was a cynical exploiter of workers and consumers because
they presented themselves as the world leader yet failed to
live up to this claim in their day-to-day business practices.
Consistent with notions of transcending the self, when
seeking virtue, informants were critical of luxury brands
because their pricing was not proportional to the products
utility. This business strategy reected false pretense or the
promotion of conspicuous consumption. Such selsh mo-
tives were seen as out of step with the real necessities of
living. In contrast, brands focused on serving peoples basic
needs were judged more favorably. For example:
Caroline: Like some of those handbags that cost hundreds
of dollars. Chanel and Givenchy. . . . They are just a handbag
but I think to create a desire amongst people for something
that costs so much money which is out of proportion to the
worth of the item is immoral when people are starving. Thats
not authentic to me. Its not honest. I am looking for things
to have a meaning, and if you pay for something its got to
have a commensurate value.
Interviewer: What about the VW Beetle?
Caroline: I think so because the original car was made for
everyone to be able to afford, so I suppose its authentic.
Carolines passages reinforce her earlier statements about
pursuing what is meaningful, in this case by challenging the
morals of brands that charge so much for a functional item.
Her stress on a universal claimpeoples basic need for
foodover all other claims that Chanel and Givenchy may
make about quality or symbolic value is consistent with her
earlier statements in which she attributes authenticity to an
entirely different set of values than those held by luxury
goods companies. Carolines choice of the old VW Beetle
contrasts with her criticism of luxury accessory brands ear-
lier. Caroline values the Beetle because it was developed
for the common person and because it was affordable. The
object is authentic because there is a reasonable relation
between price and function, and importantly, because the
car was developed to provide transportation for the masses
rather than for perceived supercial values such as prestige
or status. Carolines emphasis on the motive for production
as the source of the brands authenticity reinforces her view
of self as a person of moral conviction.
Summary of the Accounts: The Goal Contingent
Nature of Authenticity
The three goal-inspired accounts of authenticity should
be viewed as being representative of self-relevant concep-
tualizations of authenticity rather than as a by-product of
personality traits. This is demonstrated in two ways. First,
the accounts of authenticity covered above reveal the same
informant (such as Meg and Rowena) seeking multiple
benets. Second, the following two passages identify con-
ict between competing goals. In Rosss discussion of
McDonalds, two benets of authenticity (control and vir-
tue) are important.
I think theyre [McDonalds] authentic for what they, maybe
theyre not, may beI think it really comes back to the ne
lines of whats authentic. Certainly, it raises some serious
concerns about health issues when youre talking about
McDonalds, which you would say was authentic; its clear
theyre delivering the same product the same way and in the
same environment every time. So theyre trying to deliver
what I would say was an authentic product. In terms of what
theyve dont tell you, these things are going to lead to high
obesity, but I dont think that makes them not authentic.
Although Ross recognizes that McDonalds products may
be morally gray, he can still nd authenticity in the product
when he is seeking a guaranteed consumption experience
(regardless of global location). Ross compartmentalizes au-
thenticity around a series of situationsMcDonalds may
not be an authentic product when seeking something healthy,
but it is if one desires fast food. A second example provides
further evidence of a goal-contingent view of authenticity.
In Phils account, reference was made to the need to be
realistic in establishing what was authentic. He spoke of his
work and his desire to be environmentally conscious:
Well, I was thinking and the fact is that my four-wheel drive
is still authentic in its own strange way. I value the environ-
ment, and it really does affect what I buy, and I think you
should have values that you stick to. Yet I know that driving
a big four-wheel drive seems a contradiction, but when we
are talking about authenticity, I still see it as authentic in that
it helps me do my job but also reminds me that I need to
keep making an effort in other ways.
Phils passage above involves a tension between two de-
sired identity benetscontrol and virtue. Phil spoke with
pride about his achievements in building his own business
and of his four-wheel drive as being necessary to perform
effectively (he needed a car well suited to carrying heavy
surveying equipment). But as a committed environmentalist
he was also aware that such a vehicle has high emissions and
low fuel economy. Like Ross, Phil does not consider the four-
wheel drive inauthentic but rather views the offending ob-
ject as a reminder that he must make extra effort to look after
the environment.
