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Tokugawa mould, being largely composed of the study of the

Chinese classics.
Koda Rohan (1867-1947), for instance, the son of a minor bakufu
official who later became an official of the Meiji government, was
born in the last year of the bakufu, was taught how to copy and read
Chinese characters at the age of six and went on to elementary and
middle schools, leaving the latter to attend Tokyo English School
(later Aoyama Gakuin University) and a private school of Chinese
studies. He recalls (in a self-penned curriculum vitae), 'Although I
was young and ignorant I was able to make a start on the basic
Chinese classics' at the age of fifteen. His exact contemporary
Natsume Soseki (1867-1916), the son of an Edo ward official, studied
classical Chinese (from the age of fourteen) and English (from
sixteen) at private schools after leaving elementary school and
before going on to a preparatory school for state university and then
to the English department of Tokyo Imperial University. All
universities, state and private, were in Tokyo and this meant that
aspiring students would, after studying Chinese and English in their
home towns, come to the capital from the provinces. The sequence
was basically the same for all members of this generation: first the
study of Chinese classics and the language of the contemporary
'culture and enlightenment', then university. None '!.,f its most
notable writers - Tsubouchi Shoyo (1859-1935), Mori Ogai (1862-
1922), Tayama Katai (1871-1930) or Shimazaki Toson (1872-1943), for
instance - was an exception. The kind of classical education which
began with the teaching of young children to read aloud Chinese
texts died out with the spread of state elementary and middle
This is one thing that distinguished this generation from the next.
Soseki, for instance, wrote Chinese poetry; Akutagawa Ryunosuke
(1892-1927) did not write Chinese but could read it with ease;
whereas someone like Nakamura Shin'ichiro (1918-) must have
found even this extremely difficult at first. The generation of 1868
was not only remarkable in being the first to receive the new
western-style education but also in being the last to have a classical
one. This was by no means their only distinguishing feature. They
were also the generation that grew up with the Meiji state. During
this period there was a movement for freedom and popular rights as
well as support for a bettering of Japan's position in the
international community through such things as the colonization
of Korea and the revision of the unequal treaties with the western
powers. If we can say that the generation that was active during this
time, the Meirokusha group for instance, was directly involved in
politics and the formation of political philosophy and systems, then
the generation that grew up through this period was interested in
the direction taken in the development of Meiji society as a whole
and the historical significance of the violent social changes. These
social changes took the form, firstly, of what was known as
'civilization and enlightenment' and a trial and error 'moderniza-
tion' on western models.
Ogai and Soseki were constantly concerned with the question of '
the relationship between this 'westernization' and the Japanese
cultural tradition. Both, having studied in Europe, had direct
knowledge of western culture and both were well-versed in the
political and intellectual traditions from the Tokugawa period. This
meant that their interior questioning was identical with the problem
that faced Meiji society as a whole. Another form of social change
was the formation of industries actively promoted by the state. This
was achieved without the use of foreign capital, except for the
reparations received after the war with China (1894-95), and
proceeded at a rapid pace. A combination of high farm rents and
low income meant that the poverty of the masses, which was in
some cases extreme, was structural. It was to this situation that such
writers and activists as Tanaka Shozo (1841-1913), Uchimura Kanzo
(1861-1930) and Kinoshita Naoe (1869-1937) reacted so sharply. In
short, a generation of politically concerned intellectuals was
succeeded by one which was socially concerned.
This generation included differing degrees of social concern. _Not
all the writers of the time achieved the close analysis of a Mori Ogai
or the vigorous opposition of an Uchimura Kanzo. In particular
there was one group of novelists, the 'naturalist' school, all of
whom were bor:n in the provinces in the 1870s, which rather than
showing a concern with the problems of society reflected them
unconsciously in their attitudes to work and life.
This generation was in its turn followed by a generation born at
the turn of the century which was clearly divided. Some writers,
many of the central figures being Marxists, felt strong social
concern; some felt none at all. Society had lost its position as the
fundamental and all-embracing subject for all Japanese intellectuals.
Koda Rohan (1867-1947) was the fourth child of a minor official of
the Meiji government (formerly of the bakufu), who became
converted to Christianity. It is clear that the family was much
influenced by western culture; one sister was a violinist, another a
violin teacher, and a younger brother became professor of economic
history at Tokyo University of Commerce. Rohan's early education
however was much the same as that of a young Tokugawa-period
samurai and stressed the study of classical Chinese. Later Rohan
studied other things and by the age of twenty had mastered
telegraphy and worked as a technician in Hokkaido for two years.
From then until his death more than half a century later he lived in
Tokyo as a writer, except for a short period in 1890 when he entered
a temple to practise Zen. He travelled within Japan but never
Two short stories established his reputation in the early years of
Meiji, Furyubutsu (The Elegantly Decorated Buddha, 1889) and
Gojiinoto (The Pagoda, 1891). These are in style and didactic tone
not unlike the work of Bakin. The lesson they attempt to teach is a
relatively simple one: people should co-operate to achieve things
rather than compete and resent each other. There are some features,
however, that are distinctive. The hero is typically an artist or
craftsman (a sculptor in The Elegantly Decorated Buddha, a carpenter
in The Pagoda) and there is a Buddhistic background (the sculptor is
making a Buddhist image; a dispute between carpenters is settled by
the head of the temple for which the pagoda is being built). A later
attempt at a full-length novel, Arne utsu nami (The Wave That Touched
Heaven, 1903-5), shows not only similar elements - one of the
principal characters is a poet and the Kannon cult of Buddhism
appears - but also an attempt to move away from the use of the
artificial conventions of literary language through the use of the
colloquial at least in the dialogue. The novel was abandoned
because of the war with Russia but we can speculate that the
difficulty of writing a long novel while groping for a style would also
have had something to do with its unfinished state.
Before the war it was not in novels that Rohan produced his finest
work but in the essays of the collections Rangen (Empty Words) and
Chogo (Unnecessary Words), both published in 1901. The subjects of
the essays vary from birds and lovers to the home and the place of
women, from sayings of Basho to the history of bathing in Japan.
Each piece is independent of the others and there is no thread of
systematic thought running through them, but the variety of themes
gives an indication of the richness of the author's world. Their
appeal does not derive from rational argument but rather from
Rohan's outstanding knowledge of Chinese and Japanese literature.
The style is lucid and adapted to the subject, with a restraint that
modifies what could have been overpowering - the essays are
masterpieces even if compared with those of the Tokugawa period.
Mastery of this form requires an ability to write with elegance and
power, learning and a proper respect for the quiddity of the subject,
for the part rather than the whole. The latter two are of course
closely related; learning, in Rohan's case philology, need not be
accompanied by methodological self-consciousness. The writing
under examination is understood intuitively through a process of
extensive and repeated reading, intellectual technique and attention
to detail so that the work is understood from the inside.
The essay flourished in the Tokugawa period when there were
many men of letters qualified to write in this form but there have
been few works of note since the Meiji period; the erudition and
education that had been a tradition common to all the men of letters
of East Asia has become rare. Rohan possessed this traditional
erudition and approach, and was able to write in the essay style of
old. This scholarship was traditional not in the sense that it
concerned the culture of East Asia but in that its approach had not
been influenced by western culture. Thus although it lacked a
conscious methodology, conceptual rigour and systematic clarity, it
was distinguished by the close identity between the personality of
the scholar and the work that he produced.
Rohan was thirty-four when Empty Words and Unnecessary Words
were published and his erudition would no doubt have been greater
in the later years of his long life. Thus if we accept that for such a
writer an increase in erudition meant an increase in the quality of
work then we can expect his later work to be his best. He wrote
nothing of importance for fifteen years after the war with Russia,
then prolifically for the thirty years until his death. His most
important works are of two types, critical biographies of characters
from the history of Japan, such as Renkanki (A Series of Records, 1940),
and of China, Unmei (Destiny, 1919), and commentaries on poetry,
specifically the verse of Basho (completed 1947).
Destiny is concerned with the late fourteenth and early fifteenth
centuries in China when the Ming government was riven by a
dispute over succession. The second Ming emperor, Hu Di, the
grandson of the first, was defeated by the forces of his uncle Cheng
Zu who became the third Ming emperor and is better known under
his reign name Yonglu. Rohan's account is based on textual
evidence and he adds nothing from his own fantasy. Where there
are differing accounts both are mentioned; what is doubtful is
indicated as such. One example of this is concerning the case of the
death of the emperor and the problem of whether he set fire to ,his
palace and died with his empress or escaped in disguise to spend
the remainder of his life as a monk. Rohan gives both possibilities
and points out that the story of the emperor's escape, which he
recounts in detail, is one that 'has been handed down'. He adds his
own comment to this:
Emperor Jian Wen was now the priest Ying Wen. Whatever he may
have felt at heart, he wrapped his wasted form in the holy robe and
pursued the traces of the white cloud over mountain, stream and lake,
wandering on, now resting in a simple reed hut, now in a thatched
teahouse. Cheng Zu was now emperor, 'lord of ten thousand
chariots' and had no peace for himself.
The contrast between the interior peace of the priest who has
abandoned the world and the anxiety of the man in a position of
power was one of Rohan's favourite themes. The two emperors are
not the only important characters in Destiny. There are also Fang
Xiaru, the great Confucian scholar who advised Emperor Jian Wen,
and the Buddhist priest Dao Yan, who performed a similar function
for Cheng Zu. Their characters are expressed partially through the
poems that they wrote. When Cheng Zu was contemplating his bid
for power, for instance, he feared that the people would rally to the
emperor's cause and asked Dao Yan's opinion; the priest replied
superbly: 'I know the Way of Heaven; why discuss the hearts of the
people?' Fang Xiaru showed more admirable qualities when, after
the defeat of his lord and his cause, he refused to draw up a decree
sanctioning the installation of the new emperor and was killed: 'In
his cleaving to the right even in travail, he sought to emulate Bo Yi;
what courage!' (Bo Yi was the son of Gu Zhu, a local lord at the end
of the Shang dynasty. The father intended Shu Qi, Bo Yi's younger
brother, to succeed him but when he died neither son was willing to
deprive the other and both fled the country into the mountains.
Subsequently they both refused service with Wu Wang, founder of
the Zhou dynasty, and when he achieved domination of the area
would not take food from him out of shame and starved to death in
the mountains. The Mencius says Bo Yi 'was such that he would only
serve the right prince and rule over the right people, took office
when order prevailed and relinquished it when there was disorder'
[trans. D.C. Lau] .) One of Dao Yan's poems however asks, 'Why
was Bo Yi so narrow-minded?' His actions seem to indicate a
consistent defence of the basic principles of the ideology to which he
subscribed, and at the same time an appreciation of a Buddhistic
transcendence of all values. This was another theme that Rohan
favoured during his later years.
A Series of Records is the story of two men - Yoshishige no
Yasutane (whom Rohan called Kamo no Yasutane), the tenth
century author of Chiteiki (Chronicle of the Lakesid! Residence, 982) who
became a priest under the name Jakushin, and Oeno Sadamoto (930-
1036), who left his wife for another woman and after her death
became a priest under the name Jakusho - and of those around
them. Other characters include Sadamoto's cousin, Oeno Masahira,
his wife the poet Akazome Emon and Jakushin's teacher Zoga (917-
1003). The relationships between the characters are sometimes close
and sometimes extremely tenuous, and A Series of Records resembles
a portrait gallery, its appeal stemming from the personality of each
individual rather than centripetal dramatic structure. There is
nothing corresponding to the historical background of Destiny, the
story of the insurrection, to provide a framework. Just as the title
suggests, it is like a picture scroll moving from one picture to the
next or like a series of linked verses. The characteristic that
constantly has distinguished Japanese writing - a strong concern
for the part independent of the whole - is here used with great
positiveness. This demonstrates that Rohan's traditionalism ex-
tended beyond his style, choice of literary form and approach to
scholarship to the roots of his consciousness; it also presages his
later concern with commentary on linked verse.
Each commentary in Rohan's work on Basho's seven volumes of
haikai stands independent of the others and each is a quintessential
piece of Rohan essay writing. His mastery of the Sino-Japanese
classics allows him to identify references with complete freedom and
his commentary on contemporary life and customs mentioned in the
verse amount in themselves to something like a history of the daily
life of the Tokugawa period. His approach to the verse, in which he
speculates as to the intentions of the poet before explicating the
poem itself, also serves to expose completely Rohan's own thought
and sensibility.
Having a mind-set which was largely Confucianist, the virtues
he extolled were fidelity for man and chastity for women. Thus for
the upstart Cheng Zu to disrupt the social order and the legitimate
succession of emperors was a clear offence against fidelity and
accordingly immoral. The Heian age of A Series of Records, on the
other hand, was a time when women would follow their amorous
fancy with relative freedom and thus was' an effete age'. Confucian
values, especially those which encouraged the ambitious to 'rule
the state and bring peace to the world', were more current in the
age of the civil wars. Garno Ujisato accepted the fief of Aizu from
Hideyoshi, and with it the end of his hopes to run the country, with
tears, an attitude which Rohan regarded as 'very manly'. But the
samurai ideals of the Tokugawa period, which Rohan shared, were
not to be found in action in the ages of which Rohan wrote,
whether in Ming China or in the Japan of the civil wars. Thus it was
necessary to introduce the idea of destiny 'the will of heaven, or of
man, force of numbers or power or perhaps something that accords
to a superior reason'. Such a 'destiny' is essentially inscrutable; the
rise and fall of human fortune are impossible to comprehend and
nothing, good or evil, endures. This general view is not far from the
Buddhistic suprahistorical view. There is no indication that Rohan
overtly espoused the Buddhist view. But a desire for something
beyond this world and its history appears repeatedly and
persistently in his work and to express it Rohan used the only
appropriate vocabulary with which he was familiar, that of
The eighty years of Rohan's life coincided with the years of
Japan's 'modernization', but he was unconcerned with the question
of how this should best proceed. Rather his work testifies to the
continuity of the traditional culture in the face of this process.
Ozaki Koyo (1867-1903), the son of an Edo artisan, was educated
at Tokyo Prefectural Middle School and a private school of Chinese
studies, and then at Tokyo Imperial University, which he left before
graduation. In 1885, while still at university, he and some friends
began to publish the magazine Garakuta bunko. The group, which
became known as the Friends of the Inkstone (Ken 'yiisha), included
the novelists Yamada Bimyo (1868-1910) and Kawakami Bizan (1869-
1908). The members of the group, in particular Koyo, were
influenced by the popular novelists of the Tokugawa period and
wrote in a mixture of elegant literary language and colloquially
rendered dialogue, paying considerable attention to descriptions of
the customs and mores of the time.
Koyo's most successful work in this style, Konjiki yasha (The
Usurer), was serialized in the Yomiuri shinbun newspaper from 1897
to 1902. It is the story of the love between a boy, Kan'ichi, and a girl,
Omiya, which is ruined by her arranged marriage to a rich man.
Kan'ichi, despairing of a world where money is all-powerful, takes
his revenge on it by becoming a loan shark. The author clearly
sympathizes with the boy's hopeless love and is critical of the way
of life of the rich and powerful, particularly their relationships with
women. It is in short a popular novel which embodies the same
values as the love-suicide kabuki pieces and other works produced by
the Edo chanin. It is evident from the novel that the author has taken
pains to set it in present-day society: the characters include a lodger
who is studying at one of the new schools, typical not of old Edo but
of Meiji Tokyo, and the rich man himself is involved in the new
world of business and companies. But there is no sign of any new
aesthetic or view of humanity. The popular success of this novel
shows that the cultural inheritance from the Tokugawa period was
by no means the monopoly of the samurai, many of whom had in
any case become involved in the new order, but was cluEg to more
persistently by the successors of the chanin of Edo and Osaka.
Koyo died young and it was one of his pupils, Izumi Kyoka (1873-
1939), who went on to maintain the culture of the chanin, not that of
the samurai, in works so aesthetically polished as to be almost
flawless. Kyoka was not in fact born in Edo but in Kanazawa, which
had flourished as the castle town of the Maeda family and was the
cultural centre of the west coast Hokuriku district and the home of a
variety of traditional arts and crafts such as ceramics, damascene,
gold and silver lacquering, gilding and no. Kyoka's father was an
engraver, his maternal grandfather and uncle no performers and
teachers in Edo. Kyoka left Kanazawa for Tokyo when he was
seventeen not to enter university but to become a novelist, and to
this end he went for some time to live with and learn from Koyo.
Not surprisingly, many of the heroes of his novels are artisans
and the principal characters of his finest work, Uta andon (1910), are
from the world of no. His obvious mastery of Edo dialect was no
doubt the result of the opportunity he had of learning this from
Koyo as well as from his own mother who was of Edo stock.
Kyoka wrote a large number of short stories and six (although
this figure is disputed) novels. His novels are in fact series of short
stories without anyone theme being developed throughout. The
attraction of his works lies in the part rather than the whole, in
individual scenes and the movement of the writing within these
scenes. This does not mean however that Kyoka was incapable of
creating a plot which made individual scenes the distillation of one
part of the story. These essential scenes are usually, though not
always, of supernatural happenings, magical transformations
wrought by a ghost, possessing spirit or weird being.
Uta andon has two parallel plot strands. In one, an aged head of a
no school and a famous no drummer wander through Japan
incognito; in the other the old man's successor as the head of the
school, his nephew, defeats in a contest and causes the death, of
rage, of a local masseur who is proud of his no chanting. The
nephew is punished by being expelled fromthe school. He becomes
an itinerant performer of Hakata-bushi songs. The masseur's
daughter becomes a geisha and learns no dance from the itinerant
singer. The old master of the no school and his companion come to
the town where she works and their call for a geisha is answered by
her. The two strands of the plot have joined. The geisha performs the
dance Ama and the two men soon know from whom she learned it -
'Hmm ... that dance just now, the vigour, the movement .... She
was well taught ... and she learned well. There can be only one
person in Shikoku who could have taught her like that.'
At this the peerless drummer takes up his kotsutsumi drum and he
and the greatest no chanter of the school accompany the geisha as
she dances. This writing is not only finer than that of Koyo; it is the
finest in the chanin tradition after the Restoration.
Kyoka's last masterpiece was Ruko shinso (1939), the story of a girl
from a samurai family who after the Restoration comes to work in an
embroidery workshop. A timid girl, she drowns herself after being
picked on by other girls for embroidering a pair of dragonflies in
crimson and silver thread. The tale is told in the form of someone's
recollections of the time and the events. It is written in colloquial
Japanese but its distinctive form of ellipsis, archaic vocabulary and
occasional use o the 7-5 rhythm obviously make it a continuation of
his literary style. In the more than forty years that he wrote novels.
Kyoka maintained a consistent taste in heroines (usually strong-
willed, white-skinned and full-bosomed), heroes (of artisan tem-
perament, capable of colourful Edo speech), scenes and 'props'
(snow gleaming at night, lanterns, stone lanterns, the light of
fireflies) and supernatural elements.
Rohan was concerned with the Japanese nation but lacked the
appropriate conceptual tools to make an analysis. Kyoka utterly
ignored the question and focused his interest wholly on private
matters. He exploited to the full the lyrical and descriptive
possibilities of Japanese prose in resonance, delicacy and tautness,
basing his style on that of the Tokugawa-period novel, burnishing
his sensibility on the description of women both alive and returned
fromthe dead. The prose of the naturalist novelists is amateurish in
comparison. The professed aim of ' describing real human life as it is'
was not the reason that so many novelists began to write in this
style; it was because naturalism gave literature a style that anyone
could write in. Kyoka had few successors.
Higuchi Ichiyo (1872-96), a woman novelist and contemporary of
Kyoka, is also worthy of note. Self-taught after elementary
education, she wrote a diary as well as novels. Her most notable
novel is Takekurabe (Comparing Heights, 1895), the story ofa young
girl's love told in concise and undecorated literary Japanese. Her
diary, which continues from 1893 to 1896 and is divided into five
parts, is a rich and vari.ed work which records her reactions to the
writing and writers of the time as well as providing a detailed
account of her daily life. She seems to have been almost completely
uninfluenced, at least directly, by western literature.
The works of Rohan and Kyoka are significant as testimonies to
continuity in literature after the Restoration. Both demonstrate their
authors' own close relationship with literary tradition and their
quality indicates the shallowness of the influence of western
literature on the work of many writers, whatever their claims. It
was widely thought that the Japanese nineteenth century ended
abruptly at the time of the Restoration. In fact this did not happen. It
is possible for changes in a political system to result in the extinction
of the former styles of art and literature but only very rarely.
Masaoka Shiki (1867-1902) and Natsume Soseki (1867-1916) were
both born in the same year, the former in Matsuyama and the latter
in Edo. Shiki's father was a minor samurai of the Matsuyama
domain; Soseki was the fifth and last son of a ward official. He was
sent to another family to be brought up but this was apparently an
unhappy experience and he returned to his original family. Later the
problems and emotional strains between a child and adoptive
parents were to become a subject of Soseki in, for example,
Michikusa (Grass on the Wayside). Both Shiki and Soseki received
similar educations in the years before they were twenty, attending
Chinese and English language classes as part of their preparations
for entrance to middle school. Shiki entered the Japanese Depart-
ment of Tokyo Imperial University but tuberculosis, which was to
kill him in 1902, prevented him from graduating. He devoted the
years between leaving university and his death to the writing of
haiku and waka. Soseki graduated from the English department of
the same university and was a schoolteacher in, successively,
Tokyo, Matsuyama, the setting of the novel Botchan (1906), and
Kumamoto. He then returned to Tokyo before being sent by the
government to study in England, in 1900. He returned to Japan in
the year of Shoo's death. By this time, Soseki had written some
haiku and Chinese verse as well as some essays on English literature
but his important work was yet to come.
From 1889, when Shiki and Soseki met at university, they
remained close friends. When Shiki returned from military service
in the Sino-Japanese war in 1895 he convalesced at Soseki's house in
Matsuyama and Soseki contributed haiku to Hototogisu, the
magazine Shiki founded and edited. There is no doubt that their
influence on each other was profound. It seems very possible that
Shiki was aided in his efforts to objectify and re-evaluate Japan's
literary tradition by learning through Soseki of the concept of
literature as subsuming a range of literary and cultural forms. In the
same way, Soseki was to attempt to define the concept of literature
more precisely as part of his purely intellectual work and, in his
creative work, to expand the originality that he found in Shiki's
poetry into wider literary fields.
After Shiki's death Soseki became a lecturer at Tokyo Imperial
University and wrote Bungakuron (A Treatise on Literature) in 1907.
Resigning from the university, he took a job with the Asahi shinbun
newspaper and concentrated on the writing of fiction. Although he
lived much longer than Shiki, Soseki was not a healthy man. He
suffered from depression - or 'nervous debility' as he called it -
throughout his life. The first attack of this seems to have been in his
late twenties. He attempted to cure it by meditation at a Zen temple
in Kamakura in 1894 and by leaving his teaching job in Tokyo in the
following year and going to Matsuyama. Another attack occurred
when he was in England and seems to have continued for some time
after his return to Japan. He was also troubled with depression
during the writing of Kojin (The Wayfarer) in 1912 and 1913. In the
decade leading up to Soseki's death at the age of forty-nine, the
period in which he wrote most of his novels, he suffered from a
stomach ulcer. He had a major haemorrhage during convalescence
at the temple Shuzenji in Izu in 1910, and although he recovered
from this he died from the same cause in 1916.
Shiki's achievement was to create literary criticism for his time,
criticism that was concerned with waka and haiku as part of
literature. 'The haiku is a division of literature and literature is a
division of art. Thus the criteria for beauty are the criteria for
literature and the criteria for literature are the criteria for haiku, ' he
wrote in the newspaper Nihon in 1895. The originality of this
approach lies in its denial of the usual attitude of haiku poets, that
the criteria used in the criticism of haiku are quite distinct from
those used for other forms of writing. The same attitude is
apparent in his writing on waka: 'Here literature will be criticized
against the criteria (what I believe to be the criteria) common to the
literature of all places and ages.' Such evaluations of haiku and
waka would have been impossible without a challenge to the
traditional authority of the poets of the schools of haiku and waka.
Accordingly Shiki did not assign Basho a place of absolute
authority but often praised the descriptive haiku of Buson (such
as the famous 'June rains/and two houses/with the great river
before them'). The poetry of Issa was closer to the daily life of the
merchant and farmers than that of Buson, who was also a painter
in the literati style, and there are many occasions when Shiki's
verse is closer to Issa than to Buson:
Facing away from me
Darning old tabi -
My wife.
When the loofah bloomed
He choked on phlegm
And died.
The second of these is one of the three that Shiki wrote on his
deathbed; both of them show how he brought the realism of his
theories to life in his creative work.
In the long essay on waka serialized in ten parts as Utatayomi ni
atauru sho (Open Letters to Waka Poets, 1898) in the newspaper Nihon,
Shiki attacks the authority of the Imperial Poetry Bureau claiming
that there were more talented poets in society at large and
commenting that respect for the Bureau was like the reverence felt
by a peasant for a minister, whereas in reality 'everyone is equal in
waka, there is no discrimination. In poetry there is no senior and
junior, no high and low.' Shiki was a supporter of the Emperor
Meiji but not of the Imperial Poetry Bureau. He volunteered to fight
in the Sino-Japanese War but did not consider that Japanese verse
per se was the highest form of literature. 'Chinese poetry has merits
as Chinese poetry; western poetry has merits as western poetry,' he
wrote in Open Letters. It was appropriate that it was his friend Soseki
who refused an honorary degree offered by the government with
the words, 'Whoever thought I would gladly accept this when
offered was wrong.'
Shoo had the courage and pride not to depend on authority and
this courage has much to do with the cogency of his poetry criticism
and the lucidity of his prose style. One cannot at the same time
revere the Imperial Poetry Bureau and write, as Shiki did in Open
Letters, 'Tsurayuki was an inept poet and the Kokin wakashii a
dreadful collection'; the Kokin wakashii was after all an imperial
collection. Without this radical attitude it would have been
impossible for Shoo to make his revolutionary reassessment of the
history of the waka, which involved taking the Man 'yoshii as the
earliest exemplary collection in preference to the Kokinshii, the
established choice up to this time, and identifying the next great
collection as the Kinkai wakashii. Shiki discovered no new verse form
but his reassessment of literary history both showed the creative
possibilities of literary criticism and paved the way for a change in
literary values.. As he predicted in Open Letters, the waka did undergo
a 'change in character' to become an important form of modern
Japanese lyric poetry. That was twenty years later.
Soseki also was a poet. His haiku were sometimes closer to
Buson's than to those of Shiki. Again there were occasions when he
left the world of the literati painting for the world of the ukiyo-e. And
in some of his verse he evokes the subtle emotional nuances of
everyday life, as for example in
A heat haze shimmers
Over the cat's grave.
During his later years he frequently painted sumi-e pictures and
on one of them wrote (in Chinese):
Spring breezes have not yet come
First come thoughts of them
And the haiku.
These I have casually drawn
I call plum blossoms.
Soseki was steeped in the culture of Edo and haiku and at the same
time well-versed in English literature. What came from this
combination can be seen in his introduction to Komatsu Takeji's
1904 translation of The Tales from Shakespeare. He quoted ten lines
from various parts of Shakespeare's work and appended a haiku to
each as commentary. Here is one example:
That skull had a tongue in it, and could sing once.
(Hamlet, Act 5, Scene 1)
Tapping on the skeleton, a violet.
It is however in the Chinese quatrains (most of seven syllables, a
few of five) of his last years that we find not only fleeting emotional
reactions but a summary of his life and thought. He refers to the
writing of his novel Meian (Light and Darkness) and to reading, he
looks back on his life, indulges in self-mockery and writes on Zen.
The style covers a wide range of classical forms and moods. The
results are an expression of the entirety of his world.
No-knowledge is hard to reach, aspirations hard to
Fifty springs and autumns are no more than a breath,
the blink of an eye.
Uyou see the Way just enter its quiet without words,
U you write poetry seek only purity through words.
As a scholar Soseki used his knowledge of English literature in
forming his own general theory of literature. Such attempts to
define literature have not been common, or much favoured, among
Japanese scholars, to say nothing of traditional men of letters, and
Soseki's attempt demonstrates the profound effect that West
had had on him. In his Treatise on Literature he says that literature
has within it two elements, one of perception, the other of emotion.
To perceive without emotion is perception in the scientific sens.e
whereas emotion without the perception that should accompany It
is merely 'pre-literary'. The treatise goes on to identify the various
types of perception and emotion, to examine the connections
between them and thus to analyze the nature of literature and the
art of writing. It is cogently written and the of
it instances include ones from Elizabethan lIterature and Vlctonan
novels. No Japanese since Soseki has produced such a precise and
personal definition of literature. . .
Soseki wrote another theoretIcal work on lIterature, Bungaku
hyoron (Literary Criticisms, 1909), which, its is a
of eighteenth-century English literature. It begms ",":Ith an
tion of the methodological problems presented by lIterary cntICIsm,
with its clear need for objectivity, and the necessity for Japanese to
have their own standards against which to judge foreign literature:
'Only language varies; literature remains literature. Since literature
remains literature and one examines it according to one's own
discrimination, one should not abandon that discrimination in the
face of the theories of others.' Undoubtedly Soseki was led to this
conclusion by his knowledge that the reputation of various works of
English literature had varied greatly throughout the ages. Another
factor could well have been the example furnished by the history of
Japanese literature written by the Englishman W.G. If it
valid for Aston to interpret Japanese literature m. the
manner it would be equally valid for a Japanese to wnte on EnglIsh
literature from his own standpoint.
The second part of Literary Criticisms. is a vivid of
eighteenth-century England covering polItIcs, fme art,
London and its citizens, the coffee shops, publIc houses and clubs,
entertainment, the social position of writers, the conditions of the
provinces. In the remaining four parts he writes in detail on
Addison, Steele, Swift, Pope and Defoe, displaying in each of these
critiques a wide knowledge and keen appreciation of English
The width of his criticism also gives some indication of a richness
of interior life which was to become clear in a series of novels and
short stories written in the years between 1905 and 1908. The first of
these was Wagahai wa neko de aru (1 Am a Cat), first published serially
in Hototogisu in 1905 and 1906. The narrator is, as the title suggests, a
cat and the world he lives in and comments on is the house of the
author, somewhat caricatured. The English teacher Kushami, his
wife, the student of aesthetics Meitei, the scientist Kangetsu and the
poet Tofu gather at Kushami's house to chat and argue, while the
cat lies on his master's lap, feigning sleep and listening to their
conversation. The social descriptions and humour of this novel owe
much to the tradition which includes the Tokugawa novels The Bath-
house of the Floating World, Shanks' Pony along the Tokaido, The Elegant
Tale of Shidoken and Records of Edo in Prosperity, but there are
elements that are quite different. The humour is at times biting and
the satire has an intellectual power which makes it into a critique of
society. This new element can be traced to Soseki's knowledge of
eighteenth-century English literature, particularly the satire of Swift.
The year 1905 marked the second year of the war with China and
this fact gives a bitter irony to the cat's description of the humans as
'peaceful recluses'. They were indeed peaceful in that the war with
China had not been accompanied by any suppression of free speech
or mobilization of the intellectuals by the authorities, and they were
recluses in that .they were members of a new social group which
Japanese capitalism had thrown up in the years between the Sino-
Japanese and the Russo-Japanese wars, the non-productive intellec-
In the same year as 1 am a Cat, Soseki wrote a series of fantastic
short stories derived from his experiences in England, and in the
following year he produced the novel Botchan (Young Sir), the story
of a gauche middle-school teacher. Of the fiction of this period the
most impressive in terms of fine style is Gubijinso (Red Poppies,
and the most well-made portrait of the youth of the time IS Sanshzro
(1908). Soseki's greatness, however, is best appreciated not by
considering any specific work but rather the range of his talent. He
wrote about medieval Europe and a middle-school in provincial
Japan; his style ranged from the most elegant and ornate to simple
and lucid colloquial; he wrote trenchant satire and lyrical treatments
of young love. In short he seemed capable of writing almost
anything and writing it brilliantly.
Soseki's first psychological novel was Sorekara (And Then, 1909),
which shows most of the characteristics of his later works in this
style. The world of the novel is small and centres on the protagonist,
the style is economical and analytic and the structure tight. This was
followed by Man (The Gate, 1910), The Wayfarer (1912-13), Kakara
(1914), the semi-autobiographical novel Grass on the Wayside (1915)
and his last novel, unfinished, Light and Darkness. And Then is about
a love triangle involving the young hero Daisuke, his friend and the
woman he at first gives up to his friend and later has an illicit affair
with. There is a tragic ending: the woman falls ill and Daisuke is
rejected by friend and parents. In The Gate the hero marries a
woman he has taken from a friend and although the two love each
other he suffers life-long pangs of conscience that he cannot confide
to his wife. He tries to find peace of mind through Zen meditation at
a Kamakura temple but the novel ends with his return home, feeling
that nothing has changed. A similar theme is treated with more
intensity and thoroughness in Kakara, a novel made up of two parts,
the first a description of the hero (who is known only as Sensei or
'Master') through the eyes of a young and admiring student and the
second a long suicide note by Sensei himself. This final act has come
after prolonged suffering which he has refused to share with his
wife; the motivation is not just guilt but the death of Emperor Meiji
and the suicide of his loyal General, Nogi.
And so Emperor Meiji passed away at the height of summer. I felt
then that the spirit of Meiji had begun and ended with the Emperor.
A feeling that for us, who had been the most strongly affected by
Meiji, to live on after this was really to be left behind by the trends of
the age, violently assailed my heart.
The feature common to all three of these novels is a love triangle
wherein the hero faces a moral problem which is gradually
interiorized (as in the suicide note of Kokoro) and provides substance
and density to the novel. It is in Kokoro that this is achieved most
successfully. The women in these novels are not important in
themselves, serving only as the cause of moral dilemma or
emotional or mental disturbance in the men.
The subject of The Wayfarer, the novel before Kokora, is somewhat
different. Although it features a love-triangle this exists more in the
imagination of one of the characters, who is suspicious of the
relationship between his wife and his younger brother, than in
reality. ,The novel is not so tightly structured as Kokoro but the
precise delineation of the characters' thoughts and feelings in the
scenes with the two brothers and with the younger brother and the
woman means that it is by no means inferior to it.
Soseki wrote no more than the opening of his last novel Light and
Darkness, apparently planned to be a very long and ambitious work,
and this means that it is impossible to speculate as to its main
theme. What exists is the story of a middle-aged married couple
which begins with the husband being ill and ends with a meeting
with a former mistress. It includes a wealth of description of
psychological rivalry, suspicion and the play of the emotions. It
seems possible that the two themes of the man's relationship with
his former mistress and his suspicions about his wife's faithfulness
were to be developed into something that would have combined the
themes of And Then, The Gate and Kokoro with that of The Wayfarer.
The kind of moral problem which is at the heart of the former three
novels is not central to the part of Light and Darkness that was
written. There are, however, detailed and pitiless descriptions of the
emotional nuances of the characters, which include several women,
and of the flaws in their characters, especially their egotism. The,
effect is one of considerable, almost terrifying, power, both in
psychological description and the prose style necessary for this. This
was Soseki's finest work and the finest Japanese psychological novel
ever written. .
In Gendai Nihon no kaika (The Opening of Modern Japan, 1911),
Soseki notes that the social changes in modern Japan were all
stimulated from outside rather than from within and merely
'skimmed over the surface'. However, these changes, even if
superficial, were inevitable and ineluctable. For a person to live
through such times required a sense of individualism as Soseki
defined it: a respect for the individuality of others that made
possible the development of one's own individuality. The moral
values that such individuals work towards cannot be expected to be
realized or recognized at the level of the state, as he says in
Watakushi no kojinshugi (My Individualism, 1915). This seems to imply
opposition to any interference in the lives of individuals on the part
of the state and this would include militarism. Certainly Soseki saw
the First World War, that 'expression of militarism', as 'sad',
,stupid' and 'absurd'. In 1916 he wrote: 'I can readily appreciate
how the militaristic spirit which has been stirred up in Germany
should have spread to its enemies France and Britain. At the same
time I am sad that, although they are lovers of peace and freedom,
this anachronistic spirit has had such a great effect on them.' This
opinion, which represents an attitude from which Soseki never
wavered, was expressed before the era of comparative liberalism
during the Taisho period of the nineteen-twenties and before the
fanatical militarism which swept Japan in the nineteen thirties.
Soseki had great influence. His house became the meeting place
for young intellectuals, including the educationalist Abe Yoshishige
(1883-1966), the philosophers Abe Jiro (1883-1959) and Komiya
Toyotaka (1884-1966) and the novelists Nogami Yaeko (1885-1985)
and Akutagawa Ryunosuke (1892-1927).
The age in which Mori Ogai (1862-1922) was active began with the
promulgation of the Imperial Constitution of 1889. This constitution
marked the end of the reform of the political system that had begun
with the Restoration. Although reforms in the fields of technology
and culture continued, they did so within the framework the
constitution supplied. Essentially these reforms involved the
opposition between, and possible combination of, the modern
culture of the West and the cultural legacies of the Tokugawa
period.. Ogai lived through the extremes of this opposition and also
attempted the most sophisticated amalgam of the two cultures.
From his return from Europe to begin his life as a writer, in the year
before the new constitution, until he died, in the year before the
great K,,"nto earthquake, his work almost all the problems of
modern Japanese culture. In this sense Ogai was the personification
of the age in which he lived.
Ogai was born Mori Rintaro in 1862, the eldest son of the
physician to the lord of the Iwami domain. By the age of six he had
learned to read Chinese texts aloud, by eight he 'Yas studying Dutch
and at the age of ten he went to Tokyo to lodge with and study
under the. scholar Nishi Amane, who taught him German. At fifteen
he entered Tokyo Medical School and after graduating, in 1881,
became a doctor in the Medical <;orps of the Japanese Army. In
1884, when he was twenty-two, Ogai went to Germany to study
hygiene, returning to Japap four years later. These yea.!s abroad
seem to have had a far more decisive influence on Ogai than
Soseki's two years in London had on him - Ogai was ten years
younger away for twice as long.
What Ogai found in the cities of Lepzig, Munich and Berlin was
not only Europe but also Japan. For Ogai Europe primarily meant
Prussian bureaucratic institutions. He was sent from the Japanese
Imperial Army to the Germany of Bismark. Subsequently he was to
rise within the Japanese army to the highest post possible for a
doctor, director of the Army Medical Corps 1907-16. He was a liberal
bureaucrat within the inner circles of the power elite; but unlike
Soseki he did not advocate a liberal standpoint to the authorities nor
was this in fact possible. Europe also meant the spirit of empirical
science. He studied in the laboratories of Pettenkoffer and Koch, the
founders of modern hygiene and of bacteriology respectively and
representative of the most advanced medicine in the world at that
time. Their laboratories would no doubt have been places where
devotion to science and keen awareness of methodology were
The influence of these two aspects of European culture ran
through the whole of Ogai's life. On his return to Japan he founded
two medical magazines, Eisei shinshi (New Hygiene) and Iji shinron
(New Medicine), in 1889 and vigorously promoted the view that the
only valid medicine was the empirical medical science of the .West,
not the traditional medicine of China and Japan. No doubt nundful
of his own experiences in the German laboratories, he also
emphasized the necessity of importing the ' seeds of
than just the 'fruits'. In his literary work too, as he pOinted out In hiS
autobiography, Nakajikiri (The Partition Wall, 1917), 'the momentum
of natural science' played a part.
Another influence came from his through the German
language, to modern European literature. Ogai's translations of
European literature, from the Impromptu Poets of 1892-1901.to Faust
(1913), had great influence on the Meiji literary world. And it can be
said that Ogai evolved a style in Japanese which could adequately
express the patterns of western thought throug.h. process of
translation. There were on the one hand the pOSSibilIties presented
for Japanese pr.9se by the kind of thorough knowledge of classical
Chinese that Ogai possessed, and on the other was the
intellectual richness of German, a language which Ogai not only
read but also spoke and wrote. The reciprocal effect of these two
elements was responsible for the succinct, lucid and powerful prose
that Ogai used in his later biographies and historical novels.
Ogai's European experiences without doubt meant and
perceptual liberation. In. one jump he moved a
samurai household, in which boys and girls entered Into therr fixed
place in the hierarchy at the of seven.! the halls Imperial
Germany thronged by soldier-anstocrats. Ogai also expenenced one
of the most intense love affairs of his life in Germany. We do not
know even the name of the woman with whom he was in love; all
that is known today is that she followed him to Japan in 1888 but
that Ogai bowed to the pressure of his family and military superiors
and sent her away. The following year he married the of a
powerful army officer, with Nishi Amane as go-between. Ogai
himself off from his European love affair because of the responSi-
bilities placed on him as an eldest son by the Japanese family system
and the accommodation he, as an ambitious official, had to make
between his private life and the of the
love, rejected though it may have been In actual life, hved on In hiS
heart providing a motive power for his
novel he published less than one year after hiS marriage, Mazhzme
(The Dancing Girl, 1890). . .
This basic characteristic, the transformation of the compromises
of everyday life into literary creation, was one tha.t ran
throughout Ogai's life. He only authontr directly
occasion. This was three days before hiS death, In a verbal will
which he dictated to a friend; in it he refused all posthumous
honours which might be offered to him by the Imperial Household
Agency and the Army Ministry, saying he wanted to be buried as
'plain Mori Rintaro, a man of Iwami'. As he said that he would not
forgive any interference from the 'powers of officialdom' perhaps he
was the time when these had meddled in his love life.
