CaylanPlazaNP2012 Libre

85
awpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology, Volume 32, Number 1, pp. 1000. Copyright 2012 Institute of Andean Studies. All rights reserved.
Piaza iivr axn vuniic vrnvonxaxcr ar rnr Eanis Honizox
crxrrn ov Casix, Nrvrxa Vaiirs, Prn
Matthew Helmer, David Chicoine, and Hugo Ikehara
Te following article examines ancient Andean performance at the Early Horizon site of Cayln (8001 BC), Nepea
Valley, North-Central Coast of Peru. Cayln, a hypothesized early urban polity, was organized around a series of monu-
mental enclosure compounds, each dominated by a plaza. Our research considers public performance from one of Caylns
largest and best preserved plazas, Plaza-A.
Results indicate a spatially exclusive, neighborhood-based plaza environment. Public activities included spec-
tacles with music, processions, and architecture entombment. Patterns of small-scale plaza interactions are also discussed.
At Cayln, regular public interactions structured and maintained group identities in a new residential environment.
Tese results highlight the role of public performance in the maintenance and reproduction of community during periods
of social transformation associated with the emergence of urban lifeways.
La presente contribucin examina la interpretacin ritual en el sitio de Cayln, costa nor-central del Per, durante el
Horizonte Temprano (8001 a.C.). Cayln, una hipottica entidad poltica urbana temprana, fue organizado en torno
a la articulacin de una serie de complejos cercados, cada uno dominado por una plaza, los cuales fueron el foco de una
gran variedad de actividades pblicas. Nuestra investigacin considera el paisaje pblico de la Plaza A, uno de los espacios
ms grandes y mejores conservados en Cayln.
Los resultados indican que mediante la manipulacin y control del movimiento y otras experiencias corporales se
crean contextos de interpretacin ritual extraordinarias dentro de entornos de plazas en barrios espacialmente exclusivos.
Actividades pblicas incluyen espectculos con msica, procesiones, y enterramiento arquitectnico. Patrones de interac-
cin a pequea escala en las plazas son tambin discutidos. En Cayln, interacciones pblicas regulares mantuvieron
identidades grupales en un ambiente residencial novedoso. Estos resultados resaltan el rol de la interpretacin ritual
pblica en el mantenimiento y reproduccin de comunidades durante periodos de transformacin social asociados a la
emergencia de modos de vida urbanos en la costa nor-central del Per.
Matthew Helmer, Sainsbury Research Unit for the Arts of Africa, Oceania and the Americas, University of East Anglia,
Norwich, NR4 7TJ, United Kingdom, m.helmer@uea.ac.uk
David Chicoine, Department of Geography and Anthropology, Louisiana State University, 227 Howe-Russell-Knien
Geoscience Complex, Baton Rouge, LA 70803, dchico@lsu.edu
Hugo Ikehara, Department of Anthropology, University of Pittsburgh, PA, 15260, hci1@pitt.edu
awpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology Volume 32, Number 1
86
W
ithin the last decade, Andean scholars have be-
gun to recognize the value of considering ar-
chaeological contexts through the lens of performance
studies in order to understand the structures and in-
stitutions of ancient communities (Coben 2006; Hill
2005; Moore 2006; Quilter 2001; Swenson 2011). In-
deed, the archaeological study of performance provides
key insights into methods of social maintenance, trans-
formation, and displays of authority in culturally spe-
cic contexts (Inomata and Coben 2006: 11). In this
article, we focus on plaza settings contemporary with
the emergence of enclosed, incipient urban lifeways on
the North-Central Coast of Peru. Specically, recent
excavations at the Early Horizon center of Cayln (ca.
8001 BC), have yielded signicant spatial and mate-
rial data to assess the design, use, and modication of a
monumental plaza.
Troughout the rst millennium BC, communi-
ties on the North Coast of Peru developed new forms
of community organization characterized by dense
agglomerations of enclosed, walled compounds (e.g.,
Billman 1996; Brennan 1982; Chicoine 2006a; Pozor-
ski and Pozorski 1987; Swenson 2011; Warner 2010;
Wilson 1988). Tis settlement pattern contrasts with
earlier built forms which focused on large, singular, and
open mound-plaza complexes. In the Nepea Valley
(Figure 1), coastal Ancash, Early Horizon settlements
like Cayln supersede Initial Period ceremonial centers
including Cerro Blanco and Huaca Partida (Shibata
2010). Whereas the latter were typically organized on
a central axis and utilized for large-scale public displays
and activities, our research at Cayln indicates that pla-
za settings were designed to facilitate innovative kinds
of performance and social interactions in the context
of incipient demographic and spatial crowding. In this
article, we present spatial and artifactual data from eld
research at Cayln to explore plaza life and public per-
formance during the Early Horizon and link these data
to some of the social changes related to the emergence
of urbanism in coastal Peru.
In overall area, Cayln is the largest site in the
lower Nepea Valley (Daggett 1987: 74). Yet, it has
received little scientic attention (Daggett 1984: 214
218; Kosok 1965: 208209; Proulx 1968: 31, 7172,
1973: 114, 116). In 2009 and 2010, Chicoine and Ike-
hara (2009, 2011) directed the rst systematic map-
ping and excavations at Cayln. Mapping of the stand-
ing architecture combined with horizontal and vertical
excavations yielded important data on the occupation,
organization, and material culture at the site.
Cayln is organized as a series of enclosure com-
pounds, preliminarily interpreted as neighborhoods,
accessed by cross-cutting pathways, corridors, and av-
enues. A striking, recurrent feature of the Cayln com-
pounds is the presence of monumental, benched plazas
surrounded by complex arrangements of smaller patio
rooms, colonnaded galleries, and roofed chambers.
Excavations in various sectors of Cayln have yielded
a large amount of Early Horizon artifacts, including
ceramic panpipes (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987: 58;
Proulx 1985: 244), slate projectile points (Daggett
1987: 74), and decorated ceramics including Stamped
Circle-and-Dot, Textile Impressed, and White-on-Red
designs. Based on preliminary results, Cayln is inter-
preted as an extensive habitation center with strong
public components (Chicoine and Ikehara 2010).
In this article, we focus on Plaza-A, one of the
largest and best preserved structures at the site in an
attempt to understand public life and performance at
Cayln. Field methods included the clearing and map-
ping of surcial architectural remains in addition to
vertical and horizontal excavations to document the
plazas spatial organization and associated activities.
We argue that Plaza-A was an exclusive, neigh-
borhood-oriented public space. We hypothesize that
plaza settings were utilized for gatherings associated
with festivals and other, more personal forms of pub-
lic interactions. Insights into these interactions point
toward the importance of plazas as places to both
structure and maintain independent co-resident group
identities in an incipient urban environment.
Archaeology, Performance and
Ancient Andean Public Life
Other than platform mounds, plazas are the signature
of Andean public life. Teir omnipresence for millen-
nia throughout the ancient monumental landscape is a
testament to the importance of plaza life in Andean so-
87
Helmer, Chicoine, and Ikehara: Plaza life and public performance
ciety. Yet, the articulation of these plazas varies, reect-
ing vastly dierent social structures (see Moore 1996a,
1996b; Swenson 2011). Performance studies provide a