AUTHENTICATING STANDARDS: A
CULTURAL ACCOUNT
A central tenet of consumer culture theory is that human
agency operates within a social context (Arnould and Thomp-
son 2005; Ratner 2000)that is, individual expressions reect
more widely held social views or dominant myths (Hirschman
2000; Thompson 1997). We propose that the three personal
goals (the desire for control, connection, and virtue) reected
informants desire to respond to dominant sociocultural norms
(Gergen 1991; Lifton 1993). Put another way, prevailing cul-
tural inuences give rise to the standards that are applied in
the conferring authenticity to objects, brands, and experiences
(Ferrara 1998; Taylor 1991). The standards underpinning ac-
counts of control, connection, and virtue reect three domi-
nant sociocultural norms: being practical (control), partici-
pating (connection), and morality (virtue). For example,
informant accounts of control reected attempts at situational
problem solving and an identity associated with achieving
performance-related goals. Accounts of connection focused
on immersion in something larger than oneself and doing
ones bit as a community member. Accounts of virtue re-
ected the widely held view that there are universal moral
principles of right and wrong.
Being Practical
With regard to control, we identied four critical stan-
dards: rsthand experience, independent judgment, veria-
bility, and instrumentality. These four standards reected a
desire for consumer sovereignty, practical problem solving,
and efcacy across a range of situations. Brand authenti-
cation inuenced by the desire for control involved an ap-
plication of standards appropriate to informed decision mak-
ing. The signicance of rsthand experience, independent
judgment, and veriability was evident in Tonys emphasis
on testing the system when dealing with brands like ING,
Megs desire for direct experience of product performance
claims, Rowenas desire for healthy products, and Phils
focus on selecting surf brands based on his own judgment
and not that of others.
When seeking control, informants desired messages that
conveyed veriable performance benets, such as high in-
terest rates, frizz control, or ingredient information, and they
rejected more emotive claims. The skepticism (or cyni-
cismsee Tony) toward marketing claims preexperience
and the desire for verication of these claims (e.g., Meg and
hair care products and William and Swiss watches; see table
2) provides further evidence of a requirement for indepen-
dent judgment through rsthand experience and personal
verication.
The informants passages also provide evidence of their
desire for instrumentality (of brands and self). For example,
Tony appreciates INGs campaign because it enables him
to make accurate comparison with other brands, thereby
increasing his chances of getting the best possible resulta
point reinforced by Michaels comments about Apple and
Phils selection of surf brands. Phils appropriation of the
meaning of surng and his SUV provide other examples of
instrumentality in the way they reect his ability to be suc-
cessful. Our informants shaped desired benets by using
their experience and ability to make informed choices (see
also Holt and Thompson 2004).
The nature of control and its associated standards have
rarely been explained culturally to better understand au-
thenticityin fact, the benets and standards associated
with control are often viewed as inauthentic because they
indicate self-interested problem solving (see, e.g., Taylor
1991; Hochschild [1983] provides a rare counterexample).
As well, such actions are often viewed solely through the
lens of intentionality or agency (see Postrel [2003] for an
example), which holds that individual actions occur with
little recourse to wider social forces (Ratner 2000). However,
the cultural idealization of the aforementioned standards are
evidenced in the love of sporting achievement, the deni-
gration of academics (in Australia often referred to as im-
practical pointy heads), and the preference for pragmatism
over ideology in many New World countries (Blainey
1994). Many top-rating shows in Australia are crime or
police dramas, such as the Crime Scene Investigation (CSI)
franchise, which has taglines such as Trust the evidence
and Lets see where the evidence leads.
The informants attitudes toward brands and associated
marketing messages reected a dominant cultural theme
usually associated with the inauthentic (insofar as com-
mercial motives are rejected as not authentic by the sov-
ereign consumer; Postrel 2003). The informants accounts
reveal a desire for agency through independent decision
makingchoices not inuenced by the emotions that often
underpin marketer-driven iconic cues. The standards used
by informants when seeking control reected what is called
economic rationalism within Australia. Often commen-
tators will denigrate this term when discussing authenticity
by arguing that it leads to the dominance of large corpo-
rations, reduction in consumer choice, and the loss of con-
sumer power (e.g., Boyle 2003; Harris 2001; Seabrook
2000).
However, free market politicians and business commen-
tators regularly emphasize the power of the consumer to cease
doing business with even the largest organizations (Rand
1967), and consumer agencies regularly test the functional
performance of brands to identify the best-performing prod-
uct/service and the best value for the money. Thus, in stressing
functional performance benets, consumer sovereignty, and
rational decision making, informants are reecting a culturally
embedded normthat values an empowered, sensible consumer
as opposed to a consumer as dupe (in fact, irrational acts such
as impulse purchasing or extending mortgages to pay for
luxuries are regularly denigrated at the cultural level as being
the expenditure of the credit rich or spoilt youngsters).