Thus Ogai's four years in Europe continued right up to the end to
play a decisive role in his life as an imperial bureaucrat, his
scholarshi:e, his literature and his loves.
When Ogai was in Munich there appeared in the Allgemeine
Zeitung an article on the land and customs of Japan by Edmund
Naumann,_a German geologist who had spent ten years in Japan
(1875-86). Ogai wrote a refutation of Naumann's account of Japan
and when Naumann wrote again, another refutation. Naumann's
arguments were that Japan was a backward country - poor, dirty,
plagued with indigenous diseases and barbarous customs - that it
was importing western customs and technology indiscriminately
and thus weakening itself, and that although traditional Japanese
culture was estimable thejapanese themselves thought little of it. It
was relatively easy for Ogai to disprove factually the charge of
Japan's backwardness but the other two points were considerably
more complicated, especially for a young man who was at that time
dedicating himself to the study of western science and culture. To
resolve these problems satisfactorily he would have had to reassess
Japanese culture in the context of world culture. _
At the time of his debate with Naumann, Ogai lacked this
perspective. Therefore h!s reply was somewhat off the point and
lacked force. However Ogai certainly understood his opponent's
arguments and was able to perceive the weaknesses of his own. To
compete with westerners simple 'westernization' was not enough; it
was also necessary to surpass the opponents in comprehending and
evaluating Japan's traditional culture. In other words the!e was a
need to 'rediscover' Japan and it was this need that made Ogai start
on his process of Knowledge of a western language
and culture led to Ogai's particpation in the debate with Naumann
and this debate in tum led to Ogai's subsequent attitudes
the confrontation of the two cultures. In the event, after Ogai
returned from Europe he opposed all kinds of swift, shallow reform
whether of the Japanese language, town planning or diet and
insisted that tradition must be respected. As he himself recollected
in Moso (Reveries, 1911) it was 'back to the roots and off with
borrowed clothes'.
Ogai was not merely a simple conservative. In most sciences and
technologies there was no choice between the western model and
Japanese tradition; and thus no compromise was possible. There
simply was no indigenous tradition. Medicine, however, was an
exception; Dutch medicine and Sino-Japanese theories had been in
competition since the middle of the Tokugawa period, and the latter
had the authority of a long tradition. It was necessary to overcome
considerable resistance in order to make medical education
'western' in content, and the young Ogai brought courage and
decisiveness to this task. When it came to scholarship he was a
'westernizer' and through.
In politics Ogai clearly accepted the framework provided by the
imperial bureaucratic state not only in his daily life but also in his
thought. Within this framework, however, it seems that he hoped
for a measure of liberalism or at least an application of a
constitutionalism similar to that of imperial Germany. These hopes
are clearly expressed in the allegorical short story Chinmoku no to
(The Tower of Silence, November 1910) which was occasioned by the
arrest of the early socialist Kotoku Shusui and others for their in
an alleged conspiracy to assassinate the emperor; in this story Ogai,
although at the time head of the Army Medical Corps, was bitterly
critical of the government's abuse of power.
This was an extremely courageous criticism of the government for
Ogai to give voice so_openly when an official. The government did
not in fact punish Ogai, but banned any reporting of the case,
conducted a secret trial and one week after the verdict executed
Kotoku and eleven others (January 1911). It is not clear what Ogai
thought of socialism; his account of the history of European
socialistic thought, Furui techa kara (From an Old Notebook, 1921),
had not reached modem times at the time of his death. If we may
judge from a letter to a friend written in his later years (to Kako
Tsurundo, 24 December 1919) he seems to have felt that the best
way of dealing with the socialist movement that had arisen after the
First World War would be for the authorities of the emperor system
to anticipate the claims of the socialist leaders and deal with
complaints before they became issues. Ogai was linked to the centre
of power through his patron Yamagata Aritomo (1838-1922) and
after the First World War the political behaviour of Yamagata was
conservative and reactionary.
Ogai's translations and introductions to literature
influenced almost every writer of the Meiji period. If Ogai had not
translated the Impromptu Poets there may have been some potential
novelists who would not have taken the leap. The variety of theme
and range of contemporary characters treated in his short stories
and novels will probably never be equalled in Japanese fiction. The
succinct sketches of a doctor in Masui (Anaesthesia), of a pOt in
Seinen (Youth), of a civil servant in Shokudo (Dining Room), of a kept
woman in Gan (Wild Goose), of a cynical and wealthy man in Hyaku
monogatari (One Hundred Stories), of an aristocratic youth in Kano yo ni
(As If. , . ), of an artist in Hanako and of others come alive with great
vividness. Themes range from young love in Dancing Girl and Wild
Goose to a record of sexual experiences in Vita Sexualis, from
competition between bride and mother-in-law in Hannichi (Half a
Day) to the creative life of an artist in Hanako, from social criticism in
The Tower of Silence to autobiographical and philosophical reminis-
cences in Reveries. If Soseki was the write!:. who brought the
psychological novel to the highest point it was Ogai who treated the
wic!.est range of themes in modern Japanese literature.
Ogai was also a notable lyric poet. The waka collection Waga
hyakushu (My Hundred Poems, 1909) contains his best work. These
are mainly love poems, the object of passion being 'a woman like
Messalina' with 'black hair which would spark if I stroked it'. Who
this woman was cannot guessed any degree of certainty
from what is known of Ogai's life. Ogai's main achievement in
poetry was, however, the support he gave to the poets who
published in the magazine Myojo in the years 1900 to 1908 such as
Yosano Tekkan (1873-1935) and Yosano Akiko (1878-1942), and the
strong influence that he exerted on the young poets of the magazine
Subaru (1909-13), such as Kinoshita Mokutaro (1885-1945), and those
of the magazine Mita bungaku (founded in 1910). The group around
Myojo also included Yoshii Isamu (1886-1960), Kitahara Hakushu
(1885-1942) and a poet with a distinctive social concern, Ishikawa
Takuboku (1886-1912). The poets who gathered around these
magazines created a sweet and gorgeous style for the waka distinct
from the style of the Shiki school. Various other literary figures
apart from these waka were involved with these magazines
and thus influenced, by Ogai. These included Veda Bin (1874-1916),
a poet who found great success with a translation of western verse,
Kaichoon (The Sound of the Tide, 1905), and the novelist Nagai Kafu
Another of Ogai's achievements was to create a style of Japanese
prose. From a subtle mixture of Chinese and European rhetoric he
created a highly sophisticated colloquial style which he had
perfected by the time he began to write his historical novels,
immediately after the death of Emperor Meiji and the suicide of
General Nogi (in September 1912). His first historical novel,
indirectly but unmistakably supporting the action of General Nogi,
was Okitsu Yagoemon no isl10 (The Testament of Okitsu Yagoemon,
October 1912). The of Nogi was reflected differently in the
work of the fifty-year-old Ogai from the way it was in that of Soseki
(as in Kokoro). To the hero of Kokoro the death of the Emperor meant
the end of the role of 'men of Meiji' and Nogi's suicide merely
emphasized this. For Ogai the issue was not the death of the
emperor but the suicide of the loyal retainer, a concentrated
expression of the values of the old samurai society. This involves
the question of the extent to which one must seek psychological
support from traditional culture during a process of modernization
based on foreign models. The answer to this problem that Ogai
found, that is, the final position that he adopted towards the values
that had imbued the samurai society of the Tokugaw_a period, was
both a direct consequence of the suicide itself - for Ogai had been
personally close to Nogi - and also the result of a long process of
cultural identification started by the debate with Naumann. Two
years later he wrote Sakai jiken (The Sakai Incident) in which he
described the group of minor samurai who calmly committed seppuku
before the eyes of French officers in expiation for the murder of
French sailors; in this work there is indeed an attempt to re-
appreciate Japanese culture through a confrontation with that of the
Ogai dedicated The Testament of Okitsu Yagoemon to Nogi; he may
have written The Sakai Incident as a delayed answer to Naumann.
However this might be, the historical material is treated in a
Japanese style which has the conciseness of classical Chinese, a style
eminently suited to the accurate descrption of the incident. This
was a significant literary achievement. Ogai did not only assert the
positive significance of the Tokugawa samurai ethic, he also
established his prose style. This style had its most clearly
recognizable influence on the work of Kinoshita Mokutaro and
Nagai Kafu. Two other writers, Ishikawa Jun (1899-1987) and
Nakano Shigeharu (1902-79), have shown a perceptive appreciation
of this style and therefore can be imagined to have been indirectly
influenced by it.
The last of Ogai's literary achievements was the series of
biographies of Tokugawa scholars written in his later years.
Formally his biographies of Shibui Chusai (1916), Izawa Ranken
(1916-17) and Hojo Katei (1917) are unique; they are simultaneously
the account of the biographer's process of investigation and a wide-
ranging description of the subject and his world, with the two
threads wound together and blended. In them the present in which
the biographer is writing is also involved with the past in which
lived his subject; the present directly overlays the past. The reader is
not only involved in the art of writing the biography but is also
taken into the mental and physical world of a figure of the past.
Japanese literature since the Meiji period has found new modes of
expression either in western literature (modern poetry, the new
theatre, the psychological novel, literary criticism) or in Japan's own
past (waka and haiku, zuihitsu, types of novel); there have
been no true stylistic innovations. Ogai's biographies are the only
exception. Other writers have successfully used this form; they
include Nagai Kafu in Shitaya sowa (Tales of Shitaya, 1926) and
Nakamura Shin'ichiro (1918-) in Rai San'yo to sono jidai (Rai San'yo
and_his Times, 1971).
Ogai moved gradually from historical novels to biographies. The
reason that he gave for the change was that as he gathered his
material for the novels he gained greater and greater respect for
facts. But this was not the only reason. Undoubtedly he wanted to
gain a clear picture of the traditional culture through the figures that
had lived in it. If this were not so, such a considerable writer as
Ogai, knowing that his death was not far off, would not have
devoted the energies of his last years to such a task. His reasons for
choosing Chusai, Ranken and Katei may have been because he saw
in them possible alter egos for himself.
Chusai was supposed to become a domain doctor but became a
scholar instead; Ranken's son Hakken rejected 'Dutch medicine'
when he had to treat his sick lord; Katei 'when he was thirty-two,
educated but not yet in service, went off alone to live in Saga taking
only his younger brother Hekizan just like hermits in traditional
tales.' All of these were perhaps things that Ogai profoundly
yearned for but did not achieve in a life in which compromise
followed compromise. ~ g i n Chusai and Hakken attained the ideal
marriage that evaded Ogai. That these biographies which at first
glance seem to be about relatively uninteresting events are pe.9pled
with characters of great vigour is perhaps a reflection of Ogai's
feeling that their lives were what might have happened to him but
did not.
Towards religion and philosophy Ogai maintained an attitude of
intelligent relativism, never systematizing his own position. In his
writing, however, the conclusions he reached were original and
remain a wide and indeed profound testament to the time in which
he lived.
Among the aspirant writers of the generation of the 1870s who ~ e r ~
born in the provinces and educated at private universities in Tokyo
(particularly Tokyo Professional School, now Waseda University)
there was a considerable number who wrote in a style that came to
be known as 'naturalism'. The best known of them, Shimazaki
Toson (1872-1943) and Masamune Hakucho (1879-1962), were from
long-established rural families, in Nagano Prefecture and Okayama
Prefecture respectively. Kunikida Doppo (1871-1908), Tayama Katai
(1871-1930), Tokuda Shusei (1871-1943) and lwano Homei (1873-
1920) were all from minor samurai families. None of them came from
the urban chanin class or from families following the traditional
intellectual samurai professions of medicine and Confucianism. This
meant that their upbringing was scarcely influenced by the
Tokugawa cultural traditions.
Once in Tokyo it was the West that attracted their attention, and
therefore the Protestant church, the organization directly connected
with western language (English in their case), thought and
literature. Only government officials and graduates of state
universities had the opportunity to go abroad to study and so for
Toson and Hakucho the church became, or almost became, what
study abroadpad been for Soseki and Ogai. Soseki spent four years
in the West, Ogai five years; Toson was a member of the Protestant,
church for five years, Hakucho for four. Doppo, Toson, Hakucho
and Homei were all baptized before they were twenty but none of
them remained in the church for more than five years. The church
opened a window on the West but it is probable that the essential
parts of the faith - righteousness defined through a relationship
with a transcendent absolute and salvation through Christ - would
not have been convincing for these young writers whose ambition
was to be true to themselves. When they left the church the
experience left no spiritual scars, at least as far as can be judged
from their writing, except in the case of Hakucho. In his book Haru
(Spring) of 1908, Toson wrote, 'Profound sympathy for mankind
and criticism of this sad life - can these not be called a part of
religion?' This is an insight which he could have gained from
western literature without recourse to the doctrines of Protestant-
But perhaps Uchimura Kanzo and the religion he represented
meant more to these young men than simply an introduction to
English and western culture. They - and especially Toson and
Hakucho - were threatened with isolation as individuals far from
their native towns and in a society in which advancement was only
possible in the bureaucratic structure, where novelists were of
course not wanted. They had to seek their own identity either
within themselves or as part of a group which was neither the family
they had left nor the power structure of the state. The Protestant
church, preaching as it did the salvation of the individual, must
have seemed to offer them a basis for their search for identity as
independent personalities. One great influence on Toson and
Homei was Kitamura Tokoku (1868-94) who although baptized at
an early age (in 1888) later came to believe in a kind of pantheism
which he called 'the life within' and which he explained in a book of
that title written shortly before his suicide. However the constraints
imposed by 'all the ceremonies and forms' - as Toson put it - of the
church were a disappointment to these young men who had
approached Christianity for help in their flight from the bonds of
tradition. For Uchimura Christianity meant carrying out the will of
God, but these young men hoped that it would give them the means
to express themselves. It did not take them long to find that their
hopes were misplaced and that they could also avoid isolation by
becoming members of another group, made up of writers. Thus it is
not surprising that Toson and Hakucho began to write seriously and
vigorously at the same time as they left the church and that as soon
as they began to write they gathered colleagues to form literary
Uchimura and his religion were not the only influences on these
young ex-provincials as they pondered their lives in Tokyo's
Yamanote. There was also Tsubouchi Shoyo (1859-1935) and his
theory of the novel. Shoyo, who taught at Tokyo Professional
School from 1883 to 1915, believed simply that the novel should
avoid didacticism and 'depict without omission the inner recesses of
the heart and expose human feelings clearly and completely'. This is
almost exactly the same view as that expressed by Motoori Norinaga
when talking about Murasaki Shikibu's work in his Tale of Genji: The
Precious ,Comb. Shoyo, however, extended the range of literature to
which this principle could be applied, adding Shakespeare and the
Victorian novel to the Tale of Genji. In his Makubesu hyoshaku
(Critical Notes to Macbeth, 1891) he said of Shakespeare that his work
allowing a wide range of interpretation resembled nature (or the
universe) and that as nature contains no ideals so Shakespeare is a
world of 'submerged ideals'. Thus a writer must not idealize
characters but depict human life and character as they are, that is,
'naturally'. One of Shoyo's pupils, Futabatei Shimei (1864-1909)
regarded a style that was close to speech as necessary for natural
description and with the assistance of 'Encho's rakugo monologues
. . . the works of Shikitei Sanba . . . and . . . western grammar'
wrote the novel Ukigurumo (Floating Clouds, 1887-89). The hero is a
young man of the time ~ the story tells of his failure to find
employment and love in a style which is both realistic and satiric.
The attraction of Shoyo's theories was increased by this practical
demonstration of their effectiveness.
It was unsurprising that Shoyo's theories of freeing the novel
from didacticism and replacing this with the expression of 'natural'
human emotions should attract these young men who were
themselves dismissive of traditional views of good and evil and
yearned for self-expression. The nineteenth-century European
novels that they read, principally in English translation, seemed to
bear out these theories and some of course had 'bold open
descriptions which hide nothing' of 'the truth' of human life, as
Katai put it, instancing Ibsen, Zola and Dostoievski in his
Rokotsunaru byosha (True Depictions, 1904). That these descriptions
seemed bold and candid was largely to do with the differences
between European urban life and Meiji Japan. Katai in the same
piece argued strongly for the abandonment of 'tricks' of style: rather
the undecorated colloquial style of Futabatei than the elegant
writing of Kyoka. To adopt Kyoka's style would in any case have
required a considerable knowledge of Edo literature, which Katai
did not have, but to write in a colloquial style was possible for
anyone. What made good colloquial writing was another matter and
Katai, unable as he was to read French or Russian, could not judge
the writing of Tolstoi and Zola. A novel, then, was to consist of the
'truth' of 'human life' written in an 'uncomplicated' style, and from
this the young novelists evolved the new idea that the 'truth' should
be a record of their daily lives. Thus began an age when anybody
could be a novelist.
The experiences they wrote about were of two main kinds. One
of these was a young man's attempt to leave the tradition-bound life
of his family and come to Tokyo. Often this resulted in a crestfallen
return home. Toson's family had a drug business in a post town in
the Kiso mountains. As he recounts in the novel Ie (The Family, 1910-
11) the relationship between head of the house and apprentice was
'not that normally between employer and employee but closer to the
relationship between lord and servant'. And 'before people could
think of marrying their child to another they had to think of
marrying their family to another.' The hero who 'in his youth
thought it unmanly to be constrained on account of the family and
left the province following an ambition' eventually returns disillu-
sioned to the land of his ancestors.
Hakucho came from Okayama, from 'an old-fashioned large
house by an inlet' as he describes it in the novel Irie no hotori (By an
Inlet, 1915). There he lived with his brothers and sisters in no great
luxury, as the fishing was seldom good.
We hardly ever ate the local delicacies of sea slug and iidako octopus, I
could not settle down to study and above all when I associated with
my family I had the feeling that I was suddenly older, which I hated
.... Whenever I left the village, my spirits lifted.
These two works exemplify the recurrent topics of the naturalist
novels: the land of their ancestors, the home town, the minutiae of
family life and the feelings of the hero, almost identical with the
feelings of the author, as he tries to escape from this small work!.
Another typical experience was of life as a writer in Tokyo. The
hero's world in this case usually contains his wife, a woman pupil
who lives with them, geisha, relations who come visiting from the
country and other writers. The incidents of the plot are concerned
with poverty, illness, involvement with another woman and family
disputes. The feelings depicted are jealousy, rage, grief, lust and so
on. This small world has no connection with the leaders of society or
with the workers, technologists, scholars, artists, bureaucrats or
company employees; in fact it is cut off from the vast majority of
Tokyo society. The emotional life of the hero is often vividly and
subtly described but that of his will and intellect is ignored, and few
if any of the characters show any decisiveness or intellectual
originality. Thus the hero of Tayama Katai's Futon (1907),
abandoned by a girl pupil for whom he had felt a vague infatuation,
can only clutch the futon bedding she has left and weep. In Toson's
Shinsei (A New Life, 1918-19) a novelist has an affair with a niece who
comes to keep house for him and when he finds that she is pregnant
flees to Paris in shock, returning three years later to effect a
reconciliation. The detailed description of this story was reckless
considering its confessional nature. Iwano Homei's Hatten (Develop-
ment, 1911-12), a somewhat crudely written work, tells of a middle-
aged novelist's pursuit of a fickle young woman and the
consequences, arguments with his wife and the death of his child.
In Kaso jinbutsu (Person in Disguise, 1935-36) Tokuda Shusei writes of
an eminent novelist agonizing over his love for a woman aspiring
novelist and describes vividly the events and the hero's feelings
until the end of the affair and the departure of the woman to live
with another man. The idea that the truest expression of the 'truth'
of life was to write a record of one's own experience had become
common among these novelists and with it the habit of having a
novelist as the hero of the story. This idea - that since the author
was, a novelist so should be the hero - is not one that comes from
These writers had taken Shoyo's idea of 'depicting human
feelings as they are' to mean that they should describe unaltered
their own experience, and it was this that they - or at least some of
them - claimed to be naturalistic writing. The word 'naturalism'
(shizenshugi in Japanese) has created a good deal of confusion in
accounts of modem Japanese literature. The notable fact is that the
novels of Katai, Toson, Homei, Shusei, Doppo and Hakucho are
almost completely unlike the nineteenth-century European novels
of naturalism, such as those of Zola. The two theories of the novel
have very little to do with each other. The European theory grew up
in an age when there was widespread and optimistic trust in
scientific progress. In 1863 Taine wrote a history of English literature
that supposedly demonstrated his contention that the history of
literature could be understood completely in terms of the
complementary workings of heredity and environment. Zola came
to apply a very similar theory to the writing of fiction and in the
series of novels Les Rougon-Macquart, histoire naturelle et sociale d'une
famille sous Ie second Empire (1871-93) attempted to demonstrate how
material factors are decisive in the shaping of human thoughts and
emotions. Zola's novels had reference to the methods of biological
science, a feature peculiar to naturalism; they took a broad view of
society (and thus could not have a hero identical with the writer), a
characteristic already evident in the work of Balzac, and were
concerned with civil society, as had been many novels since the
eighteenth century.
None of these features are to be found in the work of the
Japanese naturalists. They have no connection with scientific
methods - indeed in the Japan of the time there was no general
interest in science; the world of the novels is extremely small, the
range of incident limited to the immediate vicinity of the hero!
author; and the subject is not the internal contradictions of civil
society but the disputes arising from its immaturity. Was this then a
case of incomprehension on the part of the Japanese writers? It
would probably be'inaccurate to describe it as such. What these
Japanese writers found in Zola was not the characteristic features
that distinguished him from other nineteenth century European
writers but those that he shared with Tolstoi, Dostoievski and others.
These included 'frank descriptions' of 'the truth' of human life
which were very different from Bakin's didacticism and the elegant
euphuisms of Koyo and Rohan. The Japanese writers were too
involved in the problem of how they should live from day to day to
have time to think of society as a whole. Their assertion of the
notion of 'no idealization' was in fact very close to anti-
intellectualism and it is unlikely that they had a clear grasp of
Zola's scientific view of the world or Dostoevski's religious
concerns. In short they did not misunderstand the nineteenth-
century novels of Europe; they used them as a source of things they
found necessary for their own work.
One thing that is confusing, however, is the claim that the
Japanese word shizenshugi is a translation of the French word
naturalisme. This is clearly not so. The French word refers to nature
as viewed by natural science; the Japanese to nature as spontaneity
and in contradistinction to artifice or, as Doppo understood it, a
natural universe viewed pantheistically and as distinct from the
urban and cultivated. Katai's naturalism was an extension of
Shoyo's 'things as they are', Doppo's was the four seasons of
Musashino. This is the meaning of the Japanese shizenshugi and as
such it is difficult to regard it as having much connection with the
French naturalisme.
Not all Japanese naturalistic writing was exclusively concerned
with recording with greater or lesser fidelity the experiences of the
author. In Yoakemae (Before the Dawn, 1929-35) Shimazaki Toson tells
the story of a follower of the Hirata school of National Learning who
is in charge of a barrier on the Kisokaido road and the villagers who
live there. It also includes historical scenes and events from the
period of the Restoration, set in Kyoto, Edo, Satsuma, and Uraga,
on the bay of Edo. The view it presents of the Restoration is not
original but the descriptions of the scenery and way of life in the
Kiso mountains, the author's birthplace, are impressively fresh. This
novel is not chiefly concerned with Toson's considerations of how
he should live but rather with descriptions of the fate of people in an
age of transition, the Restoration, which was distinct from his own
personal world. The tragic fate of the hero - he dies mad - was an
objectification of an interior problem of the author. It seems
probable that Toson's father engaged in an incestuous relationship
and that Toson was the result of his mother's adultery; certainly
both his father and his elder sister went mad.
These details Toson kept secret but the idea of a secret that had to
be kept yet had to be told influenced his first real novel, Hakai (The
Broken Commandment, 1906), in which the hero, a member of the
outcast group known as the burakumin, hides his origins from his
fellow villagers but eventually leaves alone when circumstances
mean that he can no longer do so. As a novelist Toson attempted to
externalize his own consciousness and even tried to insert it into
history. His early novels are undoubtedly immature, but Before the
Dawn is the greatest epic written by a Japanese.
Apart from novels Masamune Hakucho also wrote many critical
essays, and these give a clear picture of his attitudes to Christianity.
He came to Tokyo at the age of seventeen and entered Tokyo
Professional School where he attended Shoyo's Shakespeare
lectures. He combined an enthusiasm for the study of English with
a passion for kabuki. At the same time he came under the influence
of Uchimura Kanzo, began to attend church and was baptized by
Uemura Masahisa the year after he arrived in Tokyo. He had in fact
known of Christianity in his home, Okayama, through the
magazine Kokumin no tomo (The People's Friend) and attended a
school run by an American missionary to learn English. Thus he had
already encountered the combination of Christianity and English
before he came under Uchimura's influence. The immediate cause
of his conversion was a dangerous illness. As he explains in [kiru to
iu koto (To Be Alive, 1958): 'When people are gravely ill they are in a
mood to appeal to any god or buddha; at that time I had come into
contact with Christianity so I was in the mood to pray to the
Christian God.'
The English language, Uchimura and the church opened a
window for Hakucho onto western literature, as they did for most of
the naturalist novelists in their youth. However, Hakucho's
insistence that his choice of the Christian God was fortuitous sets
him somewhat apart. Three years after he entered the church he left
it. By that time he had graduated, had begun to write literary
criticism and was close to such fellow writers as Shimamura
Hogetsu (1871-1918) and Chikamatsu Shuko (1876-1944). Thus he
transferred his allegiance from one group, the church, to another,
his fellow-writers.
As early as January 1901 Hakucho was tired of Christians who, as
he said in a letter to his brother, Atsuo, 'simply [assent to
everything with] "amen,amen" not troubling themselves with
learning and with no enth,usiasm for new knowledge' and who
'know nothing of the joys of the shamisen and are blockheads when
it comes to poetry and fiction'. Further, as he says elsewhere, he
had come to feel that literature and drama were 'the truth about
people' and that Christianity was 'a fake' as well as being merciless
in its insistence on the abandonment of worldly pleasure, in effect
demanding martyrdom from its followers. 'At heart I am unenthu-
siastic about martyrdom and when I realize that I often feel hate.
rather than love towards humanity, I can no longer pretend to be a
Christian.' 'At heart' Hakucho considered himself to be the same as
all other Japanese and commented that 'it is doubtful whether
Christianity suits the Japanese national character' and that until the
end it was impossible to know whether 'the Japanese tradition
latent within oneself or the power of the foreign religion one has
turned to as an individual would be the stronger.' Thus Hakucho
faced three problems: how to overcome the fear of death; how to
know the 'truth about people'; and what attitude to take to the
West. Writing was his only source of income and thus it is not
surprising that he continued to write throughout his long life; what
is remarkable is that he consistently wrote on these three topics and ,
on little else.
The fear of death is not a matter of righteousness or its lack. That
the young Hakucho had turned to Christ and not to Buddha was
because of his circumstances at the time, and that he prayed to
Christ and not to the Virgin was a consequence of the beliefs of the
church with which he came into contact. Had it been Roman
Catholic rather than New England Protestant no doubt things would
have been different. The choice of God or saint was not as important
as the continual desire to appeal to the mercy of some higher power.
On one hand, as Hakucho said in To Be Alive, 'Eternal life is an
empty phrase and an empty hope, the same as heaven and hell after
death.' On the other, 'I still feel trust in Jesus as our Lord.' Thus it is
no surprise to read in his Yokubo wa shi yorimo tsuyoshi (Desire is
Stronger Than Death, 1954): 'I imagine that at the hour of my death I
will either chant [the Buddhist invocation] Namu amida butsu or
murmur the name of Christ.'
In fact on his deathbed Hakucho called for Uemura Masahisa's
daughter the leading Christian Uemura Tamaki and died with the
name of Christ on his lips. The motivation for his return to
Christianity was primarily his desire to appeal to 'any god or
buddha'; the choice of god was secondary. This attitude is basically
the same as the Japanese of ancient times who would pray to a
range of Shinto and Buddhist deities when they faced danger. From
Miraculous Stories from the Japanese Buddhist Tradition to The Sand
Collection and the eclectic popular faith of Shingaku the ordinary
Japanese has not felt any need to make a choice between Buddhism
and Shinto; both were accepted. When Hakucho returned to
Christianity it was not with the expectation of being judged by a
transcendent power but rather with the hope of salvation, not
looking for an ultimate manifestation of righteousness but 'a place
of freedom from care' and a Christ whose mercy would be not
unlike that of Amida. Hakucho was perhaps closer than any other
author since the Restoration to the traditional world-view of the
Japanese masses. Christianity did not change Hakucho; Hakucho
modified Christianity.
If this is the case the question arises of whether his life and work
would have been the same if he had believed in Amida rather than
Christ. In considering this we must remember that Japanese
Christians are a tiny minority, less than one per cent of the
population, and for a Japanese to be a Christian is necessarily the
result of a conscious choice. Few Japanese are conscious of any
reason why they are not Christian, as is indicated by the fact that
many authors like Toson who left the faith at an early age were
unconcerned by their apostasy. Only Hakucho continued to be
concerned with this problem. In order to justify his leaving of the
church he needed to deny Christianity. The thought that he
developed to refute Christianity was neither the system developed
and sophisticated by Buddhism and Shinto, nor the thorough-going
materialism of such as Nakae Chomin, nor yet an ethnological
position like that of Yanagita Kunio. Rather he attempted to
distinguish 'human reality' from the 'falsehood', 'empty notions'
and ' dream' of Christianity using a realistic and mundane view-
point, sceptical of ideology and based on everyday experience. The
'human reality' he described in this way was the same as that
described by many other naturalistic novelists in Japan - the
countless minutiae of personal, mundane space in which central
concepts or guiding principles are supplanted by a keenly
perceptive and down-to-earth examination of specific aspects of
specific situations.
This view of life was shared by Hakucho, Toson and later '1-
novelists' who tried to make a faithful record of personal life, and
the origins of this view can be traced back through Saikaku, the
kyogen, the Tales of Now and Then to the very beginnings of Japanese
literature. The so-called naturalist novelists believed themselves to
be describing a 'human reality' distinct from the tradition of the
Tokugawa novel, but this belief in itself made them a part of the
main Japanese tradition; the naturalism was traditional despite the
intentions of the naturalists. On this point Hakucho was no
exception. He was an exception however in being conscious of the
tradition and developing it to a viewpoint that was almost cynicism
in the European sense. All the other naturalistic novelists had - but
did not know they had - the temporal and everyday indigenous
world-view, tradition 'of itself' as it were. Hakucho was aware; his
was tradition 'for itself'. His awareness was created after his split
with the church when he constantly tested, opposed and confirmed
his own position against Christianity and Christian writing.
Hakucho always kept a Bible by him, and he commented in his
work Uchimura Knnzo (1949) that it was an interesting book and that
there were many fine passages in Paul's epistles but that it was no
more than the 'tale of a dream'. When he tired of reading 'such
things as Japanese I-novels which just go on and on about everyday
life', he would read the 'completely opposite' Divine Comedy. When
he discovered that Dante's wife was so jealous 'that he dared not
even sigh in front of her', he commented that "'the eternal woman"
might well be an illusion created from a man's unsatisfied hopes
regarding his wife.' Similarly he thought Tolstoi's stated reason for
leaving home, 'that unable to bear an abstract anguish about life, he
was seeking salvation', was 'superficial' and 'self-serving'. In fact,
in Hakucho's view, Tolstoi had escaped from a wife he feared, and
his diary of the period shows 'tragedy and farce, the reality of
human life as if a mirror were held up to it.' Thus Christianity and
spiritual salvation are 'superficial' as is anything 'abstract'; 'human
reality' is in fact a wife's hysteria and her husband's reaction to it.
Naturally Hakucho knew Uchimura Kanzo far better than he did
St. Paul, Dante or Tolstoi. In his study of him he said: 'When
looking back on my life, I have never thought to carry out the
Sermon on the Mount and have never had the illusion that I was
carrying out something that could not be carried out. Uchimura tried
to follow them and thought that he did so, but this is extremely
doubtful .... Did not Christ, Paul and Uchimura in fact turn to
emptiness, dust, ash and void after they died, the dreams they had
in their lives unrealized?'
In his struggle against what he called 'a foreign religion',
Hakucho defined the limits of 'human reality' or what he in
Sensaisha no Knnashimi (The Grief of War Victims, 1946) called 'the
anguish of everyday life' and by so doing strengthened his desire to
escape from it. In the interwar years, he twice travelled with his wife
to America and Europe (1928-29 and 1936-37). He describes these
journeys as 'quick passing glances ...' inspired by his 'worship of
the West'. In the first generation born in a Japan going through
systematic 'modernization', particularly for the naturalistic novelists
who claimed that they had broken away from the Japanese literary
tradition, such idolization of the West could hardly be lacking.
However Japanese self-respect - or perhaps vanity - did not allow
this idolization to be given its proper name; only Hakucho, the
pursuer of self-tormenting truth, gave a name to this attitude that all
Most of the Japanese naturalistic novelists had no direct
experience of the West. Toson, who spent three years in France,
was with Hakucho a rare exception and his experience in France was
no less a 'pas!:!ing glance' than Hakucho's. His travel journal reveals
that, unlike Ogai and Soseki, he went no farther than wondering
admiration; but unlike Hakucho he did not acknowledge his true
attitude by naming it. Perhaps Hakucho, unlike the other novelists
(except for Uchimura Kanzo) who began by worshipping the West
but went on to criticize it, possessed a frame of reference which
transcended both Japanese and western culture. Uchimura was a
believer; and Hakucho was not, but both were concerned with the
same transcendent God. Hakucho could not find his 'escape' in a
West he only knew from hurried sightseeing. It was thus
appropriate that his last and, suggestively, unfinished novel -
written in 1950-53 - was entitled Otogibanashi, Nihon dasshutsu
(Escape from Japan: A Tale for Children).
The first generation of intellectuals to be born after the Restoration
grew up along with the Meiji state and were conscious of their own
participation in, or at least witnessing <2f, its development and,
whether close to the centre of power like Ogai or distant from it like
Soseki, they tended to some extent to identify themselves with Meiji
Japan. This tendency was encouraged by the notion of continuity
between personal virtues and national destiny ('rule the self, rule
the family, rule the state and bring peace to the world') which had
been common Confucian culture in the Tokugawa period and also
by the nationalism which was so marked in the western cultures
with which Japan came into contact. There were however some
exceptions to this.
One exception was the group of novelists known as the
'naturalists'. They came from the provinces, studied at private
universities and had literary ambitions - a combination which made
it impossible for them to make a career in the Meiji bureaucracy.
They knew relatively little about the Confucianist tradition and little
more about the chonin traditions of kabuki and prose fiction. Thus
they felt little obligation to 'rule the state and bring peace to the
world' or to 'rule the self and rule the family'. And the West for
them was a distant place, even further than the Tokyo that they had
yearned for in their provincial youth; their lessons were taken not
from the West itself but from Tsubouchi Shoyo. Powerless to help or
criticize the western-oriented modernization taking place around
them, they focused their attention on the narrower world of their
own daily lives. This is of course not individualism - the
autonomous individual as the structural unit of a civil society, the
individual as the ultimate basis of values, a realization of the
purpose of the self - as Soseki understood it. Closer to them in
attitude may have been Hakucho, himself an exception, perhaps
because the Protestantism which influenced him is a religion which
stresses the salvation of the individual above that of the state.
Another exceptional type was that of Arishima Takeo (1878-1923)
and Nagai KafU. (1879-1959); they distanced themselves not only
from the Meiji state but also its society, were deliberately non-
involved and critical, sought self-realization instead of social reform
and attempted to live their lives according to their personal beliefs.
This was a kind of individualism but one possible only under certain
limited conditions.
Both of these men were eldest sons of samurai-bureaucrats who
had been successful in Meiji society. Arishima's father, Takeshi, was
a Satsuma samurai who became a high official of the Meiji Ministry
of Finance and later an important figure in several government-
sponsored enterprises like Japan Mailboats (Nihon Yiisen) and the
Japanese Railway Company. Kafii.'s father, Kyiiichiro, followed a
similar career - samurai of the Owari domain, official of the Meiji
Ministry of Education, member of the management of Japan
Mailboats (where he was head of the Yokohama and Shanghai
branches). The families were thus well-off. When Takeo wished to
take up agriculture his father could afford to buy him an extensive
farm in Hokkaido; when Kafii. wanted to study abroad it was
arranged that he should be employed at the overseas branch of a
Japanese bank. These talented and extremely adaptable ex-samurai
were also well versed in both classical Chinese and modern western
learning. When at the Ministry of Finance, Arishima Takeshi was
sent to Europe as one of the team that negotiated tariffs. Nagai
KafU.' s father, who studied at the Owari Confucian academy
Washizu Kido and was well known as a Chinese-verse poet (his
collected poems are to be found in the ten volumes of Raiseikakushii),
was also knowledgeable about the West, having spent some time
studying at Princeton University.
In short these two, both members of the Meiji elite, must have
seemed in their sons' eyes to be symbols of the governing powers of
the state. If the young men wished to assert themselves against their
fathers this would inevitably imply distancing themselves from the
state and its ruling class. After graduating from Gakushii.in College
Middle School at the age of eighteen Arishima Takeo left for
Hokkaido and Sapporo Agricultural School. At the age of twenty
Nagai Kafii. became a pupil of a rakugo performer and began to write
novels in the style of the Edo popular writers, a choice which was far
from the career that his father would have wished for him. When
Arishima Takeo gave the farm that he had received from his father
to his tenant farmers in 1922 and later committed suicide with his
mistress he was doing something that his father was incapable of
and thus making his independence complete. Kafii.'s way of life
from an early age was a sign of his independence from his father
although in fact for a long time he was financially dependent and in
his writing he did not stray far from the world of the bunjin, which
was of course the world of the Confucian academy and its students
in which his father and maternal grandfather had grown up.
The second factor that conditioned their lives was supplied for
Arishima by Christianity and for Kafu by the tradition of the Edo
literati. While in Sapporo Arishima lodged with the Christian
Nitobe Inazo (1862-1933), then teaching at the Agricultural School,
went to Tokyo to receive instruction from Uchimura Kanzo and
joined the Sapporo Independent Church in 1901, eventually to leave
it nine years later. For a young man who wanted to live
independently from what Kawakami Hajime called Japan's dis-
tinctive nationalism, Christianity may have been the necessary
alternative authority; at least for some time Arishima Takeo, like
Uchimura Kanzo and Kinoshita Naoe, seems to have found in it the
possibility of an authority and values above those of the state.
What Christianity was to Arishima the Confucian and literati
tradition was to KafU. Although one part of this tradition was
concerned with statecraft, another, which led from the Sorai school
through the poets of the Kokasha school to Terakado Seiken and
Narushima Ryiihoku, was concerned with 'the idea of life as art'
(friryii). This view of life was unconcerned with politics, was urbane
and reclusive and did not shun the delights of wine, women and
song. Withdrawal from the world of politics and from society was
not necessarily against Confucian teaching; Confucius himself said,
'When the Way prevails in the world show yourself; when it does
not prevail, hide' (Analects VIII, 13). Their means of transforming life
into art was the writing of verse and prose, calligraphy and painting
and KafU's simultaneous profligacy and dedication to writing meant
not that he had abandoned this tradition but that he was part of it.
Furthermore, his way of life meant a passive but unceasing
resistance to militaristic Meiji Japan. However, something other
than the traditional culture of the literati was necessary for Arishima
to break away from Christianity and for Kafu to distinguish between
cultural tradition and nationalism. This was in both cases provided
by their experience of life in the West.
Both men left Japan in 1903, when Arishima was twenty-five and
Kafu twenty-four. Arishima spent three years in America, Kafu
spent four years there; they both visited Europe before their return
to Japan. At this time the people of Japan were, with the exception
of a few such as Uchimura and Kotoku Shusui's Heiminsha or
'People's Group', united in the face of the Russian threat and the
impending war. In America however there was considerable belief
in regionalism, free competition and individualism. It is unsurpris-
ing that this contrast should have impressed these two young men
and strengthened their latent individualism. In America Arishima
read Whitman and Kropotkin and on his way back to Japan he
visited Kropotkin in London and took a letter from him to Kotoku
Shusui. Back in Japan he wrote frequently on Whitman and came to
know Kawakami Hajime and Yoshino Sakuzo (1878-1933), then the
standard bearers of democratic thought in Tokyo intellectual circles.
His beliefs bore fruit however not in political activism but in his
personal actions, specifically his 'liberation' of his 400-acre
Hokkaido estate. 'Means of production should not be privately
owned; they are something that should be publicly or mutually
owned,' he wrote in Nojokaiho tenmatsu (A Full Account of the
Liberation of the Fann), and he did indeed make his farm into a
workers' cooperative, as he explains in Shiyiinojo kara kyosanno'en e
(From Private Estate to Communal Fann, 1923). He took the advice of
the agricultural economics department of Hokkaido University in
organizing and equipping the farm but he was not entirely confident
of its ability to survive in a capitalist society. He wrote that even
failure would not disappoint him and that 'I do not think that what
might happen in the future is of the essence.' This of course is not a
socialist's argument; it is rather a statement of an individual trying
to live by his own beliefs. What was 'of the essence' was Arishima's
self-expression. .
