ABSTRACT. John McCumbers Time in the Ditch: American Philosophy and the McCarthy Era provides a compelling account of a repressed part of philosophys history and its tragic consequences for subsequent decades of philosophic practice in the U.S. Political values and interests originating in McCarthyism got encoded within abstract conceptual frameworks, propelling analytic philosophy to an undeserved position of authority while depriving it of critical self-understanding. This comment identies residues of McCarthyism still playing out in the Science Wars, and the career of critical philosophic projects in both other disciplines and philosophys feminist and multicultural fringes. John McCumber provides a fascinating and compelling analysis of the effects of McCarthyism on American philosophy (McCumber, 2000). He describes how it shaped the lives of both individual philosophers and philosophic institutions. He explores how the goals, methods, and contents of philosophy have to this day been distorted and impoverished by McCarthyism. Indeed, McCumber delineates how and why the intellectual power of American philos- ophy has suffered more than did the goals, methods and contents of other disciplines where similar witch hunts occurred. McCarthyism, and the complicity with McCarthyism adopted by the APA and the AAUP especially, has deected American philosophy from that important and distinctive of philosophic tasks: know thyself. Accounts of McCarthyisms effects in other disciplines have been available for some time. McCumber has plunged in to help us begin to think our way through such issues for philosophy. We owe him a debt not only for taking the plunge, but also for the way his analysis expands the horizons of awareness about how political values and interests get encoded within apparently culturally-neutral and abstract conceptual frameworks and practices. Philosophy turns out to be another technototem, as scholars in science and tech- nology studies put the point, transporting historically-specic social distinctions into our cultures most authoritative and purportedly Philosophical Studies 108: 195201, 2002. 2002 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands. 196 SANDRA HARDING objective accounts of reality and the structure of human thought (Hess, 1995). 1. MAKING SENSE OF OUR HISTORIES Personally I felt a growing sense of, well, relief as I was drawn through McCumbers narrative. I had puzzled over the fact that the hot new directions to which my professors in the 1950s and 60s recruited me seemed to share a project in such disparate elds as literary criticism, sociology, and philosophy. Was it purely an acci- dent that all were preoccupied with the intellectual importance and pleasures of walling off their purportedly culturally-neutral goals, methods, and contents from consideration of the ways social, polit- ical, and economic relations shape abstract, formal elements of the thought of an era? As an undergraduate English major in the 1950s, I had been drawn into the new criticism. This approach insisted that the only legitimate meanings of a literary text were those that could be found in the texts formal structure. To interpret a poem in light of its historical context was illicitly to import into the text intellec- tually suspect information that was irrelevant to the true meaning of the poem. A decade later, I started graduate school in sociology because I wanted to explore social theory. It turned out there were no graduate social theory course offered in the curriculum of the respected but, nevertheless, only university to which I could reason- ably attend while tied to domestic duties. Moreover, my advisor found my request for such a course intellectually suspect, lent me his Cliff Notes to Weber, Durkheim, Marx, and Parsons with the comment that this was more than I would ever need to know about theory, and told me that it didnt mater what I studied in sociology as long as I learned how to quantify it properly. Fortunately, I enjoyed both the statistics and methods courses I was required to take. However, this pleasure alienated my fellow students from me. This sojourn in sociology lasted a year (though I returned in the late 1970s to hold a joint appointment in the graduate division of a sociology department for 17 years), and I then moved to a philosophy graduate program where I had the dubious pleasures of Sidney Hooks last class, courses by William Barrett, and ordinary AMERICAN PHILOSOPHY AS A TECHNOTOTEM 197 language courses of various sorts. Hooks and Barretts defenses of McCarthyism, and the rise of ordinary language philosophy are discussed by McCumber as part of McCarthyisms life in philos- ophy. Fortunately, the pleasures of the formal led me to ll up my course of study with logic and philosophy of science classes. This is what I was doing in 1968 while many of my colleagues today were then organizing the most inuential political revolu- tion in the North of the last 50 years. However, improbable as such a possibility initially appeared to me, this disciplinary location has proved a rewarding one from which to think about feminism, postcolonialism, and, the conceptual practices of power that are enabled by different philosophic frameworks 1 that is for helping Western epistemology