To date, these seemingly pragmatic norms have not been
identied in research on authenticity.
Participating
In the case of the connection-based accounts, we iden-
tied three standards driving judgments of authenticity:
proximity, communal norms, and ubiquity. Across the in-
formants accounts of connection, emphasis was given to
being close to others. Brands and events provided the con-
duit for people to connect by bringing community members
or loved ones together as part of an authoritative perfor-
mance (Arnould and Price 2000). For example, in Scotts
discussions of his various encounters in Morocco, he em-
phasized getting an understanding of the meaning of every-
day Moroccan life (communal norms), but as he felt he could
not fully appreciate this without living there, he was less
concerned about traveling to the back region than having a
local guide who could relay information.
Louise, Nick, and Zoe stress being close to others (as
represented by people, place, time, and culture) as central
to authentication. This view is also shared by Rowena and
reemphasized in her desire to see tennis stars up close and
personal and out there sweating and working hard for the
crowd. . . . You can really see these people giving their all
rather than being on the news. Therefore, when seeking
connection, informants often sought situations that put them
in close proximity to others. Such a desire also feeds into
two other related standardscommunal norms and ubiquity.
Nick stresses the importance of partaking in a communal
cycling event because it represents an activity that genuine
members of the St. Kilda cycling fraternity engage in. He
also points out that people are there because they want to
be and that they undertake the grueling annual event out of
a sense of duty. This sense of duty was reinforced by Nicks
attitude that one should follow the rules of events and adopt
a mustnt grumble attitude to minor inconveniences such
as waiting for ferries and the early morning start. Zoe em-
phasizes similar themes, stressing the importance of putting
in and giving back in her discussion of the role of com-
munity members and organizations in bringing people to-
gether and ensuring the vibrancy of the community through
the socialization of children into such rituals. Scotts ac-
ceptance of a local guides views as more real or true than
what an outsider can experience also indicates how com-
munal norms form the basis for assessment. This emphasis
on communal norms to establish authenticity also translated
into a preference for brands that were thought to reinforce
cultural traditions. For example:
Scott: I think theyve [Kraft] dropped the Australian part to
it because they cant claim that anymore, but I dont think
that they need to actually keep telling people that, because
people know it, or they believe. Its originally Australian,
. . . its still around now, were basically the only country
in the world that eats it, and as far as were concerned its
still Australian. Its not an Australian-owned brand, but for
all intents and purposes Vegemite is Australian.
Interviewer: Because Australians eat it?
Scott: Yes, and our parents and our grandparents had it when
they were growing up as well, so as far as were concerned
its an authentic, original Australian product.
Scotts passage represents several aspects of the standards
underpinning informant accounts of connection. Because
Vegemite is no longer an Australian-owned brand (thus one
form of indexical connection to place has been lost), Kraft
downplays any direct link to place. However, Scott regards
this as unnecessary because the brand is an established icon
among all Australians, remains a part of the fabric of Aus-
tralian identity, and is therefore authentic despite being
owned by a global parent company. The brand still enables
him to connect with place because it is widely adopted by
the community, is shared across generations, and remains
something that all true Aussies eat. For Scott, the con-
sumption of Vegemite marks one out as Australian.
In the accounts in which emphasis was given to the impor-
tance of connection, informants regularly selected high-prole
established mass market brandsobjects not usually associated
with authenticity. These brands are often viewed in highly
benevolent terms (Rowena: Its [McDonalds] good for the
economy; its good for Melbourne), with their ubiquity a sign
of their relevance (and therefore value) to the community and
their democratic nature (because they are available to all com-
ers). For example:
Interviewer: McDonalds is authentic?
Zoe: Yes.
Interviewer: What is it about McDonalds?
Zoe: McDonalds, its everywhere.
Interviewer: What do you meanbeing everywhere is
authentic?
Zoe: Its just everywhere, McDonalds is McDonalds.
Interviewer: What is it about the brand?
Zoe: Everyone loves it. And its just there, in your face,
everywhere. Its just something that everyone indulges in
without, you know, worrying. McDonalds is just there, its
just there to be enjoyed all the time.
Interviewer: Its affordable?
Zoe: Yes.