Kafu, too, may have found in America the self-confidence that he
needed to live by himself. And of course his first-hand knowledge of
the West helped him greatly as he distanced himself from Japanese
society, then in the throes of western-oriented modernization, in
order to evaluate and criticize it. In his terminology, once one knew
the 'inner workings of the head office' one would have no trouble
understanding the 'branch office'. For him however the head office
was not only America but also France, a country for which he had
felt an attraction. since before he went to America. Once the
opportunity arose to go to France he left America and his mistress
there without hesitation. In the event he spent only three months in
Paris and eight months in Lyons before his father ordered him back
to Japan; he left reluctantly, lacking the financial means to disobey.
His attachment to France was in fact strengthened by the
circumstances of his departure. Kafu was the first of the many
Japanese intellectuals to be specially attracted by France, the first to
have a lifelong attachment to that country. Moreover the transfor-
mation of this attraction into a motive force for his work was part of
his originality as a writer. There is a consistently anti-authoritarian,
anti-nouveau riche, anti-factional element which is obvious in his
works, from his criticism of the 'ramshackle, uncouth scene'
presented by the militaristic Japan of the years around the war
with Russia in Shinkichosha nikki (Diary of One Recently Returned,
1909) to his caustic criticism of Japanese militarism during the Pacific
War in Risai mokuroku (Catalogue of Disaster, 1946). Also important is
his attachment to Edo culture and its remnants in the modern age as
an equivalent of (the emotional elements of) la belle epoque.
Arishima produced a great number of literary works. The novel
generally thought of as his best is Aru onna (A Woman, 1919). Like a
European novel of the late nineteenth century - Maupassant's Une
Vie or Flaubert's Madame Bovary, for instance - it describes in a
realistic manner the life of a beautiful and wilful middle-class
woman. It is a history of her loves and her battle against the
prejudice and hypocrisy of society in order to live a life true to
herself; it is also the history of her defeat. This is a theme much
treated by the Japanese naturalistic novelists, with the difference
that the protagonist is a woman, but the descriptions are far better
ordered than those of Shimazaki Toson for instance and the
heroine's character is delineated with far greater clarity. Arishima
never associated himself with naturalism but this is without doubt
one of the most successful of the novels modelled on the European
realistic novel. The main character in A Woman was in all probability
Arishima himself, and his eventual fate in real life closely resembled
that of his fictional heroine. In Oshiminaku aiwa ubau (Love Seizes
without Restraint, 1920) he asserts that self-expression reaches its
highest point in romantic love and that death is then 'a fulfilment of
the self'; Arishima before long fell in love with Hatano Akiko, a
married magazine writer, and he committed suicide with her in a
Karuizawa holiday villa. In a letter of farewell that he wrote to a
friend on the train taking him to Karuizawa he glorifies the mental
and spiritual unity a man and woman can achieve in death in a
manner reminiscent of the michiyuki of Chikamatsu's Sonezaki Love-
suicide. Arishima sought self-realization in the liberation of his estate
and in love. His was a life of individualism.
Arishima's love-suicide was received favourably in Tokyo.
Suicide carried out to assert some kind of value, whether political,
emotional or merely the acknowledgement of some trifling
responsibility, is often looked on positively in Japan without
reference to the values involved. This is especially true in the case
of love-suicide, a form of death which has, through kabuki and joruri,
become part of popular culture. An exception to this view was Nagai
Kafii., who in Waidan, (Dirty Story, 1924) examines not the act of
suicide but the conditions that make it necessary and attacks the
'adultery' of 'licentious men and women' with what seems more
like hate than objective criticism. Kafii. was a profligate given to
more or less casual sexual relationships but his partners were always
geisha, bar waitresses and prostitutes; in fact he was rather proud of
never having been involved with a 'decent woman'. Systematized
sexual relationships - marriage and prostitution - were, as we have
seen, part of the literati tradition. In this tradition it was 'elegant' to
function within this system with sophisticated lightness of touch,
and it was uncouth, the worst possible thing to be, to be carried
away by passions into unregulated expression of them. One of the
most unpleasantly uncouth things to do would be to become
involved with a decent woman and thus put the system into
In his writings and in his personal life Kafu respected the forms of
behaviour prescribed by this long tradition and hated and despised
those who went against them. Sophisticated and 'elegant' pro-
fligacy cannot coexist with romantic love - at least the absolute and
transcendent experience that Arishima sought. Kafu probably did
not understand love in this sense and it is because of this that he
uses the social concept of 'adultery' to describe it when the lovers
themselves would never dream of thinking of their relationship in ,
these terms. Legally it was no doubt 'adultery'; but what did this
'adultery' mean in human terms? To know whether the lovers were
in fact 'licentious' it would be necessary to get inside the relation-
ship, an almost impossible thing for a third party.
Even if Kafu's criticism of Arishima lacked profundity his hate
did not. He must have felt that Arishima had achieved fulfilment in
his life and in his death; if not he would scarcely have hated him so
much. Kafii's commitment was not to life but to writing. For him
writing was a matter of culture and the cultures he espoused were
both distant, one in time and the other in space; they could not
coincide with the life of here and now. If Arishima, who always
lived in the here and now, was right, Kafu was wrong and vice
Immediately after his return to Japan Kafu published Furansu
monogatari (A Tale of France, 1909), an anecdotal blend of fact and
fiction about his time in that country, written in an extremely
sentimental style. The emotion and attachment shown in the
detailed descriptions of the country, even the colour of the sky, give
clear testimony to what the France of the belle epoque meant to this
young man from the Far East. For Kafu France was not a political
philosophy (as it was for Nakae Chomin) or a legal system (as it was
for Inoue Kowashi) but a poetic, sensual way of life redolent of an
ancient culture. This culture and the comparisons it invokes are
features of Kafu's next works, a series of critical reactions to the
instant westernization of Tokyo life - Dillry of One Recently Returned,
Koeha no ato, (After Tea, 1911), Hiyorigeta (Fine-weather Clogs, 1915).
~ s reactions and criticisms are very ~ m l r to those expressed by
Ogai and Soseki except that whereas Ogai and Soseki, while critical
of westernization, acknowledged that it was inevitable, Kafu shows
no interest in this. Instead he withdrew himself from the main-
stream of history and society and made his life in the Tokyo
backstreets where Edo culture still lingered. As a critique of a
culture it is one-sided and slipshod but as the statement of one
man's attitude to his surroundings it is clear, decisive and
uncompromising. In these books, and .in ones,
France is moved from the foreground and IS mternahzed, ItS place
taken by the seasons, customs and emotional life of the
With time this style progressed, matured and came to rerfection.
Kafu, who was from this time an habitue of the geIsha houses,
made close observations of the emotions and ways of this world
before writing the novels such as Udekurabe (Contest, 1916), a story of
three geisha vying for the favour of the same patron, and
a bitiny; satire of the rich and powerful who frequent the deml-monde.
Like Ogai, who wrote on Confucian scholars of the later
years, KafU wrote on a group of_ poets_of the saJ?e who
gathered around the Washizu Kido and Onuma Chmzan m Tales of
tihitaya, a work somewhat more lyrical and mellipuous style than
Ogai's and whose diffuseness only serves to heIghten Its effect.
From the late thirties to the end of the Pacific War, when Japan
was united under the grip of militarism, Kafu withdrew entirely
from society and spent his time in the brothel areas. His.major
of this period is Bokuta kitan (Romanc
from East" of SumuJa, .1937) m
which he makes the claim that dehcate sympathy remams to a
greater degree in women of the lower than in thos.e of the
ruined middle class. This is perhaps Kafu s fmest novel and It stands
with Tanizaki's Sasameyuki (The Makioka Sisters) as one of the
essential Japanese novels of the war years. In 1941, the year that the
Pacific War began, Kafu wrote Tamenaga Shunsui; in 1945 he wrote
Catalogue of Disaster in which he notes, 'it is reported that the two
devils Hitler and Mussolini are defeated and dead' and comments,
'the net of heaven lets none escape.' At this time writers who could
think this, let alone write it and live by it, were fewer than stars at
dawn. Kafu, who superimposed French literary culture onto the
tradition of late Tokugawa Confucianism and remembered the
scents of the Paris backstreets when he heard the sound of the
shamisen, achieved eventually that rare thing for a Japanese writer,
The Age of
fter the war with China (1894-95), Japanese industrialization.
made great progress, especially in cotton spinning and other
light industries. In the period between the war with Russia (1904-05)
and the First World War, heavy industries such as shipbuilding and
steelmaking - chiefly government-run - also developed. There
a tendency towards monopoly in light industry, most markedly m
spinning and papermaking. The in
two' overseas wars and the success m domestic mdustrlahzation
stabilized the authority of the Meiji imperial-bureaucratic state. They
also made clear its tendency towards expansionism into the
mainland of Asia and served to strengthen the policy of repression
directed against critics of the system. The nature of government
after the Russia-Japan war was shown most clearly m two of
1910: the unification of Korea with Japan and the case m WhICh
several left-wing activists were tried for high treason. The
absorption of Korea was followed by the Twenty-one
made on China (in 1914-15) and the dispatch of troops to Slbena (m
1918); after the high treason case, there came the military
suppression of the rice riots of 1918 and the Maintenance of Public
Order Act (1925).
With industrialization came increasing concentration of the
population in the cities. The population of Tokyo for rose
from one and a half million in 1900 to more than two milhon m 1920.
Education became more widespread with the rate of participation in
compulsory education rising from 66.7 per cent in 1897 to 98.1 yer
cent in 1910. By 1910 three new imperial universities .- in Kyot?,
Tohoku, and Kyushu - had been founded to supplement the one In
Tokyo. And in the recession that followed the Russian War, there
first became noticeable a distinctively modern problem - the failure
of the graduates of institutes of higher education to find employ-
ment. The educated unemployed were not necessarily critical of the
system but could not always have identified wholeheartedly with
the state. After the generation which was born around the time of
the Restoration and which regarded their personal fate and that of
the state as closely connected, there came a generation - born
around 1885 and therefore young at the time of the war with Russia
- which moved away from the state, was sometimes against it, and
concentrated its attention on its own problems. Throughout their
lives the novelists Shiga Naoya (1883-1971) and Tanizaki Jun'ichiro
(1886-1965) and the poets Kinoshita Mokutaro (1885-1945) and
Kitahara Hakushu (1885-1942) directed their attention to the
emotional life of the individual, to aesthetics, and to Japanese
language and cultural tradition. They turned away from the overall
structure and workings of Japanese society and politics. For them
the Meiji Restoration was a distant event and the system was not
open to choice; it was a donnee. Moreover none of them could
foresee such events as the October Revolution. There was no
Japanese Communist party at that time. Marxism, which was to
function as an effective intellectual tool for criticizing the system in
its entirety, did not become widely known among Japanese
intellectuals until the 1920s.
Despite the repression, however, there was not a complete lack of
resistance to the authorities. Two followers of the tradition
established by Kotoku Shusui, Sak
i Toshihiko and their Heiminsha
- Arahata Kanson (1887-1981) and Osugi Sakae (1885-1923) - in 1912
published the monthly magazine Kindai shiso (Modern Thought) and
later in 1914 the Heimin shinbun (The People's Newspaper) which
adopted a socialistic stance. Later, !!l1922, Arahata helped to found
the Japanese Communist party. Osugi, whose anarchist thought
had great influence among workers' movements and young
intellectuals, was murdered by a Captain Amakasu of the Kenpeitai
political police in the chaos that followed th_e great Kanto earthquake
of 1923. It can be said that Arahata and Osugi represented only a
minority of this generation. The problems that this minority was
conscious of in the years between the war with Russia and the
October Revolution were most clearly expressed in the work of the
poet and journalist Ishikawa Takuboku (1885-1912).
In August 1910, Takuboku pointed out that 'half the graduates of
the state and private universities cannot get work . . . they must
worry about employment from the time they are students.' He
wrote about the 'internal strife and self-destructive tendencies' of a
youth which had 'lost its ideals, lost its direction and lost its way
out'. At that time the Meiji oligarchy was riding high. Takuboku
wrote: 'The power of the state is advancing and spreading
throughout the country. The present social structure transmits it to
every corner ... and it is all but complete.' He called this 'the
blockading of the age' and continued: 'We must rise together to
declare war on this blockading. We must address ourselves to
systematic thought about our own era.'
This desire for systematic thought clearly distinguishes Takuboku
from the writers of the naturalism (shizenshugi) school which also
flourished around 1910. The novelists we have already discussed
such as Shimazaki Toson, Tayama Katai, Tokuda Shusei and
Masamune Hakucho did not tend to identify themselves with the
Meiji state - unlike Ogai and Soseki - but the naturalists were not
representative of the intellectuals of their generation. Rather they
were dropouts from the intellectual life. Takuboku, far from
uninvolved, represented the two sides of the youth of the time -
'internal strife' on the one hand and a 'declaration of war' on the
conditions of the time on the other.
Takuboku was born the eldest son of the priest of a Zen temple in
Iwate Prefecture in 1885 or perhaps in 1886 and was brought up in a
farming village. After attending middle school in Morioka, he
worked as a teacher and journalist, spending a year in Hokkaido
before going to Tokyo in 1908. In Tokyo he lived by writing, mainly
journalism, until his death from tuberculosis in 1912. In the same
year, his mother died of tuberculosis and in the following year, his
wife. His main works include: two volumes of verse, Ichiaku no suna
(A Handful of Sand, published in 1910) and Kanashiki gangu (Sad
Playthings, published posthumously in 1912); a novel, Warera no
ichidan to kare (Our Group and Him, written in 1910, published
posthumously in 1912); and essays (published posthumously) such
as Jidai heisoku no genjo (The Blockading of the Age: How Things Are
Now, written in 1910) and A Letter from Prison (title in English,
written in May 1911).
One aspect of his verse is the element of 'internal strife'. With
keen sensitivity he writes of love, nostalgic longing, drink, sickness,
and a life of poverty:
I do not forget the woman
Who showed me a handful of sand
Without wiping away the tears
That trickled down her cheek.
(Handful of Sand)
A day when my heart is close to
The declining people of myoId village.
Rice fields, dry fields sold,
Drinking sake.
As a lyric poet, Takuboku lived in a world not very far from that of
Kinoshita Mokutaro and Kitahara Hakushu, founders of the
magazine Subaru (Pleiades) first published in 1909. Aesthetically it
was not far from the world of Tanizaki Jun'ichiro, a novelist of the
same generation. There was however another side to his work:
Sad thoughts of my wife and friends
Though sick I never cease
To speak of revolution.
(Sad Playthings>
Once I thought it rather far off
The sad heart of the terrorist
I feel close to it now and then.
The poet who wrote this is close to the novelist who wrote Our
Group and Him. The ~ r o is a journalist estranged from his
colleagues who hopes for a socialist society in the (distant) future.
Perceptive enough to realize that the conditions for revolution do
not exist in Japanese society of the time, he calls himself 'an
egotistical idler'. On the other hand, he perceives a pattern in the
incidents which disturb society periodically and he sees in this proof
that there is movement towards reform of the social system. In no
other novel of the period is there a hero like this ironic and bitter
man, and Takuboku's originality lies in his description of this
Kotoku Shusui was sentenced to death in the treason trial of
1911. Before his execution he composed a defence of his anarchist
beliefs which he sent to his lawyer. Takuboku secretly copied this
work - Chinbensho (A Defence) - and added his own reactions and
views to create a kind of memorial to Shusui. This is his Letter from
Prison. There was absolutely no possibility of publishing at the time;
it was probably for future generations. In it, Takuboku shows an
obvious sympathy for Kotoku Shusui's views and quotes at length
in English from Kropotkin's Memories of a Revolutionist. It seems that
if he had lived he might well have reached an anarchist standpoint.
In other w o r ~ s the treason trials may well have made Takuboku
into another Osugi Sakae.
In his short life, Takuboku - like Heinrich Heine - wrote a Book of
Songs and the youthful love poems it comprises are still popular
among the young people of Japan. And, like Heine in his History of
Religion and Philosophy in Germany, in A Letter from Prison Takuboku
stands not on the side of the authorities but on that of the rebels
who oppose them. Heine was a newspaper correspondent and
exchanged letters with Marx; Takuboku worked for a newspaper
and copied Shusui's Defence. There were of course great differences
between the two men. Heine escaped from the repression in
Germany and moved to Paris, then the centre of European culture.
For Takuboku, the citizen of an isolated island in the Far East, there
was no path to exile. He had no choice but to do what he did - to
wait helplessly for the end of his own life and the lives of his family.
Takuboku did however achieve the most accurate testimony about
the reality that faced the youth of that country at the beginning of
the century and the possibilities that they saw for themselves and
for others. Others of his generation outlived Takuboku to publish
their major works between the two world wars.
o In the first part of the interwar period, Japanese industry
increased in scale in the years from 1914-19 and showed an
approximate threefold increase in paid-up capital, an approximately
twofold increase in the number of factory workers, more than a
twofold increase in the production of iron and steel, and an
approximately twofold increase in electric power generation. This
was followed by a period of 'panics' including the postwar panic of
1920 and the effects of the world depression of 1929 with a flight
from agriculture and the ruin of rural communities. During this
time, the rule of the Satsuma-Choshu oligarchy was' succeeded by a
system of capitalistic party political government. The first majority
party government was formed in 1918 and the Universal Suffrage
Law (which applied only to men) was passed in 1925. These party
political cabinets applied severely repressive measures against the
Communist party, which was founded illegally in 1922, promulgat-
ing the Maintenance of Public Order Act in 1925. It did however
tolerate the social democratic parties and its handling of industrial
disputes showed a certain recognition of the role of the labour
In its foreign policy, the government adopted an expansionist
policy towards the Asian continent, making the Twenty-one
Demands to China and sending troops to Siberia, but it was
conciliatory towards the West. It joined the League of Nations and
signed the Naval Limitation Treaties of Washington (1922) and
London (1930). The urban intellectuals of the time became familiar
with a great deal of the thought, literature and life-style of postwar
Europe. At the same time, the influence of First World War Marxism
radiated from the underground Communist party - and from its
ideological mentor, the Comintern - to affect a large number of
scholars, students, and artists.
The second part of the interwar period from the military
intervention in China in 1931 to the Pacific War was an age of
militarism and acute chauvinism. Japan left the League of Nations in
1933 and withdrew from the Naval Limitation Treaties in 1934 and in
1936. She became an ally of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy in 1940;
the attack on Pearl Harbour followed in 1941. At home there were
repeated, if unsuccessful, attempts at coups d'etat by army officers (in
May 1932 and February 1936) and the army, though failing to seize
power directly, continued to increase its power within the state
apparatus. A combination of the political significance of a deified
emperor, a legal system that incorporated the swingeing Main-
tenance of Public Order Act and the political police effectively
suppressed radical dissent, arresting Marxists and other leftists and
later liberals, forcing those who were not arrested into inaction and
completely smothering free speech.
Only a few of the generation of 1885 came close to the doctrines
of Marxism. Those intellectuals who did so in the twenties and early
thirties were of the generation of 1900 - such men as Moo Kiyoshi
(1897-1945), Nakano Shigeharu (1902-79), Kurahara Korehito (1902-),
and Kobayashi Takiji (1903-33). Naturally many of this generation
rejected Marxism, but their rejection followed an intellectual
confrontation with it; it was impossible for them to ignore. At the
time when Marxism was gaining ground among writers, with the
formation of writers' associations such as the Japanese Proletarian
Arts Federation (the title of which, like others of the time, was
rendered into the international language of Esperanto as Nippona
Artista Proleta Federacio abbreviated to NAPF or 'Nap'), older writers
such as Shiga, Tanizaki, Saito Mokichi (1882-1953) and Kinoshita
Mokutaro were all over forty and had already found their own
direction from which they were unwilling or unable, to deviate. They
seemed to recognize no necessity to reappraise their own positions
through a confrontation with Marxism. This did not mean however
that they were to ignore the militarism of the thirties. Shiga,
Tanizaki and Mokutaro, who had withdrawn from concerning
themselves with political and national affairs to cultivate their own
individual-scholarly-artistic gardens, made no direct criticism of
militarism but neither did they join in the fanaticism. Indeed it is
possible to say that at this time, when the entire population was
swept by a flood of fanaticism, theirs was a position of passive
Some of this generation, however, not only failed to react to
Marxism but also in various ways endorsed the supernationalism of
the time, praised militarism and lent their voices to the fanatical
chorus. Saito Mokichi was one of these. Another was Mushanokoji
Saneatsu (1885-1976) who with his close friend, Shiga, and Arishima
Takeo founded the magazine Shirakaba in 1910 and was to go on to
become a Tolstoyan humanist in his later years. Nor were Takamura
Kotara (1883-1956), a poet, sculptor and admirer of Rodin, who was
close to the Shirakaba group, and Kikuchi Kan (1888-1948), the
successful writer of popular novels and founder of the Bungei shunjii
magazine publishing company, in any way critics of fanatical
militarism; rather, they were supporters.
The tendency which had been so strong in the first Meiji
generation - that of identifying with the state - had by no means
died out between the war with Russia and the 'Taisho democracy' of
the twenties. To distance oneself consciously from the world of
politics does not provide one with any weapons for political
criticism. When the political world showed a strong tendency to
drag the individual into its process, members of this generation
were almost wholly unable to resist and it was not entirely
surprising that they should have manifested a latent deSIre to
identify themselves with the Japanese empire. In Shiga's case, there
was a clear tendency to patrician attitudes, which was lacking in
Mushanokoji. Tanizaki felt a personal bond with Japanese cultural'
tradition which Kikuchi did not. It is not easy to explain the attitude
shown by Kinoshita Mokutaro and the pro-militaristic stance of
Saito Mokichi. Mokutaro's internal world was perhaps rendered
more comprehensive, more consistent and coherent. His world was
both intellectual and sensual but contained no violent emotions.
Within Mokichi, on the contrary, there seems to have whirled a
mass of dark, almost blind, emotion.
Tanizaki Jun'ichir6 (1886-1965) was born in the shitamachi ('lower
town') area of Tokyo and was educated in the capital until his
inability to pay tuition fees forced him to leave the Japanese
Literature Department of Tokyo Imperial University. He married
three times. His first wife divorced him in 1930 to marry his friend
the novelist Sato Haruo (1892-1964) after the three had talked it
over; his second marriage, in the following year, soon ended in
divorce and he married his third wife in 1935 and lived with her and
two younger sisters in the Osaka region. His interest in the writing
of novels began at an early age. Major works include Chijin no ai
(Love of a Fool, 1924-25), Manji (Swastika, 1928-30), Tadekuumushi
(Some Prefer Nettles, 1928-29), Momoku monogatari (A Blind Man's Tale,
1931), Ashikari (1932), Shunkinsho (A Portrait of Shunkin, 1933),
Sasameyuki (The Makioka Sisters, 1943-48), Kagi (The Key, 1956) and
Fiitenrojin nikki (Diary of a Mad Old Man, 1961-62). He also translated
The Tale of Genji into modern Japanese (1939) and wrote essays
which were published under the title of In'ei raisan (In Praise of
Shadows, 1933).
Towards the end of his life Tanizaki, comparing himself to Nagai
Kafu, in an essay entitled Setsugoan yawa (1963-64) wrote that he had
none of Kafu's 'family wealth' or 'uncompromising attitude and
spirit of social criticism', and that he did not agree with Kafu's
'unregulated sex-life' but did agree with his attitude of 'art above
all'. In this essay he discusses in detail their differences in economic
circumstances and in their attitudes to society, sex and art. The
difference in their financial positions perhaps explains why
Tanizaki, although wishing like Kafu to pursue a life of complete
detachment, free from any encumbrance, was unable to do so. Kafu
himself said this. And the same reason was perhaps behind the fact
that while Kafu spent five years in the West, Tanizaki only left Japan
once, for a short trip to China in 1918.
Since the Restoration Japan had been rapidly modernizing
following western models and it could not have been easy to
produce a critique of society without some direct knowledge of life
in the West. Indeed the great majority of the Japanese intellectuals
who did produce acute criticism, from Fukuzawa Yukichi and
Nakae Chomin, through Ogai and Soseki to Kafu, had lived abroad.
Tanizaki lacked this experience and this was one of several points of
difference between him and Kafu. Although among the last-born of
its members KafU unequivocally belonged to the generation of 1868
whereas Tanizaki was of the generation of 1885. Both writers were
moreover typical of their generation. During the Pacific War, Kafu
wrote some criticism of the political power-holders denouncing
'Hitler and Mussolini, the Two Evils' while Tanizaki's Makioka
Sisters was the extended expression of an 'art above all' attitude. It
was not a critique of society and politics, an examination of present
realities with a possible alternative.
As regards sexual relations Tanizaki maintained that KafU tended
to 'look down on women as being inferior and' regard them as
playthings' while he 'regarded women as superior'. ('I look up to
women. If a woman is not worthy of this I do not think her a
woman.') Neither of these is of course an assertion of the equality of
women and men. For sex Kafu favoured the 'professional', from
geisha to prostitute, and was proud of his claim never to have
'meddled with' other women. Although he married, the union
lasted less than a year. Tanizaki on the other hand was married for
most of his life. Both writers took the relationships between men
and women as a major theme of their work but whereas one wrote
of self-indulgence in the red-light district the other described love in
middle-class society. This difference no doubt derived to a great
extent from differences in the two writers' personal lives but it also
reflected differences between the cultural traditions that they
followed, traditions that affected their attitudes to their art.
KafU followed the tradition of the bunjin (literati), Tanizaki that of
the writers of joruri. From the late eighteenth century the Edo bunjin
made their social life in the 'pleasure quarters' and wrote elegant
verse on mundane subjects. They valued iki, a sophisticated
emotional self-awareness, and despised uncouth enthusiasm (yabo).
To fall in love with a courtesan and blunder on helplessly to an end
in double suicide was the extreme of uncouthness. And, as
Yanagisawa Kien (1704-58) wrote in Sleeping Alone, it was out of
the question for them to have liaisons with the innocent daughters
of respectable families. If traced back, Kafu
termed it, of bunjin literature was not m Helan Japan but.m the
classics of China (and 'naturally if you know the mner of
the head office you will know about the branch office'). For Kafu the
new 'head office' was Europe and his approach to
was designed to allow him to understand functIon In
the 'branch office' culture of post-Restoration Japan. In thIS he was,
in his way, a faithful follower of the bunjin tradition.
Tokugawa dramatists such as Chikamatsu on the other hand
wrote masterpieces about love-suicide; they were not concerned
with emotional self-awareness but the exaltation of love and death.
Later Tsuruya Nanboku (1755-1829) celebrated sexual impulses of
cruelty and submission. These sensibilities the world. of
Tanizaki Jun'ichiro's fiction. Joruri and kabukI achIeved
and beautification of their subjects through the use of the shamlsen;
Tanizaki did so using a visual effect which he called
using language developed in earlier Japanese - the no of
the Muromachi period, The Tale of the House of TaIra of the Kamakura
period, and Heian waka. Essentially was not
with Kafu's 'head office' but with the aesthetIc legaCIes of Japanese
culture. Kafu translated nineteenth- and twentieth-century French
lyrics; Tanizaki made a modern rendering of The Tale of Genji.
In Praise of Shadows is, as its title suggests, about the shaded part
of life, specifically the interiors of houses built in style perfected
in the Tokugawa period with their of and
their lustre and colour 'soiled by people, dIrtIed by oil,
and rain' and the beauty of a 'wraithlike' woman whose frail body IS
wrapped in a kimono. This is an developed
specifically in the Tokugawa period and .ItS a m?re
general scale is doubtful. Even more dubIOUS IS Tamzaki s
that, 'the tendency to seek beauty in gloom is marked only In
orientals.' This seems doubly mistaken. Firstly there is no real
evidence that the tendency is in fact particularly noticeable in
East; certainly such gorgeous buildings as the Tiendan temple m
Peking were not designed to be appreciated in the gloom but on a
fine autumn day. And how can the great stained glass of
medieval cathedrals achieve their resplendent beauty WIthout
gloom? They have life only in shadows. . .,
Tanizaki's novels, with the single exceptIon of The MaklOka
are short. Most are tautly written, especially Portrait Shu.nkm
and The Key, and describe the physical and emotIon?1 relatI?nShIJ? of
a man and a woman in isolation from all other SOCIal relatIonshIps.
The relative affluence of the characters of his books means that
financial problems and their social ramifications do not arise and the
world of the novel can be limited to a few characters.
The relationships themselves fall into two types. In one the man
is infatuated with or devoted to the woman (as in Love of a Fool and A
Portrait of Shunkin) and to a greater or lesser extent extracts pleasure
from suffering at her hands. It some cases the woman has many
lovers, in others none. In Tanizaki's major novels the opposite case
is never found; there is never a woman devoted to an unfaithful
man. In the other type of relationship the couple is married and
living together sometimes with a satisfactory sex life (as in Swastika),
sometimes with none (Some Prefer Nettles), and sometimes with
mutual dissatisfaction (The Key). The third person is a man, except in
the case of Swastika in which the wife has a lesbian lover. In Some
Prefer Nettles the lover visits the woman with the husband's consent
in The Key the husband brings the wife and the man together
order that his own feelings of jealousy will stimulate his sexual
desire. The wish was both to inflict and suffer pain.
Tanizaki's achievement was to describe the many variations of
sexual love in isolation from society - in a closed room as it were _
more comprehensively than any other Japanese novelist, Few other
novels have described the sex life of an old man in such detail as The
Key and Diary of a Mad Old Man, both written in Tanizaki's later life.
such as a blind man's imaginings of female beauty
(m A Blmd Man s Tale) and the sexual love between a blind girl and a
man which attains blissful union when the man himself goes blind
(A Portrait of Shunkin) have seldom been treated elsewhere. Men
who enjoy inflicting or suffering pain appear in many of Tanizaki's
novels in varying circumstances; the male characters also often have
a strong erotic attachment to some part of the woman's body,
especially the feet of a young woman (as in Love of a Fool, A Portrait of
Shunkin and The Diary of a Mad Old Man). Generally the women
characters, with a few exceptions such as the heroine of Swastika
whose husband is in any case impotent, have conventional sexual
tastes. They have another thing in common. They may be vulgar
and dissolute, artistically talented and conceited, or elegant and
reserved, but they are always young, full of life, beautiful and
of fascinating and controlling the men. It is only through the
bodIes of these women that the men find - or actualize _
There is nothing in these relationships of the Christian opposition
between soul and body. The flesh is not sinful, sexual aberrations
not the work of the Devil. Tanizaki did not believe in the Christian
God and thus knew nothing of the Devil. Nor is there anything of
the Buddhist thought which rejects the pleasures of the world as
transient and sullying. There is instead a positive affirmation of self-
in the here and now through the things, the physical
things, of the world. Under the Confucian ethical order which
obtained under the Tokugawa system, sexual love could only attain
perfection at the instant of the lovers' self-immolation, as in
Chikamatsu's love-suicides. Sexual love, which is spontaneous,
could only happen outside the constraints of the duties imposed by
social position. This meant, however, that its expression would
inevitably be against the rules, the ideology, that defined the
system. But as the system began to break down in the Meiji period,
and its ideology was undermined by the individualism of such as
Kafii, it became possible for lovers, such as those in A Portrait of
Shunkin, to consummate and make absolute their love while alive.
Of course death is close for the elderly heroes of The Key and Diary of
a Mad Old Man but it is neither a reason for them to exalt their love
nor to seek salvation or the Pure Land. Its approach, the approach of
what they see as their complete annihilation, Simply frees them
from the restraints of society and allows them greater liberty to
indulge their hedonistic sensuality.
These novels of Tanizaki's are of course not a direct reflection of
his life or that of anyone else; they are an expression of the aesthetic
and hedonistic ideals which are part of a wholly sublunary world-
view. Life is described in terms of these ideals and those aspects of it
that do not conform are ignored. In this sense the world of
Tanizaki's novels is truly abstract. There is however one exception,
The Makioka Sisters, and this exceptional work is the high point of
Tanizaki's oeuvre, one of the few great works written during the war
and a milestone in the history of the Japanese novel.
The novel began serial publication in a magazine in 1943 but was
suppressed by the military censors and only completed in 1947. It is
a brilliant and study of the daily life of an upper-middle-
class family in the Osaka-Kobe region, modelled on the author's life
in the thirties with his third wife and her younger sisters. The
second of the four Makioka sisters has a stable marriage while the
third wants to be married and is formally introduced to a series of
eligible young men. The youngest sister, who is more independent,
takes a job and finds her own man friend. The novel is centred on
these three, particularly the conservative and extremely passive
third sister Yukiko, but includes a wide range of characters from the
second sister's husband and the youngest's sweetheart to the many
people they encounter in the course of their daily lives. There are no
dramatic incidents. The story progresses as a series of minor
happenings - cherry-blossom viewing at the Heian Shrine in Kyoto,
the departure of a foreign acquaintance, discussions between the
sisters as to what they should wear to go out, the occasional not very
serious illness. Here, there are no lovers in isolation from society.'
Rather the story spreads unchecked from Yukiko to her sisters and
then on to their various relationships.
The novel does not however go further to touch on the wider
issues of the government, the army, the war and the other parts of
the historical conditions of the times. Thus there is no criticism. Why
then did the army censors ban this novel? Why did Tanizaki write
such a novel during the war? And why is this chronicle of the
minutiae of middle-class life not tedious for the reader? The answer
to all these questions is essentially the same.
During the war Tanizaki must have had a bitter awareness that
the life and society to which he was so attached would soon be
completely lost and that no part of it - the buildings, the tableware,
the cadence of local speech, the taste in kimono or the elegant
countenance and deportment of the women - would ever be
revived, nor would the life style that unified them. There was only
one way to bring these lost times alive again and that was to write
this novel. He therefore wrote, not of the ideals of sexual love which
had long been his central concern, but of an entire and tangible
small society, transforming his idolization of women into a
celebration of an entire microcosm. The Makioka Sisters is Tanizaki's
A la recherche du temps perdu. The intense reality of the characters of
the novel and the attachment that the reader feels to the accident-
plagued heroine Yukiko derive from the feelings of the writer as he
strives to bring back the past, and these suffuse and illuminate the
women and men he describes. In a sense Tanizaki followed his
translation of Lady Murasaki's Tale of Genji with his own tale and by
doing so took his place in the long tradition of Japanese narrative in
which the part does not depend on the whole.
The major significance that The Makioka Sisters has in the history
of the Japanese novel does not come from its defiance of tradition
but from its superb realization of the possibilities of tradition. As a
summary of Japanese aesthetics since the Kokinshii, with their
concern with sublunary matters, the life of the senses in the eternal
present, refined sensibility, daily life as ceremony, the immediate
and transient beauty of the seasons, the part as a delicately and
perfectly realized entity without reference to an architectonically
conceived whole, The Makioka Sisters is monumental. The poignant
clarity with which Tanizaki expressed his heartfelt desire to return to
the world of yesterday could not have been lost on the censors.
Yesterday meant a world without militarism and it was the
evocation of this world, not criticism of militarism, that the
authorities could not tolerate.
The fictional world of the novelist Shiga Naoya (1883-1971), who
was of the same generation as Tanizaki, was narrower. In his many
short stories and single full-length novel, An'ya koro (Night Journey,
1921-37) he writes of a central 'self' and the minutiae of the life
around him in a plain, lucid and concise style. Night Journey
concerns an upper-middle-class novelist (like Shiga himself) who
faces and survives two crises. The first of these is when his attempts
to get married are repeatedly thwarted. He discovers from his elder
brother that he is unacceptable to potential brides and their families
because he is a 'child of sin', born as the result of an affair between
his mother and her father-in-law. He eventually succeeds in finding
a bride only to face his second crisis; she takes a young man who is a
friend of the family as a lover. Superficially the hero shows no
dramatic reaction to these events. He draws away from his 'father',
indulges in mild dissolution, goes travelling alone, ~ l l s ill ~ n ~ so
on. He does, however, experience great psychologtcal agItation,
suffering from gloom, misanthropy and self-absorption as ~ l l as
developing a heightened sensitivity to the world, both SOCIal and
natural, around him.
All this is well perceived and calmly and accurately described.
There is no trace of ethically-based criticism of adultery and the hero
shows no interest in contemporary political and social conditions.
He decides his actions and opinions according to his feelings and
where they lead him and seems to live wholly within the limits of
these possibilities. In this sense Night Journey can be said to present
us with a completely autonomous human being, a closed-off
individual whose independence is undisturbed by religious,
philosophical and ideological systems, by political power and by
economic conditions. The novel is not architectonically constructed;
scenes and episodes follow each other as virtually independent
short stories, often written with a taut beauty (for example when the
hero, alone in the mountains, feels himself at one with the
universe). The only element that works strongly to unite the novel
is the constant and central presence of the hero. The novel as a
whole resembles an emakimono picture-scroll.
Shiga Naoya's 'egocentrism' was clearly something which could
not have existed before Soseki's 'individualism' but unlike its
predecessor it was not accompanied by any strong ethical
consciousness or social concern. The Confucian ethical tradition
and contact with modern western literature were necessary
conditions for the realization of Soseki the novelist and critic but
neither was necessary for Shiga. Confucianism was already a distant
memory and it was usual to read western literature not in the
original but in translation. If Shiga Naoya's work was influenced by
the West in anything except a very few minor points of novelist.ic
technique, it was an indirect influence, the effect of the changes. In
society brought about by industrialization on western models. Shiga
Naoya was a purely Japanese product. Unlike Tanizaki, who was
actively aware of the cultural tradition from Heian times, Shiga
unwittingly, perhaps even unwillingly, embodied the Japanese
world-view which can be traced back to the Tales of Ise - a concern
with the' everydayness' of life, an absence of transcendental values,
a keen perception of details, aesthetic sensitivity, and, stylistically, a
tendency to start from the part rather than the whole.
Neither Shiga nor Tanizaki described peasant life and indeed
there were few of their generation who did so, the vast majority
preferring not to venture outside urban middle-class mores. A
notable exception was Nagatsuka Takashi (1879-1915), the author of
the novel Tsuchi (Earth, 1910-12). The eldest son of a wealthy farmer
of Ibaraki Prefecture (and member of the Prefectural Assembly), he
left middle school early and went to Tokyo where he became a pupil
of the poet Masaoka Shiki in 1900 and wrote waka, some of which he
contributed to the magazine Araragi (Yew Tree, founded 1908) with
other former pupils of the late master. Before his death of
tuberculosis of the larynx he published two fine waka collections,
Byochuzatsuei (Various Songs in Illness, 1912) and Hari no gotoku (Like a
Needle, 1914-15). Two poems from these collections are:
Coming and going on the street
A throng of people:
Melancholy winter trees.
No one to cut the dayflower
That grows through the bamboo grass of the river;
And, as they say, it withers.
The hero of Earth is a poor peasant whose wife falls ill while he is
fifty miles away working on the canalization of the Tone River. He
rushes home but their village has no proper doctor and her death,
apparently of septicaemia from a self-induced abortion, soon
follows. The hero is left to live with her father; neither man likes
the other but they do not have the resources to live apart. The hero
steals from a neighbour's field, is reported to the police and appeals
to the landlord for help. The landlord's wife, taking pity on him and
his motherless children, arranges for the aggrieved party to
withdraw his complaint and the police to drop the matter. The
hero is still in terror of the police; when he must go to the police to
deny the theft formally and thus close the case he says, 'Yes, but if I
go there I won't be able to stop myself confessing.' This submissive
voice is far different from the defiant attitudes of the peasants of
neighbouring Tochigi Prefecture who in the 1890s rose against the
authorities when their complaints about dangerous pollution from
the Ashio copper mine were ignored.
Earth gives an exhaustively detailed picture of the daily life of the
peasants of the Tone basin, their wretchedness and ignorance, their
human worth, their cunning and their warmth. In their life man is
close to nature. The rape-flower fields, rain falling on a straw
raincoat, muddy tracks, the Tone River shining in the setting sun,
the forest towering into the night sky, fallen leaves dancing in the
wind, the smell of wood burning in the fireplace - the poet
Nagatsuka used all his powers to describe these in the prose of his
novel; the smell of the earth seems to waft up from between the
lines. He writes of something that he knows through and through.
The strength of this novel comes not only from its evocation of the
wretched life of the peasants but also from a poetical communion
with nature. But there is no attempt to indicate the structural basis
of this poverty, no mention of any resistance or feelings of solidarity'
against exploitation on the part of the peasants. This may be because
the author was the son of a wealthy farmer and also perhaps
because he was a sick man writing in a period (around 1910) when
there was little concern for such matters. In 1907 the last pocket of
peasant resistance had been obliterated (quite literally; the village of
Yanaka, the last obstacle on the authorities' path to the restoration
of public order, was flooded to form a lake). Tanaka Shozo, who
had spent almost all his political career championing the peasants'
cause, died in 1913 and Kotoku Shusui, who had also been
involved, was killed in 1911.
