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The Scottish Historical Review, Vol. 33, no. 116, Part 2 (oct., 1954), pp. 115-128. Jstor is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content. In 1937 the Glasgow Archaeological Society appointed a Committee to organize a systematic investigation, by means of surveys and excavations, of Roman roads and forts in south-west Scotland
The Scottish Historical Review, Vol. 33, no. 116, Part 2 (oct., 1954), pp. 115-128. Jstor is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content. In 1937 the Glasgow Archaeological Society appointed a Committee to organize a systematic investigation, by means of surveys and excavations, of Roman roads and forts in south-west Scotland
The Scottish Historical Review, Vol. 33, no. 116, Part 2 (oct., 1954), pp. 115-128. Jstor is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content. In 1937 the Glasgow Archaeological Society appointed a Committee to organize a systematic investigation, by means of surveys and excavations, of Roman roads and forts in south-west Scotland
Source: The Scottish Historical Review, Vol. 33, No. 116, Part 2 (Oct., 1954), pp. 115-128 Published by: Edinburgh University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25526263 . Accessed: 11/08/2013 07:23 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. . Edinburgh University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Scottish Historical Review. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 147.143.2.5 on Sun, 11 Aug 2013 07:23:46 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Roman Scotland IN 1937 the Glasgow Archaeological Society, on the initiative of Mr. J. M. Davidson, appointed a Committee to organize a systematic investigation, by means of surveys and excavations, of Roman roads and forts in south-west Scotland. This bold and imaginative project was in the best traditions of the Glasgow Society, which, like its sister society in Dumfries, has so often taken the lead in the exploration of Roman remains within its territory; and there can be no doubt that the moment was opportune for an enterprise of the kind. For the concentration of resources on the Antonine Wall during the previous twenty years had inevitably retarded field research in other parts of Roman Scotland; and nowhere was the situation more unsatis factory than in the south-west, where, apart from excavations at Birrens and Burnswark, and the discovery of a temporary camp at Little Clyde, scarcely any progress had been made since the publication of Roy's classic folio.1 Indeed, in some respects the position had deteriorated, for a number of authentic Roman roads and fortifications in the area, whose true character had been recognized by Roy, or divined by less gifted antiquarian topo graphers, had fallen victim to the pervasive scepticism of the late nineteenth century, and had either been summarily rejected or set aside. Thus a systematic re-examination of both known and putative Roman sites in the south-west was long overdue, and the Society was exceptionally fortunate in having at its command not only an experienced team of field-workers, but also a scholar of the calibre of the late Mr. S. N. Miller, to whom the task of co-ordinating and editing the various reports was entrusted. Moreover, in 1938 unexpected assistance was obtained from another quarter when it was learned that Dr. J. K. St. Joseph was engaged on a similar survey to that projected by the Society, in preparation for the revised (third) edition of the Ordnance Survey Map of Roman Britain. By a happy arrangement it was agreed that Dr. St. Joseph's detailed reports should be incorporated in 1 The Military Antiquities of the Romans in Britain (London, 1793). This content downloaded from 147.143.2.5 on Sun, 11 Aug 2013 07:23:46 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions n6 Kenneth Steer the Society's volume, and in return the Society undertook to defray the cost of trial trenches on selected sites. The scheme thus started under the most favourable auspices, but even so the results obtained in the first three years exceeded all expectations. Discerning ground-observation brought to light new permanent forts at Bothwellhaugh, Loudoun Hill and Crawford; two small earthworks, at Milton and Durisdeer, were excavated and proved to be Roman road posts (fortlets) of a type already known at Chew Green and Kaims Castle; and many miles of Roman roads were patiently retrieved from the limbo of lost reputations into which they had been consigned. Nor was this all, for in June, 1939, Dr. O. G. S. Crawford carried out the first air reconnaissance of Roman sites in Scotland. Any doubts that air-photography, as an aid to archaeological research, would lose its effectiveness on transfer from the chalk Downs to the grimmer scenery of the Highland