1

OVERVIEW: This excerpt is from Cleos forthcoming publication in the Questions in Politics
journal, entitled From Armed Struggle to Peaceful Change: ETAs Role in a Basque Peace
Process.

Domestic institutional responses and political context
Since ETAs consolidation as an operational unit capable of terrorist attacks in the early
1960s, it has only recently begun to acknowledge a peace process as a legitimate avenue in the
pursuit of policy goals by issuing a handful of cease-fires. Although ETA occasionally pursued
democratic alternatives to violence, proposed cease-fires historically dissolved before formal
negotiations were able to occur. When the peace process stalled or strayed from the framework
desired by ETA, the organization retaliated by subsequently declaring the existing cease-fire
void and then instigating a series of violent attacks (Darby 2001; Shepard 2002). This strategic
interaction between ETA and the Spanish government suggests that ETA has viewed negotiation
as a plausible route, considering cease-fire statements have been connected to a set of demands.
However, the recent development of the Spanish governments unwillingness to negotiate with
ETA undermines the prospects for a definitive termination and illustrates the Spanish states
rigidity and hesitance in conferring democratic legitimacy upon the organization.
ETA has considered politics as an acceptable channel to promote the Basque separatist
agenda for at least three decades. Since 1978, ETA has advocated the legalization of all political
parties including those espousing separatism (Douglass and Zulaika 1990). In terms of creating
a space for legitimate dialogue, the presence of Basque political parties enhances the possibilities
for a sustainable peace process. In the past, the sustained popular support for ETA translated into
the political sphere with ETAs ideologically similar political party and alleged political wing,
the former Herri Batasuna, which obtained about 15% of the Basque vote on average until its
forced suspension in 2001 (Woodworth 2001, 7). In 2002, the Spanish government introduced
2
the Ley de Partidos Politicos, legislation that outlawed all political parties that either endorsed
violence or did not explicitly reject violence as a means to achieve political goals, indirectly
targeting political parties supported by ETA (Iglesias Barez, 138). In 2009, Basque radical
parties occupied only four of the 75 seats in Parliament (Stewart 2009). The demographic of the
Basque parliament has fundamentally changed from this composition since the most recent
election in 2012, when leftist nationalist parties gained substantial electoral support. Euskal
Herria Bildu, a legal political coalition advocating Basque self-determination, won 21 seats out
of the 75 available seats in parliament, proving a tremendous and unparalleled victory for the
Basque liberation movement through a democratic medium (Nichols 2012; Anlisis
Comparativos). EH-Bildu is composed of separatist politicians and former members of ETAs
political wing (Tremlett 2012). Given the rise of a pluralistic political climate in parliament, the
electoral progress made by EH-Bildu post- active ETA suggests that the 2011 definitive cease-
fire has had a beneficial impact on the political influence that Basque separatists exercise in
parliament. New pro-independence Basque political parties were able to exercise legitimate
political power and yield electoral results because the dissolution of ETA further justified their
existence as the most viable option for Basque separates to attain success. As ETA has faded and
become less relevant to the Basque separatist cause, the Basque parties with separatist platforms
have become more powerful. The past three years have seen the highest rate of electoral success
for Basque political parties (El Pas Vasco Espera Un Primer Paso Hacia El Desarme De La
Organizacin Terrorista ETA 2104)
While historical governmental initiatives in building an inclusive peace process in the Basque
country have failed to produce any form of bilateral or multilateral settlement, institutions
exogenous to the government have proved more capable of facilitating dialogue. Lokarri, a
S
Basque non-governmental organization, played an instrumental role in spurring ETAs latest
cease-fire declaration. In October 2011, Lokarri collaborated with similar grassroots
organizations in organizing an international conference aimed at promoting dialogue between
different Basque political parties, ultimately calling for ETA to release a cease-fire in a press
release (Our Work). ETA responded to the conferences written declaration by issuing its latest
affirmation of non-violence (Khatami 2013, 204). The terrorist group said, ETA considers that
the International Conferenceis an initiative of enormous significancedialogue and
agreement should outline the new cycle, over violence (Khatami 2013, 206). The success of
Lokarri in motivating the ETA to positively respond to a democratic solution to Basque conflict
may reinforce the concept that when the terrorist group perceives that progress is being made
towards a resolution, then the organization will acknowledge the efforts at peaceful initiatives by
responding in a rational manner. Effectively, Basque society has played an increasing role as a
protagonist in a peace resolution alongside the decline of ETA.










4
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