particularly potent framework for investigating ancient
public life. In addition to studies of architectural simi-
larities (e.g., Mackey 1987; Menzel 1959; Rowe 1962;
Williams 1985) and labor investment and organiza-
tion (e.g., Pozorski 1980; Pozorski and Pozorski 2005;
Vega-Centeno 2007), performance studies of public
arenas have the potential to bring unique insights into
mechanisms of social cohesion, interactions, negotia-
tions, and experiences that shaped ancient Andean life.
In the Andes, performance studies have focused
on the materialization of culture with a focus on elite
ideology (DeMarrais 2004; DeMarrais et al. 1996).
Hill (2005), for instance, has emphasized the spec-
tacular qualities of Moche Phase (AD 1800) rituals
of human sacrice, in particular the dismemberment
of war prisoners and sacricial victims. Quilter (2001),
meanwhile, has investigated shifts in Moche public
art and displays of elite authority. More recently, Sw-
enson (2011) has suggested an intimate link between
political actions and exclusive staged spectacles in the
Jequepeque Valley during the late Early Horizon and
Early Intermediate Period. His study points toward the
negotiated and contested aspects of theatrical perfor-
mances, and their importance in the creation of power
asymmetries. Here, we are more concerned with the
role of performance in community transformation and
organization.
We operate from a standpoint of performance
which Kapchan (1995: 479) denes as aesthetic
practices-patterns of behavior, ways of speaking, man-
ners of bodily comportmentwhose repetitions situ-
ate actors in time and space, structuring individual
and group identities. Public events such as festivals,
religious congregations, and other activities relegated
to public spaces fall into what we consider to be pub-
lic performances. Te cultural importance of public
performance comes from shared experiences in built
Figure 1. Map of Nepea Valley showing sites relevant to text. Credit: David Chicoine, Hugo Ikehara.
88
settings which are enacted by social groups (Giddens
1984; Tuan 1977). Understanding these shared expe-
riences brings insights into mechanisms of social (re)
production and political structures within institution-
alized spectacles (Inomata and Coben 2006).
Performance archaeology is a relatively recent
eld of study, and its practitioners are still laying out
its foundations (see Inomata and Coben 2006; Pearson
and Shanks 2001). One particularly heated point of
debate concerns the meaning of performance itself,
and its scale of analysis. Hodder (2006: 9697), for
instance, favors a denition of performance as simply
a venue of showing and looking, which includes all
scales of interactions with a lesser emphasis on perfor-
mance as heightened encounters and/or in large-scale
events (see also Goman 1967). Tis is eectively
demonstrated through a case study at Catal Hoyuk,
where Hodder illustrates how highly structured daily
interactions within households represents a type of per-
formance which typied social life. Houston (2006), in
contrast, opposes the idea that small-scale interactions
take on similar qualities as large scale, special events
(see also Hymes 1975). Houston (2006: 137, 149) ar-
gues that the importance of performance comes pre-
cisely from the separation between small-scale, mun-
dane encounters and the extraordinary experience of
large-scale public displays.
We are in general agreement with Houston, Ino-
mata, and others that public interaction operates dif-
ferently from encounters in other contexts, and should
be studied on its own terms. However, performance is
highly contextual, and is something which is constant-
ly embodied through dierent genres (Turner 1987:
82; see also Butler 1993). We consider public perfor-
mance to be a particular genre concerned with com-
munal activities between larger numbers of individuals
housed within a more monumental, or extraordinary
venue than one would encounter in other contexts.
However, we keep in mind that plaza settings, as with
other forms of architecture, are often used in dynamic
contexts not necessarily conned to one type of en-
counter. In other words, it is necessary to acknowledge
the possibility that plazas and their associated activities
were not necessarily conned to episodic large-scale
events, and may have been used uidly for many types
of public encounters which is something we account
for in our analysis of Caylns public settings.
Teoretical foundations of performance archaeol-
ogy are what form the basis of our inquiry into Cayln
public life. We were particularly inspired by Inomatas
(2006: 205) argument that theatrical events within
loosely integrated polities associated with the Classic
Maya were pivotal to integrating groups that could eas-
ily divide at the kin level. We hypothesize that a similar
scenario was likely in occurrence at Cayln. In addition,
our methodological framework is aided from Moores
(2006) and Houston and Taubes (2000) illustrations
that archaeologists can partially reconstruct material-
izations of human sensation which reect relationships
between common experiences and public performance.
Te goal of this paper is to further develop appli-
cations of performance theory, but more importantly to
use performance theory as a unique and useful way to
understand ancient Andean public life. We utilize a con-
textual approach to understanding performance by de-
termining basic plaza experiences and activities that likely
took place. Tis information is used to inform how Early
Horizon public life at the onset of urbanism indicates an
important shift in sociopolitical organization.
Early Horizon Enclosure Compounds
on the North-Central Coast of Per
Between 1,000 and 800 BC (Table 1), changes in set-
tlement patterns resulted in the abandonment of Ini-
tial Period mound-plaza complexes along the North-
Central coast of Peru in favor of enclosure architecture
(Daggett 1987, 1999; Pozorski and Pozorski 1987;
Wilson 1988). Instead of a singular mound-plaza core,
groups nucleated around a number of plazas and small-
er mounds, where singular public spaces no longer
dominated the constructed landscape (e.g., Chicoine
2006b; Pozorski and Pozorski 1987).
In Nepea, the mound-plaza complex of Cerro
Blanco (1,500150 BC), located less than 3km from
Cayln, is one of the best known ceremonial centers
(e.g., Ikehara and Shibata 2008; Shibata 2010; Tello
1943; Vega-Centeno 2000). Recent research by Shi-
bata (2010) has resulted in a Nepea-based sequence
89
for the Initial Period and Early Horizon. Excavations
indicate that Cerro Blanco was mainly built and occu-
pied during the Initial Period, and later re-occupied by
Early Horizon squatters. Shibatas chronology for Cer-
ro Blanco has four main divisions: (1) Huambocayn
Phase (1,5001100 BC), associated with the rst rais-
ing of the central mound at Cerro Blanco; (2) Cerro
Blanco Phase (1,100800 BC), which is roughly coeval
with the Cupisnique and Manchay traditions associat-
ed with the U-shaped construction; (3) Nepea Phase
(800450 BC), correspondent with the abandonment
of Cerro Blancos U-shaped complex and a brief shift
to megalithic construction in the lower Nepea Valley;
and (4) Samanco Phase (450150 BC) corresponding
with the complete abandonment of Cerro Blanco (Shi-
bata 2010: 305306). Research at Cayln indicates the
establishment of the settlement at the beginning of the
Nepea Phase, and a continuous occupation until the
end of the Samanco Phase and beyond.
Shibatas work at Cerro Blanco provides com-
Table 1. Chronological table showing general and local sequences. Credit: Hugo Ikehara
General sequences Local sequences
Kaulicke 2010 Lanning 1967 Shibata 2010 Daggett 1984 Billman 1994 Burger 1993 Mesa 2007
Nepea Nepea Moche Chavn Chavn