zone were at once set at rest. For although the subsoil conditions pertaining in the Highland zone are, in general, less favourable to the preservation of crop markings in arable than are those in the south of England, there is ample compensation in the fact that the moorlands and old grasslands of Scotland still enshrine hundreds of ancient monu ments whose remains, though visible on the ground, have not been recorded for lack of intensive field-work. In these circumstances, the aeroplane obviously has an invaluable role to play as a spotter, and the point was firmly driven hoipe by Dr. Crawford's foray which produced, amongst other things, a second fort at Birrens; a fortlet at Redshaw Burn, in Annandale; a signal-station near the Beef Tub; a temporary camp at Galloberry, in Nithsdale; and a fort at Cardean, in Strathmore. A brief account of the results of this epoch-making flight was given at the time,2 but, as in the case of Dr. St. Joseph's researches, detailed publication of the new material in the south-west was reserved for the Glasgow Society's report. Then the war intervened, not only to interrupt the investigation but also to suspend the publication of what had already been ascertained; and owing to various misfortunes after the war it was not until the end of 1952 that the book emerged from the press.3 2 Antiquity, xiii (1939), 280-92. 3 The Roman Occupation of South-We stern Scotland, being reports of excavations and surveys carried out under the auspices of the Glasgow Archaeological Society by John Clarke, J. M. Davidson, Anne S. Robertson, J. K. St. Joseph, edited for the Society with a historical survey by S. N. Miller. Pp. xx, 246 ; figs. 12, plates This content downloaded from 147.143.2.5 on Sun, 11 Aug 2013 07:23:46 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Roman Scotland 117 As was to be expected, the book is a storehouse of information, reflecting the greatest credit upon its contributors, and will become a standard reference-work for students of Roman Scot land. The first section, which is devoted to a detailed description of the roads from Carlisle to the Forth, to Nithsdale, from the Tweed to the Clyde, from mid-Clydesdale towards the Ayrshire coast, and from Castledykes to the Forth-Clyde isthmus, is admirably done. The accounts are lucidly written, and the skilful insertion of strip-maps, derived from the Ordnance Survey 6-inch sheets, makes them easy to follow on the ground. It is no exaggeration to say that this contribution has revolutionized our knowledge of the Roman road system in Scotland; and even though the system that emerges in the south-west is manifestly incomplete as it stands, numerous possible routes are indicated for further study, and much sound, practical advice is given on how to distinguish between Roman and later metalled roads. Only one minor criticism may be offered, namely that it is most unlikely that the blue clay lining observed in the side-ditches of the road from Castledykes to Collielaw (p. 71) was deliberately laid to render them watertight: watertight drainage-ditches would defeat their own purpose, and many instances are known where similar blue clay has developed from natural causes, being due either to leaching or to the anaerobic conditions induced by waterlogging.4 The second of the three main sections which compose the book deals with the forts, fortlets and temporary camps in the area, and principally with those which were excavated or trenched in the course of the survey. Here, again, a considerable amount of fresh material has been made available, but the section is to some extent weakened by the fact that it takes hardly any note of discoveries made since 1940, and by a lack of balance in the treatment of the sites concerned. For example, the account of the unfinished excavations at Castledykes, which occupies no less than forty-four pages and fourteen plates, seems to be unduly elaborate for an interim report. On the other hand, it is dis appointing to find that the (presumably) final reports on the fortlets at Milton and Durisdeer are merely illustrated in each case by a ground plan (rampart-sections, and a photograph of lxvi. Glasgow: University Press, 1952. (Obtainable from the Joint Hon. Secretary, Glasgow Archaeological Society, 2 Ailsa Drive, Glasgow, S. 2. 45s.). 