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Ethnic and Racial Disparities in Organizations

(r. ).). "g*adu
'
(r. +. +. "rugun.
'
"lu,emi -.u
2
"luse/i -.u
'0
'.(epartment o, 1usiness -dministration& 2ogi State 3ni4ersit/& P.5.1. '##$. -n/ig*a& 2ogi State
2.(epartment o, 1usiness -dministration& -de6unle -.asin 3ni4ersit/& -6ung*a& Nigeria
0 )-mail o, the corresponding author7 se/ia.u8gmail.com

Abstract
)thnicit/ and race cannot *e easil/ ignored whilst discussing issues that shape modern societ/. 9he/ are
intimatel/ lin6ed that is impossi*le to write one ade:uatel/ without discussing the other. 9his paper re4iews
selected theoretical perspecti4es on ethnicit/ and race. ;onse:uences o, ethnic and racial ine:ualities< most
especiall/ in the 3nited States& and some cases ethnic ine:ualities in Nigeria were addressed. 9he paper
concludes */ stating that in order to minimi=e ethnic and racial discrimination& it is important to encourage and
educate the people to em*race di4ersit/ and multiculturalism& so that di,,erent ethnic and racial groups can
create a uni:ue opportunit/ ,or indi4iduals to e>perience and discuss the aspects o, racial?ethnic di4ersit/ in their
li4es. -,,irmati4e action should also *e ta6en in order to address di,,erent races and ethic groups@ access to
powers and pri4ileges.
Keywords: )thnicit/& Race& (iscrimination& "rgani=ations& 5ulticulturalism& (i4ersit/

Introduction
)thnicit/ and race cannot *e easil/ ignored whilst discussing issues that shape modern societ/. 9he/ are
intimatel/ lin6ed that is impossi*le to write one ade:uatel/ without discussing the other. Ahilst ethnicit/ is
o,ten assumed to *e the cultural identit/ o, a group ,rom a nation state& race is assumed to *e *iological and?or
cultural essentiali=ation o, a group hierarch/ o, superiorit/?in,eriorit/ related to their *iological constitution. It is
assumed that& *ased on power relations& there e>ist raciali=ed ethnicities and ethnici=ed races. Bros,oguel (2##4)
argues that racial?ethnic identit/ is one concept that cannot *e used as separate and autonomous categories.
Notwithstanding the argument o, Bros,oguel& it is important to pro4ide the distincti4e clarities o, the two
concepts& considering the ,act that authors use them in di,,erent wa/s. Su*se:uent sections o, this paper will
re4iew theoretical perspecti4es on these *ac6ground concepts.

Clarifying Ethnicity and Race
Crom a *iological perspecti4e& a race can *e de,ined as a group or population that shares a set o, genetic
characteristics and ph/sical ,eatures. Crom the 4iewpoint o, 5arger (2##2)& the term race has *een applied
*roadl/ to groups with similar ph/sical ,eatures-(the Ahite race)& religion - (the +ewish race)& or the entire
human species- (the human race). Howe4er& generations o, migration& intermarriage& and adaptations to di,,erent
ph/sical en4ironments ha4e produced a mi>ture o, races. ;onse:uentl/& there is no such thing as a pure race.
Social scientists re.ect the *iological notions o, race& instead ,a4oring an approach that treats race as a social
construct. 9o this e,,ect& "mi and Ainant ('DD4) e>plain how race is a concept which signi,ies and s/m*oli=es
social con,licts and interests */ re,erring to di,,erent t/pes o, human *odies. Instead o, loo6ing at race as
something objective, the/ argued that we can imagine race as an illusion- a su*.ecti4e social& political& and
cultural construct. -ccording to the authors& E9he meaning o, race is de,ined and contested throughout the
societ/& in *oth collecti4e action and personal practice. In the process& racial categories themsel4es are ,ormed&
trans,ormed& destro/ed& and re,ormed@ ("mi and Ainant& 'DD472'). 9he/ ,urther argue that& E9he presence o, a
s/stem o, racial meaning and stereot/pes& o, racial ideolog/& seems to *e a permanent ,eature o, 3.S. culture@
('DD47!F).