The novelist of the 1885 generation who more than any other
caught the imagination of the general public was Nakazato Kaizan
(1885-1944), the pen-name of Nakazato Yanosuke, the son of a rice-
polisher of Kanazawa Prefecture. After finishing elementary school
he became a telephone operator and then a substitute elementary
school teacher. He was attracted to Christianity at an early age and
after moving to Tokyo associated with members of the Heiminsha
group between 1903 and 1905. After the treason trials and the
execution of Kotoku Shusui he began to go to meetings of the
Okada meditation group where he met the novelist, thinker and
political activist Kinoshita Naoe and Tanaka Shozo. Nakazato's
major work is Daibosatsu toge (Daibosatsu Pass), which he started at
twenty-eight in 1913 and continued to work on, with breaks, until
1941. He travelled abroad twice, to China and Korea in 1931 and to
America in 1939. He spent the latter part of his life (from 1930) in his
native village and broke off contact with the Tokyo literary world
during the war. His attitude to the war was ambivalent. Although
he supported the imperial armies he also criticized the war itself
from the standpoint of 'an ordinary citizen' and did not play an
active part in the war propaganda effort, eventually resigning his
position on the committee of the Japanese Literature Patriotic
Society in 1942.
Daibosatsu Pass is set in the last years of the Tokugawa regime and
peopled by a multitude of figures from the lower classes of society -
minor samurai, ronin, doctors, 'chivalrous robbers', blind priests,
women acrobats, the daughter of a provincial millionaire, a young
girl on pilgrimage - and the plot is one of sword battles and love
scenes, ambition and self-sacrifice, jealousy, wantonness and
purity. The characters and incidents do not attain the fantastic
extremes of Bakin's Eight Dogs and the style comes close to neither
Bakin's mastery of ornate prose nor Shiga Naoya's economical style.
The psychological reactions of the characters are described in only
the broadest terms and follow well-worn popular conceptions. But
at least two of the characters are original in themselves. One is the
main character of the first part of the book, Tsukue Rytinosuke, a
swordsman who fights and kills travellers over Daibosatsu Pass for
no reason or possible reward. The other is Komai Notono Kami, an
idealistic ex-retainer of the Shogun who, in the last part, attempts to
set up an ideal agricultural classless community on a desert island in
the Pacific and shows himself to be open to western technology and
egalitarian ideas. Such characters, complete nihilist and utopian
dreamer, can be found in few Japanese books of any age and
Nakazato's counterposing of them in this novel is profoundly
original. Many of Tanizaki's characters exist in abstract space from
which ethical values are absent; Shiga's heroes base their ethical
behaviour on their feelings; Nakazato Kaizan's two main characters
act out their lives as a confrontation with the entire value system.
The . utopian part of the novel is towards the end and its
relationship with the rest is rather obscure. It was in fact the nihilist
swordsman that caught the public's imagination and it was this
character who entered the folklore of the time. The reason for this is
probably to be found in the mood of the majority"of the middle class
during the convulsive social change which followed the industria-
lization of the postwar years, with its war millionaires, recession and
unemployment, growth of monopoly capital, spread of socialist
thought and attempts to suppress it. People felt the desire to resist
the. system of government that had succeeded the Meiji oligarchy
but could find no means, or hope of reform. The same section of the
populace that read Daibosatsu Pass was also involved in the
disorganized and futile rice riots of the time.
Nogami Yaeko the daughter of a wealthy brewer
Usuki, Kyushu, went to Tokyo at an early age, from
Women's High School, married the future no scholar NogamI
Toyoichiro and, after becoming a pupil of Soseki, wrote many
novels including Meiro (The Maze, 1936-56, interrupted by the war).
This novel gives a detailed picture of the Marxist movement, at
whose stormy centre much of the action takes place, from the early
thirties until the outbreak of the Pacific War. As an interior history of
a generation of Japanese intellectuals,. the of which .wer:
to play a dominant role in postwar lIterary and Intellectual life, It
stands alone. Further, the choice as hero of an ex-minister of the
bakufu and grandson of the Senior Counsellor Ii who devotes his
to no and in his old age directs scathing attacks on the Mel)1
imperial-bureaucratic state and the militarism of the thirties, allows
the author to attack the emperor system from two sides, from the
standards of the Tokugawa system on one hand and the critical
social thought of Marxism on the other. For this reason too the novel
has a permanent place in the history of modern Japanese thought.
Poets of the same (or almost the same) age as Ishikawa Takuboku
produced original verse in the 1920s. Twoyoets who their
verse in the magazine Subaru deftly combIned a yearnIng for Europe
and the exotic - going to Nagasaki to sample this for themselves -
and the feelings of the popular songs and joruri of the
period to produce their own poetic world. These were
Mokutaro (the pen name of Ota Masao, 1885-1945) and Kltahara
Hakushu (1885-1942). In versification, vocabulary and style they
were influenced by translations of modern European poetry into
literary Japanese made by Ueda Bin (187471916), and they were also
close to the world of the traditional popular song with its delicate
flavour of domestic drama derived from the gidayu tradition and
sophisticated relationships between the sexes, known from
Tokugawa times as iki. Ueda Bin's translations in the
Kaichoon (The Sound of Waves, 1905) and the Gemoku collection of
popular songs, no ha (Pine Needles), between created the
verse in Mokutaro's Shokugo no uta (Songs after Eatmg, 1919) and
Hakushu's Jashumon (Secret Songs of the Heretics, 1909).
The longing for the West was a flight from what Takuboku
described as a 'blockaded' age. It was however more than that. It
was also a desire that inevitably arose during the process of
'modernization' following western models, a desire to have direct
knowledge of the model and source. This desire was far less
focused, far less purposeful and interiorized to a far greater extent
than the western orientation of the first Meiji generation which set
out to absorb knowledge necessary for the modernization of the
state. Kinoshita Mokutaro wrote in the introduction to Songs after
How many times
I think of leaving
For those distant countries
Beyond the seas.
And Hagiwara Sakutaro (1886-1942), another o! this
wrote (albeit with a certain amount of irony) in JunJo shokyokushu (A
Collection of Naive Short Pieces, 1925):
I would like to go to France
But France is too far.
Unlike Soseki and Ogai, these men were not concerned with what
they would learn 'beyond the seas' (although Mokutaro did later go
abroad to do research, it was in a spirit which differed completely
from that of his youthful lyrics) nor with what they would actually
do in France. (At that time, Sakutaro could not even read a book in
French.) These young men wished simply to 'leave', In fact they did
not have enough money to do so. They tried to go to the source of
the social change which surrounded them - not simply industria-
lization but also the influence of the West in a variety of cultural
fields - but that source was 'too far'. Their circumstances were not
unlike those of the Tokugawa Confucianists, particularly Ogyii
Sorai and his school, who made China central to their scholarship
and art but were unable to have direct knowledge of China itself.
Indeed these poets were an early instance' of what was to become a
salient characteristic of the next generation, active in the interwar
years. The intellectuals of this generation would know nothing of
Europe from direct experience but would learn of it from books
alone and through this means gain an astonishing amount of
knowledge of western culture, or at least one aspect of it. After a
generation of passengers on western-bound ships came a generation
of customers of western book stores.
In Tokyo in the early years of the century, industrialization still
had virtually no effect on the home life of most people; their dress,
food and houses were all traditional and the middle-class family was
a patriarchal one. Furthermore, as Kafii noted when he returned to
Japan in 1908, the emotional life of nineteenth-century Edo lingered
on, with the sound of the shamisen still to be heard in the quiet
backstreets. The poets who were perhaps most sensitive to the
scenes that Kafii described were Mokutaro and Hakushii. Here for
instance is part of the poem Gkaru Kanpei from Hakushii's collection
Tokyo keibutsushi (Tokyo Scenes, 1909):
Okaru is crying
Her body trembling beautifully
As if neither she nor the world existed
Carried away by the ever intenser shamisen
Following it to its climax.
Hakushu did not only write free verse (as in the above example) but
also waka. His first collection of these, Kiri no hana (Paulownia
Flowers), was published in 1913. Saito Mokichi (1882-1953), who
followed the tradition of Masaoka Shiki and Ito Sachio and
contributed to the magazine Yew Tree, never wrote in free verse or
haiku but devoted himself to waka. His first collection, Shakko
(Redlight), came out in 1913 and his second, verse written after the
1910 era, Aratama (Uncut Gems), in 1921. These poems employ the
prosodic devices of Manyoshu, including 'pillow words', in a
manner typical of the school of Shiki. However Mokichi also
employed onomatopoeia and made bold use of terms never seen in
previous waka such as 'pederasty', 'brain dissection manual', and
,on seeing a Gauguin self-portrait'.
Mokichi, the third son of a land-owning farmer of Yamagata
Prefecture, graduated in medicine from Tokyo Imperial University
in 1910 and later worked in a psychiatric hospital. He called himself
'a keeper of lunatics' in Redlight. Unlike those of Hakushu, the
subjects of his poems were not limited to the banks of the Sumida
River, the shamisen, and Tokyo drinking places but also included the
countryside of Yamagata, the psychiatric hospital, the scenery
viewed on trips and the bodies of the women he loved ('Ohiro',
'Young Bride', 'Okuni' - in the Redlight collection) as well as his
friends and his dead mother (there is a sequence of poems about her
in Redlight). Of course scenes from nature, travelling and love are
traditional subjects for waka, but lunatics are not, nor is the
workplace of the poet which for Mokichi was the asylum. Mokichi's
subject matter was original in that it covered the entirety of the
poet's life everything that he was greatly concerned with from work
to sex - rendered in the waka form. This also meant that he used
waka to express not only his emotional life but also his intellectual
life or at least one aspect of it.
In his Saito Mokichi nota (Saito Mokichi Notes, 1941) Nakano
Shigeharu expresses the view that Mokichi's verse is distinguished
from that of other poets by being more 'philosophical' and this is
not far from the truth. There is almost no intellectual or
philosophical reflection on life in the tradition of Japanese lyric
verse, a feature that distinguishes it sharply from Chinese poetry.
Before Mokichi, waka had expressed the emotions of love but there
had been no intellectual reflections on human sexuality. Here are,
some examples of Mokichi's verse:
That night
Caressing the eyelids of my beloved woman
I all but died.
(3rd of the Ohiro sequence, Redlight, 1913)
There have been women from
The time of the Buddhas of India.
Now I see a woman
Walking in the morning light.
('Miyamasuzaka', Redlight, 1912)
The poet who wrote thus about women wrote this about himself:
Going along one glaring path
My life.
(' A Single Path', Uncut Gems, 1913)
Fireflies moving on the morning grass
Do not give up your life,
However short it may be.
('Morning Fireflies', Uncut Gems, 1914)
Saito Mokichi's achievement was to enlarge the scope of waka to
include this element of intellectual introspection. Whether, how-
ever, the waka form, even in the series arrangement that Mokichi
used, is a suitable one for thorough intellectual introspection is quite
a different question.
Hagiwara Sakutaro (1886-1942), a poet who spent the first part of
his life (until he was thirty-nine) in the provincial town of Maebashi,
Gunma Prefecture, disliked the country ('I am afraid of the country,'
he wrote), wanting rather to be in the crowds of the city, as his
poem 'Walking in Search of Crowds' in the collection Aoneko (Blue
Cat, 1923) makes clear. The city in question was Tokyo of the second
decade of the century and behind and beyond it was the West of the
poets - Poe, Baudelaire, Schopenhauer - whose works he knew
through translation. Both his first verse collection, Tsuki ni hoeru
(Howling at the Moon, 1917), and Blue Cat, his second, are mostly
made up of free verse such as waka, haiku and ballads. Sakutaro
expressed in sensitive colloquial language the surrealistic images
that appeared in his mind. His subjects - a dead frog, wild dogs, a
corpse, the hair of a woman, a rotten clam, insect eggs suggest the
alienation and morbidly acute sensibility of an isolated young man.
The first poem of Howling at the Moon begins:
Below the ground appears a man's face
Appears the face of a lonely sick man
Sakutaro moved away from the legacy of Edo culture and took his
inspiration instead from the western poetry that he knew in
translation; his literary task, as he saw it, was to express himself
directly in colloquial language. These attitudes he had in common
with the novelists of Japanese naturalism. However, whereas those
novelists devoted themselves to the minute observation of the daily
life in which they were closely involved, Sakutaro observed little
outside himself, directing all of his attention to his interior world.
Thus he was the first Japanese poet to cut himself off, as far as was
possible, from his own literary tradition and to concentrate on
developing ways of expressing his interior self. The style of novel
produced by naturalism - the 'I-novel' - attained considerable
popularity between the wars, ushering in an age when everyone
thought he could write a novel. During the same period, and
inspired by the poetry of Sakutaro, everyone wanted to write verse.
Takuboku died young but the other four poets lived on until the
time of the Pacific War. Kinoshita Mokutaro eventually moved on
from lyric verse to wider intellectual fields (as we shall mention
later). Kitahara Hakushu continued to compose verse, writing a
large number of waka, free verse, children's verse and lyric for
folksongs. Stylistically and thematically these were extensions of the
verse of Secret Songs of the Heretics and Paulownia Flowers; personal,
sensual and emotional, they had no intellectual element or reference
to politics or philosophy. They were written in an incomparable
flowing style which exploits to the full the capacity of the Japanese
language to express nuances of emotion and sensibility. The lyrics,
which were set to music by Yamada Kosaku (1886-1965), achieved
particular success and are popular to this day. Hakushu is perhaps
the poet read by more ordinary readers than any other of the last
seventy years.
Hagiwara Sakutaro was not only notable for his influence on later
poets. In his last years he produced an annotated collection of love
poems selected from classical waka, Ren'ai meikashii (A Collection of
Great Love Poems, 1931), and a reconsideration of the haiku poet
Buson, Kyoshii no shijin Yosa Buson (The Poet of Nostalgia: Yosa Buson,
1936). These are the most noteworthy of Sakutaro's prose writings.
He also wrote essays on poetry and quasi-philosophical treatises in
which his imperfect assimilation of western philosophical concepts
and mental confusion are directly reflected in a turbid and
impenetrable prose style. Few if any writers before Sakutaro had
produced such unintelligible Japanese and yet it too was influential
on subsequent writing on poetry.
Saito Mokichi, who entered the waka establishment as the leading
figure of the 'Yew Tree' group, continued to write in this form up to
his death at seventy-one. In all he produced sixteen volumes
containing more than 22,000 verses. His written commentaries on
the complete work of the Man 'yoshii poet Hitomaro were published
in 1937-39. He wrote repeatedly on Sanetomo, Shiki and Sachio as
well as innumerable treatises on waka. He composed essays and kept
a travel journal and a diary. Apart from the journal and the diary
almost all of his writings were concerned with waka. The central
notion of his theory of waka is 'drawing from nature' (shasel). In his
essay Tanka ni okeru shasei no setsu (On Drawing from Nature in Tanka,
1920) he says: 'To perceive the true state of things and depict a
reality which is a unity of nature and self - this is "drawing from
nature" for a tanka poet.'
Mokichi's notion of drawing from life does not mean simply the
description of the poet's surroundings but also includes something
of the 'spontaneous outpouring of emotion' so that the actuality
perceived and expressed is not wholly outside the poet but partially
interior. This is 'drawing from nature' defined in the widest possible
sense and almost all types of waka can be made to fit into this
category. Those waka which cannot, according to Mokichi, are
merely exercises in verse technique involving' mechanical devices of
second- or third-rate significance' and not a 'natural outpouring' of
the poet's heart. As time went on, however, more and more of the
waka that Mokichi wrote were in a style that avoided almost all
poetic artifice and consisted of simple descriptions of scenes in the
poet's direct experience, without much apparent 'outpouring of
emotion'. They were in short, 'drawings from nature' in the narrow
sense. Of course, one individual could scarcely be expected to attain
the necessary state of poetic inspiration over twenty thousand times
in the space of a lifetime. Mokichi gathered a large group of poets
around the Yew Tree, wrote a large number of waka 'drawn from
nature' and was the dominant figure for this form in the period
between the two world wars. Unfortunately much, though not all,
of their verse was a tedious record of the minutiae of daily life.
Saito Mokichi followed his literary pursuits while continuing his
work as a psychiatrist. The fact that Mokichi did not extend the
range of his writing beyond the waka form is perhaps to do with the
extremely specialized nature of the medical profession and the ways
of thought that accompany it. Also perhaps it reflected a reaction
which was simultaneously defensive. and aggressive on the part of
this unflinchingly honest, upright and tenacious farmer's sonto the
ways of the big city, the easy cleverness, technical sophistication
and fondness for change.
Whatever the reason, there is certainly a strong connection
between his retention of the self-expressive waka form and his
expansion of its possibilities to include the expression of the intellect
or at least one aspect of it. It is, nevertheless, impossible for anyone
to deepen and widen philosophical thought beyond a certain extent
within the constraints of this form. From his own experience, the
doctor-poet Mokichi was well aware of the positivistic methods of
natural science and the methods of researching (and writing)
literature. And the two apE-roaches were, as Nakano Shigeharu
pointed out, not unrelated. Ogai first experienced the detailed and
organized pursuit of facts in his scientific work and subsequently
found that this could be profitably used in his researches into
Tokugawa Confucianists. The same is true in the case of Mokichi
and his study of Hitomaro.
However in Mokichi's case the literary and scientific approaches
were not linked t o t h ~ r to produce a consistent overall view of the
world and, unlike Ogai and Mokutaro, Mokichi, although
splendidly equipped to deal with 'nature' and poetry, was as
helpless as a child in the face of the historical development of
society. During the militarism of the thirties, it was no sudden
decision that made him eulogize the invasion of China, praise Tojo
and other members of the ruling military clique and write so many
stupid waka for the purposes of war propaganda; it was simply that
he could find no adequate reason to refuse when the authorities
asked him to do so. He was not an opportunist but, in a naive and
childish way, a believer. Some years earlier in 1923, while studying
in Germany he had witnessed Hitler's Munich putsch. Later he
wrote an account of this based on the notes he had taken at the time,
and it was published with a postscript in 1935 as Hittoreru jiken (The
Hitler Incident). In this he frequently comments that the meaning of
the incident was beyond the grasp of a 'single medical student', that
Hitler could not be comprehended entirely by 'one who is only a
psychiatrist' and so on. There is no attempt to analyze or criticize
the historical and sociological phenomenon of Nazism. Clearly this
attitude is related to his later recording of the death of Hitler in his
diary without the slightest comment - at a time when Kafii wrote,
'Nothing escapes the net of heaven.'
Kinoshita Mokutaro was the youngest child of a haberdasher of
Ito, Izu; his mother died when he was young and he was brought
up by an elder sister. When he was twelve he moved with his elder
brother to Tokyo. Abandoning his early ambition to be a painter, he
entered Tokyo Imperial University not as he had hoped in the
Faculty of Letters but in the medical school. Apparently his
decisions about his career were made under strong pressure from
his family. After graduation he specialized in dermatology and in
1916 went to live in Mukden. At this time medicine was not the
centre of the young Mokutaro's interests. He wrote to his brother in
July 1922, 'The unity of my life is wrecked by this cancer.' The ten
years he spent in Tokyo before moving to Mukden produced most
of his poems and plays including Nanbanji monzen (Before the Doors of
the Barbarian Church, 1914).
In 1917 when he was working in Mukden he married the.
daughter of a Mr Kawai, who had previously taken Mokutaro's
sister as his second wife. Mokutaro began medical research (on
threadlike bacteria as a cause of skin diseases) and also studied the
history of Chinese Buddhist art. The climate and life of Manshii (as
the north-east of China was then called by its Japanese colonizers)
was in complete contrast to the atmosphere of Edo in which, he had
been immersed as a youth. His interest in Japan now turned from
kabuki and ukiyo-e woodblock prints to 'the ancient Buddhist statues
of Nara and their links with India and China'. His central interest
was the history of the movement of culture eastward, from. Greece
through India, North China and Korea to manifest itself in the sixth
and seventh centuries in the Suiko and Tenpyo Buddhas of Japan
and his own 'doubts and longings' about this process. 'I have for
the first time discovered something to do for its own sake,' he
wrote. By the time he resigned his post in Mukden and returned to
Japan he had travelled to Korea and China with the painter Kimura
Shohachi. They spent seventeen days at the cave site of Yun Gang
with its magnificent Buddhist sculptures. He wrote an account of his
visit - Unko nichiroku (A Record of Days at Yun Gang) - in 1920 and this
with a few additions was published in 1922 as Daido sekibutsuji (The
Cave Temples and Stone Buddhas of Ta Dong). He visited Yun Gang
three years after Chavannes and eighteen years after its existence
had been announced to the academic world by Ito Chiita, a pioneer
of architectonics in Japan. Thus he was not the first to write about it.
However, the author's scientific spirit is amply demonstrated in this
record, with its references to previous work, sketches, photographs
and detailed descriptions. At the same time the keen sensitivity of
an aesthete is reflected in his writings.
In 1921 after organizing the draft of his study of cave temples and
writing the preface, Mokutaro set off on a solitary trip through the
United States and Europe. He stayed longest in France. One of his
main objects was to pursue his medical research. After his return to
Japan in 1924 he became Professor at Aichi Medical College. His
three years in Europe had a profound effect on him. His medical
work became more than a way of reaching a compromise with the
world around, something he could call pure scholarship. In March
1922 he wrote to his eldest brother: '1 have decided as a free citizen
to pursue scholarship, pure and simple.' He was won over by
European ethics which he saw as being-founded on 'the freedom of
the mind and spirit of the individual'. In January 1922 in a letter he
wrote but did not send to his wife he said, 'My thinking has greatly
changed since I came to France. I have to come to think that the
basic meaning of life is morality.' This change was the cause of a rift
between him and his wife as she believed in the primacy of the
Japanese family system and had entered the neo-Shinto Tenri
religion. And the interest in the history of the early Japanese
Christians which he had felt in his youth but which had lapsed
during his time in Mukden revived. This interest, now untinged
with exoticism, took the form of an attempt to examine how these
Christians of the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries reacted
to the spiritual and ethical elements of western culture. He collected
material while he was in Europe and subsequently published a
series of treatises on the Japanese kirishitan.
Many of these treatises, notably Nihon ni okeru kirishitan no undo
(The Early Christian Movement in Japan, 1928), are bibliographical and
deal with narrowly defined problems, but there are some that take a
wider view of history. Mokutaro laid out the reasons' for the
intellectuals of the time to be interested in Christianity. The first
was 'intellectual curiosity'. This curiosity was initially directed
towards western technology but some intellectuals might have
become interested in 'the perspective given by Renaissance thought
and Greek and Roman philosophy'. Second was the attraction of
the ethical ' rigour' of Christianity. Monogamy and regard for
women as more than slaves were customs that Japan learned from
Christianity. Third was that Christianity is not polytheistic but
based on a 'humanite, the concept of humanity as central'. It is not
clear how far this concep.t was understood at the time but the
missionaries did propagate it. Fourth, the egalitarianism shown for
example by seating together the children of daimyo and peasant in
the missionaries' clinics, charitable institutions and churches must
have attracted many people. The intellectual backlash that
developed against Christianity derived from the foreign religion's
denial of Japan's native deities. He points out that these
circumstances are similar to the time of the introduction of
Buddhism or to the recent days when the intellectuals discovered'
In fact Mokutaro's third reason for the attractiveness of
Christianity - that it was not polytheistic but -
may well have combined with the religion's rejection of the natIve
gods as abominations to furnish its opponents with excellent
reasons for its suppression. Shintoism is after all a polytheistic (or,
rather, animistic) religion. Apart from this point however, The Early
Christian Movement in Japan brings into clear focus all the important
issues in the light of intellectual history and represents a new stage
in Mok.utaro's work after his study of Chinese Buddhist art. Both
subjects of course deal with the movement of culture to the East.
After his return to Japan Mokutaro lived in Nagoya until 1926
when he was offered a post at the School of Medicine, Tohoku
University. He spent the next eleven years living in Sendai. His
medical research widened in scope to include work on birthmarks
and he continued his study of the kirishitan but he now also grew
interested in Japanese classical poetry such as the Manyoshii, Kokin
wakashii, renga and haiku. In his studies of these he was helped by
the fine scholarship of Yamada Yoshio, Abe Jiro and Komiya
Toyotaka. He returned to the city of his youth, at _the age .of
fifty-two when in 1937 he became a professor of Tokyo
University. The Pacific War was now only a few years away. HIS
interests at this time included research into leprosy, Sino-Japanese
traditional medicine, the Confucian Analects and Japanese flora. He
produced Hyakuso zUfu (An Illustrated Botanical Guide), which ran to a
thousand pages of drawings of plants accompanied by their popular
and scientific names, combining morphological accuracy with an
artistic sensibility. His interest in traditional Chinese medicine was
perhaps part of his concern with the metaphysical view. of the
in ancient China; and he must have been mterested m tradItIOnal
Japanese medicine, in order to observe the 'scientific spirit' of the
Japanese. Before Japanese medicine had comp}etely
'westernized', that is, before it had become estabhshed as a SCIence,
there had existed such figures as Sugita Genpaku (1733-1817), an
exponent of 'Dutch medicine'. Before him there was Yoshimasu
Todo with koho, 'ancient' medicine. Although Yoshimasu
advocated the restoration of traditional Chinese medicine, he
established a medical methodology which in fact took Japanese
medicine away from the Chinese tradition. In this he resemb.led
Ogyii Sorai whose profe.ssed attempts ,return to cla,ssIcal
Confucianism separated hIm from the tradItIon of Zhu Xl and
opened the way forward to the spirit of positivism. It can be said
that in his pursuit of the answers to specific questions Mokutaro was
always aware of the wider historical movement of thought that lay
behind them.
Mokutaro, like Ogai, made continual concessions to the
necessities of making a living and a career; as Ogai combined the
roles of army doctor and writer so Mokutaro combined the roles of
university professor and writer. However whereas Ogai gave up
research at an early stage in favour of administration, Mokutaro
remained a research scientist all his life. Ogai's main achievement
was to introduce and support experimental medicine in Japan. By
Mokutaro's time the need for this had gone, becausE! of the different
conditions that scholarship worked under and the vast increase in
knowledge that had taken place in the field of natural science, and
medical research was becoming increasingly specialized. In a letter
to his friend Watsuji Tetsuro, written while studying in France in
1922 Mokutaro wrote, 'with application I will be able to attain a level
comparable to anything in t ~ world [in the study of fungus].'
Thirty years before, when Ogai returned from his studies in
Germany and put forward the idea of medicine 'as an experimental
science, such a statement from any Japanese scholar would have
been unthinkable.
Work in a specialized branch of natural science demands much
time and great mental effort. Mokutaro used what free time he had
in the study of art and culture. He had a wealth of ideas and
sharpness of perception but, unlike Ogai in his biographies of
Tokugawa Confucianists, he did not develop his own ideas or apply
them to a wide range of material. This extension of his work would
have been the culmination of his intellectual career. The problem of
how science and literature could coexist profitably within the same
consciousness was ~ o u n to manifest with particular intensity in the
case of Mokutaro. Ogai, who gave up scientific research, employed
the spirit of positivism in his historical writings; Mokutaro the
scientific researcher sought to find satisfaction for his poet's soul
within the laboratory itself. 'What I can no longer find in nature and
art I now seek in a Tokyo science laboratory,' he said in
Kenkyiishitsu-ura no kiiso (Fancies from a Laboratory, 1940). First come
'scientific fancies' and then the long process necessary to prove
them. 'This is very like the mental state when I am writing poetry
and so my thought in the laboratory has finally made literature
unnecessary. '
Mokutaro's way of thought - or rather the basis of his mental
approach - was morphological. At the end of his life he discovered a
point at which the study of Buddhist statuary and the morphology
of tissue samples came together and he examined the flora of Japan
in a spirit that was both poetic and scientific, as both a painter and a
taxonomist. His writing, from his description of Yun Gang through
his many travel journals to his history of medicine, is one of the
permanent achievements of literary prose in the interwar years.
More noteworthy even than this however is that behind his prose
there is a mental world more comprehensive, more self-consistent,
more poetic and more intellectual than that achieved by any
It was this world that remained firm while the Japanese empire
was crumbling. The period after the First World War, from the rice
riots of 1918 to the great earthquake of 1923, was the time of what is
known as 'Taisho democracy', from the era name and the relatively
liberal policies of the government. It was also the time when the
generation of 1900 became adults. This generation of intellectuals
was characterized first by its confrontation with Marxism, a
confrontation which ended variously in rejection or acceptance
and, possibly, in renunciation in the late 1930s - and second by a
strongly western-oriented interest in self-education. They were
active in the years between the world wars and although some of
them died of illness or injury during Japan's fifteen years of war or
were killed by the police the majority were still alive and influential
after the Second World War.
What did Marxism contribute to literature between the world
wars? Certainly it encouraged a widening in the subjects that
literature treated. Kobayashi Takiji (1903-1933), a member of NAPF
from 1928 who worked in a bank in Hokkaido, wrote his novel Kani
kosen (Crab-cannery Ship, 1929) to describe the wretched conditions of
the workers on such ships and one group's struggle which ends in
defeat after the intervention of a destroyer. The descriptions are
vivid and through the dialogue - although the characters can at
times seem little more than the author's mouthpieces - the reader is
made aware of the powers backing the tyranny of the manager that
the canning company has put on board: behind him are the,
company itself, the government and the armed forces.
This was a new subject for the novel. Kobayashi went to Tokyo in
1930 and after being arrested and released, joined the Party in 1931
and continued to write until his death at the hands of the political
police at the age of thirty. His other major work Toseikatsusha (Party
Life) published in 1933 under the title Tenkan (Age of Change). The
hero of this novel, a Party member identified only as 'I', tries to
organize the workers of a factory against the management's
redundancy policy, working underground, evading the attention
of the police and unhesitatingly exploiting his relationship with a
woman, not a Party member, in the sacred 'task of liberating the
entire proletariat'. There is no criticism of this attitude by the author;
under conditions of extreme repression the ends justify the means.
Never before in Japanese literature had a hero lived by such a code.
Crab-cannery Ship represents a reordering of material through the
medium of the order's imagination with the characters intellectually
distanced from the author. In Party Life, however, there is almost no
difference from T and the author; the work is in effect an 'I-novel'
in the style of Shimazaki Toson and Shiga Naoya. But the difference
lies not in the way that the material was treated but in the nature of
the material itself. In Kobayashi's case, Marxism changed the way
that the writer lived rather than the way he wrote about his life.
Kobayashi was not the only Marxist writer to write in this style; the
many others who did so included Miyamoto Yuriko (1899-1951) and
Nakano Shigeharu (1902-79). Miyamoto wrote about the life of a
woman named Nobuko and this character and Nakano's character
Yasukichi were almost identical with the writers themselves; neither
Nobuko nor Yasukichi ventures beyond their creator's direct
experience of life. Although Miyamoto and Nakano gave new
subjects and issues to Japanese literature this was because their
experiences were new, not because they pioneered any technical
Miyamoto Yuriko was born into a middle-class Tokyo family. She
went with her father to New York in 1918-19 where she met and
married a Japanese researcher of ancient oriental languages. Some
years later, in 1924, they were divorced. In her novel Nobuko (1924-
26) she describes this period and how a young woman developed to
be mentally and financially independent. Unlike the passive Yukiko
of Tanizaki's Makioka Sisters and the heroine of Arishima Takeo's A
Woman, who follows her impulses in her search for a free life, Nobuko
is )(one of the earliest examples in Japanese literature of a heroine
who consciously and with self-awareness chooses the way she lives.
After her divorce Miyamoto lived for some time in Tokyo with
Yuasa Yoshiko, a scholar of Russian literature before going with her
to the Soviet Union where they lived for two and a half years (1928-
30). A six-month tour of Europe made up the rest of their three-year
absence from Japan.
Her second novel Futatsu no niwa (Two Gardens, 1947) tells of her
relationship with her f t h ~ and brothers and her life with Yuasa
and points to the contrast between the two households. In this
novel Nobuko not only develops as an independent personality but
also begins to appreciate her position in society and history and
moves towards socialism. She also becomes aware of her position as
a woman and comes closer to a feminist stance. This novel is an
exceptionally brilliant evocation of the life of an upper-middle-class
family in the late twenties, the world that Shiga Naoya knew so well
but was unable to stand outside and criticize. Miyamoto Yuriko,
who moved freely between the 'two gardens' was able to portray
with telling accuracy a kind of bourgeois family life of which she was
bitterly critical but to which at the same time she must have been
greatly attached. Two Gardens ends before the departure for
Moscow. Miyamoto's third novel Dohyo (Signpost, 1947-50), de-
scribes Nobuko's life in the Soviet Union during which she matures
further as a socialist. This, however, is a world that the writer does
not know as intimately as the one that she describes in Two Gardens
and perhaps the enormous length of the later novel is due to the
inclusion of a large number of things that neither writer nor heroine
knew well.
On her return from the Soviet Union Miyamoto immediately
joined NAPF (in 1930) and the Communist party (in 1931). She
married Miyamoto Kenji (1908 - ) in 1932 and despite frequent
arrests wrote many short stories and treatises. During Miyamoto
Kenji's imprisonment, from 1933 to the end of the war, she wrote
more than a thousand letters to him and these expressions of a deep
love and spiritual strength in desperate circumstances, in which she
shows how completely in tune with her imprisoned husband she is,
stand as testaments of the age. They are, moreover, fine literature.
They were published as Jiininen no tegami (Twelve Years' Letters) in
1950-52. Until the surrender on 15 August 1945 the government
showed no sign that it would ever pardon those who had criticized
the war, and Miyamoto's release did not come until SHAPE ordered
the revocation of the Maintenance of Public Order Act and the
release of political prisoners. He was freed on 9 October 1945 to be
met by Yuriko who had travelled from the family home in
Yamaguchi Prefecture. The period before his release is described
in the story Banshii heiya (1946-47) and the time from their reunion to
the Communist conference in Fiichiso (1946}".Miyamoto's novels
were drawn directly from her own l i f ~ and the uniqueness of her
life meant that they expanded the world of Japanese literature.
Marxism's contribution to literature was not only a widening of
the range of subjects. Nakano Shigeharu, who begins as a poet,
used an acute sensitivity to language in the creation of a style of
analytical prose in which abstract concepts mingle with colloquial-
isms in the relentless pursuit of a specific object. He wrote as he
thought and thought as he wrote; in his writings his thought and
sensibility are fused together. 'Many writers twitter on like shrikes
about art, about art criticism and about the criteria of art criticism,'
he writes in Geijutsu ni kansuru hashiragateki oboegaki (Scribbled Memos
on Art, 1927). The second part demonstrates his method of closing in
on the subject (art - art criticism - criteria of art criticism); the first is
an example of his use of colloquial language in his attack.
Colloquialisms used in the same sentence as abstract terms create
a tension between subjectivity and objectivity to produce what
Nakano called 'a taut style whose tautness depends on context'.
What were the links between the incisiveness of Nakano's prose,
especially his criticism, and Marxism?
Certainly in such poems as Arne no furn Shinagawa eki (Shinagawa
Station in the Rain), in which his farewell to deported Koreans
reflects bitterly on the state which has discarded them, the tone is
Farewell Lee
Farewell Lee the woman
Go and break that hard, thick, smooth ice.
Marxist historians also wrote much that was stiff and awkward.
Many of the novels were confused and the translations of Marxist
texts inferior. The success of Nakano's style must have depended on
personal factors to a great extent. In Marxism the poet did, however,
discover social science, a respect for facts and a framework within
which they might be related. To make social science more than a tool
for the perception of reality, to make it revolutionary and to produce
revolutionary literature, a poet's subjectivity and sensitivity, love
and rage must inform the consistent and thorough pursuit of facts.
Nakano lived at a time when to publicize facts, even to know them,
often meant confrontation with authority. Had Marxism not existed
there would have been no Nakano Shigeharu; in'this sense Marxism
did create a style of Japanese prose.
Last but not least, one contribution of Marxism was that it drew
writers outside the confines of the small world of authors, editors
and critics that is Japan's literary world. This did not necessarily
mean that writers took direct part in political movements, although
some of course did, with Kobayashi Takiji killed by the police for his
political activities and Nakano spending three years in prison before
'renouncing' his left-wing convictions after brutal treatment. More
important and decisive than this for the history of literature was
that, through Marxism, writers began to define for themselves the
relationship between literature and society, to accept that their social
and historical responsibilities as writers and their concerns moved,
or at least should move, in a variety of directions. There came about
a way of thinking which one may called 'engaged' and this had a
twofold significance. As Japan's invasion of China progressed,
repression of critics of the war grew in scale and severity and the
authorities increasingly tried to induce writers to support militarism.
During this period, from the late thirties to the end of the Pacific
War, at least some Marxist writers continued to be critical of the war
- although of course they found it impossible to publish direct
criticism - and resisted militarism in various ways.
Nakano Shigeharu, after his 'renunciation' and release, wrote the
novels Mura no ie (House in a Village, 1935), Kisha no kamataki (Steam-
engine Fireman, 1937), Uta no wakare (Leaving Songs Behind, 1939) and
Kiisoka to shinario (Fantasist and Scenario, 1939), none of which shows
any signs of collaborating with militarism. In fact such scenes as the
waka meeting where the young hero of Leaving Songs Behind feels
that he is leaving waka and such things behind him and has 'begun
to want to turn to brutal atrocious things' could be taken as a less-
than-approving social comment. In Saito Mokichi noto (Notes on Saito
Mokichi, 1942), which he wrote in 1940 and 1941, he emphasized the
parts of Mokichi's work which are scientific and show a respect for
facts and pointed to Mokichi's increasing tendency to philosophical
generalization of his emotions and the connection this bears to the
influence of the West. Here Nakano seemed almost to be speaking
of himself. This was far from being in tune with the war propaganda
which stressed the 'Japanese spirit' in everything. Saito Mokichi
himself was a supporter of the war against China, was fanatically
involved with the Pacific war and unconditionally praised the
emperor and his armies. There is a clear difference between Nakano
Shigeharu and others of the generation that had been involved with
Marxism and Mokichi and the previous generation. Miyamoto
Yuriko wrote the story Hiroba (The Town Square) and succeeded in
having it published in a magazine after cuts by the censor. The
censored part concerned her reaction on hearing songs sung by
Soviet youths and included the sentence, 'Ah some day we'll sing
these songs!' It was because she was writing in this vein in 1939 that
she could exclaim joyfully 'Rise up oh our song!' in 1946, when
Saito Mokichi was in obscure retirement in a Yamagata village and
Mushanokoji Saneatsu (1885-1976) could only mutter 'We were
deceived.' Neither Saito nor Mushanokoji was in the habit of
analyzing socio-political phenomena which lay outside the world of
literature and of consciously taking a position on them. Nor did they
have a conceptual system capable of doing so. When fascism was
imposed from above they were defenceless against it. Miyamoto
had Marxism and intellectual tools which transcended the confines
of the Japanese community.
On the other hand the fact that Marxism turned the attention of a
generation of writers to socio-political problems meant that it was
possible for ex-socialists to turn their skills to the support of
militarism and war. Former socialists were active in the formulation
of the theory that justified the Greater East Asia Co-prosperity
Sphere. Writers who abandoned Marxism did not necessarily
abandon their concern with social problems; some of them simply
moved to the opposite end of the political spectrum, and from
universalism to particularism, from internationalism to nationalism,
from rationality to irrationality. A salient instance of this was the
'Japanese Romantic' school, the central figures of which were
Yasuda Yojuro (1910-81) and Kamei Katsuichiro (1907-66). Kamei
started as Marxist, 'renounced' in 1930 and founded the magazine
Nippon romanha Uapanese Romantic School) in 1935. Yasuda never
took part in the communist movement but, like Kamei, spent his
youth in a Tokyo where Marxism dominated intellectual life.
Ironically these two exponents of 'imperial aesthetics' and cultural
traditionalism, who had a great influence on the younger
generation, were themselves children, however ungrateful, of
If the political theorist most representative of the Taisho democracy
of the twenties was Yoshino Sakuzo, the creative writer most
representative of the time was Akutagawa Ryunosuke (1892-1927).
Akutagawa wrote almost all his work in the ten years before his
suicide at the age of thirty-five. His work consists of a large number
of short stories and critical prose, either in the form of aphorisms or
slightly longer pieces, and he wrote no full-length novel or any
treatise that fully explored a specific topic. His staying power, like
his literary career, was short. However, the variety of form and
content in his short stories is greater than that in the work of any of
his contemporaries.
In that he was constantly aware of socialism and Marxism and felt
the need to clarify his own position with respect to them he was
closer to the generation of 1900 than to that of 1885; he was
conscious of class rather than nation. In his autobiographical story
Daidoji Shinsuke no hansei (The Early Life of Daidoji Shinsuke, 1925) he
writes that the relationship of the hero with his friends bears a deep
relationship to 'discrimination by social class'; about 'young people
brought up in the middle class like me' he had no reservations but
'to young men of the upper class ... and also to young men of the
upper middle class I felt in a strange way, as if I were somebody
else, hate'. In his satirical novel Kappa (Little Monster, 1927) he had
progressed so far as to refer to how newspapers manipulate political
parties and are themselves manipulated by capital. The justice of the
national cause he considered merely something used as a justifica-
tion; in Shuju no kotoba (Words of a Dwarf, 1923-25) he writes, 'Up to
now justice has never been in conflict with the interests of Japan.'