4 Cf. M. J. O'Kelly, Cork Historical and Archaeological Society Journal, lvi (1951), 29-44. This content downloaded from 147.143.2.5 on Sun, 11 Aug 2013 07:23:46 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 118 Kenneth Steer Durisdeer?one of the most photogenic Roman sites in Britain? might surely have been included), and that neither plans nor photographs are provided for a number of new discoveries such as the signal-station on White Type, whose position is only vaguely indicated on the map (PI. viii d), and the fortlet at Barburgh Mill. A more serious defect, however, is the inade quate publication of the pottery from these excavations. For although large quantities of Antonine coarse pottery were found at Bothwellhaugh, Milton, Durisdeer and Castledykes, some of it in sealed deposits, only a few representative pieces, all from Castledykes, are illustrated, and in no instance is the precise find-spot given. Yet if the stratified sherds had been fully published, so that comparison could be made with the closely datable Antonine wares from Corbridge, the history not only of the sites in question, but of Antonine Scotland as a whole, might be less obscure than it is at present. In the concluding section Mr. Miller selects the significant features from the mass of evidence that has been presented in the previous pages, and draws them together to form a comprehen sive picture of the Roman occupation of south-west Scotland. Those familiar with Miller's published work?notably his reports on the excavations at York, Balmuildy and Old Kilpatrick; his survey of the Roman Empire in the first three centuries in Eyre's European Civilization; and the chapter which he contributed to the latest volume of the Cambridge Ancient History?will need no assurance that the present essay is a masterly exposition of both fact and deduction, in which breadth of judgment is balanced with meticulous attention to detail. It is true that discoveries made since 1948, when this section of the book was evidently com pleted, have invalidated a few of Miller's conclusions, while some of his speculations on problems still unsolved will not command the support of all scholars. Nevertheless, the core of the work remains sound, and, in company with his other writings, con stitutes a worthy memorial to an accomplished scholar and teacher whose untimely death was a grievous loss to Roman studies. Since 1948, however, great strides have been made in our knowledge of Roman Scotland elsewhere than in the south west. In the hands of Dr. St. Joseph, the air camera has added large numbers of new sites to the map, as well as revealing much fresh information about known sites; while study of the National Survey air-photographs has also produced several major dis coveries. Professor Richmond has reported on his excavations This content downloaded from 147.143.2.5 on Sun, 11 Aug 2013 07:23:46 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Roman Scotland 119 at Newstead and Cappuck, and has begun a systematic examina tion of the legionary fortress at Inchtuthil; and Dr. Crawford has published his Rhind Lectures on The Topography of Roman Scotland, North of the Antonine Wall. All this work has had a bearing, directly or indirectly, on the problems of the south west, and it seems fitting therefore that comment on Miller's survey should take the form of an assessment of the present position of research on Roman Scotland as a whole. Owing to considerations of space, only a broad treatment can be attempted, and the mere recital of ascertained facts, and of unsolved problems, will leave no margin for adequate discussion of current contro versies. The Flavian Occupation Although recent discoveries at Milton, in Annandale, suggest that Roman troops may have penetrated into that district in the governorship of Petillius Cerialis (a.d. 71-4), or one of his immediate predecessors, the first chapter in the Roman occupa tion of Scotland opens in a.d. 80 when, after two years prelim inary campaigning, Agricola's armies invaded the Lowlands. One of the most important results obtained during the period under review has been the confirmation of Roy's hypothesis that the armies concerned in this invasion did not operate as a single column, but advanced along two major routes.5 The Agricolan date of the Scottish section of Dere Street, the great eastern highway from York to the Forth, was established long ago, and a similar early origin for the western trunk road, running from Carlisle through Annandale into upper Clydesdale, has now been demonstrated by discoveries at Birrens and Milton. Moreover, the Glasgow Society's survey has shown that the latter road did not link the Firths of Solway and Clyde, as had previously been supposed, but that it turned north-eastwards on crossing the watershed into Clydesdale, and ran along the southern slopes of the Pentlands to converge on Dere Street in the neighbourhood of Inveresk. Thus the initial strategy of the invading forces is seen to have taken the form of a pincer-movement which was evidently designed to envelop the Selgovae, dwelling in the tangled foothills of the central massif, and to isolate them from the other Lowland tribes?the Votadini of Northumberland, 5 See accompanying map. The writer is indebted to the Society for the Promo tion of Roman Studies for permission to adapt this map from the one which app2ared in vol. xli of the Society's Journal. This content downloaded from 147.143.2.5 on Sun, 11 Aug 2013 07:23:46 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions WKr?