0
Epiformative

Late
Salinar

White on red

100

Samanco

200
Final
Formative

Early
Horizon

Phase 3

Early
Salinar

Janabarriu

300

400
Late
Formative

Late
Guaape

Chakinani

Nepea

Phase 2

500
Urabarriu

Janabarriu

600

700
Phase 1

800
Middle
Formative

Cerro
Blanco

Middle
Guaape

900

Initial
Period

Kotosh
1000

1100
Huambocayn

1200
Early
Formative

Wairajirca
1300
90
parative architectural and contextual data to assess
the Initial Period-Early Horizon transition in Nepe-
a. Te main mound at Cerro Blanco measures 15m
high, with an area of 120 by 95m (Bischof 1997: 206;
Daggett 1987: 118; Proulx 1985: 53; Shibata 2010;
Vega-Centeno 2000: 141). On either side of the main
mound are two smaller platform mounds, forming the
U-shaped wings of Cerro Blanco. Tese encompass
an open area approximately 90 by 90m between the
main mound and surrounding wings, forming a large
open plaza area oriented northeast up-river toward the
Cordillera Negra. Atop one of the surrounding wings,
Julio C. Tello (1943; see also Museo de Arqueologa
y Antropologa de la Universidad Nacional Mayor de
San Marcos 2005; Vega-Centeno 2000: 142146, Fig-
ure 4) excavated a small (5 by 5m) interior gallery room
with low walls and platforms, none measuring over one
meter in height. Tese walls were elaborately decorated
with polychrome feline murals, and the structure faces
the open plaza area. Te discovery of Caylns mark-
edly dierent iconographic themes indicates a con-
scious disassociation with or avoidance of feline-based
visual arts. Cayln artists favored a dierent, abstract
and light manipulated iconographic experience devoid
of colors and animate creatures.
On the opposite wing of Cerro Blanco, Ikehara
and Shibata (2008: 29, Figure 4) found high volumes
of ne serving vessels, likely utilized for feasting along
the U-shaped wing platform area. Ikehara and Shibata
(2008: 151152) interpret Cerro Blancos social or-
ganization as being relatively de-centralized, with the
exception of episodic public spectacles where members
from neighboring communities came together in large
numbers and elites displayed power through commen-
sal politics.
A variety of causes for the abandonment of Initial
Period centers have been put forth by scholars, includ-
ing hostile invasion (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987: 118
119, 121), internal political turmoil (Burger 1992:
189190), and environmental forces (Daggett 1987:
7071). Recently, political factionalism (Pozorski and
Pozorski 2006), innovations in foodways and feasting
practices (Chicoine 2011a), shifts in elite strategies
(Chicoine 2010a), and regional conict (Ikehara and
Chicoine 2011) have been highlighted as major forces
in the reorganization of coastal societies at the begin-
ning of the Early Horizon.
One of the most visible materializations of Early
Horizon social transformation is the emergence of nu-
cleated settlements characterized by stone-wall enclo-
sure compounds, or cercaduras. Tese sites are typically
associated with agglomerated square and rectangular
structures of various sizes built of quarried rocks set in
mortar. Although traditionally associated with post-
Moche urban phenomena (Bawden 1977, 1982; Shi-
mada 1994), cercaduras and other forms of enclosed
urban lifeways represent the most salient form of com-
munity organization in Early Horizon Nepea and
elsewhere (Brennan 1982; Chicoine 2010a; Chicoine
and Ikehara 2010; Swenson 2011; Warner 2010).
Early Horizon enclosures are documented
around the North-Central coast in Nepea (Chicoine
2006b; Chicoine and Ikehara 2010; Daggett 1984,
1987; Proulx 1968), Santa (Wilson 1988), Casma
(Ghezzi 2006; Pozorski and Pozorski 1987, 2005), and
into the Vir, Moche, and Jequetepeque valleys further
north (Billman 1996; Brennan 1978, 1982; Collier
1955; Warner 2010). Many of these enclosures have
only been documented through survey, but excavated
examples include Chankillo (Ghezzi 2006), Pampa
Rosario, and San Diego (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987)
in Casma, Cerro Arena in Moche (Brennan 1978), and
Jatanca in Jequetepeque (Warner 2010). In Nepea
(Figure 1), enclosure compounds have been reported
at Huambacho (Chicoine 2006b), Sute Bajo (Cotrina
et al. 2003), Samanco (Daggett 1999), and Cayln
(Chicoine and Ikehara 2010). On the North-Central
coast, these enclosures have high densities of ceramic
panpipes (Chicoine 2006b: 6; Pozorski and Pozorski
1987: 58; Proulx 1985: 244) and large quantities of
maize possibly associated with brewing maize chicha
(Chicoine 2011a: 436; Pozorski and Pozorski 1987:
5859, 119).
At Huambacho, Chicoine (2006a, Figures 4.4
4.5) identied at least four room types, including large
colonnaded patios, backrooms of various sizes around
patios, completely enclosed small storage rooms, and
plazas. Huambacho is dominated by two monumental
plazas, each enclosed by four benched walls decorated
with geometric friezes, and rows of decorated columns
91
creating roof structures along the top platform levels
(Chicoine 2006a: Figure 4.3). Plazas are accessed by
narrow staircases no more than a meter wide and lo-
cated in the corners. Te Huambacho settings are em-
bedded in a highly controlled access environment, and
are connected to each other through narrow, baed
corridors. Stylistically, Huambacho art contrasts mark-
edly from previous polychrome feline supernaturals,
and instead favor light-manipulated geometric designs
which were painted white and sunken at various depths
to form positive and negative replicated designs (Chi-
coine 2006b: 1112). Research at Cayln brings more
insights into crucial social developments in Nepea
during the rst millennium BC.
Field Research at Cayln
Te Proyecto de Investigacin Arqueolgica Cayln
began in 2009 with the objective of mapping the ar-
chaeological complex and documenting the prehistoric
occupation of the most extensive settlement in Nepe-
a. Te rst phase of the project (20092010), was
carried out under the direction of Chicoine and Ike-
hara (2009, 2011). Fieldwork resulted in the system-
atic architectural mapping of the ca. 50ha monumental
core (Figure 2), as well as the topographical mapping
of more than 200ha in the surrounding Cerro Cayln
slopes and gullies. Based on its immense size, Cayln
likely represents a primary center of a lower-valley
polity with secondary satellites at the smaller sites of
Huambacho, Sute Bajo and Samanco.
Cayln is located 15km from the Pacic Ocean
and 60km from the base of the Cordillera Negra
mountain system (Daggett 1984: 215). Cayln was
rst documented by Kosok (1965), who was baed by
the sites size, as well as its labyrinthean and orthogonal
layout. Later survey research by Proulx (1968, 1973,
1985), and Daggett (1984, 1987, 1999) provided
a basic sketch of the site and descriptions of surface
materials. Daggett (1987: 74, 1999) was the rst to
recognize a main occupation during the Early Horizon
on the basis of architectural similarities with the sites of
San Diego and Pampa Rosario in Casma (Pozorski and
Figure 2. Map of Cayln with Compound-A and Plaza-A shaded; dot denotes location where Figure 3 photograph was taken. Credit:
David Chicoine, Hugo Ikehara, Luis Tandaipan.
92
Pozorski 1987: 5170), and the discovery of ceramic
panpipes and Stamped Circle-and-Dot ceramics.
Stylistic evidence places Caylns primary occu-
pation during the Early Horizon, most likely between
the ninth and rst centuries BC based on compara-
tive radiocarbon evidence from Huambacho (Chicoine
2010b; Chicoine and Ikehara 2010, 2011). Cayln was
subsequently reoccupied by several dierent groups
until the colonial period. Te reoccupations are mainly
documented by hundreds of looted graves at the sur-
face of the site. Te core of the site is composed of at
least a dozen enclosure compounds organized around
well-dened axes and avenues. Current research is on-
going to determine the contemporaneity of the dier-
ent architectural compounds. Based on preliminary
spatial and material evidence, it is hypothesized that
these compounds were built and maintained by co-
resident groups (Chicoine and Ikehara 2010: 365).
Each compound comprises a series of colon-
naded patio rooms, smaller roofed areas, galleries,
and corridors. Early Horizon architecture at Cayln is
exceptional for the quality of its stonework, complex-
ity in layout, and consistency in building technique,
materials, and basic rectangular modular aspect. Walls
are typically built of quarried rocks set in clay mortar
and their exterior facades are usually well faced and,
in some instances, decorated with elaborate niches,
columns, and friezes. As observed at other Early Ho-
rizon centers in the region, walls at Cayln are consis-
tently erected using the orthostatic technique (Brennan
1980: 6; Chicoine 2006a: 87, 2006b: 16).
In addition, each compound is dominated by a
large plaza open to the sky, but enclosed with monumen-
tal platform benches and high walls. Tis article presents
data from Plaza-A (Figures 3, 4, 5), a space embedded
within one of the larger and better preserved compound
areas at the site. Material and spatial data were recov-
ered through mapping, surface clearing of architecture,
area excavations, and three-dimensional reconstructions.
Combined, these various methods of research yield sig-
nicant data about Caylns public landscape.
Excavations at P|aza-A
Fieldwork at Plaza-A involved the clearing and map-
ping of standing architecture. Tis operation was car-
ried out as part of the systematic mapping of the com-