)thnicit/ on the other hand is 4iewed as a sense o, solidarit/ shared *etween people -(usuall/ related through
real or ,icti4e 6inship)& who see themsel4es as distinct and di,,erent ,rom others. ()ller& 'DD). - reasona*le
o4er4iew o, the histor/ and meaning o, the concept o, ethnicity and race was noted in ;ornell and HartmannGs
*oo6 )thnicit/ and Race 9he term& ethnicit/ itsel, is relati4el/ recent. 1e,ore Aorld Aar II& the term& tri*e was
the term o, choice ,or pre-modern societies and race ,or modern societies (+en6ins& 2##'). (ue to the close lin6
*etween the term race and Na=i ideolog/& the term ethnicit/ graduall/ replaced race within *oth the -nglo-
-merican tradition and the )uropean tradition. (;ornell H Hartmann& 2##!).
Bi4en the ,oregoing& perspecti4es on ethnicit/ are complicated through the 4ariet/ o, related terms that is used to
denote similar phenomena& such as race& tri*e& and nation and minorit/ group (Iinger& 'DD4). Some scholars use
these terms interchangea*l/& while others treat them as unrelated concepts. In spite o, the ,act that the concepts
are *eing used interchangea*l/& the/ are distinct concepts. Pierre 4an den 1erghe in Smolina (2##F) descri*es
race as a special mar6er o, ethnicit/ that uses *iological characteristics as an ethnic mar6er. Ahile the
relationship *etween the two concepts is more comple> than that& his generali=ation points in the right direction.
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In this paper& *oth concepts will *e treated as it applies.
It should *e noted that most -mericans& li6ened the term ethnic to minorit/ groups& li6e -,rican--mericans.
9he/ re,er to ethnic groups as a people outside o,& alien to& and di,,erent ,rom the core population. 5oreo4er&
1ritish scholars& li6e their -merican colleagues& t/picall/ see ethnic groups as minorit/ groups in a societ/. 9o
them& ethnic groups are de,ined as a distinct collective group o, the population within the larger societ/& whose
culture is di,,erent ,rom the mainstream culture. 9he larger )uropean tradition& on the contrar/ sees& ethnicit/
as a s/non/m ,or nationhood or people hood. In this tradition& e4er/one& not .ust minorities& *elong to an
ethnic group. ", note is the ,act that the )uropean usage o, the term ethnicit/ is similar to the Nigerian
conceptuali=ation o, ethnic groups.

Theories of ethnicity and Race
- re4iew o, literature shows that the de,initions o, ethnicit/ and race e4ol4ed ,rom anthropological and
sociological theories. -ccording to 5alese4ic (2##4)& anthropological theories o, ethnicit/ and race as shown in
(9a*le ') can *e grouped into three *asic categories7 Primordialist theories& instrumentalist theories& and
constructi4ist theories .
Table ! Three "asic Approaches to #nderstanding Ethnicity and Race
Theoretical perspecti$es %eaning
&ri'ordialist Theories
)thnicit/ and race is determined at *irth. )thnic identi,ication is *ased on
deep& Eprimordial@ attachments to a group or culture.
Instru'ental Theories
)thnicit/ and race is *ased on peopleGs historical and symbolic memor/. It
is created& used and e>ploited */ leaders and others in the pragmatic
pursuit o, their own interests.
Constructi$ist Theories
)thnic and racial identit/ is not something people possess *ut something
the/ construct in speci,ic social and historical conte>ts to ,urther their own
interests. It is there,ore ,luid and su*.ecti4e.
Source7 5alese4ic& S. (2##4). The sociology of ethnicity.

Primordialist theories
Primordialist school of thought argues that ultimately there is some real, tangible, foundation for ethnic
identification. The two factors crucial to primordialists as noted in Isajiw (199! include" (1! #ne$s ethnicity
is ascribed at birth and% (! one$s ethnicity is more or less fi&ed and permanent. This implies, at birth, a person
becomes a member of a particular ethnic group that has a fi&ed identity.
'nthony (. )mith, cited in *rodlin (++,! argues that ethno-symbolism is a soft form of primordialism. .e
views the defining elements of ethnic identification as psychological and emotional, emerging from a person$s
historical and cultural bac/ground. .e also contends that the e&traordinary persistence and resilience of ethnic
ties and sentiments, once formed are essentially primordial since they are received through ethnic sociali0ation
into one$s ethnic group and are more or less fi&ed. (1reit0er, ++2!
Instrumentalist theories of ethnicity.