^r%!\. ' *^^^^^^^^^^^^P| R0MAN SITES IN SCOTLAND I HSw^ *^*a^^fc?//^ /^ V KA? HOUSE C3 /^llllli^ I] This content downloaded from 147.143.2.5 on Sun, 11 Aug 2013 07:23:46 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions This content downloaded from 147.143.2.5 on Sun, 11 Aug 2013 07:23:46 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 122 Kenneth Steer Lothian and the Merse; the Damnonii of Clydesdale and Ayr shire; and the Novantae of Nithsdale and Galloway. From Inveresk, which was presumably one of the principal supply bases for the expedition, forward elements moved across the Forth and succeeded in reaching the Tay before the end of the summer. The rapidity with which the Lowlands were overrun6 was doubtless made possible by lack of unity, if not bitter hostility, between the tribes concerned, for whereas the later history of the Votadini and the Damnonii implies that both were long-standing allies of Rome, and Roman goods were reaching the Votadinian hill-town on Traprain Law in the Flavian period, the distribution of Roman garrisons tells a very different story of the Selgovae and Novantae. The next season, Tacitus tells us, was devoted to consolidation of the ground already gained. To this end, a temporary frontier, consisting of a chain of stockaded posts whose remains have been found at Bar Hill, Mumrills and elsewhere, was set up on the Forth-Clyde isthmus, while behind the frontier the process of cordoning off the Selgovae by means of a network of roads and forts proceeded apace. It is probable that to this year should be assigned the construction of the Agricolan forts at Newstead and Cappuck on Dere Street, at Birrens and Milton on the Annandale road, at Oakwood in the valley of the Ettrick Water, at Inveresk and Cramond on the Forth, and at Lyne, Castledykes and Loudoun Hill on the important lateral road that ran from Newstead by way of the Tweed and middle Clyde to reach the west coast some where in the neighbourhood of Irvine. Nor does this list by any means exhaust the possibilities, for a minor route of penetration in this phase, leading up Eskdale from Netherby, may be repre sented by the fort at Broomholm, near Langholm, where early aurei have been found, and by the earlier of the two superimposed forts at Raeburnfoot; while nothing is known as yet of the dis position of the Agricolan garrisons on the Annandale road between Milton and Inveresk. In the following year (a.d. 82) Agricola carried out an exploration of the left flank, amongst tribes hitherto unknown, and stationed troops in an area facing 6 It is significant that neither of the two groups of Roman siege-works known in Scotland can be connected with Agricola's campaigns. Excavation has shown that the earthworks which invest the native fort on Woden Law, Roxburghshire, were built by troops engaged in peacetime manoeuvres. And, despite Miller's remarks (footnote p. 209), the two siege-camps on Burnswark?which may equally well be practice camps?must be referred to a later period, assuming that they are contem porary, since the south camp incorporates a fortlet of Antonine type in its circuit. This content downloaded from 147.143.2.5 on Sun, 11 Aug 2013 07:23:46 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Roman Scotland 123 Ireland. The scene of this action has been the subject of much controversy in the past, but there can now be no doubt that it lay in Galloway or south Ayrshire, and not in Argyllshire or Kintyre as some commentators have supposed. For recent air-photograph discoveries include a large fort at Dalswinton, in Nithsdale, which is presumably of Flavian date since it is less than three miles distant from the Antonine fort at Carzield; a fort at Glenlochar, subsequently proved by excavation to have been founded under Agricola and reoccupied in the Antonine period; and a small fort, as yet undated, as far west as Gatehouse of Fleet. Having thus established a firm grip on the Lowlands, and secured his land communications, Agricola, in his two final campaigns, led his armies across the Forth, and, warding off sporadic counter-attacks, eventually compelled the Caledonians to fight a pitched battle at Mons Graupius where the superior discipline and tactics of the Roman troops carried the day. With the crossing of the Forth the terrain was no longer suitable for the broad pincer-movements which had proved so successful hitherto, and a single line of advance was perforce adopted leading to Strathmore by way of Stirling, Strathallan and Strathearn. The route taken is signposted as far north as Meigle by the permanent forts at Camelon, Ardoch, Strageath, Bertha and Cardean, all of which are known, or