To fight for this kind of justice was nothing but foolishness. Again
for the army to insist that their troops should follow orders
unquestioningly was to encourage them to be irresponsible. And
the slogan then popular, 'Diligence, Thrift and Respect for the
Military', was meaningless because militarism was essentially a
puffed-up idiocy. He attacked nationalism in an iconoclastic way in
the same work and in Kappa was scathingly critical of the family
syste:!l and produced an aggressive caricature of literary censorship.
Anti-militarism, anti-nationalism and liberalism consistently in-
formed Akutagawa's writing.
Akutagawa was born of a family which had lived for generations
in the shitamachi('lower town') district of Tokyo, the area in which
cultural traditions were and still are the strongest. He was a devotee
of the literati tastes which had been handed down from Edo times;
from this tradition came his taste in clothes, disdain for boorishness,
a certain respect for punctilio and, more important, his wide
knowledge of Chinese and Japanese literature and delicate sensitiv-
ity to language. These attitudes meant some lack of persistence and
the scientific cast of thought. In 1921, during his most active phase,
he published two short stories in the New Year editions of two
magazines. One of these, Shuzanzu (Autumn Landscape), was about
two great literati painters of the late-Ming-early-Chin period, Wang
Shiku and Yun Shouping, and the other, Yamashigi (Woodcock), about
Tolstoi and Turgenev at Yasnaya Polyana. The final line of Autumn
Landscape is: 'The two great painters clapped hands and laughed';
that of Woodcock is: 'The two old men looked into each other's eyes
and laughed as if in prearranged chorus.' This resemblance is of
course not fortuitous. A happy smile is appropriate to New Year and
made all the more pleasant by the contrast between East and West.
This playful device shows the writer drawing directly on the
traditions of the Edo bunjin. Another example of the same tradition
is to be found in Akutagawa's parodies, a taste he ~ h r e with the
popular novelists ~ kyoka poets of Edo. Aru hi nO Oishi Kuranosuke
(A Day in the Life of Oishi Kuranosuke, 1917) is a magnificent parody of
an episode from the forty-seven ronin story of kabuki; Yabu no naka (In
the Grove, 1922) plays on an episode from Tales of Now and Then. The
same can be said of some of his short stories which tell of idolized
folk heroes (such stories as Susanoo-no-mikoto, Nezumi-kozo Jirokichi
and Shogun). These bunjin tastes meant that in some respects
Akutagawa was closer to preceding generations than to those which
followed him.
But Akutagawa also typified the intense interest of the Taisho
period in western culture. The hero of The Early Life of Daido Shinsuke
is an avid reader from an early age and it is from books that he
learns of love, pride and hate, the beauties of nature and of women.
He moves 'from books to reality', not the other way. He reads
Genroku haikai, but also and' especially the novels and plays Europe
produced at the end of last century'. Akutagawa frequently quotes
from Strindberg, Nietzsche, Gogol, Dostoievski, Flaubert and
Baudelaire, all of whom he read in English translation. And the
author of the satirical novel Kappa would certainly have been aware
of not only the work of nineteenth-century European writers but
also that of Swift and Samuel Butler. His knowledge ranged from
Shakespeare to the Irish playwrights, from Villon to Paul Valery,
but his involvement with the West was very different from that of
Soseki, Ogai or Kafu. Writers before Akutagawa approached
western literature after being in contact with western society or
widened and deepened their knowledge through such contact. The
first author to appreciate western literature without direct experi-
ence of western life was Akutagawa. He was a creation of Maruzen,
Tokyo's foreign-language bookshop.
The sources of Akutagawa's short stories cover a wide range.
Koshoku (Lechery, 1921) and In the Grove are adapted from Tales of
Now and Then; Ogata Kanzai no oboegaki (Ogata Ryosai's Memo, 1917),
Hokyonin no shi (Death of a Christian, 1918), Kirishitohoro shonin-dm
(The Story of St. Christopher, 1919) from early Christian writing;
Nezumi-kozo Jirokichi (1920) from a Tokugawa story; and Butokai (The
Ball, 1920) from an early Meiji anecdote. Some stories, like Woodcock,
and Autumn Landscape are set abroad. His writing is sometimes in
the style of the early kirishitan, sometimes in the literary style known
as sorobun or in the pungent Edo dialect or modern colloquial;
always it is lucid and pithy. Few other writers have written
successfully in such a wide range of styles. His descriptions are
often clear and visually evocative, often ironic and always show a
masterly appreciation of the time he is writing about.
Akutagawa's stories also included those on the creative life of the
artist such as Gesaku zanmai (Absorbed in Letters, 1917) and Karenosho
(From Withered Fields, 1918), children's stories such as Kumo no ito
(The Spider's Thread, 1918) and To Shishun (Du Zichun, 1920), satirical
fables such as Kappa and psychological stories of the daily life of the
contemporary middle class such as Aki (Autumn, 1920) and Genkaku
sanbo (Genkaku's Mountain Villa, 1927). These too are finely written
and constructed. Genkaku's Mountain Villa for instance is about the
death from tuberculosis of an old man who has hoarded a small
fortune. There is first a sharp description of the family - the bed-
ridden wife, the daughter, her husband and children, the old man's
mistress and the children she has borne him. Then comes the
funeral with its mourners, who after the conventional condolences
and lighting of incense, leave and immediately forget the old man
completely. A relative who is at university reads a translation of
Wilhelm Liebknecht's Reminiscences in the carriage taking him to the
crematorium. The old man had been alone in the midst of his family,
the family have no real contact with the mourners and all of them
are at an infinite distance from the concerns of the student. This
story is about both daily life with its joys and griefs eternally the
same and also about an age reflected in the student reading
Liebknecht. Akutagawa's short stories are often a blend of the two
elements, the eternal human truths and the special characteristics of
a specific age.
Before his suicide, Akutagawa fell into a neurotic state,
accompanied by visual hallucinations. He attempted to describe
the process by which he moved towards his final choice, 'between
madness and death' as he termed it in Haguruma (Cogwheels,
published posthumously), and looked back on and summarized his
life in the novel Aru aho no issho (Life of an Idiot) as well as in the
directly autobiographical novel The Early Life of Daidoji Shinsuke
which was left unfinished. In these works his style, far from being
confused, is cool and crisp, concisely and economically organized,
accurate in its descriptions and intellectually distanced from its
subject. His work rose above his life. Furthermore he never
abandoned traditional culture. Among the fragments that make
up Life of an Idiot there are parts, none longer than a few lines, in
which this tradition is to be felt; in the decisive moment during the
hero's encounter with his mistress, in a quiet and fatal conversation
between a couple by a stormy sea.
The poet Sato Haruo (1892-1964), who was a friend of
Akutagawa, shared with him something of this keen sensitivity.
The novelist Kikuchi Kan (1888-1948), who played a major role in
the establishment of Akutagawa's literary reputation, was himself a
successful popular novelist and the founder of a publishing
company. Hori Tatsuo (1904-53) was the novelist who perhaps
most successfully carried on Akutagawa's ideas of literature as
something conditioned by the literary classics of the East and West.
At the end of the thirties when Sato and Kikuchi were becoming
involved with militarism, Hori was far from Tokyo and the fevers of
the times; he was a sick man living in Nagano and writing the novel
Kaze tachinu (The Wind Has Risen, 1936-37). The novel, set in a
tuberculosis sanatorium, describes the life and world of a man and a
woman isolated on the high plains of Nagano. It contains little that
could be called eventful, only the changes of the seasons and the
ups and downs of the woman's illness. In its descriptions of the
delicate changes mthe inner feelings of the characters it is like the
diaries of the Heian court ladies (The Mayfly Diary for instance). The
woman dies halfway through the novel and the remainder consists
of the man's interior dialogues with her; in this it resembles in
structure a no play in which a ghost appears in the second part. Hori
later expanded the novelistic world of The Wind Has Risen in Naoko,
which was published in 1941, the year in which the Pacific War
began. In cities which rang with military songs the writing of Naoko
seems almost like an act of resistance against the militarism of the
time, together with The Makioka Sisters by Tanizaki.
The twenties, years in which the Marxist literary movement
began, was also a decade in which Japanese intellectuals were
increasingly exposed to the cultural trends of contemporary Europe.
The film The Cabinet of Doctor Caligari made a strong impression
when it was shown in 1921 as did the performance of Reinhard
Goring's 1918 play Seeschlacht (Seabattle) at the Tsukiji theatre in 1924
in an expressionistic production by Hijikata Yoshi (1898-1959) and
the translations by Horiguchi Daigaku (1892-) of French surrealistic
poetry and Paul Morand's short story Ouvert Ia nuit in 1924. Some
writers, such as those of the 'New Sensibility' group, resisted the
Marxist literary movement, looking for inspiration instead to the
literary techniques of postwar Europe. The central figure of this
group was Yokomitsu Riichi (1898-1947), a writer who rejected all
lyricism in his attempts to use a 'hard' abstract vocabulary in the
creation of a long novel that would be a reflection of the new age.
He was interested in science and often chose scientists as the heroes
of his novels, another indication that he was seeking something
profoundly new in the form. After a brief visit to Europe in 1936 he
wrote a (purportedly) 'philosophical' novel comparing the cultures
of East and West, Ryoshii (Homesick on aJourney, 1937-46), which was
widely read. If we discount the authors of purely commercial fiction,
Yokomitsu was probably the most popular writer of the thirties. He
was the foremost writer of a new kind of novel, one whose artistic
background was derived solely from western models (in translation)
and modern Japanese literature. His intentions - unlyrical writing, a
structure that could sustain a long novel, scientific subjects and a
wide view of culture - were themselves original; what he lacked was
the means for carrying them out. His feeling for the Japanese
language was far inferior to that of Nakano Shigeharu or Ishikawa
Jun, he was unused to the scientific way of thinking and his grasp of
either western or eastern culture was not that of an Akutagawa.
Foreign-language books from the Maruzen bookshop made Akuta-
gawa; translations played the same role for Yokomitsu and his
Two contemporaries of Yokomitsu achieved greater success,
especially in short stories, by limiting the scope of their writing.
They were Kawabata Yasunari (1899-1972) and Ibuse Masuji (1898-).
Kawabata's loves were young girls and pottery. In his novel
Senbazuru (A Thousand Cranes) there is a cup 'which, with its surface
taut with life, almost seemed to feel'. For Kawabata's male heroes
the surface of a jar is virtually indistinguishable from a woman's
skin. There is in A Thousand Cranes a pottery where 'a faint ted
floated up from within the glaze, a fascinating skin as if both cold
and hot' and in Yukiguni (Snow Country) there is 'skinlike porcelain
with a faint red pattern'. Both women and pottery are not only
beautiful to look at but also to touch, and the sensations from the
hero's fingertips come to be the essence of his relationship with
each. As the hero of Snow Country says, 'After all, these fingers keep
a vivid memory of the woman I am going to see.' Here we have both
the reification of woman and the imbuing of objects with senses;
woman is like pottery, pottery like woman. And not only pottery.
For Kawabata even the Milky Way seen on a winter night in the
Snow Country has 'somehow a fascinating feminine charm'.
The attitude to women is consistent throughout Kawabata's
novels. From the young girl of Izu no odoriko (The Izu Dancer, 1926)
with her 'naked, white, long-legged body, legs stretching up like a
paulownia sapling' to the 'pale naked body of a young girl standing
near the window and the pale leaves of dawn' of Mizuumi (The Lake,
1954) they are beautiful objects appealing in their own subjective
reality. An extreme case of this is to be found in the short work
Nernureru bijo (Sleeping Beauty, 1960-61). In a strange house by the sea
an old man is able to look at and fondle a young woman who has
been anaesthetized; the young woman of course is completely
unconscious of what he is doing. The fairylike young girl of the
short novel Tanpopo (Dandelion, posthumous) suffers from a strange
affliction that means that in the extremes of physical love she
becomes incapable of seeing her partner. Woman is to be seen, not
herself to see. When we come to the surrealistic Kataude (One Ann,
posthumous) even the physical wholeness of the woman has
vanished and all that is left is the part of the body that is the erotic
Yokomitsu attempted to construct long novels depicting human
relationships; Kawabata wrote short stories describing the world of
his own senses and concentrated on the beauty of the part. Those
works of his which are in novel form- Snow Country (1935-47), A
Thousand Cranes (1949-51), Varna no oto (The Sound of the Mountain,
1949-54) - are, as he himself said, in fact a series of short stories. The
sensuous precision of his description of detail is matchless and is
exemplified by a famous passage from near the beginning of Snow
Country. As the hero looks out of a train window he sees the
reflection of the face of the girl opposite him superimposed on the
night scene: 'Particularly when the lights of the countryside burned
in the very middle of the girl's face it was so inexpressibly beautiful
that Shimamura's heart skipped a beat.' This is Kawabata at his
most distinctive and original. The character of the girl is not
important; nor are her thoughts, her life and her relationships. What
is important is the reflection of her face in the glass and her voice,
,so beautiful it was sad', when she calls the station master and he
comes walking over the snow. This beauty is essentially the same as
the beauty of pottery in Hi rna tsuki rna (Both Sun and Moon, 1952):
'seen in the slight gloom the surface colour of the Iga biidoro glaze
was of matchless beauty.'
The women - and for that matter the men - in Kawabata's stories
are faint and insubstantial as people; they are described as one
element of a scene which is a record of sensual impressions. There is
however one exception, Komako of Snow Country, The novel is the
story of Shimamura, a man of leisure, and his casual relationship
with a geisha of a hotspring resort in the snow-laden mountains of
NiigataPrefecture. The man has, as usual, insubstantial feelings,
neither love nor hate, for the woman and murmurs that only his
fingers remember her; but Komako, the geisha, is violently in love
with him and this is plain in all she does and says. Unlike other
Kawabata women Komako is not used simply to express the
author's love of pottery, or as a witness of scenery which her
circumstances would not 'really' allow her to see or as a mouthpiece
for the author. Her existence is quite unlike that of other Kawabata
characters; she is astonishingly, accurately alive. Because of her -and
indeed other features of the novel - Snow Country is clearly
Kawabata's masterpiece. Why did this realization of character only
happen in Snow Country? Kawabata himself stated that Komako,
unlike the characters of A Thousand Cranes and The Sound of the
Mountain, was modelled on a real person and that his relationship
with the real-life woman changed during the writing of the novel.
Probably the speech and behaviour of the fictional character is a
faithful rendering of the model's and this is quite unlike Kawabata's
usual practice. A real woman cannot fail to be substantial and is in
fact alive in her fictional counterpart in Snow Country. This intimate
involvement with reality also meant that Kawabata's descriptive
powers were fully engaged throughout the novel. The reader feels
the cold winds of the snowy mountains on his skin.
!buse Masuji, the second son of a Hiroshima landowner, studied
at Waseda University and the Japanese School of Art in Tokyo but
did not graduate. He lived most of his life in Tokyo, and from 1923,
the year of the great earthquake, began to write prolifically. Most of
the characters of his novels are villagers, peasants, fishermen,
hunters and recluses, doctors, policemen, bus conductors - what
Yanagita Kunio called 'the unchanging people', the people who
remain themselves even when times change. They adapt to the
changes and are manipulated by the authorities but neither run
ahead of nor are carried away by the fashion of the time. The central
concerns and attitudes of their lives do not change easily. For his
part !buse was not involved with the Marxist literary movement
when it came along and accommodated himself to militarism when
it arose (he was called up and sent to Singapore), but he was not an
active agent of war propaganda, nor did he change his personal
world after the war when politics and daily life were transformed.
The village life described in !buse's short stories, from Tajinko
mura (Tajinko Village, 9 ~ 9 through Sankyo fUbutsushi (Notes on
Scenery of the Ravine, 1948) to Yohai taicho (Lieutenant Lookeast, 1950),
is treated in a more intellectually distanced, critical and objective
way than the descriptions of the life of the poor peasantry in
Nagatsuka Takashi's Earth. It reflects the unchanging depths of the
human heart with more delicacy and depth than the work of
Shimaki Kensaku (1903-45), who retired to a village after
'renouncing' his left-wing beliefs and dedicated himself to an
'investigation of daily life', the title he gave to his most well-known
work (Seikatsu no tankyii, 1937). What is in the depths of the hearts of
!buse's villagers? There are generosity and cunning but not enough
to form a spirit of criticism; both acceptance and resentment of
authority but no resistance; the bonds of custom and superstition
but also a lively awareness of self-interest and great skill in the
mechanisms of daily life; an almost limitless resignation in the face
of a wretched existence; complete ignorance of the world outside
the village, complete awareness of every detail of life within it.
Yanagita attempted to record the way of life and customs of the
village - how the inhabitants behaved, what their values were - and
thus the entire culture of isolated mountain or island communities.
!buse's magnificent descriptions of the same life have sympathy and
criticism combined with a humour born of the two.
Many peasants from the Hiroshima area went to work for some
time in North America, an almost inconceivable thing for a peasant
from Nagatsuka's Tone River basin to do. Some of the men in.
!buse's short stories are 'back from Hawaii' and probably it was his
knowledge of such men that led !buse to his later interest in the
itinerant workers, 'the drifting people' of the last years of the
Tokugawa period. In 1937 he wrote Jon Manjiro hyoryiiki (A Record of
the Wanderings of John Manjiro) and in 1954-55 Hyomin Usaburo
(Usaburo the Drifter), both of which tell of the experiences of men
who sailed abroad during the time of the isolationist policy and of
their compatriots' reactions when they return to Japan. These are
not of the intellectual elite of the time but simple men whose lives
have been led along strange paths by fortune. Abroad they learn
that Americans and Russians are human beings too; for these
'unchanging people' unable as they were to leave the village
organization as long as they stayed in Japan, awareness of other
human society came only when they drifted off to work in Hawaii or
Kamchatka. Thus the novelist who described the close, inward-
looking life of the farming and fishing villages of Hiroshima also
described those who left their small communities and found the
world outside. The final, and in a sense necessary, completion of
!buse's fictional world came with his description in the novel Kuroi
ame (Black Rain, 1965-66) of the force that swept away all resistance to
the outside world, that most violent of all possible intrusions, the
atomic bomb and its meaning. !buse's fiction which developed into
literature the studies made by Yanagita was something new in
Japanese writing; no other writer has written so precisely and
completely of the world of the 'unchanging people'. His humour
too is richer than Akutagawa's. And humour was something that
urban writers such as Yokornitsu and Kawabata and rural writers
such as Nagatsuka and Shimaki completely lacked.
After Akutagawa, the writer most representative of the period of
Taisho democracy was Osaragi Jiro (the pen-name of Nojiri
Kiyohiko, 1897-1973). Osaragi was influenced by the work of Walt
Whitman which he was introduced to by Yoshino Sakuzo and
Arishima Takeo; his most well-known work however was a series of
popular novels about the adventures of a swordsman Kurama
Tengu (after the legendary wood goblin who had instructed
Yoshitsune in the art of swordfighting). He wrote more than thirty
of these as well as a large number of other best-sellers. Kurama
Tengu lives and fights in the last years of the bakufu, keeping his
distance from both monarchist and bakufu factions and preferring
instead to fight for human liberty. If the 'wintry age' of the treason
trials had been symbolized by the nihilist hero of Nakazato's
Daibosatsu Pass then it was this popular hero, with his ideals
modelled on the pattern of Fukuzawa Yukichi, who symbolized the
age of suffrage and labour struggles. Unlike the earlier nihilist hero,
Kurama Tengu never kills gratuitously; swordplay for him is a
means, not an end in itself.
Popular novels were, and still are, serialized in daily newspapers
and popular monthly magazines. The circulation of such publica-
tions rose dramatically after the First World War with total
newspaper circulation going up from 1,630,000 in 1904 to
6,500,000 in 1924, and the years between the wars were the golden
age of the serialized popUlar novel. They were for the people of that
time what television is for people today. Osaragi Jiro was not the
only popular novelist. Kikuchi Kan's novels of contemporary urban
society also had a great readership as did those of Yoshikawa Eiji
(1892-1962), another writer adept at handling historical themes in
the popular manner. His most representative work is the novel
Miyamoto Musashi serialized in the Asahi shinbun in 1935-37 and 1938-
39 and widely read at the time of the war against China. The
eponymous hero of this novel is unlike his fictional predecessors in
being neither antisocial nor libertarian; for him sword-play is neither
a gratuitous act nor a means to an end but a process of spiritual
training. Thus at a time when military propaganda was attempting
to 'spiritualize' the colonial war, the Japanese Romantic School to
'spiritualize' Japanese culture and the Kyoto philosophers to
'spiritualize' the East Asian Co-prosperity Sphere, Yoshikawa was
successfully 'spiritualizing' the swordsman figure of the popular
novel. Miyamoto Musashi was not written as war propaganda but, as
Kurama Tengu had been a testament to the liberal spirit of its age, so
it was an unequivocal testament to the 'spiritual values' beloved of
the militarists of the thirties.
Osaragi Jiro did not only write novels for mass consumption.
After the war he wrote a novel about the Paris Commune Pari moyu
(Paris Burns, 1961-63) and continued to work on his last novel Tenno
no seiki (The Century of the Emperor) until shortly before his death.
Serialized in the Asahi shinbun from January 1967 to April 1973, it is
a history of the Meiji Restoration with several thousand characters,
several hundred of them foreign, and a wealth of incidents,
frequently examined from more than one viewpoint. When
facts are established Osaragi records them as such but when, as In
the question of how much pressure was exerted by the British on
the negotiations which led to the surrender of Edo castle, there are
several versions he gives them all and clearly indicates those parts
which are mere speculation. The facts remain undecorated. Nor are
individual facts examined on their own; Osaragi places them in
relationship with other facts and the tone and emphasis of- his
account derive from a sober unsensational appraisal of the role of
individuals in the historical process. This means that there are
proportionally many more references to the truly significant
historical figures and fewer to figures who had become popular
heroes despite being of negligible historical significance. The
Century of the Emperor, although overtly an historical novel, is in
fact history. This history does not, like later official histories, regard
the Restoration as essentially a revival of monarchy but rather as a
result of the combination of foreign pressure to open the country,
the disintegration of the military ruling classes in the face of peasant
risings and the victory of the 'royalist' group over the pro-bakufu
group which led to the adoption of 'modernizing' policies and the
use of the emperor as a symbol of reunification. Osaragi
side with either of the contending groups but adopts a pOSItion
equidistant from both and examines h.is
position resembles those of YUklChi and ChomIn
who dispassionately watched the factIOnal clashes, lookmg forward
all the while to the world that would follow. Again it resembles the
position of his fictional creation Kurama Tengu; it was no accident
that the creator of this 'libertarian' character should have gone on to
write The Century of the Emperor.
From the beginning Osaragi had a flair for vivid description. !""Ie
also had the powers of discernment necessary to descnbe
circumstances objectively and to distinguish the personalities of
the actors in them. The Century of the Emperor is more than history; it
is a breakthrough in the historical novel. In it we see not only the
age and its social changes, but also the rich drama of the people of
Japan. In scale and depth it is greater than most other works In the
history of Japanese literature.
Almost inevitably, study of foreign literature first reached a high
standard in the field of Chinese classical literature and history. The
study of western literature lagged behind that of Chinese for two
reasons. Firstly there existed no accumulation of knowledge
comparable to that created by the Tokugawa-period scholars and
secondly rigorous positivistic philology was first developed in the
West and the level of scholarship in the field of western literature
was high. It was not easy for Japanese scholarship to reach this
level but it did so in the work of Watanabe Kazuo (1901-1975)
whose annotated translation of Franc;:ois Rabelais's Gargantua and
Pantagruel (1943-64) shows the highest level of textual interpretation
and is the best extant translation in the world - into any language
including modern French. Moreover, its fluent and lucid style has
taken the expressive powers of Japanese prose almost to the limit
(think of Rabelais's vocabulary!) and added completely new
elements to Japanese writing - unbounded imagination and
intellectual humour. The translation of Western literature which
has flourished since the First World War has thus not only worked
to break down and disintegrate Japanese prose but also, as in
Watanabe's Rabelais, to enrich the language. There were other
epoch-making aspects of Watanabe's work. In his studies of
sixteenth century French thought, Watanabe's own position, the
position that conditioned his personal life, is an inextricable part of
his scholarship; the work, although primarily a' highly specialized
and scholarly study, involves the whole of the scholar's person-
ality. The sixteenth century in France was a time of wars between
religion and humanism. and Watanabe follows in detail the
struggles of Erasmus, Montaigne, Rabelais and many other French
humanists against fanatic illiberality, at the same time revealing
much of himself. It is notable that the age he lived in was one of
intellectual isolationism and fanaticism.
There were few people who could, like Watanabe Kazuo, resist
such an age in a subtle way. In his conversations during the war and
in his postwar writings he broke through intellectual isolationism
and relativized 'Japaneseness', a notion that was almost universally
thought of as connoting uniqueness. To do this he referred to
France, as Voltaire had referred to France in his Philosophical Letters,
and examined Japan from a distant, detached position like that of
Montesquieu's Persian. He also employed the comic styles of rakugo
and novels such as The Bath-house of the Floating World, as well as the
satiric mode he had learned from Erasmus and Rabelaisian
caricature, to attack all kinds of fanaticism. Intellectual humour, a
new type of Japanese writing, was created by this scholar of French
Of course in a society like Japan, where group-oriented values are
overwhelmingly dominant, thorough-going and conscious indivi-
dualism is necessary to maintain a minority position. Kafu's
individualism was strong enough for him to indulge in solitary
jubilation over the downfall and death of the 'two demons'
Mussolini and Hitler, but it also cut him off from others. Watanabe
Kazuo's individualism also meant that he celebrated the end of
these tyrants ('What joy!' he wrote in his diary) but during and after
the war it also meant that, far from isolating himself, he valued his
contact with intellectuals and students all the more. The profound
influence that he had on later scholars and writers was principally
the result of personal contact.
The flood of translation and the permeation of everyday language
with the vocabulary of science and technology produced, as we
have noted, the stiff style of Yokomitsu RiichL To write verse
employing the vocabulary of Yokomitsu would be a difficult task
indeed. On the other hand if the poet avoided all elements of this
style then this verse would have little to do with the 'modern age' in
which he lived. This fundamental problem for modern verse arose
between the wars and is still present today. No general solution to it
has been found. However, there has not been a complete lack of
specific solutions which depend on the individual and special
conditions of the poet's life and his resolution of them in verse. Two
poets who produced completely original poetic vocabularies - and
have found a wide and continued readership as a result of the
power of their poetic diction - were the Iwate Prefecture agricultural
technician Miyazawa Kenji (1896-1933) and the habitue of the Tokyo
backstreets Nakahara Chuya (1907-37).
Miyazawa Kenji lived with peasants. In his Nomingeijutsu-ron
(Peasant Art, c. 1926) he says 'Professional artists must disappear
completely. Everyone should give full play to his artistic sensibility'
and 'Should we not make all of our fields and all of our life into one
huge four-dimensional art?' He wrote in his verse of these fields and
in prose children's tales in folklore style. He used the local dialect of
lwate in his verse. He made effective use of onomatopoeia. The
rhythmic language of his poem on a village dance seems to seethe
with life:
This evening beneath a crescent moon, strangely dressed
Black tail feathers of the hen decorating their hoods
They whirl single-edged swords
The dancers of Haratai village.
('The Dancers of Haratai Village', Spring and the Asura)
Miyazawa Kenji was born in a family of the Buddhist True Pure
Land faith, and read the Lotus Sutra from an early age. Later he
became a devout follower of the Nichiren faith and must have used
Buddhist terms easily in his daily conversation. Also as an
agricultural technician he must have been very familiar with the
terminology of geology and chemistry. These circumstances differ
greatly from those of Yokomitsu. The novelist Yokomitsu used new
and unfamiliar scientific terminology, whose meaning he perhaps
did not know, as what we might call decorations in the writing of his
novels. Miyazawa Kenji used words with which he was familiar in
his daily life, both scientific terms like 'atmospheric strata' and 'two-
phase system' and Buddhist terms like' Asura' (powerful demonic
figures whose raw power is harnessed to the defence of the
Buddhist law) and 'atom' in his verse:
The bitterness and the lividness of rage
Spits to the depths of April's atmospheric strata
Goes to and back, teeth gnashing
I. .. am... an... Asura. .
The greater part of Miyazawa's poetry is contained in the three
volumes of Haru to Shura (Spring and the Asura, 1923, 1925, 1926). It is
characterized by a fluency of language which absorbs and enhances
dialect, onomatopoeia, Buddhist terms and scientific terminology, a
fluency that wells up from within the poet. The images that this
language evokes are vivid and the language reverberates after the
poem is finished. Probably no other poet has used such a rich
vocabulary to such poetic effect. The other characteristic of his work
is a vast extension of the imagination. 'The perception of self
gradually evolves from individual to group, to society and then to
the universe,' he wrote in Peasant Art). Miyazawa unleashed his
imagination towards the universe of the stars. The great 'dream'
that appears in his posthumously published children's story
Gingatetsudo no yoru (The Evening of the Galactic Railway) also runs
through his verse. This is a characteristic that has rarely appeared in
Japanese lyric verse since the Kokin wakashii.
However, not all of Miyazawa's poetry was carried by fluent
language up to the night skies. In Spring and the Asura there are five
poems under the title Musei dokoku (Mute Lamentation) in which he
mourns the death of his younger sister. In one of them in particular,
Eiketsu no asa (Morning of the Last Farewell), he focuses his feelings"in
a taut and polished style, in a way that is clearly reminiscent of the
choka in which the Man'yoshii poet Hitomaro mourns his wife. It
Before today is out
You will go far away, my sister
Sleet is falling, outside is strangely bright
('Go and fetch me some snow, would you!')
It ends with these words of prayer:
To these two bowls of snow that you eat I pray from my
That they may change to food of the heaven of Tusita,
Miyazawa Kenji died of tuberculosis in a Tohoku village in the midst
of an economic depression, Nakahara Chuya, who was born in
Yamaguchi Prefecture and subsequently lived in various provincial
towns, went to Tokyo in 1925 at the age of eighteen and died there
at thirty, also from tuberculosis. Nakahara may have anticipated an
early death. From the beginning his poetry is suffused with the
feeling of looking back on life from the point of view of death, itself
like the feeling of attachment to the individual instants of life. At the
age of twenty in 1927 he wrote in his diary, 'What I believe is my
discovery, and no one else's, seems to correspond to what Bergson
calls "Time".' His poems begin, as in Siikasu (Circus, 1929), with
'There were several ages/there was drab war' and they end, as in
Fuyu no Chomonkyo (Chomon Gorge in Winter, 1937), with the stream
in the valley of his home village, which flows away 'just like a thing
with a soul'. When a woman dies he cannot help but stress the
passage of time in Rinjii (Last Moments, 1928), a poem which
contrasts the departure of her spirit and the unconcerned bustle in
the street and children's voices. The striking contrast is reminiscent
of the end of Alban Berg's Wozzek. The youth of Nakahara Chuya
was a desperate effort to 'be immersed in [my] own soul', a
reverence for the joy of 'living in this world and feeling the mystery
of all things', and therefore a hopeless struggle against 'a society
with little faith' and 'worldly-minded people'. 'Come Yasuko now,
now let us stay here quietly,' he murmurs in one poem and in
another, 'Come then, nostalgic resignation,' while there are also the
scathing observations of the 'lunch-break of the salary earners' in
Shogo (Midday) and the sad keen irony of the conclusion 'Truly life is
the dream of an instant, the beauty of a rubber balloon' in Shunjitsu
kyoso (Mad Thoughts on a Spring Day).
Most of his poetry is included in the two collections that he made .
himself, Yagi no uta (Songs of Goats, 1934) and Arishi hi no uta (Songs of
the Days That Were, 1938). The visual images in them are original and
abundant. For instance Yuki no fii (Snow Poem) in_Songs of the Days
That Were evokes images of snow 'in the time of Otaka Gengo [one
of the forty-seven ronin]' as 'the many many hands of orphans' and
'beyond the fence of a dacha in the countryside of Russia'. And in
Hajirai (Shyness) the sky of autumn is 'full of children's spirits' and
covered with cloud-like fur.
Then above that far plain
An elephant from long past days
Finely stitched in astrakhan,
The poet gazes at 'the black banner' deep in the cloudy sky in
Donten (Clouded Heavens, 1936) an.d even contemplates his own
bones by a stream in his home town after his death, in Hone (Bones,
More than the visual effect of the written characters, or anything
else, there is an emphasis on the reverberations of the spoken verse,
Probably there is no modern Japanese poet who has better realized
the auditory possibilities of the language. He achieved these effects
by following a 7-5 syllabic pattern, breaking it when necessary, by
using repetition and limiting his vocabulary to the simple colloquial
and by extreme adeptness in introducing conversational language.
The poem Shun sho kankai (Feelings on a Spring Evening) begins
with lines in the above pattern:
Ame ga agatte koze ga Juku
Kumo ga nagareru tsuki kakusu
Minasan konyawa l1aru no yoi
Nama attakai koze ga Juku
The rain has lifted and the wind is now blowing,
The clouds are streaming, hiding the moon.
Everyone, this is an evening of Springtime
The wind which is blowing is warm on the skin.
The poem is made up of five four-line verses of which the last is the
repetition of the first.
Again, these are the first lines of Imoto yo (Younger Sister) a short
poem of ten lines in the collection Songs of Goals:
Yoru, utsukusl1ii tamasl1ii wa naite -
kanojo koso atariki nanoni
Yoru, utsukusl1ii tamasl1ii wa naite
Shindatte ii yo . . . to iu no de atta
Evening, a beautiful spirit weeping
- though she was the one who was in the right.
Evening, a beautiful spirit weeping
I might as well die ... was what she said.
The repetition of 'Evening, a beautiful spirit weeping', the impact of
the sudden and unexpected introduction of the word atariki, which
is a slang expression, and the quoting of the woman's words,
reminiscent of Miyazawa Kenji's 'Go and fetch me some snow,
would you!' - all of these are brought together in complete
harmony. And, in another, perhaps fortuitous, resemblance to the
Miyazawa poem, these all converge in the last line, 'I could do
nothing but pray.' Nakahara had read Miyazawa's verse from an
early age and, like Miyazawa, is a modern poet whose work can be
successfully read aloud. He was a poet who marked a new age in
Japanese verse.
Hayashi Tatsuo (1896-1984), Ishikawa Jun (1899-1987) and Kobaya-
shi Hideo (1902-83) were young men during the years of Taisho
democracy and the fashion for Marxism. Later, in the age of
militarism, they stood against the tide in maintaining positions of
unwavering individualism. Their resistance to the enthusiasms of
the times makes them, paradoxically, the most significant repre-
sentatives of their age.
The western-oriented cultural interests of the twenties were most
enthusiastically followed by Hayashi Tatsuo. As a young man of
twenty-two he made a conscious decision to reject kabuki, which was
the representative expression of the aesthetic life and the sensual
and emotional carpe diem attitudes of the Tokugawa period, in
favour of western art and thought and an expression of humanity
which includes the intellect and the will. It is clear from his essay.
Kabukigeki ni kansuru kosatsu (A Consideration of Kabuki, 1918) that he
was not simply following a fashion; he made his choice not because
he was ignorant of kabuki but in spite of 'the heart inside me that
would love kabuki.'
This choice was decisive. Hayashi never subsequently wrote on
kabuki, on the Tokugawa period, or on Japanese cultural history.
From his early work Miyabinaru utage (Fetes Galantes, 1927) to
Seishinshi (A History of Ideas, 1969) he has written on Watteau,
Verlaine, Debussy and the significance of the Italian Renaissance. His
other books include a translation of Bergson's Le Rire in 1938 and a
revised translation of the same work in 1976 with notes, commentary
and a postscript in which he gives a summary of other writing on
laughter from Freud to Levi Strauss, interprets Bergson's totemism
and points out that his theory of laughter is based on Moliere's
comedy and does not take into account Rabelaisian mirth. Hayashi
does not, however, similarly indicate the relationship between
Bergson's theories and later ones, nor does he address the problem
of whether Le Rire can be made to apply without modification to the
humour of the verse and fiction of the Tokugawa period.
Ishikawa Jun, who has translated Andre Gide's L'Immoraliste and
Les Caves du Vatican, also has a wide knowledge of Chinese and
Japanese classics, particularly those of the Tokugawa period.
Among his works are Nanga daitai (An Outline of Nanga Painting,
1959); Shokoku kijin-den (Lives of Remarkable People of the Provinces,
1957), containing brief biographies of Edo craftsmen and poets of
haikai and Chinese verse; Shinshaku ugetsu monogatari (1953-54), a
translation into modern Japanese of Veda Akinari's Tales of the Rain
and Moon; Watanabe Kazan (1941), a biography; and Shinshaku kojiki (A
New Interpretation of the Kojiki, 1961), another translation into the
modern language. His background is clearly not one solely oriented
to western culture, and on this point it is Akutagawa, of all the
writers of the century, that he resembles most. Ishikawa is,
however, more knowledgeable than Akutagawa was.
Kobayashi Hideo also had a western-oriented cultural back-
ground, and early in his career studied French nineteenth and
twentieth-century literature, including the work of Rimbaud, Valery
and Bergson. But his development, unlike Hayashi Tatsuo's, has
not been in the direction of further examination of western thought
itself. Instead, he has used the intellectual tools borrowed from
western thought to examine problems that concerned him more
immediately, namely the relationship and delicate balance between
thought and personality, expression and life, mind and body. His
work on the French symbolists undoubtedly helped to sharpen his
appreciation of these problems. Kobayashi is a literary critic, but
whether writing of the literature and culture of Japan or of Europe,
his central concern and his approach have remained the same. In his
writing on creative genius, from Motsuaruto (Mozart, 1946) and
Gohho no tegami (Letters of Van Gogh, 1949-52) to Minamoto no
Sanetomo (1943) and Motoori Norinaga (1965-77), his work has always
been intensely personal. He is quite different from Hayashi Tatsuo,
who has never written on Japanese culture, and from Ishikawa Jun,
who has carried on the spirit of Edo culture in his life and work. It is
of course impossible to revive Edo culture unaltered in modern
industrial society; a more complicated procedure, such as can be
detected in Ishikawa's relationship with French literature, is
The western-oriented cultural attitudes of the Japan of the
nineteen twenties served as the point of departure for Hayashi,
Ishikawa and Kobayashi, but their attitudes to the West developed
in different directions. One gained a thorough and intimate
knowledge of this history of western culture and universalized it;
one balanced a profoundly personal knowledge of the Japanese
cultural tradition with a knowledge of western culture; one made
the opposition of the two cultures a problem of his inner self. But
whatever separate course each man has taken, all three have one
thing in common: none of them idolizes the West.
Hayashi's thought has at times been close to Marxist theory;
Ishikawa has been interested in it but has scrupulously avoided
embracing it entirely; Kobayashi has been more critical, at least of
Marxists. Hayashi's approach to Marxism was not naive. From the
time of his break with kabuki he has shown a strong predilection for
the life of the intellect and for freedom of thought. From this comes
the stress he puts on eighteenth century rationalism in his Yiiroppa ni
okeru shiikyiiteki seishin no suii to flatten (Changes and Development of the
Religious Spirit in Europe, 1927) and on 'militant' materialism, from
Epicurus and Lucretius to Marx, in his Yuibutsuron no rekishi (A
History of Materialism, 1950).
As Kuno Osamu has pointed out, Hayashi's Marxism is notable,
at least in the context of Japanese Marxist thought, for its emphasis
on atheism. This, however, is not all. Hayashi's originality also
appears in his methodology. Not only has he applied Marxist theory
to the interpretation of individual sets of circumstances but at the
same time he has developed a close and positivistic examination of
individual cases into a critical evaluation of the theory, its tenets and
framework. Thus in Shakai shisiishi, chiisei. (A History of Social
Thought: The Middle Ages, 1932), a work of great elegance and
beauty, he makes it clear that 'one must not apply what is said in
general conclusion to each individual case,' a caveat that almost
exactly echoes Sorai's 'Find the particular characteristics of customs
and institutions by examining the records. Then compare these
particular characteristics. Having done this fully, then discuss each
age. It is facile to criticize different ages applying a fixed criterion'
(Discourse on Method).
A History of Social Thought: The Middle Ages makes it clear that not
all of the priests of the medieval intelligentsia served the priest class.
Some served the monarchy and others even identified themselves
politically with the urban bourgeoisie and the masses. Hayashi thus
refutes the commonly held view that to be an intellectual priest was
ipso facto to be a member of the ruling class. Hayashi was of course
not unaware of the possible analogies with modern society and the
many possible social roles of the intelligentsia within it. He also
points to the capacity of ideas to transcend particular social
conditions, and this is the basis of the freedom of thought. This
has much to do with his criticism of Stalin in Kyiisanshugiteki ningen
(Communistic Man, 1951). It is no coincidence that he was the first
Japanese sharply to criticize Stalin from a standpoint that was not
anticommunist, in an age of cold war and amid a flood of
anticommunist propaganda. He did not view the fact of thirty years
of the Soviet Union and the ideals of communism separately but
considered that it was 'important to consider communism in the
light of Soviet Russia and Soviet Russia in the light of communism,
to employ both of these'.