Figure 3. Photograph of Plaza-A from the southwest. Credit: David Chicoine.
93
plete archaeological complex at Cayln. Twenty-one
rectangular rooms were identied in the immediate
vicinity of Plaza-A, within an area that appears bound
to a single enclosure compound. Tey vary in surface
area between 36 to 400sq m. Te rooms appear to ex-
hibit some variability in their organization, perhaps in
relation to their respective function. Tese compound
rooms are reminiscent to those at Huambacho (Chi-
coine 2006b), which are interpreted as patio rooms,
storerooms, and living quarters. Other excavations
on-site have documented dense refuse assemblages
within a sub-compound area, including hearths, trash
accumulations, and dried feces likely associated with
intense domestic use. Te structures contiguous to
Figure 4. Plan reconstruction of the
Plaza-A and the excavation units realized in
2009 and 2010; the shaded area denotes area
of raised platform benches. Credit: Hugo
Ikehara.
Figure 5. Isometric reconstruction
of Compound-A and Plaza-A. Credit:
Matthew Helmer.
94
Plaza-A, in addition to sharing adjoining walls, share
the same general alignment 46 degrees east of mag-
netic north. Tis shared compass orientation further
strengthens the relationship between the plaza and its
adjacent rooms as part of a single compound.
Most structures at Cayln are still standing today
but Plaza-A is particularly well preserved which facili-
tated more accurate clearing and mapping. Stone and
mud walls of Plaza-A and its surrounding compound
rooms are estimated to be at least two meters high.
Seven corridors averaging between one and two meters
in width surround Plaza-A. Some of these corridors
served as paths of entry, while others appear to be used
as ll chambers and refuse deposits that do not connect
to plaza accesses. Te compound in which Plaza-A is
embedded is only accessible through a 1.75m wide cor-
ridor with numerous bends and baed check points.
We systematically cleared the area around Plaza-
A, and found two one meter wide entrances in the east-
ern and western corners. Tese entrances formed the
focus of excavations, henceforth Entrance 1 and En-
trance 2, as part of UE2 and UE5, respectively, which
totaled 180sq m (Figure 4). Field procedures consisted
in the clearing of wall and oor features and the sam-
pling of matrix contents through in situ recovery and
screening (3mm mesh) in natural and cultural layers.
Plaza-A is enclosed by monumental bench walls or ter-
races on all sides. Te central area measures approxi-
mately 45 by 45m. Te monumental wall consists of
smaller retaining walls encasing a ll-chamber topped
by a oor. Tis wall is estimated to have stood at ap-
proximately ve meters, and slightly higher (6.3m)
along the southwestern extent where a higher number
of terrace levels are present.
As for most areas at Cayln, the stratigraphical
sequence at Plaza-A includes a surface layer of wind-
blown sand over a stratum of rubble composed of the
collapsed roof superstructures and wall structures. Te
rubble layer is laid on top of a thin accumulation of
sand, and sometimes trash and ash associated with the
use of clay plastered oor contexts. Te oors them-
selves are laid over a stratum of ll composed of sand,
Figure 6. Photographs of Entrance 1 (UE2) access and architecture (inset: drawing of one of the lock apparatuses). Credit: David
Chicoine, Hugo Ikehara.
95
trash, and rubble arranged as suboor middens and
construction lls before reaching the sterile sand and
gravel soil. Successive building episodes are visible
through superimposed oors, blocked staircases, and
raised architecture.
Entrance 1 (UE2) Excavations. Excavations at En-
trance 1 totaled 75sq m. Tis excavation revealed a
corner entrance, three levels of platform benches, re-
mains of a sculpted column, a window, and a staircase
leading from the entrance down the various platform
bench levels down to the open plaza oor (Figure 6).
All architecture was covered in a yellowish brown plas-
ter and constructed with locally quarried rocks. Tese
data, presented below, provide a wealth of information
regarding public life at Cayln.
Te plaza entrance is relatively narrow, measuring
approximately one meter wide. It is located approxi-
mately four meters above ground level on the top plaza
platform (Figure 7) and originates from a narrow cor-
ridor connected to colonnaded patios and backrooms
to the southwest. A type of lock was documented on
the highest bench level, where two square niches with
reeds were found (Figure 6). Similar lock or door de-
vices have been documented at the site of Chankillo in
Casma (Ghezzi 2006: 72). Te staircase leading from
the top platform bench and inner corridor down to the
plaza oor measured one meter wide, with 13 steps.
Tree levels of platform benches were document-
ed; the top two were excavated. Tese top two benches
measured 1.3m high and 2.3m wide, and were deco-
rated with a positive-negative stepped geometric de-
sign sunken at various depths (Figure 7). Designs were
sculpted out of plaster atop at quarried rocks. Rem-
nants of white paint were recovered on the plaster of
the friezes. Entrance 1s excavated column was partially
destroyed. It measures 0.7 by 0.5m with what we be-
lieve to be a sculpted S design at the base (Figure 8).
Mapping revealed a number of similar sized colonnades
visible at the surface likely decorated with analogous
designs. Te Cayln columns and designs are similar to
examples excavated at Huambacho (Chicoine 2006b:
Figure 7. Photograph of Entrance 1 (UE2) decorated platform benches and staircase (scale: 100 cm). Credit: David Chicoine.
96
11, Figure 7). Finally, a one meter wide window was
documented along the northwest plaza wall on the sec-
ond platform level with a sculpted frame. It is uncer-
tain whether or not more windows once have lined the
entirety of the plaza walls, due to wall collapse in this
portion of the plaza.
With regard to stratigraphy, the unit was excavat-
ed to the abandonment level (Floors 1 and 2) with the
exception of a small vertical excavation on the highest
bench level directly in front of Entrance 1. A sequence
of ve oors was documented on this platform (Fig-
ure 9), which extended down to sterile sub-soil. Ini-
tial strata comprise windblown sand intermixed with
dense layers of wall collapse above the last plastered
oor. Floors are covered with a yellowish gray plaster
and were found relatively clean of refuse. In between
subsequent oor levels are layers of gray sand and grav-
el with dense secondary refuse deposits.
Figure 8. Photograph of the
remains of sculpted column
excavated in Entrance 1 (UE2)
(scale: 100 cm). Credit: David
Chicoine.
97
Entrance 2 (UE5) Excavations. Te entrance
opposite Entrance 1 was also excavated in the
eastern plaza corner. UE5 extended both inside
and outside of the plaza in order to gain infor-
mation from outer corridor areas (Figure 10).
Covering 105sq m, Entrance 2 excavations docu-
mented a corner entrance, two levels of decorated
platform benches, three decorated columns, a
sealed staircase (Figure 11), and seven outer cor-
ridors terracing up from modern surface level to
the top of the plaza.
Here, only two levels of platform benches
were documented in contrast to three at En-
trance 1. Te top platform bench level comprises
a 2.5m area between the colonnades and outer
retaining wall forming what was likely a roofed
patio area, based on the discovery of cane thatch,
Figure 9. Photograph of the stratigraphic sequence documented during the vertical excavations of UE2 (top bench). Credit: David
Chicoine.
Figure 10. Plan reconstruction of Entrance 2 and the excavations of
UE5. Credit: David Chicoine, Hugo Ikehara, Matthew Helmer.
98
and cane-imprinted plaster. Tis platform extends an
additional two meters outside of the colonnaded area
with a decorated faade identical to the geometric pat-
tern documented from Entrance 1. Tis platform is
fronted by a smaller, undecorated platform which leads
down to the open plaza surface. Te columns appear to
be ornamented with the same S shaped design seen
at the base of the column associated with Entrance 1.
Another one meter wide staircase was discovered in
this plaza corner, analogous to Entrance 1. However, this
staircase was blocked with stone seals which were used as
ll chambers to create two plastered oors on top of the
staircase during a later phase of use. Additionally, the one
meter wide outer corner entrance was blocked with a sim-
ilar seal, with a dense amount of refuse utilized to build
up the highest platform bench during the nal construc-
tion phase. As a result, Entrance 2 excavations provided
clear indications of two major construction phases in that
portion of the plaza: an early phase when the entrance
and staircase were being used, and a later phase when
these were sealed and built over with a higher platform.
Outside of Entrance 2, a large corridor area was
documented between the plaza and the adjacent spac-
es. Excavations provide an L-shaped transect of the cor-
ridor system leading to Plaza-A. Corridor walls were
nely plastered along the exterior facades, but were
crudely plastered with ngerprint marks on the inside.
Along the northern side of Entrance 2, three cor-
ridors were excavated, none of which provided direct
access into the plaza. Te top two corridors extended
1.5m down to well preserved oors. Tese corridors
were relatively clean of artifacts and packed with large
stones which likely served as ll materials to reinforce
the high plaza walls.
Along the southern side of Entrance 2, four ad-