presumed, to be Agricolan foundations; but none of the temporary camps that prolong the line of Roman penetration northwards in a wide arc from the North Esk to the Moray Firth has been dated, and it is possible that some, at least, of these camps were constructed in the course of the Severan campaigns in the early third century. Nor has the site of Mons Graupius been identified, although there is general agreement with Macdonald's opinion that it lay north of Strath more. Recent research has, however, thrown a good deal of new light on the measures taken by Agricola to consolidate his victory. The excavations at present in progress on the great camp at Inchtuthil, near Meikleour, have already substantiated Colling wood's theory7 that the remains are those of a legionary fortress erected in a.d. 83-4 to serve as a base for the permanent occupa tion of Strathmore; while the forts at Callander, Dalginross, Fendoch, and perhaps Steed Stalls, fall into place as elements in a strategic cordon designed to protect the vulnerable left flank of the terra limitanea by sealing off the Highland passes. And since 7 Collingwood and Myres, Roman Britain and the English Settlements, second ed. (Oxford, 1937), 119. This content downloaded from 147.143.2.5 on Sun, 11 Aug 2013 07:23:46 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 124 Kenneth Steer this system must have been largely dependent for its success on the transport of supplies and reinforcements by sea, it can be confidently assumed that the fort of Carpow, on the south bank of the Tay estuary, was established at this time to guard a natural harbour. Beyond Cardean at least one more permanent fort may be presumed, at the terminus of the road which has been traced intermittently as far as Kirriemuir, but it is clear that Agricola's policy was to blockade, and not to annex, the High lands. That Tacitus' famous phrase ' perdomita Britannia et statim omissa ' cannot be taken to mean that Agricola's conquests were immediately surrendered on his recall, was convincingly demon strated by Macdonald over thirty years ago.8 But it is now apparent that the transfer of Legio II Adiutrix from Britain to Pannonia in a.d. 85 or 86 necessitated a reorganization of the northern defences which involved the evacuation of the legionary fortress at Inchtuthil and the auxiliary fort at Fendoch, and the consolidation of forts further south.9 The Agricolan forts at Newstead and Milton were now completely rebuilt, the former on an exceptionally massive scale, while alterations designed to strengthen the existing defences were undertaken at Oakwood, Cappuck and elsewhere. This second phase in the Flavian occupation of Scotland only lasted, however, until about a.d. ioo,10 when, with the possible exception of the garrisons in lower Annandale, a general withdrawal took place to the Tyne Solway line. This withdrawal was presumably connected with the preparations for Trajan's Dacian wars of a.d. 101-6, but evidence from Newstead and Oakwood shows that in the south east it was carried out hurriedly and in the face of strong enemy pressure. At Milton, on the other hand, the second Flavian fort was peacefully dismantled, and is thought to have been immedi ately succeeded by a fortlet. The Antonine Occupation During the next forty years, trouble in the Lowlands, which may have been due in part to the infiltration of alien elements 8 Journal of Roman Studies, ix (1919), n 1-38. 9 Analogies from the German frontier suggest that the chain of wooden watch towers on the Gask ridge, between Strageath and Bertha, may represent a frontier line. If so, the Domitianic reorganization would seem to provide the most suitable occasion for the creation of such a frontier. 10 For the date, which has been the subject of lively disputation in the past, cf. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, lxxxiv (1949-50), 26. This content downloaded from 147.143.2.5 on Sun, 11 Aug 2013 07:23:46 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Roman Scotland 125 from the north-east and from Ireland, provoked a Roman punitive campaign on more than one occasion, and eventually the situation became so serious that between a.d. 139 and 142 the region was once again absorbed into the Roman province. Hadrian's Wall was now partly dismantled and a new frontier-wall was con structed on the Forth-Clyde isthmus. North of the isthmus the road to Strathmore was reopened at least as far as Ardoch, and in the Lowlands the Agricolan system of roads and forts was largely restored,1 and even extended in some areas. On general grounds it seems likely that the British dediticii who were conscripted into the Roman army about this time, and dispatched to the German frontier,2 were drawn from the reconquered districts, and two pieces of evidence suggest that the Selgovae may have been the