The theories of Marxism may not have attracted the novelist
Ishikawa Jun, but the socialist movement, including anarchism, no
doubt attracted this acute individualist as thorough-going forms of
anti-authoritarian activity. In his novel of the nineteen thirties,
Fugen (1936), the somewhat surreal narrative of the hero mentions a
woman Communist party member who has started underground
activity, and in Hakubyii (Plain Sketch, 1939) there appear an architect
and his wife who have fled the Nazis, a woman painter who has
escaped_from the Soviet Union and a newspaper reporter stationed
in Tokyo who has been the victim of a Stalin purge, who protests:
'''Enemy'' and what's more, "enemy of the people" - Stalin came to
throw that at me - me who has never wavered, has always been
faithful. That forger of Lenin's will, that embezzler of the
inheritance, Stalin!' ... 'What happened to all the blood that we
The words spoken by this character in a novel that Ishikawa
wrote in 1939 are not far from the conclusions reached by Hayashi
Tatsuo in his later, meticulously researched Communistic Man.
Disillusion with the reality of the Soviet Union, felt almost as a
physical pain, led both Hayashi and Ishikawa to a stance where they
thought about ideology and state power as separate. This is not to
renounce one ideology in favour of another, let alone transfer
allegiance from one state power structure to another. Hayashi's
'freedom of thought' and Ishikawa's 'movement of mind' - 'The
turmoil that is the outward appearance of battle is in fact, for the
movement of mind, a meaningless plain,' Ishikawa says in Mujinto
(The Inexhaustible Lantern, 1946) - refused any compromise with
Japanese supernationalism.
Kobayashi Hideo attacked the Marxists around him on the single
point of the connection between theory and people. This connection
he thought to be weak. Theories are borrQwed things, fashions
imported one after the other from abroad, in short, no more than 'a
variety of designs', as he wrote in 1929. This approach is a
profound, if partial, insight into the cultural conditions of Japan
between the wars, with which Kobayashi himself was deeply
involved. After all, many Marxists went along with militarism when
the time came and became pacifists after the war was lost.
However, Kobayashi did more than criticize the tendency of
those around him to follow dominant trends. He also created a
distinctive aesthetic which emphasized the close links between life
and thought. For instance, a perception of the beauty of 'the instant
when the mind is completely made flesh' in the bodies and actions
of Olympic athletes seen on a film inspired him to write Orinpia
(Olympia, 1940). Twenty years later he wrote Orinpikku no terebi (The
Olympics on Television, 1964) in which he said, 'There is a fascination
in the simplicity, accuracy and completeness of the expressions [of
the athletes] that is difficult to resist. The shot and the javelin are not
the only things that we can hurl. We must hurl thought and
knowledge like hurling the shot.' In his book Mozart he sees the
composer as the physical embodiment of sound: 'His music firmly
and faultlessly adheres to the hard crags of nature and the soft body
of man.'
The trends of thought of most of the intellectuals in the interwar
years were not the same as those of their Meiji It was
not 'a variety of designs' that brought forth Chomin, Ogai, Soseki,
and Rohan. Their sensibilities and thought were not divorced from
their physical existence. And the earlier intellectuals, the Con-
fucianists of the Tokugawa period, were not merely amusing
themselves with some set of borrowed ideas, as Kobayashi was to
point out. Nor did all the Marxists of the interwar years abandon
their faith, and for none of them was Marxism a superficial notion
like the 'New Sensibility' of Yokomitsu and his confreres. Had the
link between the conceptual system and physical existence of Noro
Eitaro been superficial he would not have died at the hands of the
police, nor would he have been capable of writing A History of the
Development of Japanese Capitalism. And of course Marx himself had
not borrowed his highly abstract conceptual system from elsewhere.
What then was Kobayashi's view on Marxism?
Unlike the logical positivists, Kobayashi did not produce an
internal critique of the theory's logical structure. Nor did he, like
Popper, treat it as one sociological theory and compare it with
others. Rather he opposed systems of abstract concepts in general
against a feeling of the texture of life (which he called 'common
sense') to create not a sociological theory but an aesthetic. This has
for him been an answer to the question of how to live. It is involved
with the entirety of personality (intellectual and at the same time
sensual), appears concentratedly at certain instants in once-only
interior experiences (and is thus subjective) and attempts to
transcend historical time (and is thus ahistorical). 'I have not
thought of extracting the form or structure of Norinaga's thought.
What existed was Norinaga's real voice, saying what he thought,'
said Kobayashi in his study of the Edo-period scholar. This 'real'
voice' means 'the capacity to endure of an individual personality
once alive', in other words the 'heart' (kokoro) of Norinaga.
This heart is very close to the kokoro about which Ishida Baigan
was talking when he said, 'In Shinto, Buddhism and Confucianism
there is only one essential satori.' For Baigan, too, the 'form and
structure of thought' of Shinto, Buddhism and Confucianism were
secondary matters. What was important for him was the reaction of
the interior 'heart' to exterior systems of thought. Thus Kobayashi
opposes the objective historian of Marxism with the interior
experience of the subjective and superhistorical 'heart'. This stance
meant that he could write beautifully and accurately on Mozart but
that at the same time he could not possibly write calmly and
objectively on the Japanese invasion of China. Just as it is impossible
to reduce the' once-only' nature of human life to a historical process,
it is also impossible to reduce history to a matter of the historian's
For Hayashi Tatsuo, who was capable of seeing through
propaganda dressed up in the language of Marxism, the problem
of seeing through Japanese militarist propaganda must have been
child's play. In 1940 in Shinsukora jidai (The New Scholastic Age) he
wrote, 'For someone who knows a lot about what goes on behind
the scenes, the current play-acting is so idiotic as to be unwatch-
able,' and 'If there's time to perform a danse macabre on the top of a
precipice, I would rather work at cultivating my Epicurean garden.'
Hayashi kept his silence throughout the war, later recalling in
Hangoteki seishin (Spirit of Irony, 1946) that 'The war of ideas
including the tactic of overwhelming the individual by sheer force of
numbers,' and that 'In all cases irony has been the basis of my
thought and action.' In the same work he said: 'Is there anything
that appeals to a freedom-loving spirit as much as irony?' Indeed,
Hayashi never changed this belief.
It was Ishikawa Jun who wrote the novel which best described
the war with China at the time it was going on. This was Marusu no
uta (The Song of Mars), and the magazine in which it first appeared in
1938, Bungakkai, was withdrawn from sale under pressure from the
military authorities. The hero of the novel is in his room in a Tokyo
backstreet when 'unable to stand the popular song "Mars" which
came smashing through the window and burst into his room from
the frenzied town, he dashed out, had a drink, and rushed into a
cinema'. In the cinema there happened to be showing scenes from
the battlefield - clearly a battlefield on the Chinese continent - and
after some heavy shelling the scene changed to a village by a river
with some willow trees. Some of our 'brave lads', with smiling
faces, were gathered in front of a farmhouse. One, apparently the
commanding officer, also smiling, had his hands on the heads of
two children 'who were undoubtedly of a different nationality'. This
indeed seemed to be a peaceful scene, 'but in their faces there were
no tears or depression or emptiness, no expression of unhappiness
which' could be rendered if the scene was painted. They were
screaming out loud, in the midst of their trapped silence: NO!'
The smile forced onto the conquered by the conqueror, the
inability of the conqueror to understand the position and feelings of
the conquered, a society and its leaders so incapable of under-
standing that they cannot read the NO! on the face of these people,
in' other words the inevitability of the 'bogging down' of the
Chinese campaign and the true nature of what is now called
'pacification' - all of these are encapsulated in this description of a
scene from a film. This writing is probably the most acute and
accurate of any produced during the war with China.
Kobayashi wrote nothing critical of the war before it was finished.
Since he had abandoned all the conceptual equipment generally
used to interpret history, not merely that of Marxism, he was unable
to make a clear distinction between one war and another. In 1937 in
Sensa ni tsuite (On War) he wrote, 'The battle is something that must
be won.' This attitude encompasses even a war against the children
of that village by a river, with some willow trees. He did not,
however, jump on the bandwagon of the militarist propagandists,
for as he said in Shina yori kaerite (Back from China, 1938), 'Efforts to
squeeze out from the mind literary and intellectual trends and
theories that will suit official policy, in short order, is a completely
fruitless and damaging thing.' In fact, while the Pacific War was
going on he wrote not about that conflict but about Japanese,
classical literature. In his short and concise work Mujo to iu koto
(Impermanence), published in 1946, there appears all the sensitivity of
the poet Kobayashi Hideo to artistic form, nature and language.
It is impossible to predict what an author will do in the future. As
of 1980 at least, Hayashi Tatsuo has not written a great deal. Apart
from his translations of Bergson's Le Rire, Voltaire's Philosophical
Letters, and Fabre's Souvenirs entomologiques (of which he was (0-
translator), he has published fewer than ten volumes of treatises and
a few other short pieces. He has published no verse or fiction. He
discusses topics from the history of western thought, ranging over
religion, philosophy, literature and art, mainly of the middle ages
and the Renaissance but also mentioning classical Greece and the
modern age.
Much of his writing is concerned with Marxism from his socio-
intellectual-historical description of the middle ages in A History of
Social Thought: The Middle Ages and his assertion of materialism as
atheism in A History of Materialism to his criticism of Stalinism. He
has also written critiques of contemporary Japanese society and
cultural phenomena, especially in their intellectual aspects. During
the war, even when silent, Hayashi Tatsuo was at the opposite
intellectual pole to the militarist theorizing that controlled most
thought. His writing is lucid on any level of abstraction, .and he
always maintains an intellectual distance from the subject, being
neither inflammatory nor sentimental, and he never shows those
confusions in line of thought consequent on the usual idiom of
Japanese rhetoric. In other words, his work demonstrates the
highest possibilities for logical writing in modern Japanese.
The writer who is peerless in his use of Japanese literary prose is,
however, Ishikawa Jun. His short pieces, in a style heavily
influenced by Chinese, are finer in their richness of vocabulary,
stylistic refinement and utter !.ack of diffuseness than those of Kafu
and almost reach the level of Ogai's work. His use of the vernacular
too is masterly, and in both his short stories and essays it results in
complete control over his humour, irony and abrupt approaches to
mundane reality.
In extreme cases such as a travel journal like Seiyu nichiroku (A
Record of a Journey West, 1965), the artistry of the writing grips the
reader even though the work contains little that is new by way of
information. As a whole, Ishikawa's work covers a wide field. There
are his writings in short prefaces and comments which show a style
polished to the greatest degree by the Sino-Japanese literary
tradition. Someone who can write well in this style is a member
of the literati; one who cannot is an amateur. If we adhere to this
definition there has been only one writer who can be called a
member of the literati in the traditional sense since Nagai Kafu, and
that is Isai, in fact a pen-name of Ishikawa. In the preface to Isai
hitsudan (Essays by Isai, 1950-51) he writes, 'In the passage "00 not
use otiose style when explicating the classics" in Haolin yulu, it says
that the ancient annotations of the Six Classics were clear and
simple and did not employ difficult terms. I basically dislike difficult
terms. Should we not favour clarity and simplicity? However, since
ancient times the world has been something apart from the Six
Oassics, and what would we do nowadays if writing was not an art
which through a few letters makes meaning clear?'
Ishikawa has also written historical biographies, as for example
Lives of Remarkable People of the Provinces. To bring the portrait of the
subject. to life through a short and lucid biography was one of the
important forms of classical Chinese literature. It was also not
unknown in the West, and some parts of Remarkable People are
reminiscent of John Aubrey's Brief Lives. Another form in which
Ishikawa has worked is that of literary criticism. For a writer to
employ this f.9rm of essay is of course due to western influence s ~ e
the time of Ogai. Ishikawa's finest work in this form is Mori Ogai
(1941), an original account of the novelist's work which stands with
those of Kinoshita Mokutar<i and Nakano Shigeharu. The originality
of Ishikawa's discussion of Ogai lies in his claim that the biographies
of Chiisai, Ranken and Katei are the finest work, his reliance on
~ g o hyakushii when discussing 6gai the man and his analysis of
Ogai's translation work and estimation of its influence.
The works in which he makes freest use of the combination of his
writing style, knowledge and critical insight are his many essays.
There is for instance Essays by Isai, which begins with Menbo ni tsuite
(The Countenance), moves to Ren'ai (Love) and Kenryoku (Power) and
finishes with Shigoto ni tsuite (Work). He comes to nothing that can be
called a conclusion on any of these essay topics, and the writing is
not architectonically constructed to focus on a single point. But, like
a picture scroll, the work moves from one point to the next bringing
out the particular relish of each. It seems just like an enjoyable
journey with no thought of the destination. It is, as Ishikawa writes
in The Countenance, 'the movements of the human mind manifested
in the workings of language'.
Ishikawa is also widely known for his novels. These describe
characters but their 'beauty is in the workings of language, not in its
approximation to a human image. Such things as the relationship
between a written image of a person and a person who actually
exists have no artistic significance at all.' In this sense at least they
are the same as the essays. Ishikawa Jun's masterpieces are his
surrealistic short works. During the war years he wro.!e Fugen and
Song of Mars, and after the war his works include Ogon densetsu
(Golden Legend, 1946), Yakeato no Iesu (Jesus in the Ashes, 1946), Shion
monogatari (Asters, 1956), Kiju dojo (Seventy-seven-year-old Girl Child,
1960). To these can be added a parody of the Sino-Japanese classics,
Otogibanashi Kiyomori (Kiyomori: A Story with a Comic Ending, 1951).
Every one of these stories is unique.
Kobayashi Hideo wrote on Rimbaud, Mozart and the art of
Cezanne. He considered the life of Dostoievski in Dosutoefusuki no
seikatsu (Dostoievski's Life, 1939). In his finest work,Motoori
Norinaga, he discussed art and scholarship together with life. All
the characteristics of his thought, especially on history, are to be
found encapsulated in this work. He discusses Norinaga's 'heart'
and the worship of antiquity which is part of it, and he describes
with great vividness how this faith was the motivation which
supported Norinaga and turned him toward ancient philology.
Without Kobayashi's poetical sensitivity such an insight and
description would have been impossible. However, his account of
the positivistic methods of this philological study is obscure, as is his
defence of Norinaga's conflation of myth and history, of 'the word'
and 'the thing'. Even if 'words' are the same as 'things' in the
'heart' of the historian this does not necessarily mean that they are
identical in the world in general. It is not enough to link the
interiority of the 'heart' with the exteriority of the historical world
by invoking the 'hearts' of the majority of the people, as in the
description 'history which lives in the daily lives of the great
majority of the people of this nation'. In the age of the Kojiki there
were undoubtedly people, but they were unaware that they were
the 'people' of a nation.
Kobayashi's writing is probably the first Japanese prose capable
of discussing accurately the secrets of artistic structure. In this sense
it was Kobayashi who made criticism into a work of literature. But
this epoch-making work was not accomplished without paying a
price - the relinquishment of a rigorous and effective method of
perceiving and understanding that part of the exterior world that
transcends human interiority, the natural and social world.
The reactions of Hayashi, Ishikawa and Kobayashi to the
challenge of western thought in the interwar years reflected the
structure of Japanese culture since the Tokugawa period and,
indeed, since the Heian period. The confirmation of self-identity by
interior direct experience, manoeuvres using foreign conceptual
tools to find a way through to the objective world, art as irony
directed against power, forms which stress the sophistication of the
part rather than the whole - all of these were already evident in
Baigan, Sorai and the kyoka poets of the Tokugawa period.
The Post-war Years
t is impossible to consider personal experience of war in the period
of Japan's invasion of China and the Pacific war separately from
experience of Japanese Fascism. The attempts at self-understanding
and understanding of Japanese Fascism which appeared in the years
after the war, from analyses of the economic background to theories
of the state, from sociopsychological explanations to critiques of the
traditional culture, took various directions. Of these the work in the
field of ideas that provided an analysis and description which was
the most exhaustive and probably the most influential on the youth
of the time was Gendai seiji no shiso to kodo (Ideas and Behaviour in
Modern Politics, Part 11956, Part 2 1957) by Maruyama Masao (1914-).
The essays in this collection included Chokokkashugi no ronri to shinri
(The Theory and Psychology of Supernationalism, 1946), Nihon fashizumu
no shiso to undo (The Thought and the Movement of Japanese Fascism,
1947), and Gunkoku shihaisha no seishin keitai (The Mentality of the
Rulers of a Militaristic State, 1949).
In these Maruyama compares the history and system of Japanese
Fascism with those of Nazism and indicates the special character-
istics of the former: in ideological terms, the 'family state',
agriculturalism, 'Greater Asianism'; in organizational terms, the
preservation of the existing state structure, the lack of mass
organizations; in terms of supporters, the predominance of owners
of small factories, small landowners, minor officials (plus the
passive support of the urban salary-earners and the intelligentsia);
and the mode of development in which Fascism from below was
continuously integrated into Fascism from above. This process took
place against a background of relatively undeveloped industrializa-
tion and democracy (in comparison with Germany). Thus the type
of Fascism which came about in Japan was different from that in
Germany. The basic structure of the democratically underdeveloped
imperial state meant that the state sovereignty was not committed to
any absolute value that transcended itself. In his essay on
supernationalism, Maruyama says, 'The result of the sovereign
state's unitary monopoly of spiritual authority and political power
was that the actions of the state carry within them (as national
polity) criteria of substantive legitimacy and therefore the state's
actions, both domestic and international, do not conform to any
moral norm which is above the state.' In other words, 'The ruler is in
himself the embodiment of an absolute value.' The legitimacy of the
state is not subject to legality but is normative in nature. Thus the
people exist to serve the state and the state does not exist to serve
the people.
Moreover the leaders of the state do not accept the responsibility
for their own decisions. This is not a matter of simple individual
morals; there is a device within the system whereby they can avoid
the responsibility. The distinctive feature of the statements of the
defendants in the Tokyo trial in comparison to those at Nuremberg
can be summed up as 'submission to existing facts' and 'flight to
closely circumscribed areas of authority'. The former of these
consists of the defence that 'I only went along with what everyone
else wanted.' What everyone wants is 'the ways things develop',
'the general trends'. Or as Maruyama puts it in The Mentality of the
Rulers, 'something which has already been created; or rather, to put
it more clearly, something that has arisen from somewhere'.
According to what the defendants at the Tokyo trials said, the
leaders of Japan began the Pacific War despite the fact that not one
of them personally wanted to do so. The other distinctive defence
consisted of the claim that no specific member of the government
had the authority to make any specific decision. In practice this
meant that because the authority and responsibility for supervising
military discipline was, according to army regulations, that of the
divisional commander alone, the commander-in-chief in China need
not accept responsibility for such things as the Nankin massacre.
Thus the basis for the behaviour of the group is not the conscious
decisions of its members but the 'general trends' of the homo-,
geneous group as a whole to move in' a certain direction. The
responsibility for any action cannot be attributed to any individual
but is dispersed throughout the group.
The analysis of Japanese Fascism extends beyond questions of the
stage of industrial development and geopolitical conditions to the
lack of any values which transcend the group and the tendency for
the individual to be integrated into the group, both peculiarities of
the Japanese world-view throughout the ages. The
ism which arose in the thirties was not an exception in the history of
Japanese ideas but an extreme extension of something which had
always been latent. We can say that this view is consistently held in
all of Maruyama Masao's works. Before his studies of Japanese
Fascism, Maruyama had during the war years written Nihon
seijishisoshi kenkyu (Studies of the History of Japanese Political Thought,
1952) and after it he wrote Rekislti isltiki no koso (Ancient Substrata in
Historical Consciousness, 1972). The former emphasizes Sorai's notion
of 'history made by man' and in contrast to Sorai clearly shows the
notion common to most thinkers (especially Confucianists) of the
Tokugawa period of the continuity of natural and social orders and
'history that comes about of itself'. The latter goes further back and
recognizes in the Kojiki the same special characteristics of historical
consciousness; the terms he takes as typical include: 'become -
come about', 'next - one after another', and 'trend'. History is
something that 'comes about from one thing to another' and the
attitude which an individual should adopt to history is to perceive
'the trend of what is going to come about' and not go against it.
The Japanese indigenous world-view is basically sublunary and
contains no transcendent values. It is characterized by the
integration of the individual into the group and concentrates in
spatial terms on the part rather than the whole, and in temporal
terms on the present rather than an overall view which includes past
and present. Not only does it manifest itself in political and
historical consciousness, as Maruyama points out, but as we have
seen in the course of this history, it is found in the field of aesthetics
and the entire range of behaviour. The history of Japanese literature
can be described as a history of the multiplex expression of a process
of challenge by external and transcendental world-views to this
indigenous world-view, which internalizes them and at the same
time secularizes and' de-transcendentalizes' them.
For many personal experience of the war meant the
battlefield. ForOoka Shohei (1909-) this combat experience besame
the foundation of and gave consistency to his literary work. Ooka,
who had translated works by and about Stendhal, was drafted into
the army at the age of thirty-five and sent to the Philippine island of
Mindoro in 1944. There he was taken prisoner by the American
forces when they landed the following year and sent to a POW camp
on Leyte where he stayed until the end of the war. After returning
to Japan he wrote Furyoki (Memoirs of a Prisoner of War, begun 1946,
published 1948) which begins with the experience of the author as a
soldier' in a small, isolated platoon left behind by the retreating
Japanese army, wandering around the tropical hills in search not of
combat but the means of his own survival. It continues with a record
of the life in the camp to which he was sent after being made
prisoner. His life in the hills was an extreme situation both because
of the imminent probabaility of death and the harsh physical
conditions. In these circumstances, nature came to appear extremely
beautiful. However, when his comrades began to die around him,
he suddenly began to 'believe in survival' and consider it 'fatuous to
die the victim of an idiotic battle strategy'. His concern turned from
the beauty of nature to ways of surviving this crisis. For his efforts to
survive, nature was no more than one of the given conditions.
The first part of Memoirs of a Prisoner of War, which describes the
psychological state and behaviour of the hunted hero in coolly
reflective, concise and accurate prose, is one of the finest pieces of
writing to come from experience of Pacific War combat. The later
part, which describes the camps, is a record of the behaviour of
Japanese after the collapse of the group to which they belong and
also of the values, if any, which they have internalized. Even
professional soldiers, once the army had been disbanded and the
order in which they believed had been lost, had no beliefs which
could help them or encourage them to continue living. The
observations Maruyama Masao made at the Tokyo trials and those
Ooka made at the Leyte camp are, for good or ill, in complete

Ooka went on from Memoirs of a Prisoner of War to develop the
theme of cannibalism, mentioned in this work, in the novel Nobi
(Fire on the Plain, 1951). The hero of Memoirs of a Prisoner of War does
not kill an American soldier when he has a chance to do so, but the
hero of Fire on the Plain shoots a Filipino woman. Fire on the Plain is a
work which re-examines, as an internal human problem, a of
action which was not made in Memoirs of a Prisoner of War. Ooka's
next maior work was Reite senki (A Record of the Battle of Leyte, 1967-
69). As Ooka himself says in the afterword to the 1971 edition, this is
an overview, based on both American and Japanese records, of the
Philippine battles which he had already described from the
viewpoint of an individual soldier in Memoirs of a Prisoner and Fire
on the Plain. Leyte Island was the site of a decisive battle between the
American and Japanese forces in which about ninety thousand
Japanese troops died. The Battle of Leyte is an exhaustive account of
the 'decisions, strategy and the progress and result of the battle'.
The concise prose in which the author describes the movements of
the two armies and expresses this overall idea is almost reminiscent
of Voltaire's Charles XII. Further, what becomes clearer and clearer
during the progress of the account is the madness of war in which
human beings devote all their effort to the destruction of human
beings and the fate of the local inhabitants who, although not
directly involved, are dragged into this madness and become its'
greatest victims. The Battle of Leyte, written thirty years after the war,
is the finest work of war literature since the Tale of the House of Taira.
Noma Hiroshi (1915-) has written about army life not on the
battlefield but in the barracks. Noma himself spent three years living
in barracks, from 1941 to 1944. During this time he experienced
battle in China and the Philippines, stayed in a field hospital, and
was arrested by the Kenpeitai military police, court-martialled and
sent to military prison. He wrote the novel Shinkiichitai (Empty Zone,
1952) as he said out of 'the anger pent up inside me towards the
army and war'. Empty Zone indeed shows that raging anger can give
verisimilitude to a novel.
If Ibuse Masuji's novel on the tragedy of the atomic bombing,
Black Rain, examines it from the outside, Shi no shima (Island of Death,
1966-71), a novel by Fukunaga Takehiko (1918-79), recounts how the
experience of the same tragedy is interiorized into the spirit of one
woman, the heroine of the work. This novel makes use of the new
stylistic devices of postwar fiction with its multiple streams of time,
interior monologues by the heroine and the mixing of the writing of
one character - a would-be novelist - with descriptions of his
The experience of Japan's defeat, reflected directly or indirectly
in the work of many writers, is perhaps symbolized most acutely in
the novels such as Shayo (Setting Sun, 1947) and Ningen shikkaku
(Unfit to Be Human, 1948) of Dazai Osamu (1909-48). Dazai, the son
of a large landowner in Tsugaru, began writing at an early age,
joining the Japan Romantic Movement in the thirties. When he was
a university student he took part in some illegal activities of the
Communist party, but two years later in 1932 gave himself up to the
police and 'recanted'. He attempted suicide four times at intervals
of some years. Dazai's '1 novels' testify to the vain pride and
adjustment to failure of an old Tsugaru family and are a memorial
to the beautification of a failed life and to narcissism. However, no
novels have described so well the collapse of the character of a
sickly, weak-willed, vain and acutely sensitive man. They are of
course solely concerned with the author's personal life, not with
the fate of the Japanese empire. However, Dazai did write Setting
Sun at the time that the sun of the empire was setting and Unfit to Be
Human when Japan was found to be unfit to be an independent
The long process of renewing the social system, industrial
technology and scholarly methods of Japan on western models
which began with the Meiji Restoration meant the assimilation into
Japanese of a large number of concepts translated from western
languages and at the same time created the habit of using western
society as a reference when considering Japanese history and
society. This process, which had been interrupted by war and
supernationalism, resumed after the war and involved both intense
curiosity and reflection on the shallowness of Japanese under-
standing of the West. Among the things which were subject to
reconsideration were the differences between concepts translated
into Japanese and the same concepts expressed in the original
languages, the fragility of the relationship between the people of
Japan and the intellectual systems they had imported and their lack
of direct experience of the western societies which had produced the
thought. Given that Japan had been learning from the West and
would continue to do so, it was necessary to improve as far as
possible the way in which she was to learn.
This approach was adopted most enthusiastically by Mori
Arimasa (1911-76). Mori, who had published articles on Pascal
during and after the war, left occupied Tokyo in 1950 and moved to
Paris at the age of forty with the intention of studying Descartes.
The 'culture shock' of this first encounter with western society must
have been considerable for Mori, who had not previously left Japan.
To overcome this shock was a necessary condition for him to work
productively in his researches of French literature. How could he
overcome it? The way that Mori chose was to go beyond a merely
intellectual approach and to try to give a personal form to the
entirety of his experience of French culture; not to explicate French
concepts on the basis of his Japanese experience - which would
merely be translation - but to comprehend French concepts through
his experience of French culture. Or, as Mori himself said, to define
concepts as they related to himself.
This was a long process of acclimatization, a second socialization
consciously chosen. Mori described it as his 'preparations for
departure' in Tozakaru Notorudamu (Notre Dame Ever More Distant,
1974). However, 'preparations for departure' are not in themselves
,departure'. Although Mori lived in France for twenty-five years, he
did not write on Descartes in French even once during this time; nor
did he write in Japanese about Japanese culture. What he did write
about continually was his 'preparations for departure' - what the
effects of his experience in France had on him and what parts of his
contact with this alien culture he considered decisive. This series of
works, from Babiron no nagare no hoton nite (By the Waters of Babylon,
1957) to Harukanaru Notorudamu (Faraway Notre Dame, 1976), written
in a style that is both lyrical and incisively analytical, shows a
knowledge of French culture and a keen sensibility. His writing is
not systematic or rigorously structured, but its individual parts are
rich in beautiful descriptions and profound insights. They are
masterpieces of the reflectively philosophical essay in the Japanese
mode. As interior testimony of the contact and confrontation
between the Japanese and western cultures there has been no other
writing so precise and detailed.
Mori seems to have regarded 'experience' as being at the basis of
his interior world and to have started from the concept of
completely subjective experience in the formation of his own
philosophy. At the same time he was aware of the objective world
order which transcends subjective experience. Unfortunately, ill-
health prevented him from extending this to a discussion of the
theoretical relationship between interior experience and exterior
order. Mori Arimasa moved in the direction of the West and by
doing so approached his interior self; he did not attempt to enter
into and discuss Japanese culture. Or perhaps his efforts to do so
came too late.
In post-war Japan, however, there has been no lack of writers
who have attempted to absorb the literary heritage of western
Europe and at the same time to find support for their creative work
in the native tradition. The playwright Kinoshita Junji, for instance
(1914-), combined what he learned from modern European drama
with his long familiarity with Japanese folk-tales to produce, in the
play Shigosen no matsuri (Festival of the Meridian, first performed in
1979), one of the most successful examples of this kind of drama in
Japan. The literary critic Terada Toru (1915-) while referring to
French literature concentrated his attention on the culture of Japan,
particularly that of the middle ages and the figure of Dogen. In his
Dagen no gengouchii (The Linguistic Universe of Dagen, 1974) he
analyses the recorded sayings of the Zen master not as a means of
Zen discipline but as a complete linguistic system in themselves,
emphasizing the relationship between this system and the nature of
the man himself. Zen does not require verbal expression, but once
such an expression has been made it inevitably becomes the object
of structural analysis, at;l approach which Terada may well have
learned from the French literary tradition. Also the poet in Terada
caused him to examine the intimate and inseparable relationship
between thought and personality. The Linguistic Universe of Dagen,
the product of a fusion of these two approaches, is certainly one of
the high points of postwar literary criticism.
The novelist Nakamura Shin'ichiro (1918-) has translated Nerval,
produced a work on Heian literature (1957), and written a large
number of novels in which dream and reality, memories and the
present are mingled. In 1971 he completed Rai San'ya and His Times,
a work which shows the influence of Proust. Proust's characters and
their association in the salons of the period were only possible in a
culture which had been refined over a long period, and they have
more in common with the life of the literati of the late Tokugawa
period than the life and customs of present-day Tokyo, a vigorous
and unpolished city which has recently risen from the ashes of
destruction. It is certainly not the case that Kinoshita, Terada and
Nakamura have turned back to Japanese tradition after a youthful
infatuation with the writings of the West. Their involvement with
western culture is deep and will obviously be lifelong. And at the
same time, Terada's concern with the written works of Dagen,
Kinoshita's with folktales and Nakamura's with The Tale of Genji
were interests that they had had throughout their lives, rather than
concerns of relative old age.
Tsurumi Shunsuke (1922-) is the writer in whose work and
thought it is possible to see the direct and possibly the most
profound influence of the United States. Tsurumi went to live in
America at an early age in 1938, and after studying at university
there he returned to Japan during the Pacific war with other
repatriated Japanese. In his book Nihdn shisa no kanasei (The
Possibilities of Japanese Thought, 1964) he gives as his reason for
returning 'the feeling that at the time of her defeat, my place was in
Japan'. This feeling was related to 'the realization that there was
only one place to work for those who associated themselves with the
Japanese language and Japanese culture'. The urban intellectuals
and pseudo-intellectuals are not the only people who 'associate
themselves with the Japanese language and Japanese culture'; all
Japanese do so, especially the ordinary Japanese who feel a quiet
pride in being Japanese. The 'America' within Tsurumi had of
course become a part of him. The many articles he wrote for the
magazine Shisa no kagaku (TIte Science of Thought, founded 1946) were
not, however, concerned with his own experience of America but
with contemporary Japanese society, and instead of explicating the
theory of American thought Tsurumi found new subjects in the
world around him and discussed them in a positivistic manner that
stands out from the works of other Japanese intellectuals. He and
the other contributors to The Science of Thought examined the
phenomenon of political 'conversion' (tenka) in an organized and
positivistic manner for the first time and analysed and examined the
worth and historical significance of popular art - from the popular
novel to the iroha karuta playing cards. Tsurumi's ability to find
interesting subjects is outstanding, perhaps because part of his
personality has been formed by another culture and he is therefore
free to distance himself intellectually from Japanese culture.
His distinctive style of writing which constantly maintains a
tension between everyday language and the terminology of ideas,
advances and develops rigorous arguments in the form of everyday
conversation. It is not particularly difficult to write lyrically in
Japanese, but it is by no means easy to write with intellectual rigour.
Tsurumi's style is clearly a contribution to Japanese prose.
Tsurumi has also discovered a distinctive mode of behaviour, an
attempt to live out the beliefs of the 'libertarian left' of the American
thirties in Japanese society. In a society with a strong group-
orientation, few individuals attempt to plan their lives in accordance
with their own beliefs. When an individual does not do this, his life
is very secure; to do so he must make great sacrifices. Again in a
country where the active left has always adopted a Marxist position,
there are even fewer active members of the libertarian left. The
America of the thirties created the man who in the sixties joined sit-
down protests against the Vietnam War at the American Embassy of
After the war Japan opened up again, not only to the West but
also to China. The figure who testified to this opening most dearly
was Takeuchi Yoshirni (1910-77), whose writings are for the most
part to be found in Takeuchi Yosltimi hyorollsltii (Collected Criticism)
published in 1966. Takeuchi viewed China through the work of Lu
Xun and the modem history of Japan through China. If we follow
Takeuchi, the central point of Lu Xun's thought was that in China
between the two wars, when the country was subjected to
colonialization, 'the slave and the slave's master are the same'.
The slave was China or in a wider sense, Asia. Its 'master' was,
directly, western imperialism and, indirectly, western culture. The
relationship between theruIer and the ruled corrupted and
dehumanized both parties. It was not that justice was on the side
of the slaves and their masters were unjust, but that the evil
stemmed from the relationship. Thus no solution could be found if
the slaves rose to be masters (as in the case of the modernization of
Japan); the only possible solution lay in a rejection of both slaves
and masters, self-reform on the part of the slaves and resistance
against the masters. In other words, revolutionary anti-colonialism
and anti-imperialism (as in the case of the modernization of China).
In 1948, the year Takeuchi wrote Chiigoku no kindai to Nihon no
kindai (China's Modern Age and Japan's Modern Age), the People's
Liberation Army led by Mao Zedong was attempting to free China
from foreign imperialism and effect a fundamental reform of Chinese
society. The slaves were attempting to become free themselves,
smashing both their domestic and foreign masters. This, as Takeuchi
perceived, was a situation fundamentally different from that which
obtained at the Meiji Restoration. Takeuchi further claimed that this
difference in itself meant that whereas China rejected and resisted
western culture, the Japan of the time of the Restoration accepted it
without resistance and planned its 'modernization' on this basis. It
was this that made Japanese imperialism inevitable.
Later criticism of the Cultural Revolution and Mao Zedong has
not changed the acuteness of Takeuchi's insights into Lu Xun and
the Chinese revolution since the combination of a movement for
national liberation and revolution is not unique to China. He
pointed out that neither western societies nor Japan could have
produced a figure like Lu Xun. And in fact Frantz Fanon was not
born in France nor Che Guevara born in the United States. It is
impossibly difficult for people in France, America or Japan to
understand such figures for such understanding requires some
degree of identitification. Takeuchi was one of the rare Japanese
whose capability for understanding reached the very limit of
possibility. He argued strongly that the ruled must of necessity start
from their own special circumstances and that the rationality and
universality of western culture was indivisible from the particular
circumstance that the West was in a dominant position. He criticized
Japanese 'academic conservatism' with its western orientation,
Japanese bureaucracy and the attitudes of the leaders of the
Japanese Communist party.
Takeuchi's arguments were concentrated on Lu Xun's China and
a critique of Japanese modernization, but they also served to rouSe
interest in the Third World in general for some Japanese
intellectuals. The background to this surge in interest was the
Vietnam War and the massive advance of Japanese capitalism into
South Korea, Taiwan and Southeast Asia. Oda Minoru (1932-), one
of the founders with Tsurumi Shunsuke of the Association for Peace
in Vietnam (1956-74) and an organizer of popular demonstrations
against the Vietnam War, travelled extensively, speaking and
dashing off pieces criticizing the political, economic and cultural
power-structure of Japan from. a position of solidarity or at least
attempted solidarity with Korean and Southeast Asian anti-
establishment intellectuals. When writing in a Palestinian camp,
there was no time to construct a classical style. This meant that he
addressed the reader in the tones of daily conversation, charged
with vigour and challenge. Consciousness of being open to the
Third World created a new type of Japanese author in Oda.
Hotta Yoshie (1918-) frequently a Japanese delegate to the Asian
and African Writers' Association, also turned his concern to the
Third World. He has written Indo de kangaeta koto (Thoughts in India,
1957) and Goya (1973-76) in which he examines the Spain of the time
through the painter; for him Spain is the place where Western
Europe meets the Third World. Mter returning to Japan from
Shanghai, where he was at the end of the war, Hotta wrote several
novels, such as Hiroba no kodoku (Solitude in the Public Square, 1951), in
which he examined the significance of the Pacific War and linked it
with the invasion of China.
Takeuchi Yoshimi and his friend Takeda Taijun (1912-76) were
also in Shanghai at the end of the war. Takeda, who was a
Buddhist, participated in the left-wing movements of the thirties,
became a student of the Chinese classics and during the war
published the masterly Shi ba sen (Si Ma Qian, 1943), which was
republished in 1948 as Shiki no sekai (The World of the Historical
Records). After the war he wrote a number of novels, such as
Hikarigoke (Luminous Moss, 1954), in which he examined people in
extrem!,! situations. These novels were not set in the Third World
but Takeda was obviously conscious that the same kind of
conditions that are created in the Third World by American military
power and Japanese economic power can be created within
Japanese society - in an Ainu village or in a mental hospital. It can
be said that these authors discovered a reference group other than
the states of Western Europe and America - Asia and the Third
The Japanese economic recovery was followed by economic
expansion. Through the sixties and the seventies the number of
people engaged in agriculture decreased (it was, according to the
statistics of the Prime Minister's Office, only 12.6 per cent of the
population in 1975), workers became members of the middle class
and the power structure was stable. But as the student protests of
the late sixties indicated, reaction against a diplomatic policy which
simply followed America and a domestic policy of a highly managed
society increased the underlying instability of the social system.
What the stability of this managed society produced in the field of
literature was compartmentalization and commercialism, with the
development of the mass media. Compartmentalization means that
authors concentrate their attentions on areas 'peculiar to literature',
particularly the aesthetics and psychology of personal life, taking
the social system that exists as assumed, a precondition. Commer-
cialism has meant an adaptation to popular conservative values
along with sensationalism. The managed society, with its absolute
preference for economic, particularly industrial, prosperity has
focused the attention of some writers to isolated individuals and
minority groups and caused doubts and criticisms about society as a
whole. The attitude of these writers varies from nostalgia for the old
days to an insistence that the democratization of Japan should be
taken further. Of course 'the good old days' and 'democracy' mean
different things to different people.
Yasuoka Shotaro (1920-) for instance limits the world of his
novels to the life of the world around him and describes its delicate
psychological variations with an accuracy reminiscent of that of
Shiga Naoya, adding to it a humour similar to that of Ibuse Masuji.
In Amerika kanjo ryoko (America: A Sentimental Journey, 1962) he
recounts his experiences when he stayed for a little less than a year
in an American rural town. This small work has almost no new
information on America, the huge country with which Japan has
such a close relationship. However few books have described so
well the sense of being out of place, feelings of irritation and other
subtle changes of mood of a Japanese cast suddenly into the alien
environment of America. The world only exists in so far as it extends
some influence into the compartmentalized 'personal space' of the
author, and the difference between Japan and America is, in the
end, merely that the author is familiar with one but not the other,
Mishima Yukio (1925-70) was also a typical expression of
compartmentalization. If we can make a connection between
Yasuoka and Shiga Naoya, then Mishima can be seen as following
the tradition of Yasuda Yojiiro. Yasuoka is a psychological writer
and not an aesthete while Mishima was an unsophisticated aesthete
rather than a psychological writer. As Mishima's biographer John
Nathan has said, at the heart of Mishima's personality was the
glorification of the erotic death. This aesthetic was made up of Eros,
death and the affected style ('gongorism') of the Japanese Romantic
School. As Kyoto's Temple of the Golden Pavilion around which he
constructed his book Kinkakuji was a microcosm isolated from
society, so Mishima made no attempt to include the reality of
postwar Japanese history and society into his aesthetic 'compart-
ment'. This however was only one aspect of the complex
phenomenon of Mishima Yukio.
Mishima was probably the author who most used, and was most
used by, the commercialism of mass society. Far from shutting
himself up in his aesthetic 'compartment', he devised and carried
out a variety of activities designed to attract the attention of the mass
media. He practised various kinds of traditional Japanese swords-
manship, held an exhibition of nude photographs of himself and led
some of his colleagues through part of the training of the Japanese
Self-Defence Force. In 1912 General Nogi committed suicide in such
a way that no one knew of it until his body was discovered; in 1970
when Mishima occupied part of the headquarters of the SDF by
force to perform his seppuku he had already informed the press of
the place and time. In the postwar mass society, several writers have
become 'personalities', appearing on television to advertise com-
mercial products as if they were actors, singers or sportsmen. None,
however, has equalled Mishima's record of being continually at the
centre of sensational news. This was his second aspect.