Rowena comments:
Nike, its a common brand. The golden archesBig Mac,
you get deals, cheeseburger, french fries, worldwide. You
cant miss it. You go down St. Kilda Road or wherever and
see the arches and you know. You can nd it anywhere. Or
you see signs saying McDonalds 500 meters next right.
In Zoes and Rowenas discussion of McDonalds and
Nike, it was the ubiquity and common nature of these brands
that made them authentic. The value Rowena placed on main-
stream shared experiences and traditions resulted in a pref-
erence for mass brands as demonstrated in the value she at-
tributed to the widely shared ritual of watching The Simpsons
and the fact that all ages can participate in the experience.
The passages above highlight how authenticity is attributed
symbols that literally dene the social landscape (in this way,
authenticity through connection is inuenced by cognitive
legitimacya determination driven by whether the object in
question is an inevitable part of the environment and nec-
essary for a comprehensible account of social reality; Such-
man 1995, 58283). Major brands are highly visible repre-
sentations of the social fabric because of their omnipresence
and their age (i.e., they were institutionalized; Suchman 1995)
and because they have evolved in line with changes in com-
munal norms. These characteristics of brands that allow con-
nection also explain Johns view regarding the decline in the
authenticity of cigarette brands and the authenticity attributed
to Campagnolo by Nick (despite the fact that he has no direct
experience of the brand).
Although community tradition is often seen as one pillar of
authenticity (Arnould and Price 2000; Kozinets 2002), unique
to our data on connection is the preference for ubiquitous, mass-
marketed objects and emphasis on the mainstreamas authentic.
This nding sits in direct contrast to research claiming that
mass-marketed objects, or objects that appear tainted by the
market or motivated by commercial considerations, lack au-
thenticity (Beverland 2006; Boyle 2003; Kates 2004). In their
accounts of connection as an expression of authenticity, the
informants are reecting a number of cultural norms all of
which can be broadly classied as participating.
First, within Australia much of the popular cultural dis-
course celebrates mainstream traditions, the everyday, and
middle-class values, as demonstrated by the popularity of
reality television shows and the increasing casualization of
news and current affairs shows hosted by ordinary pre-
senters (who operate solely on a rst name or nickname
basis) addressing day-to-day issues such as parenting tips
and nancial advice for teens (McCamish 2008). Also, pop
culture (including brands) has been elevated in status, while
notions of high culture as special are downplayed or chal-
lenged as elitist. Second, emphasis is placed on mutual re-
sponsibility, or everyone doing their part to make society
better, and there is genuine concern at the decline in vol-
unteering, manners, local customs, and traditional events (cf.
Putnam 2001). Further evidence of the sense of responsi-
bility can be found in the public debates around national
and local identity (i.e., what it means to be an Australian
or a Melbournian). Fueling this debate is the acknowledg-
ment of renewed interest in shared traditions by younger gen-
erations (such as dramatic increases in attendance at the dawn
service to remember Australian and New Zealand soldiers
who fought in the two world wars) and a sense that other
important traditions are under attack from policies usually
lambasted as political correctness gone mad or un-Aus-
tralian (e.g., attempts to remove Christmas celebrations from
schools under the guise of multiculturalism).
Third, despite claims that traditional family units are in
decline, families are the preferred unit within much social
discourse in Australia. The 2007 election featured a contest
between two partiesone stressing the needs of working
families and the other of mortgage belt families. We be-
lieve a desire to preserve mainstream traditions, do your
part, and value family results in a preference for ubiquitous
commercial objects because they reect these values. For ex-
ample, the brands referred to in informant accounts of con-
nection were part of mainstream popular culture, espouse the
importance of giving back, provide the conduit for shared
intergenerational traditions, and have become a part of the
social landscape to the extent that they gained iconic status.
The very ubiquitous nature of these objects reects that they
are inclusive and open to all in the community.
Morality
For virtue, we identied the two interconnected standards
of purity and universality. Purity represents a consistent ap-
plication of a set of morals, while universality means that
these standards override other considerations. Purity was
demonstrated by associations between notions of innocence
(often reected in images of children playing) and seless-
ness. Universality was reected in connections between
identity characterizations, such as nonmaterialist, and gen-
eral condemnations of commercial culture, a preference for
cultures wholly different from Western ways of life, the
application of universal assessments reected in terms such
as dishonest, cheated, and worthwhile, and a pref-
erence for brands that addressed universal needs (such as
transport) rather than prestige or patriotism(these informants
disliked Vegemite because it was promoted as Australian).