ditional narrow corridors were excavated. Each of these
contained much denser artifact assemblages than the
northern corridors, likely reecting more intense us-
age. Tese corridors had a series of 90 degree zig-zag-
ging turns, and terraced up to the uppermost corridor
which aorded direct plaza access. Te uppermost
corridor also had the densest artifact assemblage. Te
Figure 11. Photograph Entrance 2 (UE5) sealed staircase with subsequent bench built on top. Credit: David Chicoine.
99
discovery of plaster with cane imprints within
the layers of wall collapse indicates the corridors
were roofed.
Entrance 2s stratigraphy (Figure 12) was
documented through two small vertical excava-
tions inside and outside of Plaza-A, in addition
to the oors and construction ll materials ex-
cavated above the staircase. Inside the plaza, ve
superimposed oors align well with the oor
sequence retrieved in UE2. A vertical excava-
tion extended three meters from the top of the
outer plaza retaining wall down to the base of
the wall in the sterile sub-soil. Tis vertical exca-
vation was located directly outside of the plaza
entrance, and documented remnants of an early
staircase, a sequence of destroyed oors, and
dense layers of secondary refuse construction ll.
Combined, excavation data from both en-
trances help to understand the construction and
subsequent renovation of Plaza-A. During early
phases, plaza oors were between 1 and 1.5m
lower, which were raised through a series of ren-
ovations involving dense layers of refuse topped
with a plastered oor. Each renovation, we be-
lieve, was associated with the accretion of walls
in order to retain the higher surfaces (Figure 13).
Previous columns were used to align the higher
walls, which was evidenced in the UE5 excava-
tions. Remains of earlier plaster friezes were also
discovered in UE2 platform bench construction
ll. During a late phase of use, Entrance 2 was
sealed and its inner staircase was entombed in a
well preserved state.
Materia| Remains from P|aza-A
With the exception of surface materials from mixed temporal
contexts, diagnostic materials recovered from Plaza-A can be
associated with the Early Horizon occupation based on stylis-
tic and stratigraphic grounds. Early Horizon materials include
7, 272 ceramic vessel sherds, 200 non-vessel ceramic objects,
Figure 12. Prole drawing of UE5 (inner plaza) and UE5-Ext. 3 (outer plaza), Plaza-A Entrance 2. Credit: David Chicoine, Matthew
Helmer.
Figure 13. Isometric reconstruction of the superimposed construction
phases documented at Plaza-A, Entrance 1 southwest corner. Credit:
Hugo Ikehara.
100
1.64kg of animal bones, 72kg of lithics, 24.5kg of shell
remains, and 5.6kg of botanical remains. Vessel shapes
and styles (Tables 2 and 3) are all characteristic of the
Early Horizon in the region (see Chicoine 2010b;
Daggett 1984, 1987; Kaulicke 2010; Pozorski and
Pozorski 1987, 2006; Proulx 1968, 1985). Non-vessel
ceramic objects include panpipe fragments, reshaped
pottery sherd discs, a spindle-whorl, and grater bowl
sherds. Animal bones include large mammals (cam-
elidae and canidae), small mammals (rodentia), avian
bones, and sh bones. Lithic artifacts include akes,
cores, projectile points, a mace head, and grinding
stones. A vast array of plant remains was collected; by
number, maize (Zea mays) and peanuts (Arachis hypo-
gea) represent the bulk of the corpus. Finally, miscella-
neous artifacts include what appear to be macaw (Aras
macao) feathers, a wooden spindle rod (huso) with at-
tached bers; four pre-forms and 16 beads made from
Spondylus (Spondylus princeps) shell; and dried feces.
Tese data are discussed further in the following sec-
tion analyzing Plaza-A performance and spectacle.
Evaluating Performance at Plaza-A
Te analysis of plaza encounters at Cayln focuses on
how the architectural arrangement of Plaza-A manipu-
lated the senses, creating common emotional experi-
ences (see Moore 2006). Tis is central to the notion
that public performance entails heightened interac-
tions in special contexts, as illustrated earlier (Eliade
1957; Houston 2006; Hymes 1975). Here, we focus
on experiences associated with movement and visual
elds. We correlate perceptual data with dierent activ-
ities associated with the plaza, focusing on continuities
and changes through time.
Te analysis is based on the architectural and
material evidence retrieved during eld excavations as
well as from three-dimensional reconstructions of the
plaza. A general problem came from sourcing materials
to specic contexts, since Plaza-A oors were generally
kept clean. Te bulk of the sample came from second-
ary deposits involved with construction lls. How-
ever, the need for construction ll before renovation
episodes would have been most pragmatically solved
by utilizing trash produced nearby (see Smith 1971).
Indeed, the discovery of earlier clay friezes in construc-
tion ll strengthens the evidence that plaza-associated
refuse is associated with secondary deposits. While
these contexts are certainly mixed, a large sum of this
refuse likely came from plaza usage.
Table 3. Ceramic vessel forms with frequencies and depositional
contexts from Plaza-A assemblage. Credit: Matthew Helmer.
Vessel shape Total
%
of total
%
of ne/
decorated
%
ne/
decorated
ne
serving
Bottle 14 4.60 n=9;
64.3%
28.10%
Stirrup Spout
Bottle
14 4.60 n=9;
64.3%
28.10%
Carinated Bowl 16 5.30 n=8;
50.0%
25%
plain
serving
Bowl 15 4.90
Shallow Bowl 6 2.00
Deep Bowl 11 3.60
Incurved Bowl 30 9.80 n=1;
3.3%
3.10%
Neck Jar 51 16.70 n=1;
2.0%
3.10%
Neckless Jar 148 49.00 n=4;
2.7%
12.50%
Total 305 100.00 n=32;
10.7%
100.00%
Tab|e 2. Ceramic decoration types from Plaza-A and their
percentages of the total Plaza-A decorated assemblage. Credit:
Matthew Helmer.
Decoration n %
Later
White-on-Red 16 21.1
Pattern Burnished 2 2.6
Circle-Dot 7 9.2
Incised Appliqu 6 7.9
Earlier
Textile Impressed 19 25
Zoned Punctate 7 9.2
Fine Blackware 10 13.1
Misc. 9 11.8
Total 76 100
101
Spatial data are compared between dierent
spaces within the compound area, elsewhere on-site, as
well as neighboring sites in the region. We also consult
iconographic data from the Moche (AD 1800) of the
North Coast, famous for their ne line ceramic draw-
ings which vividly depict ritual activities (see Donnan
and McClelland 1999). Moche Phase groups occupied
Nepea only a few centuries after Caylns abandon-
ment, and built an outpost only a few kilometers from
Cayln at the site of Paamarca (see Chicoine 2011b;
Schaedel 1967; Trever et al. 2011). Based on current ra-
diocarbon measurements from the Santa Valley to the
north, it is unlikely that Moche Phase constructions
at Paamarca began before AD 300 and/or continued
after AD 800 (see Chicoine 2011b: 543544). Moche
visual arts provide a link to explicit iconographic evi-
dence available for interpreting performance in Early
Horizon Nepea. We also consult comparative data
from the Nasca (AD 200600), where relevant work
has been done regarding music and public ceremony
(Carmichael 1998; Gruszczynska-Zilkowska 2009).
Finally, we consult ethnographic evidence per-
taining to public festival from traditional Andean
groups (Romero 2002; Stobart 2002) to put in per-
spective the Cayln results. Burger and Salazar-Burger
(1998) have made a similar analysis between traditional
Andean groups and Initial Period spectacle at the Cen-
tral Coast site Mina Perdida. Tey argue that although
signicant changes have occurred, a common culture
history between these groups and ancient Andean cul-
tures creates one of the few cross-cultural references
available for evaluating ancient performance (Burger
and Salazar-Burger 1998: 29).
Visua| Fie|ds
Visual experiences are crucial in the creation of a spe-
cial place, and also share key insights into the inclu-
sionary or exclusionary characteristics of spaces. Te
most apparent special visual quality at Plaza-A is the
level of monumentality and detail employed in the
construction. Walls were higher, larger, and also more
nely constructed; the retaining wall of the plaza
stood between ve and six meters, and towered over
walls of other structures that averaged two meters in
height based on wall collapse estimates and standing
wall measurements. Outer walls visible to outsiders
had smooth white plaster and were adorned with white
decorated adobes and friezes, which would have shined
in the sunlight. Typical architecture in domestic con-
texts at Cayln is unpainted, un-plastered, or crudely
plastered with nger print marks. Plazas are one of the
most highly decorated areas of Cayln, with complex,
step-designed geometric friezes.
Other extraordinary visual experiences inside
Plaza-A are indicated by iso-views and focal points
inside of the plaza. Te high benches enclosing the
Figure 14. Viewshed inside
Plaza-A. Credit: Matthew Helmer,
Hugo Ikehara.
102
open plaza space blocked any potential viewing from
outside. At Cayln, architects created visual exclusiv-
ity, which contrasts markedly with Initial Period plazas
designed to openly broadcast public events (see Burger
and Salazar-Burger 1991, 1998; Moore 1996b). Dark,
narrow, enclosed corridors contrasted with the open,
white painted plaza reecting bright light in the sunny
desert landscape. Te entire 180 degrees of visual plane
is enclosed by the plazas high walls, creating a plaza-
centered visual experience (Figure 14). Plaza-focused
visual experiences contrast with Initial Period plazas,
where visual experiences focused on other features,
such as a fronted pyramid or an extension of view into