As a writer, from his first novel Kamen no kokuhaku (Confessions of a
Mask, 1949) to Kinkakuji (The Temple of The Golden Pavilion, 1956),
Mishima was certainly not interested merely in getting his works to
sell. His sense of values, either aesthetic or political, were not those
of the masses of the high-growth society. In order to appeal to some
hundred thousands of readers the values of the novel must be
identical with those of the masses or at least must give the masses
that impression. Nakazato Kaizan, Osaragi Jiro and Yoshikawa Eiji
all fulfilled this condition in their respective ages. In the age of
economic expansion it has been Shiba Ryotaro (1923-) who has done
so. Shiba's heroes are no longer the brave swordsmen of yore, but
intellectual heroes; no longer playing completely fictitious parts, but
close to actual figures; and they live in a closely researched Japan of
the last years of the shogunate and the early years of Meiji or the
period of the Russo-Japanese War, These heroes, although
unconventional in their personal life, are able men capable of
leadership, strong will and accurate assessment of the true state of
affairs. Here we find reflected the divided dream of the ' super-
diligent employee' in the managed society, at once yearning to
escape from the cast of convention and at the sam.e time praying for
success within it. The readers do learn some history through these
books, however, or at least believe that they are doing so as they
enjoy the stirring story.
The novels of Abe Kobo (1924-) have, since Suna no onna (Woman
of the Dunes, 1962), consistently presented a vision of the alienation
of the individual as he is tangled up with and sucked into the
organization and his feeling of powerlessness when he seeks to
confront it. This is the image of a helpless insect sliding into the ant-
lion's trap. He describes fantastic scenes in an almost allegorical
way, with an eeriness that is reminiscent of Kafka. The most
extreme case of a minority group alienated from a society which
puts industrial growth and increase in production before all else has
been the victims of environmental pollution. The Minamata poet
Ishimura Michiko (1927-) formed the Peoples Conference on
Minamata Disease in order to help the victims of mercury pollution
of the sea (in 1968) and wrote on the plight of the victims. She has
also written vividly and beautifully on the culture and nature of the
area later ruined by a social system which inevitably brought about
Minamata disease, mingling her descriptions with evocations of the
country of her youth in Tsubaki no umi no ki (Memories of the Sea of
Camellias, 1976). A clearly expressed nostalgia for earlier days as part
of a critique of the social system was also present in Mishima Yukio.
For Mishima 'the good old days' meant the thirties, the age when
the emperor was divine and in some vague way 'the centre of
cultural unity'.
What did Marxism mean for the generation of writers that came
after Nakano Shigeharu and Miyamoto Yurlko? The literary critics of
the magazine Kindai bungaku (founded 1946), such as Ara Masahito
(1913-79), who were active between 1945 and 1960, were represen-
tative of the trends of the times. The main point that they made in
their work was that Marxist literature should be liberated from the
overriding concern for politics of the Communist party.
There have, however, also been spokesmen for the post-1960
generation who do not rely on Marxism in their consistent,
continual and trenchant criticism, constantly emphasising a need
for 'thorough democratization', or rather 'thorough humanization'.
Inoue Hisashi (1934-) is one of these. Through the use of masterly
verbal manipulation, he has transformed popular entertainment
into a vehicle for criticism of social conditions and revivified the
tradition of the Tokugawa senryu and kyoka for today. The comedy
Shimijimi Nihon, Nogi taisho Uapanissimo: General Nogi, first
performed 1979) is probably the most biting criticism of the
administration of Emperor ~ j ever to be performed on the
Japanese stage. Another is Oe Kenzaburo (1935-), :vho iI? his
Hiroshima noto (Hiroshima Notes, 1965) and Okinawa noto (Okmawa
Notes, 1970) discusses the isolated bomb victims and the local
societies smashed by war and the American bases - in other words,
the 'Third World' within Japan showing throughout resistance to
the powers that have brought them about. In his novels he touches
upon almost all of the latent elements of instability contained in the
post-1960 social system. These works include Koz!!.i. w ~ U!.agatamashii
ni oyobi (The Flood Reaches My Soul, 1973) and DOJzdaz gemu (Coeval
Games, 1979). The former is a critique, through the eyes of a
mentally handicapped boy, of an aggressive and destructive
civilization which worships organization and efficiency; the latter
describes, in an even more fantastic, comic and varied narrative, the
war between a village-state-microcosm in the mountains of Shikoku
and the Japanese empire. This concerns such things as the myth of
regional autonomy, the gigantification of the state and its blind
thrashings contrasted with the freshness of the green, fertile natural
environment and its meaning for humanity.
Why does Oe protest and resist? He is not a critic of political
policies. Nor is he, like Marxist critics, a revolutionary attempting to
propose an alternative system to the 'economic superpower' of the
last twenty years. In fantastic tales and life-styles, from Rabelais to
the hippies, he clearly shows his support for rejection of the value
system that upholds the established society. The positive values
which this rejection depends on include peace, trees and the
preciousness of human life. And it is these values, fragile as they
are, which will remain unexpressed if not given a voice by the
writer. The conditions of the age - or the reality of a generation - are
revealed not by acceptance and description but rather by moving
beyond criticism to rejection and attempts to prevail over them.
chika renga
biwa hoshi
Some short definitions, intended to supplement the text.
aragoto A bravura style of kabuki acting.
Azama-uta A group of poems or 'songs', principally
found in the 14th scroll of the Man'yoshu,
composed by the common people of the
eastern provinces of Japan.
The government of a shogun.
The generic name given to the elegies of the
A traditional Japanese stringed musical instru-
ment, rather resembling a lute.
Blind itinerant Buddhist monks of the medie-
val period who sang lays and ballads to the
accompaniment of the biwa. Such monks
disseminated news and were important in
the genesis of such works as Heike monogatan.
An ancient form of ceremonial court music
imported from Tang China.
The martial arts.
'Literati'. A style consciously adopted by
some Japanese artists who sought inspiration
from the Chinese literati school, adopting this
ideal of cultured exile to the realities of Edo
period Japan.
A later term for ningyo jorun, taken from the
Bunraku-za theatre in Osaka (now the Asahi-
The unwritten ethical code of the samurai.
'Tea person'. Someone devoted to the cult
and ceremony of tea.
'Underground linked verse'. Linked verse
composed by non-aristocratic poets in the
fourteenth century, associated with the
Tsukubashu collection.
'Pleasure quarters'. A major subject for early
nineteenth century Chinese language verse.
'Long poem'. A poem comprising alternating
lines of five and seven syllables. It was of
Edo period
fuga no michi
indeterminate length and longer than the
tanka (short poem)
'Townsfolk/bourgeoisie'. The artisan and mer-
chant classes of the larger towns and cities of
the Edo period.
The teasingly obscure haikai style identified
with the group around the seventeenth
century poet Nishiyama Soin.
Rustic dance entertainment which was prac-
tised from the earliest times to the seven-
teenth century. Thought to be one of the
sources of no drama.
The period 1600-1867 during which Japan was
ruled by hereditary military rulers (shogun) of
the Tokugawa family and the capital was Edo
(present day Tokyo). Also known as the
Tokugawa period.
'Picture scrolls'. Narrative picture scrolls with
painted illustrations of the Heian, Kamakura
and Muromachi period.
Fixed epithets in poetry.
Gazetteers for each province of Japan com-
piled following a central government decree in
713. Each fudoki contained information on the
nature of the land, crops, roads, bridges,
provincial history etc. Only the Izumo fudoki
survives in anything like complete form.
'The unvarying'. One of the aspects of poetry
identified by Basho.
'The Way of Elegance'. A phrase used by
Basho to describe how art provides an escape
from life's imperfections.
One of the categories of kodai kayo or 'ancient
ballads', fuzoku-uta were a kind of pre-Nara
period folk song particularly associated with
the eastern provinces.
A form of stately music and dance imported
into the ancient Japanese court from Tang
'Art person'. Originally any entertainer called
in to entertain guests; later specifically a
woman trained in various elegant arts and
'Playful prose'. Writings in Chinese about the
more frivolous aspects of Edo life in the early
nineteenth century.
gunki monogatari
haikai renga
Heian period
ichigo ichie
'Duty'. What is owed to society as a whole
and/or other members of the social organisa-
tions to which one belongs.
'Military tales'. Generic term for works such
as the Heike monogatari and the Taiheiki of the
medieval period which took the events of war
for their basic themes.
An Edo period literary phenomenon, haibun
was a mixture of haiku poetry and prose in
which the prose served as a linking vehicle for
the poetry (as in Basho's travel diaries).
Short poem in the pattern 5-7-5, the form later
known as haiku.
Humorous renga-style poems which derived
the main part of their humour from parody
and crudity.
Practitioner of haikai.
Short poem in t.l'e pattern 5-7-5. _ .
'Raconteur'. Teller of comic stories (showa) to
chanin audiences from the second part of the
seventeenth century. Collections of the writ-
ten forms of the stories were also popular.
An 'envoy' poem. A waka poem appended to
the end of a choka; almost exclusively asso-
ciated with the Man 'yoshu.
The text of the collections of ballads relating
the rise and fall of the Taira family recited by
biwa hoshi. These formed the basis of the Heike
The initial verse of a renga
'Imitation'. A waka poem based on an earlier
model. The idea was to compose a new poem
giving a new slant on an older work. Honkadori
are particularly associated with the Shin
The ideal of the tea ceremony, that it should
be performed as the only, the most important,
in the performer's life.
'Stylishness'. An Edo ideal: polished in
appearance and manner and with a sophisti-
cated and sympathetic knowledge of the life of
the emotions.
'Period pieces'. Historical kabuki or ningyo
joruri plays.
The chanted, musically accompanied narra-
kana majiri
kinpira jaruri
tion of the action of a puppet (ningyo) play.
This provides both narrative and dialogue.
An introduction (of varying length) to a tanka
poem, often linked to the poem by a pivot
'Twelve-layered kimono', worn by ladies of
the Heian court. Each layer was of a different
colour, forming a vocabulary of seasonal and
aesthetic references.
Suicide on the death of one's lord as an act of
One of the national drama forms of Japan. It
became dominant in the eighteenth century
and ceased to develop after the Meiji Restora-
An early form of music and dance ballad
associated with the worship of Shinto deities
and dating back at least to the ninth century.
'Pivot word'. A kind of pun in which a word
has a different meaning' depending, for
example, on whether it is taken as part of
the preceding or succeeding phrase. (Thus 'I
wait below the pine(ing) for you')
'god'. An entity worthy of reverence.
A text written using a combination of Chinese
characters and one of the native syllabaries.
Short stories written in simple, classically
influenced Japanese, popular in the late
seventeenth century.
Chinese prose written in the Japanese style.
'The Immortals of Song'. As the most famous
36 late Heian waka poets were known by later
generations, for whom 36 was a significant
number for poem collections.
'Character pieces'. Short anecdotal descrip-
tions of social types by Ejima Kiseki (1667-
'Yellow-back'. A simple illustrated book of the
late eighteenth century, mainly concerned
with the life of the licensed quarters.
A group of late seventeenth century joruri
recounting, in flamboyant style, the adven-
tures of Sakata Kinpira. The style influenced
the later aragoto style of kabuki.
'Christian'. A Japanese convert to Christianity
by Portuguese missionaries in the middle to
makura kotoba
Meiji Restoration
Meiji period
mono no aware
late sixteenth century.
An insoluble paradox posed in Zen Buddhism
to stir the mind of the meditator into intuitive
Late eighteenth century comic story.
'The Way of Incense'. An elegant accomplish-
ment involving the appreciation and identifi-
cation of incense, which may be linked with
other arts.
A measure of rice. Samurai were paid in rice
and the wealth and power of a lord was
measured by the amount of rice the central
government decided it was possible to grow
on his land.
A thirteen-stringed instrument somewhat
resembling a zither.
Short popular songs of the Muromachi period,
adopted and sophisticated by the more cul-
tured classes.
The licensed quarters. During the Edo period,
in particular, the authorities sought to regulate
prostitution by confining it to specified en-
closed areas. These areas came to be a kind of
separate world within which the restraints of
the regulated life elsewhere were relaxed.
Short, humorous plays staged between per-
formances of no drama
A comic tanka.
Late eighteenth century comic verse
The protagonist in the first part of a no play.
'Pillow word'. A fixed epithet (usually of five
syllables) applied to a name in a tanka poem.
'Pillow books'. Pornographic books of the
eighteenth century.
The restoration of the absolute rule of the
emperor after the fall of the Tokugawa
'Journey'. A travel scene in either no or joruri.
In joruri the journey is typically that of lovers
to a glorious death and the style is charged
with emotion.
'The awareness of things'. An aesthetic
concept used to characterise Heian literature,
meaning an exquisite appreciation of the
temporal and its evanescence.
mono wa zukushi
Muromachi period
Nara period
ningyo joruri
Nippona Artista
l'roleta l'ederacio
odoke uta
rekishi monogatari
'Lists of things'. A favourite literary device of
female Heian writers, copied and parodied by
later writers.
See: Nippona Artista l'roleta l'ederacio
A puppet play accompanied by chanted joruri
'Human feelings', especially those of a perso-
nal and private nature.
'Books of human feelings'. Sentimental ro-
mantic novels popular in the first half of the
nineteenth century.
Esperanto title of Japanese Proletarian Arts
Federation, short-lived (1928-31) group of left-
wing writers promoting proletarian art and
The protagonist in the second part of a no
The punchline of a comic story.
Humorous poems of the Heian period
Overt aspects, particularly of character. cf ura
'Companion stories'. Specifically 23 Japanese
short stories published c. 1700 by the Osaka
publisher Shibukawa Seieimon and, by exten-
sion, the Muromachi short stories from which
he made this selection.
Modem name for comic monologues. cf showa
'Scribe's script'. A calligraphic style used for
inscriptions etc.
Historical tales of the late Heian period.
'Linked verse'. Originally a tanka in which the
first three lines (5-6-5 syllables) were com-
posed by one person and the concluding two
lines (7-7) by another. From the thirteenth
century this concept was elaborated into
sequences of 100 linked poems starting from
and sequentially developing a theme poem.
Modem term for linked haiku verse.
A masterless samurai.
A mode or quality of elegant simplicity,
especially associated with the poetry of
Matsuo Basho and his school.
'Closed country', The isolationist policy
adopted during the Edo period.
A Japanese warrior, dedicated to serve his
sarugaku no kyogen
sarugaku no no
seppuku (hara-kin)
An early form of entertainment, originating in
China, consisting of music, dancing, magi-
cians, acrobats, etc. Popular in Japan in the
tenth century.
A comic entertainment, featuring mimicry and
vocal comedy, popular in the Heian period.
The earliest form of kyQgen, associated with
The earliest form of no, associated with
'Head-repeated poem'. A poem, particularly
of the pre-Man'yoshii and Man'yoshii periods,
consisting of six lines in a 5-7-7/5-7-7 pattern,
with the final line of each half identical.
Melodramatic tales chanted to a simple
accompaniment by itinerant performers from
the mid-sixteenth century. Later used as
narratives for puppet plays.
Sharp witty short verses, popular from the
early Edo period.
Suicide by disembowelment (usually finished
by beheading by a 'second'), considered an
honourable end for a warrior.
Stories, either religious or secular, which
flourished in Japan from the eighth century
to the medieval period. Collections in the
Nihon Ryoiki and Konjaku monogatari.
'Domestic piece'. A kabuki or joruri piece which
deals with the life of 'ordinary people' as
distinct from historical or legendary characters.
Long-necked fretless Japanese lute with three
'Smart books'. Expert and intimate accounts
of life within the licensed quarters of the late
eighteenth century.
'Studies of the Heart'. A conservative moral
philosophy founded in the Edo period by
Ishida Baigan (1685-1744).
Empathy with nature.
Love poems following Chinese models.
'Naturalism'. A style of novel writing of the
early twentieth century which took its name,
if not its intent, from French naturalism.
The Basho style of haiku composition.
'Generalissimo'. Head of a military govern-
shusse monogatari
Tokugawa period
tsuzuki kyogen
Buddhist 'hymns' (of Indian origin) of the
ancient period.
'Novelist'. An eighteenth century writer con-
sciously imitating Chinese colloquial fiction
(or shosetsu).
'Laughing story'. See: hanashika.
'Career tales'. A form of otogizoshi recounting
successful careers.
Generic term for the love poems of the
A Japanese prose style characterised by a
rather Chinese vocabulary and the terminal
verb soro.
Chinese style ink paintings, particularly of the
Muromachi period.
Ink used in painting and calligraphy.
'Short poem'. A verse form in the 5-7-5-7-7
syllable pattern, the principal form of Japa-
nese lyrical poetry.
A dog raccoon; associated' with magic, trans-
formation and mischief.
The highest rank of courtesan in the licensed
A goblin.
Temple school, source of most primary educa-
tion prior to the Meiji Restoration.
See: Edo period.
The ideal sophisticated man about the li-
censed quarters, particularly of Edo.
The sophisticated playboy ideal of kibyoshi and
other genre fiction.
Kabuki plays of more than one scene. An
important early stage in its development from
music, dance and mime.
Tutelary deity.
'Pictures of the floating world'. Woodblock
prints of the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries, often depicting famous courtesans,
actors, landscapes or scenes from daily life.
Interior aspects, particularly of character. cf
An aesthetic criterion, meaning something
like 'refinement of expression' first used for
waka of the Kamakura period and subse-
quently developed if not made much more
precise. cf yugen.
uta monogatari
watakushi shosetsu
yakazu haikai
yaro kabuki
Yayoi period
'Picture tale'. A tale, such as Ise monogatari in
which the prose text serves as a connecting
background for waka.
Poetry contests, popular in Japan from the
tenth century, in which each contestant
composed on the same theme.
Ancient village entertainments or festivals
where young people could meet and exchange
love poems.
Place names used habitually in poetry because
of their romantic and poetic associations.
A mood or quality of tranquillity, especially of
a rustic nature. Associated with tea ceremony
and haikai.
'Japanese poem'. A generic term for Japanese
verse, later used exclusively to mean tanka.
The deuteragonist in a no play.
'I novel'. A novel of the early twentieth
century of a directly autobiographical nature.
Uncouthness; the opposite of iki.
An immense number of haikai composed at
'Men's kabuki'. The all-male troupes which
became established in the mid-seventeenth
century after women and young men's
troupes had been suppressed.
200 BC to 250 CEo
'Reading book'. Genre fiction popular in the
early nineteenth century, often historical
romances influenced by Chinese colloquial
fiction such as The Water Margin.
A kind of musical hall popular in the Edo
period and preserved today.
The most famous of the licensed quarters of
Edo and a major cultural centre.
An aesthetic criterion, meaning something
like 'indescribable subtlety' first used for waka
of the Kamakura period and subsequently
developed, if not made much more precise. cf
Generic term for miscellaneous poems in the
Essays, writings on various subjects.
his limited bibliography has been prepared by the translator to
serve as a guide to relatively easily available translations.
Abe Kobo
Friends. Translated by Donald Keene. New York: Grove Press, 1969.
Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1970.
The Man Who Turned into a Stick. Translated by Donald Keene.
Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1975.
The Woman in the Dunes. Translated by E. Dale Saunders. New York:
Alfred A. Knopf, 1966. Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1965.
London: Seeker and Warburg, 1965.
The Face of Another. Translated by E. Dale Saunders. New York:
Alfred A. Knopf, 1966. Rutland, Vt, 1967 Tokyo: Tuttle, 1967.
London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1969.
The Ruined Map. Translated by E. Dale Saunders. New York: Alfred
A. Knopf, 1969. Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1970. London:
Jonathan Cape, 1971.
Inter Ice Age Four. Translated by E. Dale Saunders. New York: Alfred
A. Knopf, 1970. Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1970. London:
Jonathan Cape, 1971.
The Box Man. Translated by E. Dale Saunders. New York: Alfred A.
Knopf, 1974. Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1975.
Akutagawa Ryiinosuke
1954-55. Ktzppa: A Novel. Translated by Geoffrey Bownas. Rutland,
Vt,and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1970. London: Owen,
Tu Tze-chun. Translated by Dorothy Bntton. Tokyo: Kodansha
International, 1964.
Exotic Japanese Stories: The Beautiful and the Grotesque. Translated by
Takashi Kojima. New York: Liveright, 1964.
Hell Screen and Other Stories. Translated by H.H. Norman. Westport,
Conn: Greenwood, 1970.
A Fool's Life. Translated by Will Peterson. Tokyo: Mushinsha, }97g.
Tales, Grotesque and Curious. Translated by Glenn W. Shaw. Tokyo:
Hokuseido Press, 1930.
Rashomon and Other Stories. Translated by Takashi Kojima. New
York: Liveright, 1952. New York: Bantam Books, 1959.
Arishima Takeo
The Agony of Coming into the World. Translated by Seiji Fujita. Tokyo:
Hokuseido, 1955. .
A Certain Woman. Translated by Kenneth Strong. Tokyo: University
of Tokyo Press, 1978.
See Matsuo Basho.
See Yosa Buson.
Chikamatsu Monzaemon
Major Plays of Chikamatsu. Translated by Donald Keene. New York
and London: Columbia University Press, 1961.
Chiishingura: The Treasury of Loyal Retainers. Translated by Donald
Keene. New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1971.
Dazai Osamu
The Setting Sun. Translated by Donald Keene. _No:folk, Conn.: J.
Caughlin, 1956. London: Peter Owen, 1958. Tokyo: Hara Shobo,
No Longer Human. Translated by Donald Keene. Norfolk, Conn.:
New Directions, 1958. London: Peter Owen, 1957.
Self-portraits: Tales from the Life of Japan's Great Decadent Romantic.
Translated by Ralph F. McCarthy. Tokyo: Kodansha International,
Futabatei Shimei
Ryan, Marleigh Grayer: Japan's First Modern Of
Futabatei Shimei. New York and London: ColumbIa Uruversity Press,
Hagiwara Sakutaro
. Howling at the Moon: Poems of Hagiwara Sakutaro. Translated by
Hiroshi Sato. Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1978. Seattle:
University of Washington Press, 1978.
Face at the Bottom of the World and Other Poems. Translated by Grae.me
Wilson. Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1969. London: Prentice-
Hall, 1969.
Heike monogatari
The Tale of the Heike. Translated by Helen Craig McCullough.
Stanford: Stanford University Press. 1968
Ibuse Masuji
Black Rain. Translated by John Bester. Tokyo: Kodansha Interna-
tional, 1969. London: Seeker and Warburg, 1971.
~ u t ~ n t Lookeast and Other Stories. Translated by John Bester.
Tokyo: Kodansha International, 1971.
John Manjiro: The Castaway, His Life and Adventures. Translated by
Hisakazu Kaneko. Tokyo: Hokuseido Press, 1946.
No Consultations Today. Translated by Edward G. Seidensticker.
Tokyo: Hara Shobo, 1964.
Waves: Two Short Novels. Translated by David Aylard and Anthony
Liman. Tokyo: Kodansha International, 1993.
Ihara Saikaku
The Japanese Family Storehouse or the Millionaire's Gospel Modernized.
Translated by G.W. Sargent. London and New York: Cambridge
University Press, 1959.
The Life of an Amorous Woman and Other Writings by Ihara Saikaku.
Translated by Ivan Morris. London: Chapman and Hall, 1963.
Some Final Words of Advice. Translated by Peter Nosco. Rutland, Vt,
and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1980.
Tales of Japanese Justice. Translated by Thomas M. Kondo and Alfred
H. Marks. Honolulu: University Press Of Hawaii, 1980.
This Scheming World. Translated by Masanori Takatsuka and David
C. Stubbs. Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1965.
The Great Mirror of Male Love. Translated by Paul Gordon Schalow.
Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990.
Ise monogatari
Tales of Ise. Translated by Helen Craig McCullough. Stanford:
Stanford University Press. 1968
Ishikawa Jun
Asters. Translated by Donald Keene. New York: Viking Press, 1961.
The Bodhisattva, or Samantabhadra. Translated by William Jefferson.
New York and London: Columbia University Press. 1990.
Ishikawa Takuboku
A Handful of Sand. Translated by Shio Sakanishi. Boston: Marshall
Jones, 1934.
Takuboku: Poems to Eat. Translated by Sesar Carl. Tokyo and Palo
Alto, Calif.: Kodansha International, 1966.
Ishimure Michiko
Paradise in the Sea of Sorrow. Translated by Livia Monnet. Tokyo:
Yamaguchi. 1990.
Izumi Kyoka
Japanese Gothic Tales. Translated by Charles Shiro Inouye. Honolulu:
University of Hawaii Press. 1996.
Jippensha Ikku
Shanks'Mare. Translated by Thomas R. Satchell. Rutland, Vt, and
Tokyo: Tuttle, 1960.
Kabuki: Five Classic Plays. Translated by James R. Brandon. Cam-
bridge, Mass, and London: Harvard University Press, 1975.
Kagero nikki
The Gossamer Years: the Diary of a Noblewoman of Heian Japan
Translated by Edward G. Seidensticker. Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo:
Tuttle, 1964.
Kawabata Yasunari
Beauty and Sadness. Translated by Howard Hibbett. New York:
Alfred A. Knopf, 1975.
Snow Country. Translated by Edward G. Seidensticker. New York:
Alfred A. Knopf, 1957. Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1957.
London: Seeker and Warburg, 1957.
Thousand Cranes. Translated by Edward G. Seidensticker. New York:
Alfred A. Knopf, 1958. Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1958.
The Izu Dancer and Other Stories. Translated by Edward G.
Seidenstieker. Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle,
The House of Sleeping Beauties and Other Stories. Translated by Edward
G. Seidenstieker. Tokyo: Kodansha International, 1969. London:
Sphere, 1971. New York: Ballantine Books, 1970.
Japan the Beautiful and Myself: The 1968 Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech.
Translated by Edward G. Seidensticker. Tokyo: Kodansha Interna-
tional, 1969.
The Sound of the Mountain. Translated by Edward G. Seidensticker.
New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1970. London: Peter Owen, 1970.
London: Seeker and Warburg, 1971.
Master of Go. Translated by Edward G. Seidensticker. New York:
Alfred A. Knopf, 1972. London: Seeker and Warburg, 1973.
Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1973.
The Lake. Translated by Reiko Tsukimura. Tokyo: Kodansha
International, 1974. London: Peter Owen, 1977.
Kawatake Mokuami
The Love Of lzayoi and Seishin. Translated by Frank T. Motofuji.
Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1966.
Three Japanese Plays from the Traditional Theatre. ed. Earl Ernst.
London: Oxford University Press, 1959.
Kinoshita Junji
Twilight Crane. Translated by A.C. Scott. Norfolk, Conn.: New
Directions, 1956.
Between God and Man: a judgement on war crimes: a play in two parts.
Translated by Eric J. Gangloft. Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press.
Kobayashi Issa
Of This World: A Poet's Life in Poetry. Translated by Richard Lewis.
New York: Dial Press, 1968.
Issa: The Autumn Wind. Translated by Lewis Mackenzie. New York:
Paragon, 1957.
Orphan Sparrow. Translated by Lewis Mackenzie. London: John
Murray, 1958
The Dumpling Fields: Haiku of Issa. Translated by Lucien Stryk.
Athens (Ohio): Swallow Press. 1991
Cup-of-tea Poems. Translated by David G. Lanoue. Berkeley: Asian
Humanities, 1991.
Kobayashi Takiji
The Factory Ship and the Absentee Landlord. Translated by Frank
Motofuji. Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1973. Seattle and
London: University of Washington Press, 1975.
Kojiki. Translated by Donald L. Phillipi. Tokyo: Tokyo University
Press, 1968.
Kokin Wakashu
Kokin Wakashu, the First Imperial Anthology of Japanese Poetry.
Translated by Helen Craig McCullough. Stanford: Stanford Uni-
versity Press, 1985.
Makura no soshi
The Pillowbook of Sei Shonagon. Translated by Ivan Morris. Oxford:
Oxford University Press. 1967
From the Morning of the World: Poems from the Man'yoshii. Translated
by Graeme Wilson. London: Harvill, 1991.
Land of the Reed Plains. Translated by Kenneth Yasuda. Rutland, Vt,
and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1960.
Masaoka Shiki
Peonies kana: A Selection of Haiku by Shiki Masaoka. Translated by
Harold J. Isaacson. New York: Theatre Art Books, 1972.
Matsuo Basho
Back Roads to Far Towns: Basho's Oku no hosomichi. Translated by Cid
Corman and Kamaike Susumu. New York: Grossman, 1968.
Basho: The Narrow Road to the Deep North and Other Travel Sketches.
Translated by Yuasa Nobuyuki. London: Penguin Books, 1967.
Full Moon is Rising - Lost Haiku of Matsuo Basho and Travel Haiku of
Basho: A New Rendering. Translated by J.D. Andrews. Boston:
Branden Press, 1977.
The Essential Haiku: Versions of Basho, Buson and Issa. Robert Hass.
Hopewell N.J.: Ecco, 1994
The Monkey's Straw Raincoat and Other Poetry of the Basho School.
Translated by Earl Meiner and Hiroko Odagiri. Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1981,
One Man's Moon. Translated by Cid Corman. Frankfurt Ky.:
Gnomon Press, 1984
On Love and Barley. Translated by Lucien Stryk. Honolulu:
University Of Hawaii Press, 1985
Mishima Yukio
Sun and Steel. Translated by John Bester. Tokyo: Kodansha
International, 1970. London: Seeker and Warburg, 1971.
Spring Snow. Translated by Michael Gallagher. New York: Alfred A.
Knopf, 1972. Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1972. London: Seeker
and Warburg, 1973.
Runaway Horses. Translated by Michael Gallagher. Rutland, Vt, and
Tokyo: Tuttle, 1973. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1973. London:
Penguin Books, 1977.
Five Modern Noh Plays. Translated by Donald Keene. New York:
Alfred A. Knopf, 1957. Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1967.
After the Banquet. Translated by Donald Keene. New York: Alfred A.
Knopf, 1963. Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1963. London: Secl<er
and Warburg, 1963.
Madame de Sade: A Play. Translated by Donald Keene. Rutland, Vt,
and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1965. New York: Grove Press, 1967. London:
Peter Owen, 1968.
Thirst for Love. Translated by Alfred H. Marks. New York: Alfred A.
Knopf, 1966. Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1970. London: Seeker
and Warburg, 1970.
Forbidden Colours. Translated by Alfred H. Marks. New York: Alfred
A. Knopf. Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1969. London: Penguin
Books, 1971.
The Temple of the Golden Pavilion. Translated by Ivan Morris. New
York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1958. London: Seeker and Warburg, 1959.
Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1959.
The Sailor Who Fell from Grace with the Sea. Translated by John
Nathan. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1966. London: Seeker and
Warburg, 1966. Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1967.
The Temple of Dawn. Translated by E. Dale Saunders and Cecilia
Segawa Seigle. Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1974. London:
Penguin Books, 1977.
Death in Summer and Other Stories. Translated by Ivan Morris,
Edward G. Seidenstieker et al. New York: New Directions, 1966.
London: Seeker and Warburg, 1967.
The Decay of the Angel. Translated by Edward G. Seidenstieker. New
York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1974. Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1974.
London: Penguin Books, 1977.
The Sound of Waves. Translated by Meredith Weatherby. Rutland, Vt,
and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1956. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1956. London:
Seeker and Warburg, 1957.
Confessions of a Mask. Translated by Meredith Weatherby. New York:
New Directions, 1958. London: Peter Owen, 1964. Rutland, Vt, and
Tokyo: Tuttle, 1970.
Miyazawa Kenji
Winds and Wildcat Places. Children's stories translated by John Bester.
Tokyo: Kodansha International, 1967. London: Ward Lock, 1967.
Winds from Afar. Children's stories translated by John Bester. Tokyo:
Kodansha International, 1972.
Spring and Asura: Poems of Kenji Miyazawa. Translated by Hiroaki
Sato. Chicago: Chicago Review Press, 1973.
A Future of Ice: poems and stories of a Japanese Buddhist. Translated by
Hiroaki Sato. San Francisco: North Point Press, 1989.
Night of the Milky Way Railway Translated by Sarah M. Strong. New
York and London: M.E. Sharpe, 1991.
Once and Forever: the Tales of Kenji Miyazawa. Translated by John
Bester. Tokyo: Kodansha International, 1993.
Morl Ogai
Vita Sexualis. Translated by Kazuji Ninomiya and Sanford Goldstein.
Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1972.
The Wild Geese. Translated by Kingo Ochiai and Sanford Goldstein.
Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1959.
The Girl Who Danced. Translated by Leon Zolbrod. New York:
Bantam Books, 1964.
The Incident at Sakai and Other Stories. Edited by David Dilworth and
J. Thomas Rimer. Honolulu: University Press of Hawaii, 1977.
Saiki Koi and Other Stories. Edited by David Dilworth and J. Thomas
Rimer. Honolulu: University Press of Hawaii, 1977.
Murasaki Shikibu
The Tale of Genji. Translated by Arthur Waley. New York: Random
House, 1960.
The Tale of Genji. Translated by Edward G. Seidensticker. London:
Seeker and Warburg, 1976.
Murasaki Shikibu, her Diary and Memoirs. Translated by Richard
Bowring. Princeton University Press, 1982.
Nagai Kafu
Seidensticker, Edward G. Kafu the Scribbler: The Life and Writings of
Nagai Kafu, 1879-1959. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press,
A Strange Tale from East of the River and Other Stories. Translated by
Edward G. Seidensticker. Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1972.
During the Rains and Flowers in the Shade: two novellas by Nagai Kafu.
Translated by Lane Dunlop. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University
Press, 1994.
Nagatsuka Takashi
The Soil: a Portrait of Rural Life in Meiji Japan. Translated by Ann
Waswo. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993.
Nakae Chomin
A Discourse by Three Drunkards on Government. Translated by Nobuko
Tsutsui. New York: Weatherhill.
Nakano Shigeharu
Three Short Stories by Nakano Shigeharu. Translated by Brett De Bary.
Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1978.
Natsume Soseki
Within My Glass Doors. Translated by E.T. Iglehart and Iwao
Matsuhara. Tokyo: Shinseido, 1928.
Ten Nights' Dreams and Our Cat's Grave. Translated by Sankichi Hata
and Dofu Shirai. Tokyo: Seito Shoin, 1934.
I Am a Cat. Translated by Aiko Ito and Graeme Wilson. Rutland, Vt,
and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1974.
Ten Nights of Dreams, Hearing Things, The Heredity of Taste. Translated
by Aiko Ito and Graeme Wilson. Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle,
Mon. Translated by Francis Mathy. London: Peter Owen, 1972.
Kokoro. Translated by Edwin McClellan. Chicago: Henry Regnery,
1957. London: Peter Owen, 1968. Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle,
Grass on the Wayside. Translated by Edwin McClellan. Chicago and
London: University of Chicago Press, 1966. Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo;
Tuttle, 1971.
Sanshiro: A Novel. Translated by Jay Rubin. Tokyo: University of
Tokyo Press, 1977.
The Three-Cornered World. Translated by Alan Turney. London: Peter
Owen, 1965. Chicago: Henry Regnery, 1967. Rutland, Vt, and
Tokyo: Tuttle, 1968.
Botchan. Translated by Alan Turney. Tokyo: Kodansha Interna-
tional, 1977. London: Peter Owen, 1973.
Light and Darkness: An Unfinished Novel. Translated by Valdo
Humbert Viglielmo. Honolulu: University Press of Hawaii, 1971.
London: Peter Owen, 1971. Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1972.
'Sixteen Chinese Poems by Natsume Soseki.' Translated by Burton
Watson. In Essays on Natsume Soseki's Work. Edited by the Japanese
National Commission for UNESCO. Tokyo: Japan Society for the
Promotion of Science, 1970.
Ochikubo monogatari
Ochikubo monogatari: the Tale of the Lady Ochikubo. Translated by
Wilfrid Whitehouse and Eizo Yanagisawa. London: Kegan Paul,
Trench, Trubner. 1970.
De Kenzaburo
The Silent Cry. Translated by John Bester. Tokyo: Kodansha
International, 1967.
A Personal Matter. Translated by John Nathan. New York: Grove
Press, 1968. Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1969.
Teach Us to Outgrow Our Madness: Four Short Novels. Translated by
John Nathan. New York: Grove Press, 1977.
An Echo of Heaven. Translated by Margaret Mitsutani. Tokyo:
Kodansha International, 1996
Okagami, the Great Mirror Translated by Helen Craig McCullough.
Princeton University Press, 1980.
Doka Shohei
Fires on the Plain (Nobi). Translated by Ivan Morris. London: Seeker
and Warburg, 1957.
Taken Captive: a Japanese POW's story. Translated by Wayne P.
Lanners. New York: J. Wiley and Sons, 1996.
Osaragi Jiro
Homecoming. Translated 1::>Y Brewster Horwitz. New York: Alfred A.
Knopf, 1955. London: Seeker and Warburg, 1955. Rutland, Vt, and
Tokyo: Tuttle, 1955.
The Journey. Translated by Ivan Morris. New York: Alfred A. Knopf,
1960. London: Seeker and Warburg, 1961. Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo:
Tuttle, 1967.
See Ihara Saikaku.
Saito Mokichi
Red Lights: Selected Tanka Sequences from Shakko. Translated by Seishi
Shinoda and Sanford Goldstein. West Lafayette: Purdue Research
Foundation, 1989.
Sato Haruo
Beautiful Town: Stories and Essays. Translated by Francis B. Tenny.
Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. 1996.
The Sick Rose: A Pastoral Elegy. Translated by Francis B. Tenny.
Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. 1993.
Senryii _ _
Senryii: Japanese Satirical Verses. Translated by R. H. Blyth. Tokyo:
Hokuseido Press, 1949. Westport, Conn: Greenwood, 1971.
BrownJ.C. Senryu: Poems and People. Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle,
1991. .
Shiga Naoya
A Dark Night's Passing. Translated by Edwin McClellan. Tokyo:
Kodansha International, 1976.
The Paper Door and Other Stories. Translated by Lane Dunlop.
Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1992.
Shimazaki Toson
The Family. Translated by Cecilia Segawa Seigle. Tokyo: University
of Tokyo Press, 1974.
The Broken Commandment. Translated by Kenneth Strong. Tokyo:
University of Tokyo Press, 1974.
Before the Dawn. Translated by William E. Naff. Honolulu:
University of Hawaii Press, 1987.
Taketori monogatari
The Tale of the Shining Princess. Translated by Sally Fisher. New York:
Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1980.
Tanizaki Jun'ichiro
The Key. Translated by Howard Hibbett. New York: Alfred A.
Knopf, 1961. London: Seeker and Warburg, 1960. Rutland, Vt, and
Tokyo: Tuttle, 1962. .
Seven Japanese Tales. Translated by Howard Hibbett. New York:
Alfred A. Knopf, 1963. London: Seeker and Warburg, 1964.
Diary of a Mad Old Man. Translated by Howard Hibbett. New York:
Alfred A. Knopf, 1965. London: Seeker and Warburg, 1966.
Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1967.
Ashikari and the Story of Shunkin: Modem Japanese Novels. Translated
by Roy Humpherson and Hajime Okita. Tokyo: Hokuseido Press,
1936. Reprint. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1970.
Some Prefer Nettles. Translated by Edward G. Seidenstieker. New
York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1955. London: Seeker and Warburg, 1955.
Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1955.
The Makioka Sisters. Translated by Edward G. Seidensticker. New
York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1957. Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle, 1958.
The Reed Cutter and Captain Shigemori's Mother. Translated by
Anthony H. Chambers. New York: A.A. Knopf, 1994.
The Secret History of the Lord of Musashi and Arrowroot. Translated by
Anthony H. Chambers. New York: A.A. Knopf, 1982.
Tayama Katai
Country Teacher. Translated by Kenneth HenshaII. Honolulu:
University of Hawaii Press, 1984
Literary Life in Tokyo 1885-1915. Translated by Kenneth Henshall.
Leiden: Brill, 1987.
Essays in Idleness. Translated by Donald Keene. New York and
London: Columbia University Press, 1967.
Torikaebaya monogatari
The Changeling: A Classical Japanese Court Tale. Translated by Rosette
F. Willig. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
Tosa Nikki
In Kokin Wakashu, the First Imperial Anthology of Japanese Poetry.
Translated by Helen Craig McCullough. Stanford; Stanford Uni-
versity Press, 1985.
Ueda Akinari
Tales of the Spring Rain. Translated by Barry Jackman. Tokyo:
University of Tokyo Press, 1975.
Ugetsu Monogatari: Tales of Moonlight and Rain. Translated by Leon
Zolbrod. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1975.
London: AIlen and Unwin, 1975. Rutland, Vt, and Tokyo: Tuttle,
Yanagita Kunio
Japanese Folk Tales. Translated by Fanny Hagin Mayer. Tokyo: Tokyo
News Service, 1954.
About Our Ancestors: The Japanese Family System. Translated by Fanny
Hagin Mayer anq Ishiwara Yasuyo. Tokyo: Japan Society for the
Promotion of Science, 1970.
Legends of Tono. Translated by Ronald A. Morse. Tokyo: The Japan
Foundation, 1975.
Yokomitsu Riichi
Love and Other Stories of Yokomitsu Riichi. Translated by Donald
Keene. Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1974.