This theory was advanced by 'bner 3ohen, Paul 4rass and Ted 5urr. They all see ethnicity as something that
can be changed, constructed or even manipulated to gain specific political and6or economic ends. It is an 7lite
theory, which argues that the leaders in a modern state ( i.e. elites!, use and manipulate perceptions of ethnic
identity to further their own ends and stay in power. (7ri/sen, ++1!.

&ost'odern and constructionist theories of ethnicity(
9his approach lies somewhere *etween 5ichel CoucaultGs emphasis on construction o, the metaphor and Pierre
1ourdieu@s notions o, practice and ha*itus as the *asic ,actors shaping the structure o, all social phenomena.
(Isai.w&'DDF) . 9he *asic notion in this approach is that ethnicit/ is something that is *eing negotiated and
constructed in e4er/da/ li4ing. Postmodern theories are concerned with the issue o, group *oundaries and
identit/. Scholars operating in this paradigm ,elt that terms li6e7 group& category and boundary connotes a ,i>ed
identit/- something the/ wanted to a4oid. 9his has resulted in much con,usion as 4arious interest groups are
now e>ploiting the elastic nature o, the term ethnicit/.
9he :uestion we tend to as6 at this .uncture is< when is a group deemed an ethnic groupJ )ller ('DD)& contends
that social collecti4it/& o, an/ nature and anti:uit/& can carr/ the identit/ o, ethnicit/Kone o, the most elastic o,
social conceptsKand sta6e a success,ul claim to identit/ and rights as a group. 9he point is this7 it does not
matter i, an/ particular group is reall/ an ethnic group& or what a real ethnic group is< instead& ethnicit/ has
*ecome so central to social discourseKand social competitionKthat its salience and e,,ecti4eness ha4e *ecome
attracti4e to all sorts o, collecti4ities.
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)ociological &erspecti$es on Ine*ualities based Ethnicity and Race
Functionalist Perspective
9heorists ,rom this school o, thought *elie4e that the di,,erences *etween racial and ethnic groups are largel/
cultural. 9he solution to this case is assimilation& a process where minorit/ group mem*ers *ecome part o, the
dominant group& losing their original distinct group identit/. Bordon ('D!4) presents a se4en-stage assimilation
model that *egins ,irst with7 cultural assimilation -(change o, cultural patterns& e.g.& learning the )nglish
language)& ,ollowed */ structural assimilation-(interaction with mem*ers o, the dominant group)& marital
assimilation-(intermarriage)& identi,ication assimilation-(de4eloping a sense o, national identit/& e.g.& identi,/ing
as a Nigerian& rather than as ;hinese)& attitude receptional assimilation-(a*sence o, pre.udiced thoughts among
dominant and minorit/ group mem*ers)& *eha4ioral receptional assimilation- (a*sence o, discrimination& e.g.&
lower wages ,or minorities would not e>ist)& and ,inall/ ci4ic assimilation (a*sence o, 4alue and power con,licts).
9he contention o, this theor/ is that< assimilation will allow a societ/ to maintain its *alance i, all mem*ers o,
societ/& regardless o, their racial or ethnic identit/& adopt one dominant culture.
;ritics argue that this perspecti4e onl/ assumes that social integration is a shared goal and that mem*ers o, the
minorit/ group are willing to assume the dominant group@s identit/ and culture& assuming that the dominant
culture is the one and onl/ pre,erred culture (5/ers& 2##5). 9he perspecti4e also assumes that assimilation is the
same e>perience ,or all ethnic groups& ignoring the historical legac/ o, sla4er/ and racial discrimination in our
societ/.