the horizon (Moore 1996b: 111, 113).
Plaza-A facilitated a space for face-to-face inter-
actions for larger numbers of individuals than all other
areas around the compound. Trough the result of
successive building phases, Plaza-A has a total surface
Figure 15. (Top) Iso-view inside of Entrance
1. (Bottom) Iso-view outside of Entrance 1
from Patio 1A. Credit: Matthew Helmer,
Hugo Ikehara.
103
area of approximately 2023sq m. Most of the space is
represented by benched areas (ca. 1340 sq m, 66%),
while the unroofed, open area is smaller (ca. 683sq m,
34%). Based on capacity estimates published by Moore
(1996b: 149), the plaza could have held around 100
individuals during smaller-scale plaza interactions, and
perhaps as many as 500 individuals for larger events.
Te architecture of Plaza-A emphasizes the im-
portance of the southern wall as a focal point. Te
southern wall is signicantly higher than other plaza
walls, with an estimated height of 6.3m. Terefore,
individuals entering Entrance 1 via the southern wall
would have been more prominent and had a better
vantage point to the area below. A window located near
to this entrance provided a viewing area for individuals
inside the plaza to the outside, but was placed too high
to allow outsiders to view in (Figure 15). Te benches
all face the sunken plaza oor as a visual focal point, in-
dicating a stage-audience orientation for possible plaza
interactive experiences.
All benches and oor areas are visible to anyone
inside the plaza. Wide visual elds with dierent tiers
of occupied space facilitated face-to-face interaction
between individuals on the same bench level, and be-
tween individuals sitting on the benches and standing
at the oor level (see Vega-Centeno 2010: 134 for a
similar argument of bench-oor interaction). Moche
iconography shows interactions between individuals
sitting on benches and others standing on a lower level,
possibly associated with elite-commoner relations and
oering ceremonies (Donnan and McClelland 1999:
59, 100). Frieze iconography would have been visible
from anywhere in the plaza, although maximum view-
ing would have come from the open plaza oor.
Other architectural details inside the plaza also
contributed to the extraordinary nature of the visual
experience through abstract, shadow-manipulated de-
signs. Te stepped friezes form a continuous geometric
pattern across the platform bench facades. Te friezes
created mesmerizing visual eects through the sharp
contrast between white/light and black/shadow areas
active through varying depths. Plaza columns depict
similar geometric designs, but are hollow, allowing light
to pass completely through. Combined with changing
perspectives as one moves throughout the plaza, these
friezes become changing and dynamic expressions that
dazzle the eye.
Display items recovered at Plaza-A, such as weap-
ons, stone pendants, decorated vessels and blue striped
clothing would have added to this special visual experi-
ence. Red feathers were recovered from oor contexts.
In the upper corridor leading to Entrance 2, numer-
ous red, blue, and green parrot feathers were recovered
(Figure 16). Te feathers likely belong to the scarlet
macaw (Ara macao). Spondylus shell (Spondylus prin-
ceps) beads and pre-forms were also recovered from
de facto contexts (Figure 17). Tese are indigenous to
Ecuador far to the north and are considered to be an-
cient Andean prestige items (see Carter 2008; Paulsen
1974; Pillsbury 1996). Ikehara (2007) argues that the
display of exotics at Cerro Blanco in Nepea played a
primary role in spectacles as one of the few indicators
Figure 16. Photograph of Macaw feathers recovered from
Plaza-A. Credit: Matthew Helmer.
Figure 17. Photograph of Spondylus shell beads and pre-forms
recovered from Plaza-A. Credit: Matthew Helmer.
104
of social status in Initial Period Andean chiefdoms, and
we argue that exotic display was important to public
spectacle at Cayln as well.
Accessing P|aza-A
Physical access into Plaza-A is one of the most dening
characteristics of what made the plaza extraordinary
for its patrons through exclusivity and manipulation
of motion. As aforementioned, Initial Period plazas
on the North-Central Coast emphasized large, open
spaces, with graded access relegated to mound tops.
In contrast, the Cayln evidence indicates that plazas
were embedded within enclosure compounds, high
walls, a series of baed corridors, doorways, and lock
systems. Te locks were likely functional considering
the strength of two pairs of ca. 15cm wide reeds, each
located in a square stone and mud niche. Indeed, the
reeds were found still solidly in place within the wall
matrix, more than 2000 years after their abandonment.
During early phases, access to Plaza-A was possible
through both entrances from zig-zagging, narrow cor-
ridors only large enough for one person to pass at a time.
Corridors did not have other connecting hallways, and
emphasized elongated two way movement. Corridors ar-
ticially increased travelling distance from real distance
between nearby rooms and the plaza. Tis speaks to the
exclusive nature of plaza access and the desire to increase
the dierence between the outside and the inside.
Compound rooms surrounding Entrance 1 have
the most direct and shortest paths of access into Plaza-
A (Figure 18, Table 4). Tis is the only area where a
nearby avenue connects the enclosure complex with
the entire eastern quadrant of Cayln. It is possible that
the administration of Plaza-A originated in this more
monumental area to the west, based on its proximity
to the entrance and minimal distance to traverse before
achieving plaza access (see Hillier and Hanson 1984).
Here, compound walls are higher, and the plaza has an
extra platform bench and lock system associated with
the more monumental Entrance 1.
Figure 18. Plan reconstruction of
access paths to Entrances 1 and 2.
Credit: Hugo Ikehara, Matthew
Helmer.
105
Access into Plaza-A from Entrance 2 is much
more restricted, with an extended series of zig-zagging
corridors beginning from compound rooms and grad-
ually terracing up to the entrance. During later plaza
use, access into Plaza-A became further restricted when
Entrance 2 was sealed and built over with higher plat-
forms. At this time, eastern inhabitants would have
had to navigate extra distances because of the sealing
of Entrance 2. Also, the inward renovation of the plaza
added outside corridors with each building phase.
Overall, systems of entrances, locks, and corri-
dors at Plaza-A indicate the intention of Caylns archi-
tects to restrict access and movement between the plaza
and outer-lying areas. From a spatial syntax perspec-
tive, topological complexities embedded in the built
environment are keys in structuring behaviors such as
pedestrian trac and other human movements (Hillier
and Hanson 1984; Turner and Penn 2002). Such con-
siderations were explicitly materialized in plaza settings
at Cayln.
Once inside the plaza, access patterns were still
explicitly laid out. Staircases located in corners allowed
access through the various bench levels and down to the
open oor. Based on their worn condition, the staircases
were heavily used. Terefore, although it seems that ac-
cess was exclusive, those who had intimate knowledge
of the plaza utilized the space quite regularly. Tis con-
trasts with staircases excavated at some Initial Period sites
where staircases show little evidence of use (e.g., Cardal,
see Burger and Salazar-Burger 1991). During later plaza
use, the western Entrance 2 staircase was entombed with
oors built on top, perhaps as a further form of spatial
control. Entrance 2s corner access was also blocked, and
the cutting o of movement from this side of the plaza
likely had signicant social implications involved with
the connement of use to the monumental Entrance 1.
Te seals used to create the surfaces above the entrance
were not plastered over, leaving the outline of previous
staircase walls clearly visible.
At Huambacho, Chicoine (2006a: 106109)
notes similar access patterns, with small corner en-
trances originating from patio rooms and narrow cor-
ridors. Navigation throughout the compound area is
much easier at Huambacho, since there are only two
compound areas in contrast to more than a dozen es-
timated at Cayln (see Chicoine and Ikehara 2010).
More enclosure compound areas housing individuals
from diering social groups residing together likely
created the more stringent access patterns seen at Cay-
ln between neighborhood areas.
Procession and the Spectac|e
of Movement and Music
Patterns of access indicate single le, maze-like mo-
tion as a key component to experiencing Plaza-A.
Ancient Andean spectacles were not stationary events,
and movement was critical (e.g., Bastien 1985; Isbell
1985; Mendoza 2000; Rasnake 1988; Sallnow 1987).
Human depictions in ancient Andean iconography
are often shown in side prole emphasizing motion,
and frequently portray music, dance, and procession
in conjunction with one another (e.g., Bolaos 1988:
Figures 45; Donnan 1982; Donnan and McClelland
1999: Figures 4.29, 4.31, 4.83, 4.84; Lumbreras 1972:
Figure 18).
Te spatial layout of Plaza-A lends itself to an
extensive procession component. Te key here is the
inter-connected nature between residential areas and
the plaza. Processions could have started in connected
domestic patios, and then passed through the maze-
like corridors before funneling into the plaza through
the designated entryways. Longer processions, possibly
Table 4. Access distances to entrances 1 and 2. Credit: Matthew