and philosophy of science to know itself. McCumbers account has helped me to make sense of my own intellectual history, especially as it explores whether it would be more accurate to regard analytic philosophy as a politics more than as a philosophy, as McCumber puts the point (12). I would want to avoid two assumptions one could attribute to McCumbers query here, however. One is that there can in principle be any philosophy which can escape cultural ngerprints. The second is that politics can only be destructive of philosophy. I think McCumbers argu- ment shows that the practices of analytic philosophy have been co-constituted by different politics at different historic moments, but that analytic philosophys undeserved high status in American philosophy departments for the last half-century reects its unfortu- nate resources both from and for the politics McCumber describes. Here, I want briey to pursue this point with respect to two issues McCumber raises. 2. ANALYTIC PHILOSOPHY AND THE SCIENCE WARS McCumber shows how neither the APA nor the AAUP would protect the philosophers whom McCarthyism was attacking at Temple University, the University of Washington, and elsewhere. Philosophers accurately read this message about the limits of their purported academic freedom. 2 In effect McCarthyism drove them into scientistic claims about the nature of philosophy claims that were ready and waiting for them from logical positivisms 198 SANDRA HARDING conceptual projects. As McCumber points out, such scientistic philosophic standards did not fade with the demise of McCarthyism, but instead have steadily gained power and prestige in the discipline in the subsequent half century such that political philosophy and, especially, feminist philosophy are scarce in the leading graduate institutions. 3 However, a funny thing has happened on analytic philosophys journey to scientism. First post-Kuhnian, and more recently feminist and postcolonial science and technology studies (STS), have under- mined the notion of science upon which have depended the defenses of McCarthyism and of the entitlements to unique authority of analytic philosophy. This is too complex a matter to more than gesture toward here. However, in these accounts, including at least some of the postpositivist philosophic ones, the nature and very best practices of the natural sciences have been demonstrated to have, in Kuhns words, an integrity with their historic eras (Kuhn, 1970, p. 1; Hacking, 1983; Harding, 1998; Longino, 1990; Rouse, 1987) It is this historic integrity that is responsible for sciences technototem effect that maps onto nature and research processes in the form of fundamental distinctions often, dichotomies the cultural values and interests of sciences creators, practitioners, and beneciaries. The cognitive, technical core of science is permeated by economic, political, social, aesthetic, and cultural values and interests. Thus no element of science, its institutions or practices is immune to cultural forces. This situation requires drastic revision in mainstream philosophies of science, to which an increasing number of philosophers are turning. 4 My point here is that analytic philos- ophy remains a welcoming home for understandings of science that no longer are state of the art in the elds responsible for producing them. Indeed, the so-called Science Wars, in which feminist and post- modern tendencies in science studies have been demonized and pilloried in the public media as the ight from reason, should be understood as a particularly lively residue of McCarthyism (Gross and Levitt, 1994). Such philosophies, charged with importing polit- ical agendas into the practice and study of science, are presented as threatening the foundations of Civilization. I think that the actual target of these attacks is post-Kuhnian STS, on which feminist AMERICAN PHILOSOPHY AS A TECHNOTOTEM 199 science studies overtly draws, and which shares important assump- tions with poststructuralist approaches to scientic practices and culture. The post-Kuhnian studies had remained largely invisible to most practicing scientists and the general public until the Science Warriors targeted its assumptions as they appeared in recent feminist and postmodernist STS (Ross, 1996). 3. THE EMPIRE PHILOSOPHIZES BACK The second point I want to make is that it is reasonable to see contemporary philosophy as much livelier and hopeful than McCumber suggests. Issues about the nature of philosophy and about the role of public philosophy that could have been addressed inside philosophy departments are being addressed in other disci- plines and at the cultural peripheries of philosophy itself. We could say that the empires over which late Twentieth Century philosophy presumed it was the rightful ruler have revolted and absconded with philosophic goals, methods, and topics that have become immensely inuential, and that are threatening to displace the reigns of both analytic and old- style Continental philosophy everywhere but in the major graduate programs in philosophy departments. These philosophic tendencies have taken on the tasks of produc- ing the public philosophy and public intellectuals that the leading graduate philosophy departments have successfully avoided. McCumber points out that Continental philosophy, which he thinks of as the main alternative to analytic philosophy in recent decades and today, has been impoverished in some of the same ways that have narrowed and distorted analytic philosophy. But he does not see as distinctive philosophic movements the difference philosophies that have emerged in feminism, race- and ethnicity- based, and postcolonial movements, as well as their continuation in older marxian analyses. Moreover, while McCumber does point out that the rise of some philosophic topics and debates in other disciplines can directly be attributed to their invisibility in philosophy departments, I think this is a much more extensive phenomenon than he suggests. We can see such work not only in feminist studies, but also in Queer and cultural studies, and in political theory, sociology of knowl- 200 SANDRA HARDING edge, the history of science, and poststructuralist tendencies in many other disciplines. Outside academia, such work is produced through public policy, jurisprudence, and even now in international relations and development planning. 5 4. PHILOSOPHY FROM MARGINS TO CENTER? 6 The effects of McCarthyism on the ofcial discipline of philos- ophy have indeed been intellectually and institutionally regressive, as well as tragic for many individuals. Yet, it seems to me that a conuence of social processes are arising that promises to change for the better if not the currently top-ranked graduate programs in philosophy, at least the nature and status of most philosophic prac- tice inside the rest of philosophy departments as well as in public life more generally. I wonder if philosophys travels through other disciplines and its own peripheries will have enabled it to grow and ex newmuscles even more benecially than had the discipline been able to produce within its borders the kinds of doing philosophy McCarthyism led it to exile. Sometimes bad things have some good effects. In particular, the exile of critical thought from the heart of philosophy has encouraged examination of the way political codes direct and infuse the apparently most abstract elements of thought, for better as well as for worse, as these purportedly purely abstract elements in turn direct political beliefs and practices. In its sojourn at the peripheries of the discipline, philosophys Owl of Minerva has had to learn to perform a double- day of work, ying by day as well as by night. I, for one, hope it never retreats only to night ights. NOTES 1 This is Dorothy Smiths (1990) phrase. Identifying such practices is a main goal of standpoint epistemologies. 2 See Michael Roots (1993, pp. 2328) interesting account of the impossibility of academic freedomin institutions such as universities and disciplines that adopt Liberal ideals of value-neutrality. 3 McCumbers list of senior feminist philosophers who have been exiled to primary positions in non-philosophy departments can at this point be expanded to AMERICAN PHILOSOPHY AS A TECHNOTOTEM 201 more than a dozen. I would add to this list of philosophic approaches exiled from philosophy departments African American, Native American, and postcolonial philosophies. 4 Indeed, the APA is currently running a NSF grant, managed by Robert Figueroa and myself, which has generated some fty APA presentations and summer research grants, and a forthcoming anthology on the topic of exploring diversity in the philosophy of science and technology. 5 See, for example, the philosophic themes (and many philosophers) on the program of the recent International Studies Association conference in Chicago (February 2001), which took as its topic global inequaity. 6 I borrow here bell hooks (1983) famous phrase. REFERENCES Gross, P.R. and Levitt, N. (1994): Higher Superstition: The Academic Left and Its Quarrels with Science, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Hacking, I. (1983): Representing and Intervening, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Harding, S. (1998): Is Science Multicultural? Postcolonialisms, Feminisms, and Epistemologies, Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. Hess, D.J. (1995): Science and Technology in a Multicultural World: The Cultural Politics of Facts and Artifacts, New York: Columbia University Press. Hooks, B. (1983): Feiminist Theory: From Margin to Center, Boston: South End Press. Kuhn, T.S. [(1962) 1970]: The Structure of Scientic Revolutions, 2nd edn., Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Longino, H. (1990): Science as Social Knowledge, Princeton: Princeton Univer- sity Press. McCumber, J. (2000): Time in the Ditch: American Philosophy and the McCarthy Era. Root, M. (1993): Philosophy of Social Science: The Methods, Ideals, and Politics of Social Inquiry, Cambridge, MA: Blackwell. Ross, A. (ed.) (1996): Science Wars, Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Rouse, J. (1987): Knowledge and Power: Toward a Political Philosophy of Science, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Smith, D. (1990): The Conceptual Practices of Power: A Feminist Sociology of Knowledge, Boston: Northeastern University Press. University of California Los Angeles, CA, USA E-mail: sharding@gseis.ucla.edu Reproducedwith permission of thecopyright owner. Further reproductionprohibited without permission.