chief victims. In the first place, the native settlements and homesteads of second- and third-century date, which are such a striking feature of the Votadinian landscape, are notably absent from the territory of the Selgovae. And secondly, the fact that the site of the Flavian fort at Oakwood was not reoccupied in this period, and that Milton and Raeburnfoot were now tenanted only by patrol units ensconced in fortlets, implies a relaxation of the former cordon control in the Ettrick Forest region. Never theless the overall strength and deployment of the Antonine garrisons in the Lowlands, concerning which a great deal has been learned in the last fifteen years, makes it impossible to believe that the deportation of the native tribesmen was on anything like the scale envisaged by Collingwood.3 For the auxiliary forts at Lyne, Inveresk, Cramond, Castledykes, Loudoun Hill and Glenlochar were rebuilt; new forts were established at Bothwell haugh and Carzield; and the lines of communication, especially in Annandale and Nithsdale, were further protected by fortlets ranging from one fifth of an acre to one acre in extent. Recent research has also furnished supplementary reasons for rejecting Collingwood's low estimate of the tactical and strategical value of the Antonine Wall.4 For the gap which was formerly believed to have existed on the left flank of the Wall has now been closed 1 Miller's suggestion (pp. 221?6) that Nithsdale was not originally included in the Antonine scheme of occupation does violence to the pottery evidence from Carzield {Transactions of the Dumfriesshire and Galloway Natural History and Antiquarian Society, 3rd Series, xxiv, i-n), and in any case is no longer tenable now that Glenlochar is known to have been held throughout the Antonine period. 2 Germ ant a, vi (1922), 31-7. 3 Op. cit., 146-7. 4 Op. cit., 140-4, and Journal of Roman Studies, xxvi (1936), 80-6. For the opposite view, cf. Richmond's observations in the latter volume, 190?4. This content downloaded from 147.143.2.5 on Sun, 11 Aug 2013 07:23:46 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 126 Kenneth Steer by the discovery of an Antonine fort overlooking the site of Dumbuck ford at Whitemoss, near Bishopton, and of a survivor (Lurg Moor) of the chain of fortlets and signal-posts that evidently prolonged the defensive system at least as far as the mouth of the Clyde estuary. Similarly, the rediscovery of the long-lost fort at Carriden on the Forth, which has yielded Antonine pottery, shows that corresponding precautions were taken on the right flank to prevent the Wall from being turned by sea-borne land ings.5 The Antonine frontier organization thus bears all the hall-marks of a permanent arrangement, and can no longer be written off as a temporary expedient which was only intended to last ' until the pacification of the Lowlands had stood the test of time \6 On the Wall itself, where comparatively little work has been done since 1937, the most interesting discovery is that the fort at Duntocher was preceded by a fortlet also of Antonine date. This discovery is obviously of considerable importance for the structural history of the limes, but its implications have still to be worked out. In spite of the progress made in the knowledge of the anatomy of the Antonine occupation of Scotland, the history of the period remains obscure at many vital points. The chief difficulty is that whereas two periods of occupation have been found in all the Antonine forts so far examined between the two Walls (with the doubtful exception of Carzield), the Antonine Wall forts exhibit three periods; and it is not clear why there should be this difference between the Antonine Wall and its hinterland, or how the successive periods are to be correlated with the evidence from Hadrian's Wall and fitted into the framework of known events. Assuming that the two periods observed in the Lowland forts are to be equated with the first two periods on the Antonine Wall, the most plausible explanation of the break in the occupa tion would seem to be that the entire Roman forces were hurriedly withdrawn from Scotland in a.d. 155 to deal with the revolt of the Brigantes in that year.7 For the renewed advance into Scotland had only been achieved at the cost of stripping the garrisons from Brigantian territory, and it is known that Birrens was destroyed at this time and was rebuilt in a.d. 158 as soon 5 The supposed Roman watch-tower at Inchgarvie (R.C.A.M. Inventory, Midlothian and West Lothian, no. 332) should be remembered in this connection. 6 Collingwood, op. cit., 148. 