Helmer.
Entrance 1
Room area
(m2)
Distance to
plaza (m real)
Distance to
plaza
(m travelled)
Number
of turns
Patio 1-A 462 5 20 2
Patio 1-B 196 9 28 5
Backroom 1-A 51 1 28 4
Backroom 2-A 48 1 42 4
Avenue n/a 10 >125 10
Entrance 2
Patio 2-A 360 8 119 11
Patio 2-B 484 6 139 10
Patio 2-C 304 6 55 4
Backroom 2-A 147 1 47 3
106
involving outside visitors, could have been conducted
from the long avenue, passing through Compound-As
western patio groups before entering Plaza-A. Moche
iconographic processions show one individual leading
a musical procession of some 31 dancers interlocked in
held hands followed by musicians (Donnan and Mc-
Clelland 1999: Figure 4.31). Tis indicates a single-
le nature of procession movement, and the narrow
pathways throughout Plaza-A compare favorably with
elongated, single-le procession. Attention to move-
ment is also indicated by the tiered rows of benches
and staircases laying out a connected path throughout
the plaza. Te worn nature of Plaza-As stairs and oors
attest to their heavy trac, which likely necessitated
the series of renovations.
Further evidence for procession and dance is indi-
cated by the discovery of panpipes throughout Plaza-A.
Te omnipresence of panpipes throughout Early Ho-
rizon contexts around the North-Central Coast indi-
cates their importance in the social landscape (Chicoine
2006a; Daggett 1987; Pozorski and Pozorski 1987;
Proulx 1985; Wilson 1988). Sixty-eight panpipe frag-
ments were found in Plaza-A (Figure 19).Tese appear
to be built to size prototypes, with minimal variation
noted in the sample. Tube openings range in size from
610mm in diameter generally, with one incidence
of larger tubes measuring 15mm in diameter. Proulx
(1985: 244) argues that Nepea panpipes were built
with a slip-cast technique to create size prototypes. At
Cayln, panpipe fragments were recovered from oor
contexts as well as from wall fall and construction ll
contexts where we argue that plaza-associated refuse was
located.
Music may not have been a casual activity for
popular consumption in Andean prehistory, and has
been documented as a privileged activity reserved for
special occasions (Romero 2002: 2021). In highland
Bolivia, Stobart (2002: 88) notes that even today little
music making takes place outside of festivals. Ethno-
historically, dierent genres of Andean music were ac-
companied by specic instruments for each activity
(Bolaos 1988: 226227). Traditional Andean soci-
eties continue to reserve dierent types of music for
dierent activities, such as rites of passage, festivals,
religious music, and work music (Romero 2002: 31,
Figure 2).
Because of Andean musics unique place within
formal events, it is likely that Caylns panpipes rep-
resent a particular ideology of public performance.
Chicoine notes a variety of musical instruments at
Huambacho, including drumsticks, utes and pan-
pipes (Chicoine 2006a: 134, 177, Figure 6.5) which
he associates with feasting events (Chicoine 2011a).
Panpipe oerings were excavated inside of a plaza at
Chankillo which borders the sites solar observatory
(Ghezzi and Ruggles 2007: 1241), indicating that Ear-
ly Horizon panpipe usage may have also been associ-
ated with cosmological events.
Comparative evidence for specic panpipe usage
in Andean antiquity can also be taken from Early In-
termediate Period contexts. At Cahuachi on the South
Coast (AD 200600), Nascas largest ceremonial site
Figure 19. Photograph of ceramic panpipe remains recovered
from Plaza-A. Credit: Matthew Helmer.
107
interpreted as a pilgrimage center (Silverman 1993),
ceramic iconography shows the usage of these panpipes
in public ceremonies (Carmichael 1998: Figure 13),
possibly associated with agricultural fertility perfor-
mances (Townsend 1985: 125). Experiments have in-
dicated that Nasca panpipes conform to size prototypes
with a typical range of two octaves (Gruszczyska-
Zikowska 2008: 154). Tese panpipes may have been
engineered to produce the highest possible ranges of
sound creating both melody and complex dissonance
(Gruszczyska-Zikowska 2008: 164).
Modern panpipes are also built at specic size
prototypes, where each size corresponds to an octave
range (Romero 2002: 30). In traditional Aymara com-
munities, panpipe performances are frequently paired
as duets played in an interlocked exchange of com-
plementary notes in dierent ranges (Stobart 2002:
8081). Donnan (1982: 99, Figure 4) also notes that
Moche panpipe players are usually paired in iconogra-
phy, with their panpipes tied together. Larger panpipe
performances during modern day feasts form a me-
lodic dissonance as groups of individual players engage
in competitive playing of dierent melodies (Stobart
2002: 89). Caylns sonic environment likely embod-
ied a particular musical ideology reected in the con-
formity of panpipe size and plaza locus of use. Com-
parative evidence indicates a possible association with
duets and wide musical ranges to create a mesmerizing
experience in complement with abstract plaza art.
Te design of Plaza-A, we argue, was primarily
focused on public spectacle. However, as alluded to ear-
lier, it is important to recognize the potential uidity of
usage within public spaces. Based on the plazas central
location within a residential compound and the diver-
sity of the associated material remains, it is likely that
Plaza-A was used outside of the large-scale spectacles
for which it was primarily designed. Material evidence
for other types of plaza activities comes from oor re-
coveries including lithic akes, cores, textile produc-
tion materials (wooden huso rod and spindle whorl),
and high ratios of cooking and utilitarian vessels in re-
lation to serving vessels (Table 3). Further evidence for
regular plaza use comes from surfaces showing heavy
use-wear. Although access patterns were complex and
rigidly controlled, those living in the immediate vicin-
ity of Plaza-A would have had intimate knowledge of
the area and could have regularly frequented the plaza.
In these smaller scale contexts, the plaza likely func-
tioned as an exclusive courtyard for compound resi-
dents. Frequent face-to-face interactions forged a col-
lective identity through exclusion from other enclosure
compounds.
Summary
To summarize, the monumentality of Plaza-A was
an immediate indicator of the spaces dierence from
other areas. Patterns of physical and visual perception
show that particular attention was devoted to create an
enhanced, exclusive experience inside Plaza-A. Public
interactions would have contrasted with interactions in
surrounding residential spaces. Movement was restrict-
ed but continuous and accompanied by music, and
sight was confounded by view shed, light, and shadow
manipulation.
Festivals centered on music and procession as ac-
tivities of ritualized movement and sound which created
common emotional experiences. Display items may
have been adorned as individual markers of status. Fes-
tivals also emphasized a trance-like experience through
dance, zig-zagging, single-le movement, and abstract
art. Activities involved a stage and audience style of pre-
sentation. Bodily co-presence between various members
of the enclosure complex was paramount to public inter-
actions and the maintenance of community.
Compound residents likely also used the plaza
to impress outsiders brought in from the north avenue
through the surrounding neighborhood. We venture in
suggesting that each compounds respective plaza was
a marker of sub-group identity at Cayln. Spectacles
would have showcased the plaza at its ideal, as a theater
run by compound residents. At other times, the plaza
functioned as a neighborhood courtyard, when more in-
timate interactions could have taken place. Cayln was
a crowded, populous place where the ability to achieve
privacy played a major role in the maintenance of com-
munity. Outside activity was blocked through high walls
and sunken environments, with fragmented and moni-
tored access ways enacting an exclusive experience.
108
Private rituals could have also taken place in the
plaza without outsiders being able to see them. Regular
public encounters inside Plaza-A could have formed
an attachment to place, necessary for the identication
of ones community and ideology. Tese interactions
gained symbolic power through the extraordinary plaza
space. Te controlled nature of the plaza experience re-
ects a desire for community exclusivity in early urban
environments in both a real and symbolic sense. All of
this was done in an eort to distinguish the plaza, and
interactions within it, from the mundane, as well as
from other compound groups through the promotion
and display of communal activities.
Discussion: Early Horizon Plaza
Settings in Perspective
Te evidence excavated at Cayln and presented in this
article allows for a discussion of performance in the
context of incipient urbanism on the North-Central
Coast during the Early Horizon. Historically, research
on early Andean coastal architecture has focused on the
large mound-plaza complexes associated with painted
feline visual arts which predate the enclosure com-
pound tradition seen at Cayln (e.g., Burger and Sala-
zar-Burger 1991, 1998; Conklin 1982; Fung 1988;
Grieder 1975; Moore 1996b; Pozorski 1980; Pozorski
and Pozorski 1987; Tello 1943; Williams 1985). Tese
structures are typically associated with plazas which are
much larger than what is seen during the subsequent
enclosure compound tradition.
Moore (1996b, 2005) has analyzed experiential
qualities at one of the largest of these mound-plaza