Howe4er& it should *e noted that assimilation is not the onl/ means to achie4e racial-ethnic sta*ilit/. "ther
means& according to Leon-Buerrero (2#'#) is pluralism& where each ethnic or racial group maintains its own
culture-(cultural pluralism) or a separate set o, social structures and institutions-(structural pluralism). ;ultural
pluralism is also re,erred to as multiculturalism. Cor e>ample& Nigeria& *eing a nation with di,,erent ethnic&
political and religion groups & is an e>ample o, a pluralistic societ/. 9he same also applies to the 3nited States o,
-merica. Crom the su*mission o, Mhou& 5in (2##47'5F)& E-s -merica *ecomes increasingl/ multiethnic& and
as ethnic -mericans *ecome integral in our societ/& it *ecomes more and more e4ident that there is no
contradiction *etween an ethnic identit/ and an -merican identit/.@
Conflict Perspective
In his *oo6 titled7 E;onser4eGRacesJ In (e,ense o, A)1 (u 1ois@. "utlaw ('DD!)& states that& it is wrong to
spea6 o, race at all as a concept& rather than as a group o, contradictor/ ,orces& ,acts and tendencies. 9he
;on,lict school o, thought ,ocus on how the d/namics o, racial and ethnic relations di4ide groups while
maintaining a dominant group. 9he dominant group ma/ *e de,ined according to racial or ethnic categories& *ut
it can also *e de,ined according to social class. Instead o, relationships *ased on consensus (or assimilation)&
relationships are *ased on power& ,orce& and coercion. )thnocentrism and racism maintain the status :uo */
di4iding indi4iduals along racial and ethnic lines (5/ers& 2##5).(u 1ois o*ser4ed the connection *etween
racism and capitalist-class oppression in the 3nited States and in other parts o, the world. He noted the lin6
*etween racist ideas and actions to maintain a )urocentric s/stem o, domination (Ceagin and 1atur 2##4). 9he
su*mission o, A)1 (u 1ois is noted *elow7
EThroughout the world today organi0ed groups of men by monopoly of economic and physical power, legal
enactment and intellectual training are limiting with great determination and unflagging 0eal the
development of other groups% and that the concentration particularly on economic power today puts the
majority of man/ind into a slavery to the rest. ('DD!75F2)@
9he argument o, (u 1ois con,orms with 5ar>@s class anal/sis. 9he 5ar>ist theorists argue that immigrants
constitute a reser4e arm/ o, wor6ers& mem*ers o, the wor6ing class per,orming .o*s that nati4e wor6ers no
longer per,orm. Samers (2##F755) ,urther e>pounded on this */ arguing that immigrants are a E:uantitati4el/
and :ualitati4el/ ,le>i*le la*our ,orce ,or capitalists who di4ide and wea6en wor6ing class organi=ation and
dri4e down the 4alue o, la*our power.@ ;onse:uentl/& there is no dou*t that capitalist *usinesses pro,it ,rom
migrant wor6ers *ecause the/ are cheaper and ,le>i*le.
", note here is the ,act that e>ploitation o, wor6ers is common in 5ultinational corporations. Cor instance&
most o, the merchandise produced */ 3.S. companies and sold to 3.S. consumers and also as e>port into other
countries& were manu,actured */ wor6ers in de4eloping countries who earn as little as '2 cents per hour
drudging awa/ in harsh and e4en dangerous wor6 en4ironments< such wor6places are re,erred to as Esweatshops@
(5e/ers& 2##4). 9his practice is discriminator/& inhuman and 4iolates *asic human rights.
5oreo4er& a tedious .o* ,unction& that attracts a paltr/ wage could *e re,erred to as a sweatshop .o*. Some
de,enders o, capitalism and supporters o, ,ree-mar6et economics ha4e de,ended sweatshops on the grounds that
the/ *ene,it the desperatel/ poor wor6ers o, these impo4erished countries who are 4er/ glad to get the wor6.
Cor instance& 5aitland (2##') argues that the appropriate test ,or E,air wages@ is not whether the wage reaches
some predetermined standard *ut whether it is ,reel/ accepted */ reasona*l/ in,ormed wor6ers.
In this paper& we do not su*scri*e to the ,act that wor6ers should *e paid e>cessi4el/ low wages. In particular&
we see6 to challenge the claim that one cannot wrong someone */ *ene,iting him?her& especiall/ i, he?she
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consents to& and pre,ers to recei4e such treatment. -lthough& it is not morall/ wrong to hire poor wor6ers in
third world countries& and it is not also necessar/ that wor6ers in poor countries should get paid the same as
wor6ers in wealth/ industriali=ed countries& as pa/ing wor6ers in ,arawa/ places the same as wor6ers ma6e at
home would generall/ cost more mone/ and so such a re:uirement would result in ,ewer .o*s ,or poor countries&
and thus would actuall/ harm those wor6ers who would *e denied a pa/ing .o*. Nonetheless& there is some limit
to how low wages can *e and still *e morall/ accepta*le. 5ultinationals& or capitalists should endea4or to ma6e
the hourl/ wage encourage& rather than e>ploiting ,oreign wor6ers on the *asis o, racial?ethnic disparities
1onacich ('D2) & states that as *usinesses attempt to maintain a cheap wor6,orce -(without minding who does
the wor6 as long as it gets done)& higher paid wor6ers attempt to maintain their prime la*or position -(resisting
the threat o, lower wage la*orers)& and cheaper la*orers attempt to ad4ance their position (threatening higher
paid wor6ers). Higher paid wor6ers ma/ use e>clusionar/ practices- (attempting to pre4ent the importation o,
cheaper nonnati4e la*or) or caste arrangements (e>cluding some groups ,rom certain t/pes o, wor6) to maintain
their ad4antage in the la*or mar6et. -ccording to 1onacich the presence o, a cheaper la*our group threatens the
.o*s o, higher paid wor6ers and the standard ,or wages in all .o*s. 3nder these conditions& la*orers remain in
con,lict with each other& and the interests o, capitalist *usiness owners are maintained.
-lthough most theorists ,rom the con,lict school o, thought see con,lict as emanating ,rom one dominant group&
con,lict ma/ also *e mutual. 1onacich ('D2) o,,ers a theor/ o, ethnic antagonism& encompassing all le4els o,
mutual intergroup con,lict. She argues that this ethnic antagonism emerges ,rom a la*or mar6et split along ethnic
and class lines. 9o *e split& the la*or mar6et must include at least two groups o, wor6ers whose price o, la*or
di,,ers ,or the same wor6. ;on,lict de4elops *etween three classes7 *usinesses or emplo/ers& higher paid la*or&
and cheaper la*or. 1onacich e>plains that as *usinesses attempt to maintain a cheap wor6,orce- (not caring a*out
who does the wor6 as long as it gets done)& higher paid wor6ers attempt to maintain their prime la*or position
(resisting the threat o, lower wage la*orers)&
Feminist Perspective
Ceminist theor/ dwells on the e>periences o, women and other marginali=ed groups in societ/. -ccording to
Leon-Buerrero& (2#'#).& *lac6 ,eminists theor/ as e>pounded */ ;ollins ('D$!) cuts across multiple s/stems o,
oppression& - (not restricted to the women,ol6) which include< categories o, race& class& se>ual orientation& nation
o, origin& language& culture& and ethnicit/. Ahilst *uttressing ;ollins 4iews ;ar*/ ('D$57FD#) argues that
*ecause 1lac6 women are su*.ect to simultaneous oppression *ased on class& race& and patriarch/& the
application o, traditional (Ahite) ,eminist perspecti4es is not appropriate and is actuall/ misleading in attempts
to comprehend the true e>perience o, 1lac6 women. She argued that Ahite ,eminist theor/ has to recogni=e that
EAhite women stand in a power relation as oppressors o, 1lac6 women@ ('D$57FD#).
(iscriminator/ practices against the women ,ol6 is prominent in most Nigerian organi=ations . Cor e>ample& the
poor representation and status o, women in the Nigerian politics& Nigerian Police Corce and the Nigerian -rm/
deri4e ,rom la/ers o, discrimination and e>clusion su,,ered */ ,emale mem*ers o, the Nigerian societ/ (-lemi6a
H -gugua& 2##'). -lemi6a and -gugua ,urther contend that7
E8ntil recently, women were treated as second class citi0ens in most countries, conse9uently they were
underrepresented in vital sectors and organi0ational decision ma/ing, *or e&ample, women were not granted
e9ual voting rights until the twentieth century in many countries, including the 8nited )tates. In traditional
:igeria, the heroic roles of ;ueen 'mina (<a00au6<aria! Ida and 7motan (7do64enin!, Ini/pi (Idah6 1ogi )tate!,
and =oremi (Ife! was documented. 4ut since the colonial rule, :igerian women have been denied opportunity to
play such roles$ (-lemi6a and H -gugua& 2##'7 '')
Interactionist Perspective
9his perspecti4e argues that race is a social construct& and that we learn a*out racial and ethnic categories o,
Ahite& 1lac6& Latino& -sian& Nati4e -merican& and immigrant through our social interaction (Leon-Buerrero&
2#'#)
Social scientists ha4e noted how people are raced& how race itsel, is not a categor/ *ut a practice. In this wa/&
racial categories and identities ser4e as intersections o, social *elie,s& perceptions& and acti4ities that are
rein,orced */ enduring s/stems o, rewards and penalties (Shu,ord& 2##'). In this conte>t& the practice o, *eing
raced includes with it the *estowing o, power and pri4ilege& and what is granted to one group ma/ *e denied to
another. -n e>ample was when& 5adonna and -ngelina +olie were praised (in some circles) ,or their adoption
o, children ,rom ;am*odia& )thiopia& and 5alawi& Iet as 5atthew +aco*son ('DD$) as6s& wh/ can Ahite
women ha4e 1lac6 children *ut 1lac6 women cannot adopt Ahite childrenJ 9he interactionist perspecti4e
reminds us that racial designations ma/ *e ,ictitious& *ut their conse:uences are real.

The Conse*uences of Racial and Ethnic Ine*ualities
Income and Wealth
ERace is so associated with class in the 3nited States that it might not *e direct discrimination& *ut it still matters
indirectl/@. ("hlemacher 2##!7-!). (ata reported */ the 3.S. ;ensus re4eal that 1lac6 households that wor6s in
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3S organisations had the lowest median income in 2##$ ((eNa4as-Aalt& Proctor& and Smith 2##D). 9his shows
the e>tent to which racial discrimination a*ounds in most western organi=ations. -s a result o, this continuous
discrimination& low educational attainment& high unemplo/ment& or underemplo/ment& -,rican --mericans ha4e
not *een a*le to achie4e the same earnings or le4el o, wealth as Ahite -mericans ha4e. Studies re4eal that ,or
e4er/ dollar earned */ Ahite households& 1lac6 households earned !2 cents (2eister& 2#'#). 1lac6s ha4e
*etween N$ and N'D o, wealth ,or e4er/ N'## possessed */ Ahites. Ahites ha4e nearl/ '2 times as much median
net worth as 1lac6s& N4F&### compared with NF&## (2eister& 2#'#).
Education
-n instance o, discrimination in educational esta*lishment was when "r4al Cau*us& the -r6ansas state
Bo4ernor in 'D5 used the state@s National Buard to *loc6 the admission o, nine 1lac6 students into Little
Roc6 ;entral High School (1o/d& 2##). 9his incident is an e>ample o, collusion o, race and class. It is e4ident
that schools ha4e *ecome economicall/ segregated& with children o, middle- or upper-class ,amilies attending
predominantl/ Ahite su*ur*an schools and the children o, poorer parents attending raciall/ mi>ed ur*an schools
(BagnO and 9ew6s*ur/& 2##F). 9he class s/stem is also e4ident in Nigeria, where poor Nigerian 6id can onl/
a,,ord to go to pu*lic school& sand poor-:ualit/ pri4ate schools& whilst the rich Nigerian 6id can *etter :ualit/
pri4ate schools. 9his paper classi,ies the latter categor/ in this conte>t to include the middle class as well as the
upper class.
Health
-n re4iew o, access to healthcare amongst di,,erent races in the 3nited states shows that the s/stem signi,i-
cantl/ discriminates against racial and ethnic minorities (Rosen*aum H 9eitel*aum& 2##5 ).It was disco4ered
that that e4en a,ter minorit/ patients ha4e access to a particular ,acilit/& the/ are less li6el/ to recei4e the le4el
o, care pro4ided to non-minorit/ patients ,or the same condition regardless o, their insurance status. -,rican
-merican children use less primar/ care and e>perience higher rate o, hospitali=ation& and die at signi,icantl/
higher rates than do Ahite children& the/ are also less li6el/ to recei4e treatment ,or earl/ stage lung cancer and
as a result ha4e a lower 5-/ear sur4i4al rate (Leon-Buerrero& 2#'#)
1/rd H ;la/ton (2##2) state that the health crisis among -,rican -mericans and poor populations is triggered
*/ a medical-social culture laden with ideological& intellectual and scienti,ic& and discriminator/ race and class
pro*lems. 9he/ *elie4e that -merica@s health s/stem is predicated on the *elie, that the poor and Eunworthy$ o,
our societ/ do not deser4e decent health. -s a result& health practitioners& as well as research and educational
s/stems& engage in what the/ descri*e as Pself serving and elite behavior> that marginali=es and ignores the
pro*lems o, health care ,or minorit/ and disad4antaged groups.
The Immigrant Experience
5ost immigrants tra4el to Aestern nations to pursue the promise o, the ,reedom o, choice& education& economic
opportunit/& and a *etter :ualit/ o, li,e& their li4es are o,ten ,illed with challenges and pro*lems. Cor instance&
immigrants are ma.orl/ engaged in construction& cleaning and maintenance& production& and ,arming occupations.