7 This explanation was first propounded by Collingwood, Journal of Roman Studies, xxvi (1936), 86. This content downloaded from 147.143.2.5 on Sun, 11 Aug 2013 07:23:46 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Roman Scotland 127 as the insurrection had been crushed. On the other hand, a case can be made out for supposing that, Birrens excepted, the first Antonine period continued until a.d. 163 when the threat of a further rising brought Calpurnius Agricola to Britain, and Hadrian's Wall was once more put into commission.8 Whatever the exact date of the intermission, once the crisis was over no time was lost in reoccupying and repairing the abandoned fortifications. Several forts, such as Cappuck and Ardoch, were now reduced in size but were equipped with more substantial defences, while there are indications that increased importance was now attached to the cavalry arm. How long this phase of occupation lasted is not yet certain. Macdonald linked the second destruction of the Antonine Wall, which, on his view, left the Lowland forts unscathed, with the barbarian invasion recorded by Dio Cassius in a.d. 184,9 and he concluded that the restoration of the frontier by Ulpius Marcellus was short-lived, being followed a year or two later, by the evacuation of the whole of Scotland apart from Birrens. Others, however, would postpone the evacuation until a.d. 196 when Clodius Albinus transferred the bulk of the British garrison to the continent in pursuit of his bid for the imperial throne, and the Maeatae seized the opportunity to break into the defenceless province. There is, in fact, no evidence as yet for the precise date of the event, although the latest pottery from the Antonine Wall is said to correspond closely with the vessels which occur in the destruction deposits of a.d. 197 at Corbridge.10 The Severan Campaigns As soon as he had defeated Albinus at Lyons in a.d. 197, the new emperor, Septimius Severus, sent Virius Lupus to Britain to repair the shattered northern defences; and from a.d. 209-11, Severus, accompanied by his sons Caracalla and Geta, personally conducted a series of punitive campaigns in Scotland?first against the Caledonians of Aberdeenshire and beyond, and then against the Maeatae of Strathearn, Strathmore and the Mearns. It has already been suggested that some of the temporary camps in these regions may have been built at this time, but apart from Cramond, which served as an advanced supply-base for the expeditions, and Birrens, which was reconstructed as an outpost 8 Cf. J. P. Gillam, * Calpurnius Agricola ', Transactions of the Architectural and Archaeological Society of Durham and Northumberland, x (1953), 359-75. 9 lxxiii, 8. 10 Gillam, loc. cit., 367. This content downloaded from 147.143.2.5 on Sun, 11 Aug 2013 07:23:46 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 128 Kenneth Steer of Hadrian's Wall, no Scottish fort has so far produced any proof of occupation after the end of the second century. It is true that Miller (pp. 235-9) and Mr. Eric Birley1 have argued, on some what different grounds, that the third period of occupation on the Antonine Wall was initiated by Severus and not by Ulpius Marcellus, but at present this theory lacks support from the archaeological evidence. Miller's appeals to the Falkirk coin hoard and the Dolichenus relief from Croy Hill (p. 238) do not help the case, since the hoard extends down to Severus Alexander (a.d. 222-35), while Dolichenus was already being worshipped on Hadrian's Wall in the reign of Antoninus Pius. Yet all are agreed that on Severus' death in a.d. 211 the Roman command finally abandoned the Agricolan and Antonine policies of extend ing direct control over the Lowlands, in favour of a system of indirect control through the medium of buffer-states. The aims and achievements of the New Deal, which had profound con sequences for Roman and native relations in the third and fourth centuries, lie, however, outside the scope of this review. Bibliographical Note The above survey is largely based on excavation reports which are to be found, or will shortly appear, either in the Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland or in the Transactions of the Dumfriesshire and Galloway Natural History and Antiquarian Society. Some of the books and more general papers consulted have been cited in the text, and to these should be added: E. B. Birley,' Dumfriesshire in Roman Times ' {Transactions of the Dumfriesshire and Galloway Natural History and Antiquarian Society, Third Series, xxv, 132-50), and ' The Brigantian Problem' (ibid., xxix, 46-65); J. K. St. Joseph, 'Air Reconnaissance of North Britain ' {^Journal of Roman Studies, xli (1951), 52-65); I. A. Richmond, 'Recent Discoveries in Roman Britain from the Air and in the Field ' (ibid., xxxiii (1943), 45-54), and ' Gnaeus Iulius Agricola' (ibid., xxxiv (1944), 34-45). Kenneth Steer. 1 Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, lxxii (1937-8), 343-4. This content downloaded from 147.143.2.5 on Sun, 11 Aug 2013 07:23:46 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions