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Original Article

Saving identity from postmodernism?


The normalization of constructivism in
International Relations
Nik Hynek
a,
*
and Andrea Teti
b
a
Institute of International Relations, Nerudova 3, 118 50 Prague 1, Czech Republic.
E-mail: hynek@iir.cz, web: http://www.iir.cz/display.asp?ida=441&idi=427
b
Department of Politics and International Relations, University of Aberdeen, Edward Wright
Building, Dunbar Street, Aberdeen AB24 3QY, UK.
E-mail: a.teti@abdn.ac.uk, web: www.abdn.ac.uk/Bpol244
*Corresponding author. Institute of International Relations, Nerudova 3, 118 50 Prague 1,
Czech Republic.
Abstract International Relationss (IRs) intellectual history is almost always
treated as a history of ideas in isolation from both those discursive and political
economies which provide its disciplinary and wider (political) context. This
paper contributes to this wider analysis by focusing on the impact of the fields
discursive economy. Specifically, using Foucaultian archaeologico-genealogical
strategy of problematization to analyse the emergence and disciplinary
trajectories of Constructivism in IR, this paper argues that Constructivism
has been brought gradually closer to its mainstream Neo-utilitarian counterpart
through a process of normalization, and investigates how it was possible for
Constructivism to be purged of its early critical potential, both theoretical and
practical. The first part of the paper shows how the intellectual configuration of
Constructivism and its disciplinary fortunes are inseparable from far-from-
unproblematic readings of the Philosophy of Social Science: the choices made at
this level are neither as intellectually neutral nor as disciplinarily inconsequen-
tial as they are presented. The second and third parts chart the genealogies of
Constructivism, showing how its overall normalization occurred in two stages,
each revolving around particular practices and events. The second part
concentrates on older genealogies, analysing the politics of early classificatory
practices regarding Constructivism, and showing how these permitted the
distillation and immunization of Constructivism and thus of the rest of the
mainstream scholarship which it was depicted as compatible with against
more radical Postmodernist/Post-structuralist critiques. Finally, the third part
focuses attention on recent genealogies, revealing new attempts to reconstruct
and reformulate Constructivism: here, indirect neutralization practices such as
the elaboration of Pragmatist Constructivism, as well as the direct neutraliza-
tion such as the formulation of Realist Constructivism, are key events in
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www.palgrave-journals.com/cpt/
Constructivisms normalization. These apparently critical alternatives that aim
to provide the identity variable in fact remain close to Neo-utilitarianism, but
their successful representation as critical help neutralize calls for greater
openness in mainstream IR. Rather than a simple intellectual history, it is this
complex process of (re)reading and (re)producing that counts as Constructivism,
which explains both the normalization of Constructivism and the continued
marginalization of Postmodernist/Post-structuralist approaches in mainstream
IRs infra-disciplinary balance of intellectual power.
Contemporary Political Theory (2010) 9, 171199. doi:10.1057/cpt.2008.49
Keywords: Constructivism; international relations theory; Foucault; Philosophy of
Social Science; Postmodernism/Post-structuralism
Introduction
Reviewing two decades of debates over Constructivism in International
Relations (IR) suggests that few such interventions since have shifted the fields
centre of intellectual gravity away from the Neo-Realist/Neo-Liberal
convergence. These debates, however, taken as pivotal events are woven into
the fields intellectual history, and unproblematically conflated with IRs
evolution as a field. Undoubtedly useful, these histories remain nonetheless
limited insofar as they ignore other factors that affect disciplinary fortunes,
from the discursive and political economies of knowledge production, to wider
intellectual trends and political contexts. Responding to calls for existing
accounts to be supplemented or questioned (Deibert, 1997; Waever, 1998),
this paper focuses on IRs discursive economy: it analyses the links between the
intellectual histories of Constructivism in IR and the fields broader discursive
economy, analysing how Constructivism has come to be thought of as
compatible with the Neo-Realist/Neo-Liberal convergence, and the consequent
impact on IRs balance of infra-disciplinary power. To do this, debates about
Constructivism are approached as discursive practices within an existing
discursive economy: these practices ultimately imposed upon events
produce that principle of regularity (Foucault, 2002 [1969], p. 191) upon
which IRs intellectual history is built. A strategy of problematization, will
help retrieve both the synchronic rules according to which the discourse around
Constructivism operates (its archaeology) and their diachronic evolution
(its genealogy; Foucault, 1992 [1984], pp. 1112). This, in turn, enables an
analysis of the intellectual and disciplinary political impact of those particular
constructions.
The paper first outlines basic positions in Philosophy of Social Science
(PoSS) in order to clarify both Constructivisms and mainstream IRs
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intellectual commitments. These discussions then enable an analysis of how
selective readings of those terms of reference were deployed in debates over
Constructivisms classification, and over its compatibility with social scientific
IR. Viewed in this light, debates over taxonomies and over Constructivisms
relations with Realism and Pragmatism reveal a series of blind spots and a
convergence with Neo-utilitarian IR which cannot be explained purely in
terms of intellectual history but suggest a process of normalization of
Constructivisms radical potential, a process which must in turn be read in
the context of wider relations between Neo-utilitarianism and Postmodernist/
Post-structuralist IR.
1
Positions and Boundaries: Constructivism(s) in Philosophy of Social
Science and International Relations
The Philosophical Turn has made serious IR scholarship impossible
without reference to PoSS: at once grounding and legitimizing theoretical
arguments, the selectivity/partiality of borrowings helps untangle how a
discursive economy of IR within which Constructivism can be normalized is
articulated.
Constructivism(s) and Philosophy of Social Science
Most Constructivists embark upon the obligatory journey to philosophical
legitimacy arguing that understanding Constructivism requires a grasp of basic
PoSS positions (for example Adler, 1997, 2003; Wendt, 1999; Guzzini, 2000;
Jrgensen, 2001). This section outlines those positions, how they have been
represented and appropriated, and the disciplinary effects of these readings
(cf. Hynek and Hynek, 2007).
As Table 1 indicates, there is no single constructivist position in PoSS, but
rather a multiplicity of ontological and epistemological constructivisms.
2
Ontologically, a distinction is usually made between mind-independence
and mind-dependence: proponents of the former argue objects exist
independently of observation, their counterparts suggest they exist at least
partly as a result of observers beliefs. There are two main mind-
independent positions: empiricism and scientific realism, with logical
positivism (or logical empiricism) less frequently mentioned. Empiricism
occupies positions (1A) and (1B). This monist position accepts that social
and natural sciences are both based on objects with analogous ontological
properties, and on the neutrality of observation, emphasizing that impartial
observation is not only possible, but necessary, insofar as value biases
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threaten the entire research programme. Furthermore, empiricists argue
scientific knowledge can be closely connected to direct evidence by testing
all theories and hypotheses against direct observations. The difference
between nave and constructive empiricism (1A and 1B) is epistemological
and lies in scientists role both in knowledge translation/production and in
different understandings of verification: unlike nave empiricists defending
simple induction and maintaining that immediate sense experience is by
itself sufficient to provide the foundations for knowledge (Uebel, 1992,
p. 205), constructive empiricists emphasize the importance of scientists in
knowledge production, with scientific theories being both semantically literal and
empirically exact as a result (van Fraassen, 1980, pp. 1011). As for
verification, whereas nave empiricists take individual scientific statements
as the basis for knowledge verification, for constructive empiricists, theories
as a whole are the basis for verification or refutation: an untenable theory
will be replaced by a more literal and adequate theory (van Fraassen, 1980,
pp. 35, 78).
3
Both positions concur that observational evidence is an
important source for knowledge, although logical positivists acknowledge
its limits (Kolakowski, 1972) and assert that knowledge also includes
elements not derived from direct empirical observation (Russell, 1978
[1924]; Schlick, 1978 [1932]), arguing that some propositions are known
only by intuition and deduction (for example logical inferences from
protocol sentences) (Ayer, 1978; Carnap, 1978 [1931]; cf. Popper, 1959).
Positions (2A) and (2B) encapsulate scientific realism, which requires
mind-independence ontologically, and shares empiricisms trust in law-like
generalizations. The ontological difference between them stems from differ-
ences concerning what can be observed and thus researched: although
empiricism claims only observable entities can be objects of scientific inquiry,
scientific realism makes causal statements about underlying structures,
including unobservable ones (Harre and Madden, 1975; Sayer, 1998) what
matters are objects real, internal and manipulable mechanisms (Bhaskar, 1979;
Archer, 1998). Scientific realists give structures causal powers, arguing that
Table 1: Main ontologicalepistemological positions in PoSS
ontology epistemology
non-constructivist (nave) Constructivist
mind-independence 1A. nave empiricism 1B. constructivist empiricism
2A. nave realism 2B. constructivist realism
mind-dependence 3A. nave constructivism [non-sequitur] 3B. social constructivism
Based on Sismondo (1996, pp. 67, 79) and Sayer (1992, pp. 3984).
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positing their existence provides the best explanation of behaviour (Lipton,
1991). As with empiricism, scientific realism is epistemologically divided into
nave (common-sense) (2A) and constructivist (critical) (2B) variants (Varela
and Harre , 1996).
4
Whereas the former largely brackets the impact of scientists
upon knowledge creation, the latter acknowledges the importance of
perception and cognition, and the active role scientists play (Sellars, 1970;
Outhwaite, 1998). The epistemological axis emphasizes differences between
empiricist and scientific realist perspectives on truth. Although constructivist
empiricists (van Fraassen, 1980) argue that sciences aim is to produce
empirically adequate theories and that this adequacy should determine a
theorys acceptance, scientific realists aim to portray reality as it is, accepting
a theory only if it is believed to be true (Sayer, 1992; Sismondo, 1996).
Before the third position is outlined, the distinction between fundamental
physical reality and social reality will be addressed. Here, Kuhn and Searle
both affiliated themselves with constructivist realism (2B). Describing himself
as an unconvinced realist, Kuhn (1979, p. 415) argues for the coexistence of
social worlds constructed by scientists and the fundamental material world:
transformations in social worlds leave the fundamental world unaffected
because ontology is mind-independent. Analogously, Searle argues that [w]e
live in exactly one world, not two or three or seventeen (1995, p. xi),
undermining a monist stance by distinguishing between fundamental material
reality and social realities. Searles affinity to constructivist realism is clear
in his defence of scientific realism and the correspondence theory of truth
(ibid., Chapter 9).
In the final position, social constructivism (also constructivism or
constructionism, 3B), actors are argued to have both ontological and
epistemic influence, with more radical versions verging on the epistemic
fallacy conflating the two. Because the existence of both physical and social
objects depends on thoughts and linguistic structures (ontological mind-
dependence), scientists cannot construct knowledge about these outside their
own ontological representations. The point is not to deny the existence of
material reality, as critics sometimes suggest, but to focus on the consequenti-
ality of representations of that reality. Here, social constructivism differs
from both Searlian and scientific realism: its anti-essentialism and anti-
foundationalism means truth cannot be discovered, but is created (Sayyid and
Zac, 1998, pp. 250251).
Intellectual roots
Although roots of IR Constructivisms are richer than this account can render,
its inspirations can be divided into two major tracks: one internal to
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Anglophone IR, and the other external, drawing on Continental philosophy
and linguistics (cf. Hynek, 2005).
Internal inspiration emerged autonomously from external developments
during the late 1980s. The reason for this isolation, as Ashley (1987;
cf. Hoffman, 1987) suggests, was the belief of (mainly US) (neo)realist and
(neo)liberal IR scholars in the unique position, value and exclusivity of their
approaches for policy makers, enhanced by their aim to provide technical
knowledge (manipulation and control) and practical knowledge (scripts for
tackling real situations). Despite his behaviouralist commitments, the scholar
whose study of transnational security communities transcended this produc-
tion was Karl Deutsch (1957). His insights into the formation of North
Atlantic collective identity influenced early self-declared Constructivists (for
example Adler and Barnett, 1998). One of his students, Hayward Alker,
influenced several scholars in Constructivisms first wave, from Katzenstein,
to Ashley and Onuf (who introduced the term Constructivism in IR in 1989).
Comparably important was Ernst Haas (1958) liberal/neo-functionalist
analysis of complex social learning and of supra-national organizations
and their bureaucracies and cultures in (re)producing the fabric of world
politics. Haas work profoundly influenced his student, John Ruggie, who,
with Kratochwil (for example Kratochwil and Ruggie, 1986), challenged the
lack of reflexivity and the incompatibility of ontology and epistemology in
regime theory. Ruggie (1998), Kratochwil (1989) and Onuf (1989) also made
important contributions in overcoming IRs intellectual isolation, drawing on
authors such as Weber, Wittgenstein, Searle and Giddens.
The most significant contribution to contemporary Constructivism as a
distinct approach was made by Alexander Wendt, a representative of the
Minnesota School. Wendt wrote several papers in the late 1980s and 1990s,
further elaborated in his Social Theory (1999; see also 1987, 1992). His systemic
approach represented a kind of structural idealism (Wendt, 1999, p. xiii), and
has become, criticism notwithstanding, a benchmark for IR Constructivism.
We emphasize the multiplicity of Constructivisms because Wendts version,
drawing on an eclectic literature, primarily Giddenss and later Bhaskars, is
very different to Onuf and Kratochwils approach. Indeed, Onuf (2001, p. 10)
acknowledges that neither his nor Kratochwils founding texts much influenced
IR Constructivism.
Constructivisms external inspiration was rooted in critical social and
political theory, and found its way into IR during the so-called Third Debate
(the 1980s and early 1990s). Although critical social and political theory is
highly diverse, it can be subdivided into a minimal foundationalist current
drawing on cultural Marxism, and an anti-foundational and anti-essentialist
current drawing on Continental philosophy and linguistics (cf. Hoffman,
1991; Price and Reus-Smit, 1998). Andrew Linklater (1990) and Robert Cox
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(1983) are prominent scholars drawing on the Frankfurt School and Gramsci,
respectively. The second, more radical current is epitomized by Ashley (1986),
Der Derian (1987, with Shapiro, 1989), Campbell (1998 [1992]) and Walker
(1993).
The end of the Cold War and the Neo-Neo Synthesis inability to account
for this macrostructural change provided a symbolic point of convergence
between internal and external strands attempts to debunk the myth of
objectivism (Hoffman, 1987). In the early 1990s, however, little indicated
Constructivisms future intellectual preponderance. Scattered patches of
Constructivist thought were largely ignored: the Third Debate, a set of
exchanges directing attention to metatheoretical questions, did not involve
Constructivism. Rather, Constructivisms distinct identity was created in
the wake of the philosophical turn: the rest of this paper sketches key
practices and events through which the discourse over Constructivism was
shaped, particularly in relation to mainstream Neo-utilitarian IR.
Genealogies of Normalization I: Classification, Distillation and
Immunization
Foundational elements of IR Constructivism were presented above as they are
in the literature: a straightforward, if complex, intellectual history. The
remainder of this paper considers a series of debates around which the
narrative of Constructivism and its relation to mainstream and to Postmodern/
Post-structural scholarship have been built, analysing the way those debates
were articulated, and how their results provided the backbone of what
Constructivism is now commonly held to entail. This analysis suggests that the
modalities and implications of this process are broader than an intellectual
history identifies, effectively leading to the immunization of Neo-utilitarian
IR against Postmodern/Post-structural critiques, and thus Constructivisms
normalization (see Figure 1).
This section analyses the taxonomical debates over Constructivisms
ontological, epistemological and methodological commitments. These are
crucial to what is accepted as Constructivism: despite being highly problematic
in terms of PoSS, the accepted solutions to these debates, through a series of
blind spots, help skew IRs discursive economy against radical critiques,
effectively immunizing mainstream IR. Once Neo-utilitarian IR appropriated
a certain understanding of Constructivism, it could also claim to have dealt
with the reflexivist challenge: Constructivism, after all, provides the identity
variable. Nowhere is this clearer than in debates about Constructivisms
compatibility with Pragmatism and Realism.
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Hynek and Teti
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Given the similarities between Constructivisms and Postmodernist/Post-
structuralist ontological foundations (Table 1; 3B), simply deploying late-1980s
Constructivism alongside Neo-utilitarianism (1A-B, 2A-B) would be impos-
sible. The proliferation of debates over the nature of Constructivism
throughout the 1990s was integral to its reconciliation with mainstream
scholarship. This construction of Constructivism, took place in two stages:
in the first, what appeared to be a purely taxonomical exercise was inextricably
linked to a distillation of Constructivism, which immunized Neo-utilitarian-
ism by effectively delegitimizing Postmodern/Post-structural critiques. At
times, the intention of many Constructivists particularly Wendtian to
save identity from postmodernism was openly declared (for example
Checkel, 1998). Classifying Construcitivism, securing what scholarship
may be so labelled, was essential to this process. The second stage involved
debates over building particular theoretical formulations upon these
foundations for example, Pragmatist or Realist Constructivism broadly
securing the neutralization of Constructivisms radical potential by locating it
firmly within the social scientific consensus.
Disciplinary politics of taxonomy
Ruggies (1998, pp. 3536) seminal paper identifies three kinds of Constructi-
vism: neo-classical, post-modernist and naturalistic. Neo-classical Construc-
tivism, language-oriented but committed to social science, is identified
with authors such as Onuf, Kratochwil, Finnemore, Adler and so on. Post-
modernist Constructivism supposedly builds on Nietzsche, Foucault and
Derrida, and rejects the idea of social science. Finally, naturalist Con-
structivists such as Wendt, use Bhaskars scientific realism to defend a deep
realism which might legitimize scientific approaches. In Ruggie, the
Postmodern/Post-structural critics of mainstream IR still feature clearly,
although the sequence of Constructivisms suggests a dialectical overcoming of
these critiques that saves social science for mainstream IR.
Another hugely successful taxonomy distinguishes between conventional and
critical Constructivism (Hopf, 1998).
5
Rooted in the internal strand outlined
above, the former has largely been considered by Constructivists themselves a
result of seeds sown during the Cold War. By identifying Critical
Constructivism with a postmodernism with which dialogue is supposedly
impossible either epistemologically or indeed morally, however, this bipolar
taxonomy delegitimizes Postmodern/Post-structural scholarship. Hopf argues
Constructivism was miscast as necessarily postmodern and antipositivist,
because conventional Constructivism, despite sharing many of the founda-
tional elements of critical theory, [adopts] defensible rules of thumb, or
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conventions, rather than following critical theory all the way up the
postmodern critical path (1998, p. 181) and that to the degree that
constructivism creates theoretical and epistemological distance between itself
and its origins in critical theory, it becomes conventional constructivism
(ibid., p. 181). This representation of Postmodern/Post-structural scholarship
implies that work which rejects rationalist rules of thumb is indefensible, and
recreates an opposition between social scientific Neo-utilitarianism and
Postmodernism/Post-structuralism which, since the epistemic criteria adopted
to adjudicate the viability of Constructivism are rationalist, delegitimizes non-
positivist scholarship (for example Keohane, 1986; Katzenstein et al, 1998;
cf. Smith, 2003, p. 142).
Drawing a distinction within the broad body of Constructivism between
variously named critical and conventional approaches immediately raises the
question of the relation of each to IRs mainstream indeed, the terminology
itself only makes sense taking Neo-utilitarian IR as its point of reference.
Unsurprisingly, whereas critical or postmodern Constructivism was attacked
for supposed incompatibility with social science, Constructivisms emphasis on
that very identity, which Neo-utilitarianism was unable to account for,
motivated many to argue that a Constructivism existed, which criticized not
what [mainstream] scholars do and say but what they ignore: the content and
source of state interests and social fabric of world politics (Checkel, 1998,
p. 324). Thus, Checkel defends a conventional Constructivism compatible with
social science (ibid., p. 327), whereas Wendt (1999, p. 75) distinguishes between
thick linguistic and thin social scientific Constructivism.
Although these classifications may be more accurate in terms of some
scholars self-identification Walker or Ashley would hardly consider
themselves Constructivists they are also more intellectually loaded, implying
Constructivism should not be understood as Postmodern/Post-structural in any
guise (Campbell, 1998 [1992], Epilogue). As such, Neo-utilitarianisms repre-
sentation of the field not only suggests that no Postmodern/Post-structural
approaches can qualify as interlocutors, as they reject the idea that the study of
(international) politics can be scientific (Keohane, 1986), but also marginalizes
non-Wendtian Constructivisms incompatible with a Neo-utilitarian mould.
6
By excluding Postmodern/Post-structural scholarship per se, critical
Constructivism becomes limited to Onuf, Kratochwil and their followers.
But such a bipolar representation also neutralizes the radical potential of the
latter, as it must either accept the bounds of social science, moving towards
conventional approaches, or reject them, thereby disqualifying itself from
inter-paradigmatic dialogue.
7
This polarization therefore has the disciplinary
effect of de-legitimizing postmodern critiques as unscientific if not downright
unscholarly,
8
and reduces other potentially critical Constructivist voices to
a loyal opposition, providing at best a thick description of norms backing up
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thinner versions. Rooted in the elision of ontological differences between
Constructivism and Neo-utilitarianism, the demarcation between modern/
critical and postmodern/critical Constructivism polices the boundary of
acceptable research, contributing to the immunization of mainstream IR
against Postmodern/Post-structural critiques.
From boundaries to bridges
Attempts to find a unity of Constructivism have therefore involved presenting
it as homogeneous, and substantially continuous with (and complementary to)
mainstream IR. Conducted under the rubric of several devices most
significantly the metaphor of Constructivism as a bridge between IR social
science and its critics this quest enables a simultaneous distillation of a certain
kind of Constructivism, and the immunization of mainstream IR through its
purported compatibility with this Constructivism, erecting a fence between
Constructivism proper and everything beyond its margins, that is, critical
Constructivism and especially Postmodernism/Post-structuralism.
Given early Constructivisms ontological commitments (3B), it should be
clear that whether this distillation is at all possible is far from obvious. One
explanation for how this might have occurred lies in what Foucault calls
the principle of commentary. Foucault (1984, pp. 76100) distinguishes
between the principal discourse and the mass of commentaries: the principal
discourse a new speech act is always original and inventive, whereas
commentaries claim to repeat and gloss what has allegedly been pronounced in
the principal discourse. However, this repetition can be rather different from
what might have originally been intended. In this case, if commentaries are
taken as accurate representations of primary sources and these are
simultaneously dropped from debate, commentary limits interpretive possibi-
lities, channelling discourse in certain directions whereas precluding others.
This took place at several junctures in Constructivisms case, with a series of
supposedly crucial references Giddens, Searle, Wittgenstein, Foucault, Rorty
and so on being notably absent from the debates they supposedly inform save
in their earliest days, and very marginally even then (see Figure 2).
Coupled with the disciplinary politics of taxonomy described above, the
bridge metaphor facilitated such a swap. The original principal Constructivist
discourse represented by Onuf, Kratochwil and Wendt, particularly its double
hermeneutic implications, faded into the background through exposure to
Constructivism as presented by commentaries secondary sources (for
example Adler, 1997, 2003; Checkel, 1997, 1998; Hopf, 1998; Katzenstein
et al, 1998; Smith, 2001) that eventually supplanted primary discourse. It
was through precisely such commentaries that Constructivism came to be
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understood as an unproblematic continuation of social science, that it has
repeatedly been judged by objectivist criteria, and that everything lying farther
than modern critical Constructivism, with its role of separating the acceptable
from the unacceptable, has been marginalized (cf. Price and Reus-Smit, 1998;
Guzzini, 2000).
The metaphor of Constructivism-as-bridge between Neo-utilitarianism and
Postmodernism/Post-structuralism facilitates this distillation of Constructivism
in three moments: first, the mainstream definition of knowledge as science
during the Third Debate and the predication of inter-paradigmatic dialogue
in rationalist epistemologies effectively silences radical critiques, Constructi-
vist or otherwise (for example Campbell, 1998). Second, the combination of
dichotomizing taxonomies of Constructivism with its location as potential
inter-paradigmatic bridge distills it, emptying it of critical potential, and
foregrounds continuities with Neo-utilitarianism (epistemic and methodo-
logical commitments, the states ontological privilege and so on).
Finally, this definition of knowledge also enabled the development of
bridges compatible with Neo-utilitarianism such as Pragmatist or Realist
Constructivism. In this sense, mainstreaming Constructivism immunizes
Neo-utilitarianism from both Postmodernist/Post-structuralist critiques and
from Constructivisms own ontology.
Genealogies of Normalization II: Neutralizations by New Reconstructions
Whatever their intellectual merits, these debates effectively neutralized the
radical potential entailed by Constructivisms ontologico-epistemological
Figure 2: Principal discourses and commentaries (based on Foucault, 1984).
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commitments (Figure 1; 3B). A discursive economy rooted in these readings of
social science could not but de-legitimize a non-positivist scholarship that
rejected the possibility of quests for timeless wisdoms.
But this balance of blindnesses remained delicate. What stabilized it and
legitimized the bridging function to which Constructivism was assigned was the
elaboration of theoretical constructs upon these mainstreamed foundations.
Two notable efforts in this direction were the invocation of Pragmatism to
emphasize the compatibility between Constructivism and social science
(Cochran, 2002) and defend Wendtian commitments to states (Haas and
Haas, 2002; Widmaier, 2004), and the theorization of a Realist Constructi-
vism. Reading philosophical Pragmatism as an epistemic stance bypassed
dangerous debates over Constructivist ontological foundations: Pragmatisms
pragmatism effectively rendered Constructivisms ontological compatibility
with Neo-utilitarianism unproblematic. And Realist Constructivism silenced
Postmodernist/Post-structuralist critiques by providing the identity variable.
Pragmatist constructivism as an indirect neutralization
That Pragmatism was concerned with practical interventions is straight-
forward: why and how this entails Constructivisms compatibility with
Neo-utilitarianism is less so. A considerable component of this appropriation
relies simply on the association if not conflation of Pragmatism and
pragmatism, associating Pragmatism with practicality, claiming Pragmatism-
as-pragmatism as philosophical legitimization of mainstreamed readings of
Constructivism. This conflation, or at least resemblance between terms is
present in Widmaier (2004), where Pragmatism supposedly corrects the
abstract excesses of both Neo-utilitarianism and Postmodernism/Post-struc-
turalism for the explicit purpose of policy relevance. Both Widmaier and
Millenniums 2002 special issue use the lower case when referring both to
Pragmatism-as-philosophy and to pragmatism-as-practicality, giving rise to
ambiguity concerning what is meant (Pragmatist? pragmatic? both?). Widmaier
does this arguing that Deweys and Galbraiths strength was that they were
both worldly and scholarly, engaged in theoretical debates while also pursuing
policy agendas (2004, p. 443), emphasizing Pragmatisms potential for
practical political engagement. Albert and Kopp-Malek (2002) explicitly argue
for a non-capital-p-pragmatism. Haas and Haas (2002) carefully distinguish
between international relations and International Relations, but ambigu-
ously label their approach simply pragmatic constructivism, whereas Bohman
(2002) and Owen (2002) declare this association of meanings in their titles:
How to make Social Science Practical: Pragmatism, Critical Social Science and
Multiperspectival Theory and Re-Orienting International Relations: On
Pragmatism, Pluralism and Practical Reasoning (emphasis added).
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Haas and Haas (2002) and Widmaier (2004) provide archetypical examples
of the appropriation of Pragmatism supporting mainstreamed Constructivism.
Widmaier calls for Pragmatism as an underpinning for Wendtian Constructi-
vism,
9
calling Dewey a pragmatist proto-constructivist (2004, pp. 428, 432,
436, 438). Yet, these appropriations are themselves if anything more pragmatic
than Pragmatist. Widmaiers (2004) pragmatist-constructivism and Haas and
Haas (2002) pragmatic constructivism sound similar, but the latter proposal
for Pragmatist Constructivism seems barely nominal, based merely on passing
references to Rorty and Menand. Neumann (2002) shifts the emphasis even
further, never invoking Pragmatism (aside from a solitary footnote mentioning
Peirce), never claiming to contribute to that intellectual tradition, and focusing
entirely and explicitly on the virtues of practice-grounded analysis. The very
inclusion of this paper in a special issue about capital-p-Pragmatism implies
that Pragmatism and pragmatism are one and the same.
Pragmatists clearly always thought the political dimension of philosophy
important, and to the extent that they realized the intractability of
foundational and epistemological questions and side-stepped some of them,
they were also practical, both academically and politically. But advocating
avoiding dogmatism means little beyond what should be canons of good
scholarship conversely, being practical does not make one a Pragmatist.
Moreover, although there is a legitimate overlap between the two terms rooted in
the origins and political as well as epistemological project of Pragmatism, their
distinction and its disciplinary politics are equally important. Resolving the
ambiguity around both uses of pragmatism in Millenniums special issue
required little effort: adopting lower or higher cases for the two meanings, for
example. Blurring the Pragmatism/pragmatism boundary, whether intentionally
or not, effectively produces a linguistic gambit: the mainstream particularly
Realist infatuation with being pragmatic makes the meliorative reform of
Pragmatism as an addition to Constructivism difficult to object to, despite its
implications being potentially far-reaching and indeed not dissimilar to those of
more explicitly radical Postmodern/Post-structural critiques (Albert and Kopp-
Malek, 2002, p. 469, fn. 38). This is the implication of work by Bohman,
Cochran, Festenstein and Isacoff. However, this opening has also been used by
other authors Haas and Haas, Albert and Kopp-Malek, Owen, Widmaier, and
Neumann to deflect radical critiques by invoking Pragmatism/pragmatism in
defence of an only slightly modified mainstream position (for example Wendt or
Checkel) thereby indirectly (and at least in some cases, unintentionally)
neutralizing Constructivism and bringing it closer to mainstream IR.
Pragmatism is also used by some to argue explicitly for an understanding of
Constructivism, compatible with Neo-utilitarianism and squarely within
Wendts via media. Millenniums editorial offered a candid statement echoing
many of Constructivisms mantras: Pragmatism affords the possibility of
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overcoming the stalemate opposing positivism and post-positivism, and IRs
fixation with absolute and exclusive ontological solutions by [encouraging] a
multi-perspectival style of inquiry that privileges practice and benefits from the
complementarity, rather than opposition, of different understandings (Haas
and Haas, 2002, p. iii). Specifically: Pragmatism explicitly anchors social
science (and IR) to a notion of community of inquiry, of agents and gears
research to the idea of its betterment (ibid., p. iii). Through Pragmatism,
those refusing to follow critical theory all the way up the postmodern
path can simultaneously claim a legitimate disregard for ontology and an
acknowledgement of the importance of identity while having to sacrifice
neither social science, nor the objective moral purchase it promises. Several
contributors echo this stance, such as Haas and Haas, who argue that
incommensurate ontological and epistemological positions [y] fundamentally
impair the ability to develop cumulative knowledge about international
institutions and their role in international relations (ibid., p. 573). Analo-
gously, claiming that Constructivism is in fact a form of constructivist realism
(2B), Adler (2003, p. 96) states that one of the four main influences on
Constructivism is Pragmatism.
Whether one draws on classical Pragmatists or on Neo-pragmatists,
however, this move to associate Pragmatism, Constructivism and
Neo-utilitarianism is problematic. Classical Pragmatists Peirce, William
James, Dewey, Austin argue truth is never a priori, always provisional,
always context-specific, and therefore must be judged solely on its usefulness in
achieving some purpose. Moreover, Pragmatists do not believe one can talk
about a world external to language, the implication being that agents
build knowledge from different standpoints and in order to change the world
in different ways: hence, social ontologies must be fluid.
Neo-pragmatism builds particularly on Dewey and James, emphasizing the
language-dependent nature of claims to knowledge, that the world can be
described correctly from multiple perspectives, and that therefore an ideas
truth is dependent on its context and usefulness, and cannot indicate anything
beyond this. Putnam (1990) and Rorty (1979, 1991) conclude that science does
not and cannot possess a privileged vantage point upon reality. Moreover,
although Putnam and Rorty disagree on the extent to which the external
world provides some constraint on truth Putnam trying to rescue some such
dimension, Rorty opposing this Neo-pragmatists are committed to the idea
that the social world is changeable, and all Pragmatists remain sceptical of
transcendental claims.
Against this background, some readings of Pragmatism offered in
Millenniums special issue are puzzling. Pragmatism is used to address
ontological and epistemological tensions arising from Neo-utilitarian
attempts to counter Postmodern/Post-structural critiques by assimilating
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Constructivism. Although Pragmatism generally eschews ontological claims
while arguing that it is possible to proceed accumulating valid knowledge and
acting upon the world meaningfully despite this knowledge being only
temporarily valid, it nonetheless sits decidedly ill at ease with conventional
Constructivism. Firstly, Pragmatism rejects that ontological realism character-
istic of much Neo-utilitarianism which transpires declared or otherwise in
criticism of Postmodern/Post-structural theories of power as inadequate
because they do not reflect the realities of politics. This anti-realism leads
Pragmatists to reject questions of essences sovereign, anarchic and so on
emphasizing that both questions and essences or indeed foundations are
inevitably context-dependent, subjective, programmatic and transformative.
There can be no timeless wisdom, Realist or otherwise. Secondly, Pragmatism
also rejects the idea that Neo-utilitarianism somehow accesses a superior form
of knowledge. Most Pragmatists do not believe science succeeds because it is
in touch with reality in privileged ways, with Rorty (1998, p. 48) arguing that
concepts of truth, objectivity and reality cannot be invoked to explain
inferential references or standards of warrant. Finally, Neo-utilitarian social
sciences promise to retrieve spatio-temporally invariant and observer-
independent law-like generalizations relies crucially on the fixity of the
properties of the objects it analyses: if either Constructivists or Pragmatists are
right about the fluidity of ontology, this project becomes impossible. This is
not to say social scientific methods cannot generate knowledge, but espousing
Pragmatism renders indefensible claims about its spatio-temporally invariant
and observer-neutral status.
Given this fundamental tension between Neo-utilitarianism and the
implications of a fluid ontology in Constructivism or indeed Pragmatism, it
is unsurprising that Pragmatism has been read by some as offering the
possibility of eschewing ontology entirely, and, at an epistemological level, of
requiring that regardless of their coherence, ideas should simply work in order
to legitimize their use. Nonetheless, the use of Pragmatism to ground
a reconciliation between Neo-utilitarianism and Constructivisms radical
implications remains unsustainable.
Realist (Re)construction as a direct neutralization
As noted above, the taxonomical division between critical and conventional
Constructivisms immunize mainstream IR insofar as it raises the question of
Constructivisms direct relation to Neo-utilitarian IR and sets up the answer by
delegitimizing non-positivist solutions. To the degree this discursive economy is
unstable, appropriate interparadigmatic theoretical elaborations help mask
the precarious nature of Neo-utilitarianisms solution. Virtually simultaneously
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to the taxonomical debate and the foray into Pragmatism, a considerable
interest in Constructivisms liberalism and a possible convergence with
Realism emerged. Following the trajectory which led to Realist Constructi-
vism is particularly instructive (for example Checkel, 1998; Copeland, 2000;
Sterling-Folker, 2000, 2002a, b; Farrell, 2002; Barkin, 2003; Hamlet, 2003;
Jackson, 2004; Jackson and Nexon, 2004).
Some, like Copeland, argue that Constructivists focus on the intersubjective
dimension of knowledge, because they wish to emphasize the social aspect of
human existence [allowing] constructivists to pose [shared ideas] as a causal
force separate from the material structure of neorealism (2000, pp. 189190).
Similarly, Farrell suggests that the realization that identities are causal with
respect to action leads constructivists and culturalists to problematize that
which realists and neoliberals take for granted, like identities and interests
(2002, p. 52). Farrell also emphasizes that a common realist misconception
about constructivism [is] that it lacks a positivist epistemology but has a
normative agenda (2002, p. 51). Others explicitly argue that, as a theoretical
framework rather than a substantive theory, Constructivism is compatible with
several theories, including Realism: Jepperson et al argue that Constructivism
neither advances nor depends upon any special methodology or epistemology
(in Jepperson et al., 1996, p. 65); Kratochwil and Ruggie add that it is
compatible with a positivist epistemology (ibid., p. 81), soon echoed by Checkel
(1998, p. 327), whereas Barkin (2003, p. 338) argues that neither pure realism
nor pure idealism [sic] can account for political change, only the interplay
between the two (ibid., p. 337). Sterling-Folker (2002a) goes so far as to argue
that Realism and Constructivism share Darwinian foundations. Soon after,
explicit suggestions appear that a Realist Constructivism should be formulated
(Sterling-Folker, 2002a; Barkin, 2003; Jackson, 2004). These analyses prepare the
discursive grounds for the legitimacy of a RealistConstructivist convergence.
Beyond being possible, such an approach should also be desirable, and it is
not difficult to find arguments that such Realist Constructivism could
contribute to analysis in several ways: Sterling-Folker (2002a, p. 75), for
example, argues Realism and Constructivism need one another in order to
compensate for their worst excesses. With regard to power, Realist Con-
structivism could fill a gap between mainstream and critical theory by including
in any exploration of power, not only postmodern theorys study of the
subjective text and positivist realisms study of objective phenomena, but also
constructivisms study of intersubjectivity norms and social rules (Barkin,
2003, p. 338). This would involve guiding scholars to think like a classical realist
about the variety of power while guiding [them] to analyze the role of that power
in international political life like a constructivist (Mattern, 2004, p. 345). Realist
Constructivism would concede that anarchy [may be] a social construction
while remaining sceptical about the degree to which power can be transcended
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(Jackson and Nexon, 2004, p. 339). Moreover, Realist Constructivism would
furnish Realism with a richer understanding of identity, change and of the
interplay of power and normative change (Barkin, 2003, p. 337) while helping
Constructivism compensate for its liberal bias (ibid., p. 326).
This formulation, however, is flawed both logically and in its representations
of Neo-utilitarianism and Postmodernism/Post-structuralism. To ground the
RealistConstructivist convergence, Barkin (2003, pp. 330331) characterizes
Neo-realism as logical positivism, conflates the latter with Positivism, then
claims that Classical Realism is empiricist, and that as such it is compatible
with Constructivism. This disregards Neo-utilitarian commitments to the
existence and fixity of a social reality external to and independent of observers,
and to the possibility of socio-political spatio-temporally invariant law-like
generalizations. On these grounds, logical positivism, empiricism and main-
stream IR might agree, but these are precisely the positions that Constructi-
visms ontology are incompatible with. For example, Matterns (2004, p. 345)
own argument that Realist Constructivism should recognize international
politics intersubjectively and culturally constituted ontology implies re-
opening precisely the question of Constructivisms ontological difference from
Neo-utilitarian IR, yet she goes on to advocate and develop Realist
Constructivism untroubled.
If Constructivism is about anything, it is not simply identity, but about the
fluidity of ontology deriving directly from identitys mutually constituted
inter-subjectivity. Despite this, the analyses above invariably take Constructi-
vism as a methodological or epistemological standpoint. This does not mean
that Kratochwil, Ruggie or others are mistaken about the compatibility of such
an ontology with Neo-utilitarian epistemology or methods (for example
Farrell, 2002, p. 51). Quantitative methods are not incompatible with an
ontology that gives causal weight to cultural variables, but the changeable
nature of those cultural variables is incompatible with claims to timeless
wisdoms: it is the status ascribed to the results of enquiry which is the core
of the Neo-utilitarianPostmodern/Post-structuralist divide. Yet Realist
Constructivism represents nothing if not the aim of retaining the spatio-
temporal invariance of laws and observer-neutrality. The possibility and
primacy of these epistemic aims constitutes precisely the Neo-utilitarian
Postmodern/Post-structuralist disagreement, which genuinely challenges the
possibility of inter-paradigmatic dialogue (for example Teti, 2007).
Moreover, in debates about Constructivism this dividing line seems to have
migrated from the demarcation of boundaries between Neo-utilitarian IR
and Constructivism per se to a distinction between critical and conventional
Constructivism. The importance of this migration is that by mainstreaming
Constructivism, it effectively reinforces Neo-utilitarianism rather than
challenge it, neutralizing precisely Constructivisms most radical implications.
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That a research programme be capable of incorporating new theses, methods
or research foci is generally a sign of strength, but questions should be
asked when those new elements are accepted despite starkly contradicting
programmes core.
Nor were these debates over the Neo-utilitarianPostmodern/Post-structur-
alist divide unprecedented upon Constructivisms emergence in the late 1980s:
they were central to the Philosophical Turn. In fact, recent claims about
the importance of social scientific approaches crucial to the quest for
Constructivist/Neo-utilitarian convergence strikingly echo Keohanes (1986)
call that scientific testing adjudicate between rationalism and reflectivism.
Moving away from questions of foundations, there are several other features
of the emergence of Realist Constructivism that deserve attention.
Reprising the familiar Realist Leitmotiv of Liberalism here reincarnated as
Constructivism as a well-meaning but nave and woolly minded and in any
case analytically inadequate attempt to transcend power, idealist in the
derogatory sense, has proven particularly popular. This leads some advocates
of Realist Constructivism to rather odd conclusions. Mattern, for example,
infers that postmodernism is unable to conceive power except as passively
enacted through social relationships, missing those variegated forms of
expression and productive dimensions that would allow an understanding of
power [as] a question to be investigated, not a variable or process to be
accounted for whereas Realist Constructivism considers how specific actors
wield different forms of power (authority, force, care, and so on) through
different expressions (linguistic, symbolic, material, and so on) to produce
different social realities (Mattern, 2004, p. 345). Attempts to berate
Postmodern/Post-structural scholarship on these grounds are rather ironic,
because the key criticism levelled at Neo-utilitarianism is precisely its limited,
unreflective conception of power.
Another vital aspect of Realist Constructivisms emergence relates to its role
in the politics of Constructivisms relations with mainstream IR. Farrell (2002),
virtually alone among those advocating the possibility of dialogue with
Neo-utilitarianism, explicitly acknowledges the politics of relations between the
two, suggesting these pivot essentially on what posture Constructivists
take viz. Neo-utilitarianism, friend or foe. For example, in response to Price
and Reus-Smit (1998), who note the shared roots of Constructivist approaches
in critical political theory and argue for a rapprochement between critical and
conventional constructivists rather than with the Neo-utilitarian mainstream,
Farrell (2002, p. 60) cautions that this risks incurring dismissal rather than
engagement. This is a recognition that the outcome of these debates which,
as Farrell notes, could be crucial to Constructivisms very survival has at
least as much to do with perceptions about intellectual and political
commitments as with argumentation per se. In the context of a debate which,
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although foregrounding the causal importance of ideas and their relation with
power, manages to ignore self-reflection on how it goes about constructing
itself, this is a welcome exception. However, it cannot lessen the striking
parallel between this (Realist) Constructivist silence and its counterpart in
debates about Pragmatism.
This section has examined additional disciplinary consequences of taxono-
mical polarization in debates on Constructivism, noting how it enables a non-
ontological interpretation of Constructivism as focused on ideas. This implies
a division of labour between Realisms materialist focus and Constructivisms
idealism, complementarity rather than antagonism, making it virtually
impossible for Constructivism to present any substantive challenge. In this
sense, the selective articulation of a Constructivist/Neo-utilitarian convergence
responds to the Constructivist challenge by eliding its ontological roots.
Having accepted with little substantial modification mainstream epistemic
standards, de-legitimizing non-Neo-utilitarian epistemologies, this conver-
gence can only subsume Constructivism within the paradigm it sought to
undermine, as provider of the identity variable. This focus on epistemology
and methodology, however, cannot exorcize the implications of the duality
of structure: in trying to save identity from postmodernists (Checkel, 1998,
p. 327) the emperor has acquired decidedly ill-fitting new clothes.
Blind spots
The emerging consensus sketched above is far from logically coherent: it
involves indeed, requires blind spots, such as the lack of reflexivity in
analysing its own ontological, epistemic, methodological and political
commitments. These blind spots are themselves integral to the mainstreaming
of Constructivism.
Two key blind spots are related to the intersubjectivity and co-
constitutiveness of Constructivist ontology. The first is a surprising absence
from the literature. If one of the hallmarks of Constructivism is the notion of
co-constitution agency and structure, Constructivists themselves have focused
on discourse, largely ignoring the material, whereas one might have said that
the true promise of Constructivism was its double co-constitutiveness,
the analysis of the co-constitution of both material and ideational structure
and agency. This blind spot facilitated branding Constructivism as idealist
both in the limited sense of dealing with ideas alone, and in the pejorative sense
typical of Realism, which notoriously creates a narrative that uses the
rhetorical device of dichotomization to set itself up as the standard of prudent
statecraft against the utopianism of idealists (Lynch, 1999, p. 59; also: Steele,
2007, p. 28). Wendt himself explicitly distinguished Constructivism from
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Liberalism precisely because, since Carr, Idealist has functioned in IR
primarily as an epithet for navete and utopianism (1999, p. 33). To the extent
that idealism signifies a focus on ideas, this label facilitated an interpretation
of its relation to Neo-utilitarianism as one of complementarity rather than
antagonism.
A second blind spot is the decreasing concern for Constructivisms early
ontological claims. During the 1990s, Constructivists seemed to systematically
shift/de-emphasize ontological commitments: indeed, the debate about
Constructivisms relation to mainstream IR particularly around Realist
Constructivism bypasses ontology virtually entirely (cf. Reus-Smit, 2002,
p. 493). Wendt, IRs most influential expounder of PoSS during the 1990s,
provides the best example of this: although his earlier work carefully outlined
the implications of a structurationist ontology for agent-structure co-
constitution, he later abandons Giddens ontology and its double hermeneutic
implications (3B) for Bhaskars scientific realism (2B). Moreover, Wendts
later commitment to positivism (I am a positivist; 1999, p. 39) conflates two
ontologically incompatible positions: constructivist empiricism (1B) and
constructivist realism (2B). Simultaneously, his shifting emphasis towards
epistemology obscures ontological discrepancies, highlighting shared epistemic
commitments, implying that a Constructivist scientific project is possible.
Similarly, Adler attempts to equate constructivist realism (2B) and IR
Constructivism via Searle and the Pragmatists. Despite acknowledging
Pragmatisms ontological agnosticism Adler (2003, p. 97) argues that since
[a]ll strands of constructivism converge on an ontology that depicts the social
world (ibid., p. 100), [s]ome differences between Wendt and his critics may be
reconciled by pragmatist realism [y] Contra Smith, we need a realist ontology
[y] Contra Wendt, however, we need a pragmatist epistemology (ibid.,
p. 107), thereby effectively transferring Constructivism from 3B to 2B. Thus,
the reconciliation of social science with identitys constructedness can be
predicated on retaining the latter while taking state identity as given, coherent,
non-contradictory and before context (Adler, 1997; Wendt, 1999; cf. Zehfuss,
2001): when Checkel indicates what challenges face conventional, and
mostly positivist constructivists (2004, p. 239) he omits ontology, arguing
that the most important task is to adjudicate whether persuasion or
deliberation are key causal mechanisms of preference change (see Figure 3).
Thus, the implications of Constructivisms structurationist ontology end up
neutralized either through some ontological privilege for the state, or by
arguing that states behave as if their identity were fixed. Either way, states
ontological fixity or epistemic privilege remains incompatible with claims that
identities and attendant political practices are spatio-temporally variable.
This neutralization of ontology crucially affects debates about relations
between positivism and its others, specifically whether Constructivism can
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provide a via media, because on these grounds, echoing Keohanes 1986 ISA
Presidential Address, it becomes possible to predicate dialogue on those very
social scientific grounds that are the bone of contention. It is therefore
unsurprising that Wendt alone has been taken as watermark of Constructivism
in bridge-building attempts (Steele, 2007, p. 30) not because he alone is
sympathetic to Neo-utilitarianism (cf. Kratochwil, 1988), but because, unlike
Onuf or Kratochwil, his (later) ontological commitments do not raise the
issue of the status of the knowledge generated through Neo-utilitarian
epistemologies applied to changeable ontological foundations.
A third, related blindness is the paucity of reflections on how these
analyses are themselves inextricable from particular normative commitments
(and their reproduction). Despite focusing on language games and knowl-
edge-praxis relations in agents, Constructivists fail to analyse the linkage
between power, identity and knowledge by reflecting on the process of (their
own) knowledge production. This should be especially surprising given
Wendts hugely popular use of Giddens (1984, pp. 3233, 348), who explicitly
argues that a double hermeneutic flows directly from the duality of structure.
By contrast, Pragmatists, like Post-structuralists, engage with precisely such
questions. Rorty (1982) argues that one must ask not What is the essence
of such-and-such a problem? but What sort of vocabulary, what image of
man, would produce such problems? What does the persistence of such
problems show us about being twentieth-century Europeans? Pragmatism
provides an unambiguously politicized answer to these questions, recognizing
that observation and knowledge cannot be neutral, fixed or objective,
but are always for someone and for something (Bohman, 2002, pp. 500501,
fn 1), both insofar as observers come to a problem from a particular
background and agenda, and because their actions are transformative of
reality. The silence on the politics of knowledge production, despite the
supposed critical turn that Constructivism affords mainstream IR, is
deafening.
Figure 3: The politics of redrawing boundaries: Re-positioning of constructivism from PoSS to IR.
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How has the debate over Constructivism avoided such issues, and how have
such blind spots been sustained over time? The answer is linked to the
portrayal of Constructivism as a Neo-utilitarian undertaking in two ways.
First, because the scientific method supposedly provides a self-correcting
epistemological mechanism, attention to the knowledge production process
becomes ultimately redundant. Second, because the dichotomized ontological
logic that assumes into reality a distinction between a realm of empiricist fact
and a realm of theorized knowledge (George, 1994, p. 18), which lies at the
heart of mainstream IR and its associated representationalist view of language,
[tend] to discourage wider reflection on [y] deep intersubjective beliefs that
orient, shape and constrain the production of ideas (Deibert, 1997, p. 169) so
that, contrary to Pragmatists, [n]othing social need enter into questions
regarding the truth of a belief, because truth is a relation determined by a
solitary subject standing in relation to an independent reality (Manicas in
Deibert, 1997, p. 169). Thus, a number of questions not only go unanswered,
they are never raised. These include questions of the historical origin and
nature of the community-based standards which define what counts as reliable
knowledge, as well as the question of the merits of those standards in the light
of possible alternatives (Neufeld, 1993, p. 26).
Conclusion
Although it has at times been recognized that the fields history cannot be
reduced to a mere sequence of ideas (Waever, 1998), IRs intellectual history
has less often become the object of sustained analysis. This paper has sought to
make a contribution in this direction by analysing one aspect of the fields
discursive economy the emergence and disciplinary trajectories of
Constructivism by applying Foucaultian archaeologico-genealogical strategy
of problematization. This approach reveals how Constructivism has been
drawn gradually closer to its mainstream Neo-utilitarian counterpart, and
how this normalization effectively purged Constructivism of its early critical
potential.
The paper first showed how Constructivisms current intellectual configura-
tion and its rise to disciplinary prominence are inseparable from far-from-
unproblematic readings of basic problems in the Philosophy of Social Science:
choices made at this level are neither as intellectually neutral nor as
disciplinarily inconsequential as they are presented. The paper then charted
the genealogy of early Constructivism, analysing the politics of early
classificatory practices to reveal how these permitted the distillation and
immunization of Constructivism against more radical Postmodernist/
Post-structuralist critiques. Finally, the paper focused attention on recent
events that enabled the neutralization of this radical critical potential both
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indirectly for example, through Pragmatist Constructivism and directly,
through the formulation of Realist Constructivism. Thus, the overall
normalization of Constructivism occurred in different stages, each revolving
around particular debates: apparently critical alternatives that aim to provide
the identity variable, in fact, remain close to Neo-utilitarianism, but their
successful representation as critical helped neutralize Postmodern/Post-
structuralist critiques.
A striking implication of this analysis is that Constructivism, as a theoretical
construction assessed against its own standards, strictly speaking does not
exist. If by Constructivism one means the standpoint absorbed into main-
stream IR then, as Sterling-Folker (2002a) argues, one is hard-pressed to find
significant ontological, epistemological or indeed methodological differences
with respect to Neo-utilitarianism. If, on the other hand, moving from early
formulations of its ontology and the double hermeneutics which ensue,
one takes Constructivism to entail ontological anti-foundationalism and anti-
essentialism, one must recognize that such calls and such formulations are
not new, but are present in more rigorous and complete ways in Postmodern/
Post-structuralist critiques. Either way, it is difficult not to conclude that
Constructivism is not all it is made out to be. Yet, if Constructivism does not
exist in these senses, it has certainly had a crucial impact on the field as
a discursive practice: the debate over its nature has been crucial to IRs
infra-disciplinary balance of intellectual power, and thus to the vision of
international politics which, from this field, percolates into policy design and
public debate.
Although these results are necessarily partial, this paper has shown that the
intellectual configuration and fortunes of Constructivism are influenced by
more than the straightforward intellectual history through which mainstream
IR usually tells its own story. Specifically, the theoretical moves and blind
spots outlined above simultaneously produced the normalization of Con-
structivism and the immunization of its more radical strands, and the silencing
of Postmodernist/Post-structuralist critiques to Neo-utilitarianism. From this
vantage point, calls for Constructivism to save identity from postmodernists
(Checkel, 1998, p. 325) are clearly rooted in a blindness and selectivity in the
elaboration of contemporary Social Scientific forms of Constructivism,
which are themselves built into the very terms through which Neo-utilitarian
scholarship understands its remit (for example Keohane, 1986). This
complex process of (re)reading and (re)producing what counts as Constructi-
vism helps explain not only the normalization of Constructivism itself, but,
insofar as it helps explain Neo-utilitarianisms continued insulation from
Postmodernist/Post-structuralist critiques, also provides an important key
to understanding the reproduction of IRs infra-disciplinary centre of
intellectual gravity.
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Acknowledgement
We thank Jozef Ba tora, Theo Farrell, Yale Ferguson, Stefano Guzzini, Audie
Klotz and Cecelia Lynch and three anonymous reviewers and the editors for
comments on earlier drafts. Financial support from the Czech Academy of
Science (grant number KJB708140803) is gratefully acknowledged.
Notes
1 Although the division is usually framed in positivist/post-positivist terms, we resort to this
alternative labelling for reasons elucidated further below (see especially Blind spots and Figure 3).
2 Capitalized terms refer to IR scholarship, whereas lower-case terms designate PoSS positions.
3 Partially shared key assumptions by empiricists and logical positivists sometimes lead to their
incorrect conflation. We would like to thank an anonymous reviewer for emphasizing this point.
4 Bhaskar (1997) distinguishes between general scientific-realist theory of science (transcendental
realism) and a narrower version appertaining to social science (critical naturalism).
5 Several earlier formulations echo Hopfs. Adler (1997) distinguishes between modern, legal,
narrative and genealogical Constructivism, with the first three falling under Hopfs conven-
tional rubric. Adler (1997, 2003) speaks about a weak programme designating Neo-Kantian
Constructivism close to (3B) and a scientific strong programme, encapsulating most IR
Constructivists. Price and Reus-Smit (1998) and Reus-Smit (2002) distinguish between minimal
foundationalist/positivist/modern and anti-foundationalist/interpretive/postmodern currents.
6 Sterling-Folker (2000) consequently argues that functionalist/liberal logic is inherent to all
Constructivism, subsuming under this rubric (neo)Functionalism and (neo)Liberal Institution-
alism.
7 The taxonomies discussed are actually defined in methodological rather than ontological or
epistemological terms, further neutralizing thick Constructivism, because Postmodern/Post-
structural methods are considered unscientific.
8 Ironically, the representation of social scientific scholarship as bias-free justifies criticism of
Postmodernists/Post-structuralists on the grounds of their normative commitments (for example
Reus-Smit, 2002, p. 501; Checkel, 2004, p. 236).
9 Widmaier is probably aware of Millenniums special issue, as he cites Isacoffs contribution,
although this is the sole piece he refers, ignoring Haas and Haas introductory paper.
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199 r 2010 Macmillan Publishers Ltd. 1470-8914 Contemporary Political Theory Vol. 9, 2, 171199

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