Illegal immigrants are emplo/ed in similar areas7 construction& *uilding cleaning and maintenance& ,ood
preparation and ser4ice& transportation and mo4ing& and agriculture. 9here are an estimated $.F million illegal
immigrants in the la*or ,orce (Passel& 2##D< ;ohn& 2#'#). ", note is the ,act that ,oreign-*orn (i.e. immigrants)
wor6ers are especiall/ suscepti*le to a*use& stress& and unsa,e wor6ing conditions due to their o4errepresentation
in dangerous industries& com*ined with their undocumented wor6er status& lac6 o, training& and lac6 o, )nglish
literac/ (5igrant ;linicians Networ6& 2##D). -s reported */ the 3.S. 1ureau o, La*or Statistics in 2##D& a total
o, D5 ,oreign-*orn wor6ers died o, ,atal wor6ing in.uries. 5oreo4er& since stricter deportation laws were
passed in 'DD!& most immigrants ha4e *een deported ,or minor o,,enses& amongst these were o4er # percent&
who was con4icted ,or non4iolent crimes (Leon-Buerrero& 2#'#).

Ethnicity in +igeria: An O$er$iew
Nigeria is a multi-ethnic nation state with socio-cultural di,,erences *etween its component ethnic groups all o,
which ha4e resulted into cultural dissimilarit/. -gainst this di4erse *ac6ground& man/ ethnic pro*lems e>ist in
Nigerian communities and organi=ations& which arise ma.orl/ ,rom the hostilit/ that emanated ,rom competition
*etween ethnicall/ di,,erent peoples ,or wealth and power& and pri4ileges.
Salawu and Hassan (2#'') argue that the di4erse nature o, the Nigeria societ/ has also made identi,ication with
the Enation@ a di,,icult tas6. 9oda/& identi,ication is easier at *oth ,amil/ and ethnic le4els& conse:uentl/& man/
o, the citi=ens ma/ ne4er de4elop a proper concept o, nation. 9his 6ind o, ethnic group relation signi,ies a
negati4e dimension and which ma/ mean much ,or the Nigerian communities and organi=ations. In all political
acti4ities in Nigeria& the ,actor o, ethnicit/ is e4ident. It is particularl/ o*4ious in areas li6e 4oting& distri*ution
o, political o,,ices& emplo/ment and go4ernment general patronage o, the citi=ens. Cor instance& the Northern
Nigeria has since the end o, the Nigerian ci4il war en.o/ed power and pri4ileges in Nigeria more than the South.
-ll core strategic positions in the armed ,orces& the police& ,ederal parastatals& including the presidenc/& ha4e
*een largel/ reser4ed ,or the North. States and local go4ernments in the North ha4e *een created in superior
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4!
num*ers */ Northern militar/ rulers to ensure perpetual dominance. (Nwo*u& 2##$). Crom the 4iewpoint o,
"*i/an and -6indele (2##2)& the go4ernment o, Nigeria has esta*lished the ,ederal character commission (C;;)
to address pro*lems o, discrimination and under-representation in Nigeria through a,,irmati4e action. (espite
the esta*lishment o, the C;;& -damole6un& )rero& and "shione*o ('DD') argued that the ,ederal character
principle is clearl/ a s/m*ol o, some o, the tensions and con,licts in NigeriaGs ,ederal s/stem. 9o the e>tent that
it is no more than a s/m*ol& its importance can *e e>aggerated. Cor one& there is a real sense in which the
contro4ers/ o4er the ,ederal character principle is an e>pression o, 4arious ethnic groups northern and southern
ethnic competition o4er appointments& especiall/ those o, patronage or electi4e character& and the material
ad4antages associated with them.
9here are also ethnic hostilities among the 4arious ethnic groups in Nigeria. -mong the 4arious ,orms o, ethnic
con,rontations in recent times and which indicate 4i4idl/ the lac6 o, cordialit/& e>istence o, mutual suspicion
and ,ear o, domination among the 4arious ethnic groups in Nigeria include7 the communal 4iolence *etween the
Hausa and Ig*o in 2ano in 5a/ 'DD5< 4iolent clash *etween the I.aw and Itse6iri in 'DDD< 4iolent clash *etween
the Ioru*as and the Hausa?Culani residents in 'DDD& the clash *etween Hausa?Culani and the "dua@a Peoples
;ongress ("P;) and a retaliator/ clash *etween the Hausa?Culani /ouths and the Ioru*a to a4enge the 6illing
o, the Hausa at Sagamu in 'DDD. "thers are7 the clash *etween the I.aw and Ila.e communities o, in "ndo State
in 'DDD< ethnic clashes are *etween the Hausa resident communit/ and the Ioru*a in Idi--ra*a in Lagos in
2##2< an ethnic ,rancas *etween the nati4e people and the Hausa settlers in Ielwa-Shendam& Plateau State in
2##F< and ethnic clashes *etween the I.aw and Itse6iri o4er the ,ormer@s agitation ,or political autonom/ in 2##F
(Salawu and Hassan& 2#'')& amongst others. -ll these ha4e implications ,or national de4elopment.