The application of universal standards was reected in in-
formant assessments of people (Ben Johnson) and brands
(Nike and McDonalds) that have breached ethical standards
or have failed to take into account their wider impact on
society (Barbie). Regardless of the recognized merits of
brands such as Nike or McDonalds, informants seeking
virtue were intolerant of moral lapses. Behavior perceived
as unethical overshadowed all other considerations in judg-
ing the brand as (in)authentic.
Carolines account of her travels to India reveals how these
standards underpin her assessment of authenticity. In her com-
parative assessment of Western versus Indian culture, Caroline
believes India symbolizes her values (whereas the West may
be considered profane) and represents the universal applica-
tion of these values across different areas of life. When com-
bined, these two standards allow Caroline to feel that her
values are both moral and practical and that holding them is
possible. Carolines emphasis on the lack of materialism(both
hers and that of the Indian locals) is representative of a uni-
versal judgmentboth against what she views as meaningless
material pursuits and in terms of giving necessary priority to
core values (interpersonal relationships, family, sharing, and
survival). This point is reinforced in Carolines sadness re-
garding Indias rapid economic growth, adoption of Western
goods, and the displacement of core values. This process of
establishing purity carries over to brandshence, Carolines
preference for utilitarian brands whose motivation is to fulll
the needs of everyone (e.g., her positive assessment of the
VW Beetle because of its affordability) and through her re-
jection of upscale brands that charge prices well in excess of
the products utility value (e.g., Chanel and Givenchy).
Despite sustained philosophical attacks on notions of cer-
tainty in universal standards, concern with morality and uni-
versal standards of right and wrong remain as widely held
sociocultural norms. The informants accounts reected uni-
versal norms, such as the lack of authenticity in contem-
porary consumer culture (often associated with Western
culture), universal notions of right and wrong, environ-
mentalism, and a sense of a fair go (as reected in con-
cerns about Nikes employment practicesthe notion of a
fair go is a cornerstone of Australian identity; Blainey
1994). In each case, authenticity is associated with certain
moral ideals that may involve disillusionment with the West-
ern world (Taylor 1991), idealization of the innocence of
primitive societies or nature (seen as innocent, pure, or
free from self-interest; Campbell 1987; MacCannell 1973),
and a desire to transcend self-interest (Trilling 1972). Al-
though practical people are celebrated in society, so too are
moral purists who sit outside institutions (such as univer-
sities, churches, and parliament). These individuals are often
affectionately referred to as impractical dreamers or as
having their hearts in the right place (Blainey 1994). Such
views represent a moral longing on behalf of society to
transcend practical selsh concerns.
The use of these varying standards in the different ac-
counts suggests that informants engage in selective infor-
mation processing and interpretation depending on the de-
sired benets sought (i.e., consumers may draw on all three
accounts at different times to advance different identity
goals)an issue we turn to next.
AUTHENTICATING STRATEGIES
The previous section demonstrated that informants ac-
tively sought self-authentication across a wide variety of
contexts. In each account informants related authenticity to
positive identity benets and in so doing gave precedence
to certain information cues while downplaying or ignoring
others that were inconsistent with their assessment. In this
way each informant was an active consumer (or creator) of
authenticity rather than a passive receiver of information.
The active processing of information to give preference to
self and/or situationally relevant cues has been revealed in
a number of studies on authenticity (as identied in the
Theoretical Background). This processing involves moti-
vated reasoning and more particularly the biasing and elab-
oration of certain pieces of information for use as evidence
in determining what is authentic (Kunda 1990). Goffman
(1959) identied that, while there is a strong desire to have
others know us as we really are, the reality of time and a
myriad of other pressures result in purposeful editing and
a selective projection of information in an attempt to convey
the authentic self. As part of the motivated reasoning pro-
cess, our informants employed four strategies (placement,
inference, reduction, and projection).
The rst strategy we identied was placement. Interest-
ingly, where Arnould and Price (2000) identied internal
orientations (such as spontaneity or intrinsic valuing) con-
ducive to self-authentication, we found that informants lo-
cated themselves externally in particular places or situations
conducive to self-authentication. This involved traveling to
places, attending events, engaging in particular experiences,
and remaining loyal to certain brands. Across our accounts
was a deliberate search for particular places that offered the
possibility of self-authentication. In the section above, var-
ious informants stressed the number of times they had trav-
eled overseas or emphasized their regular attendance at key
events or ritualistic attendance at certain events. In seeking
outcomes associated with virtue, Caroline traveled widely
before settling on India as a favored destination (and, as
identied in her passage, she seeks a particular part of In-
diathat not tainted by Western consumerism). Accounts
of connection were replete with examples of placement,
including using shows such as The Simpsons as a conduit
for familial connection and shared experience (Rowena).
Finally, accounts of control featured stories about going to
the back region to seek out life as it really is, as opposed
to the front people put on (William and Kate). In each
case, placement involved informants availing themselves of
a means to enact their identity goals.
Motivated reasoning involves accentuating information
that conrms identity or preferred outcome/position while
giving less credence to contradictory evidence (Kunda
1990). Within the passages provided, informants regularly
inferred meaning from events, people, or cues in their in-
terpretation of authenticity. For example, to feel part of a
shared experience, informants seeking to connect would in-
fer shared motives and values among other participants at
their chosen eventNick, for example, took it for granted
that other cyclists shared the same motives for being at the
Round the Bay in a Day ride. Likewise Zoe inferred like-
mindedness and commitment to community from the intent
(sponsorship) of local surf shops. Caroline infers from the
friendliness of locals and their impoverished conditions that
they have transcended selsh motives or material desires.
Tony and the other informants infer from emotional brand
messages a desire to trick consumers into parting with their
money.
Reduction involves eliminating superuous elements to
nd the essence of a brand. For example, despite Tonys
claim that ING only focuses on rational product performance
in its advertisements, this statement represents the result of
removing the lifestyle messages in the brands marketing
communications (advertising for the brand features Scottish
comedian Billy Connolly, who emphasizes that by choosing
ING you are a smarter personin contrast to Tonys claim
to the contrary). Williams assessment of the redesigned VW
Beetle involves stripping away the marketing claims and
focusing on whether the new version resembles the original
one he owned and lovedI dont believe what they have
put down as words because its just marketing words and
hype. But I look at the product itself, and I can relate to the
product because you can still see an outline of the old car.
Likewise, accounts of virtue involve reducing the brand to
a moral core, while accounts of connection focused on
evidence that suggested being part of a communitysuch
as heritage, adoption by the mass market, and ubiquity.
The strategy of projection has been identied in previous
research on authenticity, particularly where informants must
negotiate paradoxical situations. For example, several of
Rose and Woods (2005) informants projected desired values
onto cast members in reality television shows in order to
build an authentic connection with the show. Our informants
projected their desired identities onto events in order to re-
inforce their personal narrative and gain desired benets.
For example, in seeking virtue, Caroline projected her desired
values onto Indian locals whose friendliness reected a certain
moral stance. Tony engaged in projection in his discussion
of the ING brand. Central to Tonys account of INGs au-
thenticity is that it provides him with factually testable in-
formation to allow him to make the best possible judgment.
This reects Tonys desired identity (as did Michaels dis-
cussion about Apple) as someone who has achieved the best
possible outcomes by applying his resources (knowledge, ef-
fort, skills, wisdom). Rowena and Zoe project their motives
for attending various events onto other attendees to reinforce
the belief that they are connected to a community. Nick pro-
jects his belief that he is a true cyclist onto the Campagnolo
brandhe determines that Campagnolo creates quality prod-
ucts to benet the cycling community because it focuses only
on cycling.
FIGURE 2
THE MANIFESTATION OF AUTHENTICITY IN OBJECTS, BRANDS, AND EXPERIENCES (OBE)
DISCUSSION
Our ndings contribute to our understanding of the con-
sumption and production of authenticity in a number of
ways. We identify that, when consumers have different
goals, they seek authenticity in different kinds of experi-
ences. Three broad goals are identied (control, connection,
and virtue) that drive the systematic selection and evaluation
of different consumption experiences as being (in)authentic.
However, despite the different goals, experiences, and cues,
our informants shared a common questthe desire for the
real, true, and genuine (i.e., the authentic). That is, consum-
ers ultimately seek the same thing (authenticity) in different
objects, brands, and events for different reasons (control,
connection, and/or virtue). In articulating our ndings, we
also provide an overarching framework for understanding
consumer judgments of authenticity. Our ndings demon-
strate a hierarchy of meaning and causality in regard to the
production of the authentic. This is identied in gure 2.
Figure 2 identies the interconnectedness between con-
sumers search for authenticity; different categories of ex-
periences that lead to assessments of genuineness, reality,
and truth (control, connection, and virtue); and specic ex-
periences that lead to assessments of control, connection,
and virtue. Importantly, notions of control, connection, and
virtue are not in and of themselves authentic; rather they
are viewed as authentic only when they lead to genuineness,
reality, and/or truth. Specic objects, brands, and events
provide the means by which consumers make assessments
of control, connection, and virtue, and therefore judgments
of authenticity. The same event may be judged (in)authentic
by the same or different consumers depending on the goal.
For example, the Simpsons may provide the route to con-
nection (and genuineness and authenticity) for Rowena be-
cause of the shows ubiquity, while in a different context
the show may provide her with a feeling of control because
of its child-friendly content (lack of profanity, violence, rac-
ism, etc.).
In identifying the inuence of personal goals on judgments
of authenticity, we counter claims by Baudrillard (1988) and
Eco (1986) that authenticity is impossible where common
standards for what is real or fake are lacking. The problem
with this line of thinking is that it presupposes universal stan-
dards. However, as our ndings clearly show, different per-
sonal goals and standards enable people to nd authenticity
in a range of objects, brands, and events that others may deem
as fake. Therefore, we add support to Rose and Woods (2005)
notion of hyperauthenticity, in which consumers actively con-
struct personally useful notions of the authentic. In doing so,
we also identify the consumer as an adept, creative, and ca-
pable producer of authenticity against a background of seem-
ingly competing societal norms.
In contrast to previous research or philosophical reections
on authenticity, the informants in this study found authenticity
in functional and ubiquitous objects. Far from needing to be
rescued from mass culture (Benjamin 1960; Boyle 2003),
authenticity was found in mainstream events and brands, in-
cluding fast food, mass fashion and entertainment, and bath-
room products. Our research also helps to explain Grayson
and Martinecs (2004) nding that consumers attributed au-
thenticity to a Sherlock Holmes tourist site. For many Anglo-
Saxon consumers, Sherlock Holmes was a childhood hero
and a part of social reality. Thus, such a tourist site enables
visitors to reconnect with shared childhood experiences and
provides a coherent account of Holmess life that ts with
the socially constructed view of reality. Put simply, the object
(the Holmes site) is a vehicle for people to connect.
By identifying the goal-contingent nature of authenticity
judgments and the standards and strategies employed, these
ndings provide a bridge between previous and future re-
search on the consumption of authenticity. They also go
some way toward reducing the fragmented nature of research
on authenticity (see Beverland 2005). To date, the majority
of this research has focused on the cues that indicate au-
thenticity. Although such research is necessary, there are
two major limitations in such studies: rst, they result in a
diversity of conceptualizations of authenticity; second, they
are unable to account for unexpected results, such as con-
sumer inclination to attribute authenticity to the ctional
(Grayson and Martinec 2004). The identication of a con-
tingent relationship between consumer goals and particular
cues overcomes this latter limitation, suggesting that the
relationship between how one achieves self-authentication
and authenticates an object is tighter than previously sug-
gested (Grayson and Martinec 2004; Leigh et al. 2006).
As well as providing an overarching framework for pre-
vious research on cues, we also identify processes consumers
use to realize the benets of authenticity. Rose and Woods
(2005) focus on the processes underpinning authenticity
judgments represents an important point of departure from
previous research because it avoids dichotomies between
the real and the fake and focuses on how consumers interpret
authenticity in everyday events. We extend this by drawing
explicit links between identity goals and the means by which
consumers authenticate brands, thus locating process issues
within the consumers life world.
One such example of process strategy that adds to our
understanding of the inclination to negotiate paradox (Rose
and Wood 2005) and suspend disbelief (Belk and Costa
1998; Grayson and Martinec 2004) is that, through repeated
exposure (placement) to the contextfor example, online
social networksother goal-oriented processes such as in-
ference or projection become paramount as they enable con-
sumers to attach themselves to idealized values or identities
that validate their concept of self (Schau and Gilly 2003).
Extending this further, and consistent with Rose and Woods
(2005) thinking, advancement of the self-authentication goal
(e.g., validation through online social networking of the im-
portance one places on community) may in future engage-
ments overshadow any concerns that elements of the ex-
perience might be inauthentic.
We also extend Arnould and Prices (2000) focus on out-
comes of self-authentication by identifying how consumers
deal with the seeming ux of the postmodern marketplace.