complexes, Sechn Alto (2,1501000 BC, from Po-
zorski and Pozorski 2005) in the neighboring Casma
Valley. At Sechn Alto, the main mound measures 300
by 250m and 35m high. It is fronted by four large
rectangular plazas extending approximately 1200m
into the distance surrounded by low mounds and walls
(Pozorski and Pozorski 2005: 145). Te low retaining
walls of Sechns more than one kilometer long plaza
create an experience of extended depth, making the
principal mound seem distant and the plaza courtyard
space extend further into the horizon (Moore 1996b:
111). Moore suggests that orientation played a key role
in the visual experience from the main mound, where
the extended depth created an innite view across the
plaza courtyard and horizon into the Cordillera Negra.
He (1996b: 160161) hypothesizes a plaza focused ex-
perience at Sechn sites, and interprets Sechns central
alignment as an axis of movement, possibly for proces-
sions. Moore argues that U-shaped centers focused on
easily projectable forms of expression, such as shouted
phrases, body postures, and music which were broad-
casted through the open design (Moore 1996b: 163).
Conversely, Sechn Alto and other Initial Period
centers illustrate graded access relegated to mound tops
(e.g., Burger and Salazar-Burger 1991, 1998; Fuchs et
al. 2011: Figures 35; Pozorski 1983; Pozorski and
Pozorski 2005). Like many Initial Period platform
mounds, the main mound of Sechn Alto was accessed
by a single monumental staircase. Tis staircase was
located in front of the plaza area which connected to
various terraces or atria and enclosed rooms. Of in-
terest, one of the small summit structures at Sechn
Alto shares elements with later plazas such as Plaza-A
at Cayln, with platform benches and rows of deco-
rated colonnades (Pozorski and Pozorski 2005: Figures
8, 150). It is possible that these elements shifted from
mound-top to plaza during the subsequent enclosure
compound tradition in the region. In any case, the
dierence is striking and lends weight to contrasting
forms of social organization. A similar shift is noted by
Swenson (2011) and Warner (2010) in Jequetepeque
at the end of the Early Horizon.
In Nepea, Early Horizon architecture as seen
through eldwork at Cayln contrasts sharply with
previous Initial Period settings, and changes hint at
new forms of social, political, and religious arrange-
ments. For instance, when we contrast Cayln with
previous patterns at neighboring ceremonial centers,
strikingly dierent pictures emerge allowing for dia-
chronic insights into the development of new forms
of community during the Early Horizon. During the
Cerro Blanco Phase, groups directed most of their
building eorts toward large central platform mounds
seen at Cerro Blanco and Huaca Partida. At the be-
ginning of the Nepea Phase, around 800 BC, Initial
Period ceremonial centers were abandoned and popu-
109
lations nucleated at extensive enclosure-based settle-
ments. Troughout the Samanco Phase and until the
rst century BC, the Cayln data points toward less
social integration and a greater spatial fragmentation
as evidenced by the construction and renovation of a
multitude of low mounds and benched plazas.
Preliminary results point towards forms of socio-
political arrangements in which neighboring co-resi-
dent groups competed and collaborated for communal
prestige in an incipient urban environment without
a clearly dened, singular hierarchy. Central to the
maintenance of this organization was the ability of dif-
ferent groups to host public events which emphasized
exclusionary strategies (Chicoine 2010a, 2011a). At
Huambacho, these public events were held at a small
elite center, while at Cayln they were held in large
residential compounds in close proximity to neighbor-
ing groups. Tis type of political economy diers from
Initial Period public events which emphasized more
integrated public events (Ikehara and Shibata 2008).
It is likely that Cerro Blanco spectacles incorporated
populations from various hamlets throughout Nepea.
In contrast, the Huambacho and Cayln evidence il-
lustrate a more fragmented ritual landscape.
Te need for diering social groups to coalesce
together permanently may have been predicated by an
increase in conict seen throughout the North-Central
Coast during the Early Horizon (Ikehara 2010; Wilson
1988). Exclusive public interactions within diering
residential compounds at Cayln were likely a cop-
ing mechanism which kept individual groups solidi-
ed within this time period of social upheaval.
Further north during the second half of the Early
Horizon, analogous sociopolitical developments are
also materialized in the emergence of enclosures and
urbanism (Brennan 1982; Swenson 2011). In the Je-
quetepeque valley, the site of Jatanca (Swenson 2011;
Warner 2010) was organized as eight enclosure com-
pounds. Te compounds were horizontally elongated,
with a chain of access beginning with a high walled but
easily accessed plaza with central entrance, and end-
ing in increasingly exclusive stage-like and residential
zones.
Te Jatanca situation contrasts with Cayln.
Plazas at Jatanca are embedded within and accessed
through the other compound rooms. Tey also lack
the platform benches found at Cayln, but contain
platform stages behind the plaza which served as fo-
cal points for ritual performances. Public spectacle at
Jatanca involved rituals associated with choreographed
rites of presentation (Swenson 2011: 298) centered on
these stages, and emphasized separation between plaza
audience and exclusive platform set (Swenson 2011:
299). Combined, the data from Nepea and Jequete-
peque highlight signicant diversity within enclosure
compound lifestyles, and reinforce the lack of any par-
ticular overarching ideology cross-regionally at the end
of the Early Horizon.
During the rst centuries AD, enclosures give
way to a re-emphasis on large, adobe mounds associ-
ated with the Viru/Gallinazo and southern Moche
(AD 1800) traditions. In Nepea, this shift is visible
in the abandonment of Cayln and the emergence of
the Paamarca complex and Tres Maras sites as focal
points of local religio-political authority. Massive deco-
rated pyramids were utilized as vehicles of theatrical
display and mass-broadcast of state power and ideol-
ogy. In terms of public art, esoteric geometric motifs
gave way to murals explicitly depicting human ritual
action (Quilter 2001: 40).
Enclosure compound lifestyles make a resur-
gence along the coast during the Middle Horizon and
Late Intermediate Period (Bawden 1977, 1982; Shima-
da 1994).Te circumstances of this revitalization are
uncertain and likely related to complex relationships
between the nature of authority, social memory, and
broader historical conditions (Warner 2010). Moore
(1996a: 794, 2003: 91) suggests that later enclosures
materialized a generalized cosmology of pre-ordained
social divisions. At the Chim capital of Chan Chan,
for instance, plazas were embedded within high walls
and restricted access ways at the center of royal residen-
tial compounds. Chim plazas were linked to kingship
and vast levels of hierarchy reected through embedded
royal tombs (see Conrad 1982). Te Cayln research
reveals the existence of enclosed life ways during the
Early Horizon that dier from these later phenomena.
To conclude, this article has combined perfor-
mance theory and archaeology to explore the basic ac-
tions and experiences involved in public performance
110
associated with plaza life. Te analysis of spatial and
material data has produced insights into the deep reor-
ganization of social practices during the Early Horizon,
including the development of new kinds of public life
during an epoch of increased human nucleation and
incipient urbanism.
In this case, public performance was a key com-
ponent of social cohesion and group identity by demar-
cating co-resident groups utilizing dierent plazas in an
exclusive nature. Te Cayln study has emphasized per-
formance in public space as heightened interaction, as
Hymes (1975) and others have suggested (e.g., Inomata
and Coben 2006; Inomata 2006a, 2006b; Schieelin
1985). Te data from Cayln suggest that archaeologists
can go beyond previous performance-related debates
by studying the interplay between both small-scale and
large-scale performance within various constructed are-
nas, thus furthering understanding of daily performance
associated within residential compounds and their rela-
tionship to plaza settings. Finally, the Cayln research
demonstrates the utility of a performance-based ap-
proach to track the development of social institutions
and its materialization in the ancient Andes.
Acknow|edgments
Te rst phase of the Proyecto de Investigacin Arque-
olgica Cayln was supported by Louisiana State Uni-
versitys Department of Geography and Anthropology,
and Oce of Research and Development. Special
thanks to the Instituto Nacional de Cultura in Lima
for the kind permission to carry out eld research. We
also extend our sincere gratitude to all of our friends
and colleagues in Nepea, and the students of the 2010
Louisiana State University eld school. Special thanks
ought to go to Drs. Peter Kaulicke and Julian Santil-
lana for their kind hospitality at the Pontifcia Univer-
sidad de Catlica Per, as well as to Jessica Ortiz and
Camila Capriata for their inestimable help. Finally,
sound comments and suggestions from the editor and
two anonymous reviewers helped to strengthen the ar-
guments presented in this article.
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