Crom the ,oregoing& it is e4ident that ma.or ,all-out o, ethnicism in Nigeria is social con,lict& which has
characteri=ed the Nigerian nation. -ll the ethnic con,licts mentioned a*o4e are either Struggle o4er 4alues or
claims to status& power& pri4ileges and scarce resources in which the aims o, the con,licting parties are not onl/
to gain some desira*le 4alues *ut also to neutrali=e& in.ure and?or eliminate their ri4als.

,ow to %ini'ize Ethnic and Racial Ine*ualities
Encouraging Diversity and ulticulturalism
2athleen 2orgen& +. 5ahon& and Ba*e Aang (2##F) *elie4e that educational esta*lishments (colleges and
uni4ersities) ha4e the potential to counter the e,,ects o, segregated neigh*orhoods and sociali=ation that occurred
in primar/ and secondar/ schools. 9he/ argue that interaction among races thrust together on a college campus
pro4ides a uni:ue opportunit/ ,or indi4iduals to e>perience and discuss the aspects o, racial?ethnic di4ersit/ in
their li4es& some ,or the ,irst time. 9he case o, disparit/ in access to education as o*ser4ed in Nigeria - (is more
o, class disparities and not racial or ethnic disparities which are common in the Aestern world).
-side educational organi=ations& di4ersit/ training programs should also *e promoted in pu*lic and pri4ate
wor6places& considering the ,act that it will ma6e managers aware o, how their *iases a,,ect their actions in the
wor6place (2ale4& (o**in& and 2ell/ 2##!). 9hese programs ,amiliari=e emplo/ees with antidiscrimination laws&
to suggest *eha4ioral changes that could address *ias& and to increase cultural awareness and cross-cultural
communication among emplo/ees (1endic6& )gan& and Lo,h.elm 'DD$). 1usiness leaders are moti4ated to
address di4ersit/ on principle and *ecause the/ recogni=e how their compan/@s producti4it/ and success depend
on it (Balagan and -llerton& 'DDF). )>ample o, companies where di4ersit/ and management programs ha4e
*een introduced include7 )rnst and Ioung& Hewlett Pac6ard amongst others. (Leon-Buerrero& 2#'#).
!ffirmative !ction
-,,irmati4e action is a polic/ that has attempted to impro4e minorit/ access to occupational and educational
opportunities (Aoodhouse& 2##2). 9his paper propose that in order to ,orestall ethnic and racial discrimination -
(or powers and pri4ileges im*alances& as the case ma/ *e)& concerted e,,orts should *e made */ the go4ernment
to ta6e necessar/ a,,irmati4e actions in order to ensure in discriminator/ emplo/ment practices& unrestricted
access to education in 4arious ethnic groups.

Concluding Re'ar-s
9his paper re4iews literature on the perspecti4e o, ethnicit/ and race. ;onse:uences o, ethnic and racial
ine:ualities in the 3nited States o, -merica& and some cases ethnic ine:ualities in Nigeria were addressed. 9he
Nigerian case seems pathetic. Ahilst one e>pected that the multi-ethnic and socio-cultural nature o, Nigeria
would ha4e created *ene,its as a result o, its di4ersit/ *ut instead& it has generated stri,e& ethnic hostilities and
competition ,or power& wealth and pri4ileges.
;onclusi4el/& in order to minimi=e ethnic and racial discrimination& it is important to encourage and educate the
people that constitute di,,erent ethnic groups& races& and class to em*race di4ersit/ and multiculturalism& (so
that di,,erent ethnic and racial< groups can ha4e a uni:ue opportunit/ to e>perience and discuss the aspects o,
racial?ethnic di4ersit/ in their li4es and how the/ can ma>imi=e the *ene,its that comes ,rom such). -,,irmati4e
action should also *e ta6en to address im*alances in di,,erent races and ethic group@s access to powers and
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pri4ileges im*alances.

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