By accounting for goals (benets), standards, and processes,
we highlight the creativity or adeptness of consumers in
nding authenticity in the postmodern world. Just as an
overemphasis on the self or the other may lead to isolation
and alienation or a lack of individuality, our informants are
aware of the need to forge an identity that marries the self-
interest with community norms while tapping into universal
moral norms. These ndings suggest that consumers are
very adept at adjusting to changes in the macro environment
(see Thompson 2000). Far from struggling to distinguish
real from fake (hyperreality) or suffering identity crises from
declines in traditional markers of authenticity, our infor-
mants were highly competent when it came to sorting real
from fake, creating the genuine through selective use of cues
and nding, retaining, reinforcing, reimagining, and creating
traditions. Also evident in the ndings is the consumers
chameleon-like ability to adapt to, or morph across, chang-
ing surroundings by drawing on particular strategies, stan-
dards, and cues to achieve self-authentication.
Figure 2 identies the relationship between specic objects,
brands, and experiences and the search for authenticity. In
this search, consumers may look for indexical cues that signal
authenticity. However, consumers may also transform iconic
cues (using the four strategies identied herein) into indexical
ones. That is, successful goal attainment involves consumers
taking personal ownership of experiences, thus giving objects,
brands, and/or events an indexical character. Although Bev-
erland et al. (2008) suggest that indexicality and iconicity are
interrelated, our ndings identify why this is so and how
iconic cues are transformed into indexical ones. Future re-
search is needed to examine whether some goals are more
powerful than others in achieving this transformation.
Several other potential lines of inquiry emerge from our
ndings. First, it is unlikely that we have uncovered all the
goals, underpinning standards, and strategies that underpin
different interpretations of authenticity in consumption. Re-
search is therefore needed to expand upon our ndings. Future
research on the effectiveness of each strategy (or strategies)
in achieving self-authentication goals is also needed. Al-
though we identied four strategies underpinning authenticity
judgments, we were not able to examine whether consumers
used single strategies or specic mixtures of strategies when
seeking particular goals. For example, is placement critical
for connection but not so important for control? Further in-
terpretive and experimental research is needed to explore this
issue.
The second stream of future research requires a shift of
focus from the authentic/inauthentic dichotomy to how con-
sumers reconcile competing interpretations of what is au-
thentic. Informants such as Ross and Phil adopt different
approaches when dealing with conicts between different
standards. Ross, for example, compartmentalizes meanings
associated with McDonalds so that it is seen as authentic
when desiring a quick and safe meal overseas but is judged
less than favorably when viewed from a moral standpoint.
Phil, in contrast, synthesizes the competing standards of
control and virtue by using the SUV both as a symbol of
his personal effectiveness and material gain and as a re-
minder to be even more mindful of environmental issues in
other aspects of his life. Future research is needed to explore
the means by which consumers deal with competing stan-
dards. Such research could explore the creative approaches
used by consumers to manage this tension and the capabil-
ities underpinning this creativity.
It may also be possible to gain a richer understanding of the
processing of information by examining if the self-authenti-
cation motive biases information processing in predictable
ways. Beverland et al. (2008) propose that literal or indexical
authenticity is desired when correct but prompt in situ decisions
are necessary. For example, in the context of beer selection,
cues that clearly reinforce one message and the absence of cues
that undermine this message are desired when informants want
to make the correct beer choice. Thus, Beverland et al. (2008)
provide evidence for a relationship between a desired benet
and the process of reduction. We nd a similar result in relation
to controlbrand claims are reduced to key performance-re-
lated information. Future research could investigate these re-
lationships using controlled experiments.
Gergen (1991) proposes that the postmodern self is es-
sentially a relational self. The pluralistic framework pro-
posed here supports such a view as consumers draw on
capabilities to relate to their immediate surroundings, a sense
of community, and humanity in general. As well, the ca-
pabilities demonstrated by our informants in reconciling
conicts between competing interpretations of authenticity
suggest that the capable consumer is similar to the protean
self, whereby authenticity is realized by not only recognizing
but embracing the complexity and ambiguity of postmodern
life. The three interpretations of what is real, genuine, or
true provide insight into how consumers manage to create
a self that is at once uid and grounded (the protean self),
in that they emphasize the continuous effort consumers en-
gage in when seeking to create a self capable of the multiple
presentations necessary in a postmodern environment (Lif-
ton 1993, 89).
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