Yosa Duson
The Essential Haiku: Versions of Basha, Buson and Issa. Robert Hass.
Hopewell N.J.: Ecco, 1994
On the Art of the No Drama: The Major Treatises of Zeami. Translated by
J. Thomas Rimer and Yamazaki Masakazu. Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1984.
Twenty Plays of the No Theatre. Translated by Donald Keene. New
York and London: Columbia University Press, 1970.
Dates are given, when known, for significant figures.
Index of Nam.es
Abe Jiro (1883-1959) 259, 307
Abe Kobo (1924-) 350
Abe Yoshishige (1883-1966) 259
Akera Kanko (1740-1800) (pen-name
Yamazaki Kagetsura) 207
Akinari 6, 171, 183, 188-191, 193-5,
Akutagawa Ryiinosuke (1892-1927)
244, 259, 314-318, 321, 329
Ando Hiroshige: see Hiroshige
Ando Shoeki (1703-62) 182
Anrakuan Sakuden (1554?-1642) 131
Ara Masahito (1913-79) 350
Arahata Kanson (1887-1981) 284
Arai Hakuseki (1657-1725) 138, 149,
Arishima Takeo (1878-1923) 276-9,
280-1, 288, 310, 322
Ariwara no Narihira (825-880) 49,
50, 52, 54, 55, 123, 133, 134, 170
Asai Ryoi (1612?-91) 131
Ashikaga Takauji (1305-58) 104, 117,
Aston, W.G. 256
Baigan 182, 188, 333, 337
Bakin 6, 195, 214, 228, 231-234, 271,
Basho (1644-94) 6, 138, 139, 151-160,
162, 169, 172, 191, 246, 249, 254
Baudelaire, Charles-Pierre 302, 315
Berg, Alban 327
Bergson, H.L. 329, 330, 335
Bo Juyi 61, 62
Buson 160, 171-174, 254, 303
Chikamatsu Hanji (1725-83) 176
Chikamatsu Monzaemon (1653-
1724) 6, 138-140, 144-151, 153,
164, 166-7, 174-5, 178-9, 188, 196,
198, 280, 291, 293
Chikamatsu Shuko (1876-1944) 272
Cho Bagai 6
Chomei 97, 98, 99, 106
Chiisai 265, 266, 336
Coxinga (Zheng Sen) 148
Daito Kokushi (1282-1337) 109
Danjiiro: see Ichikawa Danjuro
Dante Alighieri 275
Dazai Osamu (1909-48) 342
Dazai Shundai (1680-1747) 169, 170,
Doppo: see Kunikida Doppo
Dostoievski, Fyodor M. 268, 271,
Du Fu 62
Ejima Kiseki (1667-1736) 181, 182
Emura Jotei 6
Enku (1632-1695) 155
Ennin (pen-name of Jikaku Daishi)
Fabre 335
Haubert, Gustave 280, 315
Fujimoto Kizan 160
Fujiwara Nagako 69
Fujiwara no Akihira (989-1066) 60
Fujiwara no Ietaka (1158-1237) 92
Fujiwara no Kaneie (929-90) 70, 71
Fujiwara no Kinto (966-1041) 58, 59,
Fujiwara no Kiyosuke (1104-77) 94
Fujiwara no Masatsune (1170-1221)
Fujiwara no Michitsuna (995-1010)
Fujiwara no Mototoshi (1056-1142)
Fujiwara no Takasue (973?-1036) 69
Fujiwara no Tametoki (9477-10217)
Fujiwara no Teika (1162-1241) 91-95,
Fujiwara no Tomoyasu (935-995) 68
Fujiwara no Tosh\nari (1114-1204)
56, 208
Fujiwara no Toshiyuki 56
Fukunaga Takehiko (1918-79) 342
Fukuzawa Yukichi (1835-1901) 87,
237, 239, 241, 243, 290, 322, 323
Futabatei Shirnei (1864-1909) 268
Gennai: see Hiraga Gennai
Gensei (1623-68) 129
Gide, Andre' 329
Gion Nankai (1677-1751) 168, 170
Go-Daigo, Emperor (r.1318-39) 104,
Go-Toba, Emperor (r.1183-89) 91,
92, 94, 95, 96, 98
Gohanazono, Emperor (r.1429-64)
Goring, Reinhard 317
Gusai (Kyiisei) (1284?-1378?) 113
Hagiwara Sakutar6 (1886-1942) 299,
Hakucho: see Masamune Hakucho
Hakushii: see Kitahara Hakushii
Hanamichi Tsurane, 209
Hanawa Hokiichi (1746-1821) (pen-
name Hayatomo no Mekari) 207
Harunobu: see Suzuki Harunobu
Hata Soha (1550-1607) 131
Hatano Akiko 280
Hattori Doho (1657-1730) 153, 156,
Hattori Nankaku (1683-1759) 170,
Hattori Ransetsu (1654-1707) 153
Hayashi Tatsuo (1896-1984) 328-335,
Heine, Heinrich 286
Higuchi Ichiyo (1872-96) 252
Hijikata Yoshi (1898-1959) 317
Hiraga Gennai (1728?-79) 167, 183,
185-188, 207
Hirata Atsutane (1776-1843) 188, 189
Hiroshige (1797-1858) 201, 202, 213
Hitomaro 25-9,32,33, 115,303,304,
H6jo Katei 265, 266, 366
Hokusai (1760-1849) 201, 213
Hori Tatsuo (1904-53) 317
Horiguchi Daigaku (1892-1981) 317
Hotta Yoshie (1918-) 347
Ibsen, Henrik 268
Ibuse Masuji (1898-) 318, 320, 321,
342, 348
Ichikawa Danjiir6 (1660-1702) 147
Ichikawa Danjiir6 V (1741-1806) 207
Ichikawa Danjiiro VII (1791-1859)
Ichikawa Kansai (1749-1820) 212,
213, 216, 218, 219
Ihara Saikaku (1642-93): see Saikaku
Ii Naotaka (1590-1659) 129
Ike no Taiga (1723-76) 168, 170, 171,
Ikkyii (1394-1481) 106, 109-112
Inoue Hisashi (1934-) 350
Ishida Baigan (1685-1744): see
Ishikawa J6zan (1583-1672) 129, 217
Ishikawa Jun (1899-1987) 10, 265,
318, 328-337
Ishikawa Takuboku (1886-1912) 264,
284-7, 299, 302
Ishirnura Michiko (1927-) 350
Isoda D6ji (1585-1634) 131
Ito Chiita (1867-1954) 305
Ito Jinsai (1627-1705) 139
Ito Sachio (1864-1913) 300
Iwano Homei (1873-1920) 266, 267,
Izawa Ranken (1777-1829) 265, 266,
Izumi Kyoka (1873"1939) 250, 251,
252, 268
Izumi Shikibu 59, 68, 122
Jikaku Daishi (794-864) (pen-name
Ennin) 46, 47
Jinmu, Emperor (r.660?-585?BC) 13,
Jippensha Ikku (1765-1831) 6, 213,
223-5, 227
Jito, Empress (r.686-702) 13, 25
Jocho: see Yamamoto Jocho
Jiiro Motomasa (1394-1431) 122
Kafka, Franz 350
Kafii: see Nagai Kafu
Kagawa Kageki (1768-1843) 189
Kakinomoto no Hitomaro: see
Kamei Katsuichiro (1907-66) 313
Kamo no Chomei (1153-1216) 97-99,
Kamo no Mabuchi (1697-1769) 96,
Kan Sazan (1748-1827) 6, 129, 215-7
Kan'ami Mototsugu (1334-84) 122-4
Karai Senryii (1718-90) 204
Kasa, Lady 31
Kashiwagi Jotei (1763-1819) 218, 219
Katai: see Tayama Katai
Katei: see Hojo Katei
Kato Chikage (1735-1808) 191
Katsukawa Shunsho (1726-92) 201
Katsushika Hokusai: see Hokusai
Kawabata Yasunari (1899-1972) 10,
Kawai Sora (1649-1710) 153, 155
Kawakami Bizan (1869-1908) 250
Kawakami Hajime (1879-1946) 278,
Kawatake Mokuami (1816-93) 202,
214, 234, 235
Kayii Senshi: see Narushima
Kenreimon-in Ukyo no Daibu
(1157-7) 97
Ki no Aritsune 43
Ki no Haseo (851-912) 43, 62
Ki no Okimichi 43
Ki no Tokibumi 43
Ki no Tomonori (7-907) 43
Ki no Tsurayuki (7-945): see
Ki no Yoshimochi (7-919) 43
Kien: see Yanigasawa Kien
Kikuchi Gozan (1769-1855) 219
Kikuchi Hisanori (1776-1822): see
Shikitei Sanba
Kikuchi Kan (1888-1948) 288, 289,
Kimura Boun (pen-name Hakurikan
Boun) (1719-83) 204, 207, 209
Kimura Kenkado (1736-1802) 171
Kimura Shohachi 305
Kino Kaion (1663-1742) 178
Kinoshita Junji (1914-) 344
Kinoshita Mokutaro (pen-name of
Ota Masao) 265, 284, 286, 288,
289, 299, 300, 302, 304-8, 336
Kinoshita Naoe (1869-1937) 245, 278,
Kiso Yoshinaka (1154-1184) 101,102
Kitagawa Utamaro (1753-1806) 201
Kitahara Hakushu (1885-1942) 264,
284, 286, 299-303
Kitamura Kigin (1624-1705) 131
Kitamura Tokoku (1868-94) 267
Kiyomori 97, 101
Kiyowara no Motosuke (908-990) 68
Ko ShOObu 80
Kobayashi Hideo (1902-83) 10, 328-
330, 332, 333, 335, 337
"Kobayashi Issa (1763-1827) 202, 213,
Kobayashi Takiji (1903-33) 288, 309,
310, 312
Koda Rohan (1867-1947) 244-9, 271,
Koikawa Harumachi (1744-89) 183
Kojiro Nobumitsu (1435-1516) 122
Komiya Toyotaka (1884-1966) 259,
Kotoku Shiisui 263, 278, 279, 284,
Koyo: see Ozaki Koyo
Kropotkin, Peter 279, 286
Kumazawa Banzan (1619-91) 129
Kunikida Doppo (1871-1908) 266,
267, 270, 271
Kurahara Korehito (1902-) 288
Kurimoto Joun (1822-1897) 235
Kurohito 28, 29
Kusunoki Masashige (1294-1336)
117, 119, 142
Kyoden: see Santo Kyoden
Kyoka: see Izumi Kyoka
Li Bo 62
Liebknecht, Wilhelm 316
Maruyama Masao (1914-96) 338-341
Marx, Karl 286, 330
Masamune Hakucho (1879-1962) 10,
266, 267, 269, 270, 272-277, 285
Masaoka Shoo (1867-1902) 96, 252-5,
296, 300, 303
Matsudaira Sadanobu (1758-1829)
Matsuo Basho (1644-94): see Basho
Matsura Seizan (1760-1841) 207
Maupassant, Guy de 280
Meiji, Emperor 258, 264
Mibu no Tadarnine 58
Michizane: see Sugawara Michizane
Miharu Takamoto 67
Moo Kiyoshi (1897-1945) 288
Minamoto no Michitomo 92
Minamoto no Sanetomo (1192-1219)
95-7, 154, 303
Minamoto no Shitago (911-983) 61,
Minamoto no Yoshitsune 101, 102,
116, 119, 122, 176, 177
Mishima Yukio (1925-70) 349, 350
Mitsune 62
Miyamoto Kenji (1908-) 311
Miyamoto Musashi (1584-1645) 143
Miyamoto Yuriko (1899-1951) 10,
310, 311, 313, 350
Miyazawa Kenji (1896-1933) 325,
Miyoshi Shoraku (1696-7) 175-7
Mokichi: see Saito Mokichi
Mokuami: see Kawatake Mokuami
Mokutaro: see Kinoshita Mokutaro
Morand, Paul 318
Mori Arlmasa (1911-76) 343, 344
Mori Ogai (1862-1922) 6, 10, 244,
245, 260-266, 276, 281, 299, 304,
308, 315, 332, 335, 336
Motoeri Norinaga (1730-1801) 188-
191, 193, 194, 231, 268, 333, 337
Mukai Kyorai (1651-1704) 153
Murasaki ShOObu 68, 69, 71, 72, 76,
Muro Kyiiso (1658-1734) 139, 178
Mushanokoji Saneatsu (1885-1976)
288, 289, 313
Nagai Kafii (1879-1959) 6, 169, 217,
238, 239, 264, 265, 276-282, 289,
290, 291, 293, 300, 315, 324, 335
Nagatsuka Takashi (1879-1915) 296,
Naito Joso (1662-1704) 153
Nakae ChOmin (1874-1901) 243, 274,
281, 290, 323, 332
Nakahara Chuya (1907-37) 325-328
Nakai Riken (1732-1817) 193
Nakajima Soin (1779-1855) 219
Nakamura Shin'ichiro (1918-) 244,
Nakano Shigeharu (1902-79) 265,
288, 301, 304, 310-312, 318, 336,
Nakatomi no Yakamori 31
Nakazato Kaizan (Nakazato
Yanosuke, 1885-1944) 297, 298,
Namiki Gohei III 197
Namiki Senryu (1695-1751) 175, 177
Namiki Sosuke 178
Nankaku: see Hattori Nankaku
Narushima Ryuhoku (1837-84) (pen-
name Kayii Senshi) 221, 235-242,
Nathan, John 349
Natsume Soseki (1867-1916): see
Naumann, Edmund 262,265
Nijo Yoshimoto (1320-88) 113, 114
Nishi Amane (1829-1897) 260, 261
Nishiyama Soin (1605-82) 152, 153
Nitobe Inazo (1863-1933) 278
Nitta Yoshisada (1301-38) 117, 118
Nogami Toyoichiro (1883-1950) 298
Nogami Yaeko (1885-1985) 259, 298
Nogi, General Maresuke (1849-1912)
258, 264, 349
Nojiri Kiyohiko (1897-1973): see
pen-name Osaragi Jiro
Noma Hiroshi (1915-) 341
Norinaga: see Motoori Norinaga
Nozawa Boncho (7-1714) 153
Nukata, Princess 24, 30
Oda Minoru (1932-) 347
Qda Nobunaga (1534-82) 181
Qe Kenzaburo (1935-) 351
Oe no Asatsuna (886-957) 60, 62
Oe no Chisato 44, 45
Oe no Masafusa (1041-1111) 61
Oeno Sadamoto (priest name
Jakusho) 248
Ogai: see Mori Ogai
Ogata Kenzan (1663-1743) 139
Ogata Korin (1658-1716) 138, 188
Ogyu Sorai (1666-1728) 129, 138-
140, 142, 155, 167, 169, 170, 178,
191, 203, 300, 307, 331, 337, 340
Okajima Kanzan (1674-1728) 182
Okubo Shibutsu (1767-1837) 129
Okura 33, 35, 36, 45
Ono Asomi Yasumaro (7-723) 13
Ono no Komachi 54,55, 115, 122,
Ono Sakanoue 30
Ono Yakamochi 30,31
Onuma Chinzan (1818-91) 212, 217,
Ooka Shohei (1909-) 340, 341
Osaragi Jiro (pen-name of Nojiri
Kiyohiko) 321-3, 349
Qshikoji Kintada (1324-83) 120
Osugi Sakae (1885-1923) 284, 286
Ota Masao (1885-1945): see
Kinoshita Mokutaro
Ota Nanpo (1749-1823) (pen-name
Yomono Akara) 186, 204, 207,
Qta Shokusanjin (1749-1823) 171
Otomo no Tabito (?-731) 34, 35
Otomo no Yakamochi (?-785) 24, 33,
Ozaki Koyo (1867-1903) 249, 250,
Rabelais, Fram;ois 324, 351
Rai San'yo (1780-1832) 6, 216, 218
Ranken: see Izawa Ranken
Rikunyo (1734-1801) 216
Rohan: see Koda Rohan
Ryiihoku: see Narushima Ryuhoku
Saigyo (priest name of Sato
Norikiyo) 94-6, 115, 122 154, 155
Saikaku 6, 139, 151, 152, 153, 160-
167, 169, 179, 180, 194, 231, 274
Saito Mokichi (1882-1953) 288, 289,
300-304, 313
Sakai Hoitsu (Shiriyaki no Sarundo,
1761-1828) 188, 207
Sakai Toshihiko (1870-1933) 284
Sakata Kinpira 147
Sakata Tojuro (1647-1709) 146, 147
Sakurada Jisuke (1734-1806) 198
Sakutaro: see Hagiwara Sakutaro
San'eki Eiin 105, 111
Sanetomo: see Minamoto no
Santo Kyoden (1761-1816) 6, 183,
184, 195, 207, 213, 226, 228, 229,
Sanu no Otokami 31
Sato Haruo (1892-1964) 289, 317
Sato Norikiyo: see Saigyo
Sei Shonagon (c.960-1OOO?) 8, 68,
69, 71, 72, 132, 174
Seiken 220, 221, 236, 238, 239, 278
Sen no Rikyu (1522-1591) 154
Sesson Yubai (1290-1346) 105
Shiba Kokan (1738?-1818) 171, 186
Shiba Ryotaro (1923-1996) 349
Shibui Chusai: see Chusai
Shiga Naoya (1883-1971) 284, 288,
289, 294, 295, 297, 310, 348
Shikano Buzaemon (1649-99) 162
Shiki: see Masaoka Shiki
Shikitei Sanba (pen-name of
Kikuchi Hisanori) 6, 213, 225-7,
Shirnaki Kensaku (1903-45) 320
Shimamura Ho-getsu (1871-1918)
Shirnazaki Toson (1872-1943) 6, 223,
244, 266, 267, 269-272, 274, 275,
280, 285, 310
Shinden Shoban (1380-14521105
Shokusanjin (pen-name of Ota
Nanpo) 203,204
Shomu, Emperor (r.724-729) 34
Shoyo: see Tsubouchi Shoyo
Shundai (see Dazai Shundai)
Shusei: see Tokuda Shusei
Shusho Ken 137
Shusui Kotoku Denjiro: see Kotoku
Sidotti, Jean Baptiste 149
Sogi (1421-1502) 113, 154
Sorai: see Ogyii Sorai
Soseki 10, 244, 245, 252-9, 276, 281,
285, 290, 295, 298, 299, 315, 332
Suehiro Tetcho (1849-96) 236, 240,
Sugawara Michizane 42-47, 50, 60-
62, 176, 177
Sugawara no Fumitoki (899-981) 62
Sugimori Nobumori 146
Sugita Genpaku (1733-1817) 185,
Sugiyama Sanpu (1647-1732) 153
Suiko, Empress (r.592-628) 13
Suzuki Harunobu (1725-70) 170, 201
Suzuki Shosan (1579-1655) 137
Tabito 34, 35
Taira no Kiyomori (1118-81) 97, 101,
Taira no Shigemori (1137-79) 97,
Taira no Sukemori (1158-85) 97
Taira no Tomomori 206
Takamura Kotaro (1883-1956) 288
Takarai Kikaku (1661-1707) 139, 153,
159, 160, 169
Takebe Ayatari (1719-74) 171, 183
Takechi no Kurohito 28, 29
Takeda Izumo (1691-1756) 175, 177,
Takeda Taijun (1912-76) 347
Takemoto Gidayii (1651-1714) 138,
Takeuchi Yoshimi (1910-77) 346,
Takizawa Bakin (1767-1848): see
Takuboku: see Ishikawa Takuboku
Tamenaga Shunsui (1790-1843) 213,
219, 220, 226, 229-231
Tanaka Shozo (1841-1913) 245, 297
Tang Yuen-ming 35
Tanizaki Jun'ichiro (1886-1965) 282,
284, 286, 288, 289-295, 310, 317
Tanomura Chikuden 216
Tayama Katai (1871-1930) 244, 266,
268-271, 285
Teika: see Fujiwara no Teika
Tejima Toan (1718-86) 188
Tenji, Emperor (r.662-671) 24, 25
Tenmu, Emperor (r.673-686) 24, 25
Terada Toru (1915-) 344
Terakado Seiken (1796-1868): see
Todo Shinshichiro 153
Todo Yoshitada (1642-1666) 153
Tokuda Shusei (1871-1943) 266, 270,
Toistoi, Dmitry M. 269, 271, 275,
Tomioka Tessai (1836-1924) 239
Torti Kiyonaga (1752-1815) 201
Tosho Shugen 105, 160
Toshusai Sharaku 201
Toson: see Shimazaki Toson
Tsubouchi Shoyo (1859-1935) 244,
268, 270, 271, 276
Tsuda Sokichi (1873-1961) 12
Tsuga Teisho 183
Tsurayuki 42-47, 50-53, 55, 61, 62,
99, 100, 123, 255
Tsurumi Shunsuke (1922-) 345, 347
Tsuruya Nanboku (1755-1829) 198,
199, 214, 291
Tsuyuno Gorobei (1643-1703) 162
Tung Shih 36
Vchimura Kanzo (1861-1930) 10,
245, 267, 268, 272, 275, 276, 278
Veda Akinari (1734-1809): see
Veda Bin (1874-1916) 264, 299
Vemura Masahisa (1858-1925) 272,
Vemura Tamaki (1890-1982) 273
Vkko no Shosho 63
Vtagawa Toyokuni (1769-1825) 201
Voltaire, Franl,:ois-Marie 324, 335,
Watanabe Kazuo (1901-1975) 324,
Whitman, Walt 279, 322
Yadoya no Meshimori (1753-1830)
Yakamochi 24, 33, 37, 38
Yakamori 31
Yamabe no Akahito 26, 28, 29
Yamada Birnyo (1868-1910) 250
Yamada Kosaku (1886-1965) 303
Yamagata Aritomo (1838-1922) 263
Yamamoto Jocho (1659-1719) 139,
141-145, 162
Yamanoue no Okura (660-773) 33,
Yamazaki Kagetsura (pen-name of
Akera Kanko) 207
Yamazaki Sokan (16th century) 115
Yanagawa Koran (1804-79) 218
Yanagawa Seigan (1789-1858) 212,
Yanagisawa Kien (1704-58) 168, 169, ,
171, 172, 203, 290
Yanagisawa Yoshiyasu (1658-1714)
168, 170
Yanagita Kunio (1875-1962) 274, 320,
Index' of Titles
Yasuda Yojiiro (1910-81) 313, 349
Yasuoka Shotaro (1920-) 348, 349
Yokomitsu Riichi (1898-1947) 318,
319, 321, 325, 333
Yomono Akara (pen-name of Ota
Nanpo) 204,207,208,209
Yonezawa Hikohachi 162
Yoritomo 101
Yosa Buson (1716-83): see Buson
Yosano Akiko (1878-1942) 264
Yosano Tekkan (1873-1935) 264
Yoshida Kenko (1283?-1350?) 101,
106, 108
Yoshida Shoin (1830-59) 241
Yoshii Isamu (1886-1960) 220, 264
Yoshikawa Eiji (1892-1962) 322, 349
Yoshimasu Todo (1702-73) 307
Yoshino Sakuzo (1878-1933) 279,
Yoshishige no Yasutane (priest
name Jakushin) 60, 98, 99, 248
Yoshitsune: see Minamoto no
Yuan Zhen 62
Yuasa Yoshiko 310
Yiiryaku, Emperor (r.456-479) 24
Zearni Motokiyo (1363-1443) 122-
125, 175
Zekkai Chiishin (1336-76) 105
Zenchiku Ujinobu (1405-c.1470) 122
Zheng Sen ('Coxinga') 148
Zoga (917-1003) 248
Zola, Emile 268, 269, 270, 271
A la recherche du temps perdu 294
A Letter from Prison 285, 286
Aki (Autumn) 316
Aki no yonaga monogatari (Tales of
Long Autumn Nights) 160
Amatsu Otome (The Amatsu Maid)
193, 194
Arne no Shinagawa eki (Shinagawa
Station in the Rain) 312
Arne utsu narni (The Wave That
Touched Heaven) 246
Amerlka kanjo ryoko (America: A
Sentimental Journey) 348
Arnijima shinjii (Love-suicide at
Arnijima) 151
An'ya koro (Night Journey) 294,
Aoneko (Blue Cat) 302
Aozukin (The Blue Hood) 192
Arano 156
Araragi (Yew Tree) 296, 300, 304
Aratama (Uncut Gems) 300
Arishi hi no uta (Songs of the Days
That Were) 327
Am aho no issho (Life of an Idiot)
Am hi no Oishi Kuranosuke (A Day
in the Life of Oishi Kuranosuke)
Am onna (A Woman) 280, 310
Asahi shinbun 253, 322
Asaji ga yado (The Inn at Asaji) 192
Ashikari (The Reed Gatherer) 289
Ataka 197
Azama-uta (Poems from the Eastern
Provinces) 39, 40
Azuma mondo (The Azuma
Dialogues) 114
Azumaburi ky6ka bunko (The
Azumaburi Kyoka Library) 207
Babiron no nagare no hotori nite (By
the Waters of Babylon) 343
Bansai kyokashii (A Collection of a
Myriad Kyoka) 204
Banshii heiya 311
Benten kozo 234
Bingashii 105
Bokuto kitan (Romance from East of
the Sumida) 238, 282
Botchan (Young Sir) 253, 257
Budo denraiki (Traditions of the
Way of Arms) 161
Buke giri monogatari (Tales of the
Giri of Samurai Families) 161
Bungaku hyoron (Literary
Criticisms) 256
Bungakuron (A Treatise on
Literature) 253, 256
Bungo fudoki (Records of the Bungo
region) 19
Bunka kucho (Haikai Notebook for
the Bunka Era) 221
Bunka rokunen nikki (Diary of the
Sixth Year of Bunka) 221
Bunka shiireishii 43
Bunkyohifu-ron (On the Treasure
House of Writing) 42
Bunsei kucho (Haikai Notebook for '
the Bunsei Era) 221
Bunsho soshi (The Story of Bunsho)
Bupposo 191
Butokai (The Ball) 316
Butsumihinshitsu 185
Byochiizatsuei (Various Songs in
Illness) 296
Chichi no shiien nikki (Diary of the
Death of My Father) 221, 222, 223
Chijin no ai (Love of a Fool) 289,291
Chikatabira (The Bloody Robe) 193,
Chikusai 132 Chinbensho (A
Defence) 286
Chinmoku no to (The Tower of
Silence) 263, 264
Chinsetsu yurniharizuki (The
Crescent Moon: A Strange Tale)
231, 232, 233, 234
Chiteiki (Chronicle of the Lakeside
Residence) 98, 99, 248
Ch6go (Unnecessary Words) 246,
Ch6ya shinbun (The Nation) 236,
Chiigoku no kindai to Nihon no
kindai (China's Modem Age and
Japan's Modem Age) 346
Chiishingura (see Kanadehon
chushingura) 177-180, 182, 195
Chiishinsuikoden (The Loyal
Retainer's Water Margin) 228
Daibosatsu toge (Daibosatsu pass)
297, 298, 322
Daid6 sekibutsuji (The Cave
Temples and Stone Buddhas of
Ta Dong) 305
Daid6ji Shinsuke no hansei (The
Early Life of Daidoji Shinsuke)
314, 315, 317
Daiky6ji mukashigoyomi (The
Ancient Calendar) 149
Daiky6shi mukashiKoizumi (The
Ancient Calendar) 164
Danj6 kon'in fu (Men and Women's
Marriage Album) 60
D6gen no gengouchu (The
linguistic Universe of Dogen) 344
DOhyij (Signpost) 311
DOjidai gemu (Coe,-al Games) 351
Donten (Oouded Hea'-ens) 327
Dosutoefusuki no seikatsu
(Dostoievski's Life) 337
Edo hanj6ki (Records of Edo in
Prosperity) 220,211. 236, 238, 257
Edo mumare uwaki no kabayaki
(The Love Affairs of an Edo Lad)
183, 184
Eiga monogatari (A Tale of
Flowering Fortunes) 78, 79, 80,
83, 177
Eisei shinshi (New Hygiene) 261
Fayuan zhulin 177
Fiichiso 311
Fugen 331, 336
Fukur6 yamabushi (The Owl and
the Mountain Monk) 126
Fukutomi ch6ja monogatari (The
Tale of the Wealthy Fukutomi)
Hirai rokubushii 186
Furansu monogatari (A Tale of
France) 281
Furui tech6 kara (From an Old
Notebook) 263
Furyoki (Memoirs of a Prisoner of
War) 340, 341
Fiiryii Shid6ken-den (The Elegant
Tale of Shidoken) 183, 185, 187,
Fiiryiibutsu (The Elegantly
Decorated Buddha) 246
Fiishikaden 125
Fushoshii 129
Futatsu no niwa (Two Gardens) 310,
Fiitenr6jin nikki (Diary of a Mad
Old Man) 289, 292, 293
Futon 269, 270
Fuyu no Ch6monky6 (Chomon
Gorge in Winter) 327
Fuyu no hi (A Winter's Day) 156
Gan (Wild Goose) 263
Garakuta bunko 250
Gargantua 324
Geijutsu ni kansuru hashiragateki
oboegaki (Scribbled Memos on
Art) 311
Gendai N"Ihon no kaika (The
Opening of Modem Japan) 259
Gendai seiji no shisO to k6d6 (Ideas
and Beha,iour in Modem
Politics) 338
Genjimonogatari (The Tale of
Genji) 4, 7, SO, 63, 66, 67, 71-76,
78, 80-84, 93, 163, 189, 229, 289,
Genjiian no ki (A Record of
Genjuan) 156
Genkaku sanb6 (Gengaku's
Mountain Villa) 316
Gesaku zanmai (Absorbed in
Letters) 316
Gikeiki (Chronicle of Yoshitsune)
116, 117, 122, 198
Gingatetsud6 no yoru (The Evening
of the Galactic Railway) 326
Goban Taiheiki 178
Gogenshii 159, 160
Gogumaiki 120
Gohho no tegami (Letters of Van
Gogh) 330
Gojiinenki uta nebutsu (In Memory
of the Fiftieth Anniversary of the
Deaths of O-natsu and Seijiir6)
148, 149
Gojiinoto (The Pagoda) 246
Gosenshii (Imperial Selection) 43
Goshiiishii 59
Goya 347
Gubijins6 (Red Poppies) 257
Gukansh6 101
Gunkoku shihaisha no seishin keitai
(The Mentality of the Rulers of a
Militaristic State) 338
Hachiban nikki (Eighth Diary) 221
Hagakure (Hidden by Leaves) 118,
140-5, 148, 162
Hagi daimy6 126
Haguruma (Cogwheels) 316
Haifii yanagidaru 134, 202-6
Haikai 6yakazu (A Great Number of
Haikai) 152
Haikai shichibushii (The Seven Part
Haikai Collection) 156
Hakai (The Broken Commandment)
Hakata Kojoro nami makura 147
Hakuby6 (plain Sketch) 331
Hamamatsu Chiinagon monogatari
(The Tale of Lord Hamamatsu)
78, 80, 81, 82
Hanako 263, 264
Hangoteki seishin (Spirit of Irony)
Hankai 194
Hannichi (Half a Day) 264
Hari no gotoku (Like a Needle) 296
Haru no hi (A Spring Day) 156
Ham to Shura (Spring and the
Asura) 325, 326
Harukanaru Notorudamu (Faraway
Notre Dame) 343
Harusame monogatari (Tales of
Spring Rain) 191, 193-5
Hatten (Development) 270
Heiji monogatari 101, 103
Heike monogatari (The Tale of the
House of Taira) 8, 89, 90, 100-3,
118, 122, 123, 186, 198, 291, 341
Heimin shinbun (The People's
Newspaper) 284
Heiminsha (People's Group) 278,
Hekiekifu (Song of Escape) 239, 240
Hi mo tsuki mo (Both Sun and
Moon) 319
Higaki 123
Hikarigoke (Luminous Moss) 347
Hinpukuron (Rich and Poor) 192
Hiroba (The Town Square) 313
Hiroba no kokodu (Solitude in the
Public Square) 347
Hiroshima noto (Hiroshima Notes)
Hisago 156
Hitachi fudoki (Records of the
Hitachi Region) 19, 21, 23
Hitorine (Sleeping Alone) 168, 169,
172, 174, 290
Hittoreru jiken (The Hitler Incident)
Hiyorigeta (Fine-weather Clogs) 281
Hizen fudoki (Records of the Hizen
region) 19
H6gen monogatari (The Tale of
Hogen) 101, 103, 232
H6hi-ron (On Flatulence) 185, 186
H6j6ki (The Ten Foot Square Hut
98,99, 106
Hokurika (Songs of the Northern
Village) 213, 218, 219
H6kv6nin no shi (Death of a
christian) 316
Honch6 monzui (The Japanese
Literary Choice) 60, 61
Honch6 oin hiji (The Japanese
Tangyin bishi) 161
Honcho suikoden (The Japanese
Water Margin) 183
Hone (Bones) 327
Horikawa nami no tsuzumi
(Revenge on the Drummer) 149
Hototogisu 253, 257
Hyaku monogatari (One Hundred
Stories) 263
Hyakuso zufu (An Illustrated
Botanical Guide) 307
Hyomin Usaburo (Usaburo the
Drifter) 321
Ichiaku no suna (A Handful of
Sand) 285
!chigon hodan 107
Ie (The Family) 269
Iji shimon (New Medicine) 261
Ikiru to iu koto (To Be Alive) 272,
Imoseyama onna teikin (An
Example of Noble Womanhood)
Imoto yo (Younger Sister) 328
In'ei raisan (In Praise of Shadows)
Indo de kangaeta koto (Thoughts in
India) 347
Inryoken Nichiroku 121
Inu tsukubashu (The Mongrel
Tsukuba Collection) 115, 116, 131,
Inumakura 132
Irie no hotori (By an Inlet) 269
Isai hitsudan (Essays by Isai) 336
Ise monogatari (Tales of Ise) 47-50,
54, 66, 132, 133, 189, 204, 295
Izu no odoriko (The Izu Dancer) 319
Izumi Shikibu nikki (The Diary of
Lady Izumi) 68
Izumo fudoki (Records of the Izumo
region) 16
Izutsu (The Well) 123
Jasei no in (As Lascivious asa
Snake) 192
Jashumon (Secret Songs of the
Heretics) 299, 302
Jian deng xin hua (New Tales Under
Lamplight) 132, 191
Jidai heisoku no genjo (The
Blockading of the Age: How
Things Are Now) 285
Jikaishii (Self-Discipline Collection)
Jinen Koji 122
Jingshu tongyin (Tales to Warn the
World) 191
Jinno shatoki (Chronicles of the
Legitimate Line of Divine
Emperors) 117
Jizo Bosatsu reigenki (Record of the
Miracles of Jizo Bosatsu) 85
Jojin Ajari no Haha-shu (Collection
by the Mother of the High Priest
Jojin) 68, 69
Jon Manjiro hyoryuki (A Record of
the Wanderings of John Manjiro)
Jiibenzu jugizu (The Ten
Conveniences and the Ten
Pleasures) 171
Jiininen no tegami (Twelve Years'
Letters) 311
Junja shokyokushii (A Collection of
Naive Short Pieces) 299
Kabukigeki ni kansuru kasatsu (A
Consideration of Kabuki) 329
Kagatobi 234
Kagero nikki (The Mayfly Diary) 68-
Kagi (The Key) 289, 291-3
Kaichoon (The Sound of the Tide)
Kaifuso 43, 61
Kaizoku (Pirate) 193
Kakaika 189
Kamen no kokuhaku (Confessions
of a Mask) 349
Kanadehon chiishingura (The
Syllabary Book of the Loyal
Retainers) 177-180, 182, 195, 196,
Kanashikigangu (Sad Playthings)
Kanginshii (Collection of Poems for
Leisurely Recitation) 115, 131, 137
Kani kosen (Crab-cannery Ship)
309, 310
Kanjincho (The Subscription Roll)
Kanke bunso (Three Great
Collections) 44, 45, 61
Kanke koshii 44, 45
Kano yo ni (As If ...) 263
Kanoko mochi 204, 206
Kantan 183
Kappa (Little Monster) 314, 315
Karenosha (From Withered Fields)
Karukaya 135, 136
Karukuchi gozen otoko (The Comic
Honourable Gentleman) 162
Karukuchi tsuyugahanashi (The
Comic Tale of Nothing) 162
Kaso jinbutsu (Person in Disguise)
Kasshi ginko 155
Kasshi yawa 207
Kataude (One Arm) 319
Kayoi Komachi 123, 206
Kaze tachinu (The Wind Has Risen)
Keikokushii 43
Keisei kintanki (Courtesans Should
Not Be Short-tempered) 181
Keiseikai shijiihatte (The Forty-eight
Ways of Buying a Courtesan) 183,
184, 185, 228
Kenkyushitsu-ura no kiiso (Fancies
from a Laboratory) 308
Kenreimon-in Ukyo no Daibu-shu
Kenryoku (Power) 336
Kibitsu no kama (The Cauldron of
Kibitsu) 192
Kiju dojo (Seventy-seven-year-old
Girl Child) 336
Kikka no chigiri (The
Chrysanthemum Pledge) 191,
Kindai bungaku (Modern literature)
Kindai shiso (Modern Thought) 284
Kindai shiika 91
Kinkaishu (Sanetomo Collection) 96
Kinkakuji (The Temple of the
Golden Pavilion) 349
Kinkin-sensei eiga no yume (Mr
Posh's Dream of Glory) 183
Kino wa kyo no monogatari
(Yesterday's Happenings Are
Today's Tales) 134, 135, 162, 204
Kinsei kijin-den (Lives of
Distinguished Men of Recent
Times) 168, 173
Kiri no hana (Paulownia Flowers)
Kirishitohoro shonin-den (The Story
of St. Christopher) 316
Kisha no kamataki (Steam-engine
Fireman) 312
Kitsugenshi (Poems of Yoshiwara)
Kiyomizu monogatari (Tales of
Kiyomizu) 130, 131, 161
Kocha no ato (Mter Tea) 281
Kochiyama 234
Koi no omoni (The Burden of Love)
Kojiki (Record of Ancient Matters) 3,
7, 12-18, 21-3, 189, 337
K6jin (The Wayfarer) 253, 258, 259
Kokin kidan hanabusa zoshi (Weird
Tales of Now and Long Ago) 183
Kokinshu (Collection from Ancient
and Modern Times) 37, 42-45, 48,
93, 189, 255, 294
Kokoro 258, 259
Kokumin no tomo (The People's
Friend) 272
Kokusen'ya kassen (The Battles of
Coxinga) 148, 175, 188
Konjaku monogatari (Tales of Now
and Then) 3, 4, 19, 50, 67, 68, 84,
85, 86, 88, 89, 90, 103, 107, 127"
137, 274, 315, 316
Konjiki yasha (The Usurer) 250
K6shoku (Lechery) 316
Koshoku gonin onna (Five Amorous
Women) 161, 163, 165
K6shoku ichidai onna (The Life of
an Amorous Woman) 161, 165
K6shoku ichidai otoko (The Life of
an Amorous Man) 161, 163, 164,
Koyo sekiyosonsha-shi (The
Cottage of Autumn Leaves and
Sunset Collection) 215, 216
Kozui wa wagatamashii ni oyobi
(The Flood Reaches My Soul) 351
Kumo no ito (The Spider's Thread)
Kurakaya 136
Kurama Tengu 322
Kuroi arne (Black Rain) 321, 342
Kusabira (Bamboo) 126
Kiis6ka to shinario (Fantasist and
Scenario) 312
Ky6sanshugiteki ningen
(Communistic Man) 331, 332
Ky6shii no shijin Yosa Buson (The
Poet of Nostalgia: Yosa Buson)
Kyounshu (The Mad Cloud
Collection) 106, 109, 111
KyUji 12
L'lmrnoraliste 329
Les Caves du Vatican 329
Les Egarements du coeur et de
I' esprit 229
Les Liaisons Dangereuses 229
Les Rougon-Macquart 270
Madame Bovary 280
Maihime (The Dancing Girl) 261
Mainichi shinbun (Daily News) 236
Makubesu hyoshaku (Critical Notes:
to Macbeth) 268
Makura no soshi (The Pillow Book)
68, 70, 71, 72, 107, 132, 174
Man'yoshu (Collection of Ten
Thousand Leaves) 1, 3, 24, 29-38,
42, 45, 51, 52, 54, 55, 59, 61, 92,
106, 189, 193, 255, 300, 303, 307,
Manji (Swastika) 289, 292
Marusu no uta (The Song of Mars)
Masui (Anaesthesia) 263
Matsu no ha (Pine Needles) 137, 299
Mehitotsu no kami (The One-eyed
God) 193
Meian (Light and Darkness) 255,
Meido no hikyaku (The Courier of
Hell) 149
Meigetsuki (Chronicles of the Bright
Moon) 3,91
Meijo nasake kurabe (Fair Women's
Love Trials) 132
Meiro (The Maze) 298
Meiroku zasshi 240
Michikusa (Grass on the Wayside)
Minamoto no Sanetomo 330
Minamoto no Shitago-shu 61
Minase sangin nanihito hyakuin (A
Poem of One Hundred Links
Composed by Three Poets at
Minase 113
Mita bungaku 264
Miyabinaru utage (Fetes Galantes)
Miyagi ga tsuka (The Grave of
Miyagi) 194
Miyamoto Musashi 322
Mizuumi (The Lake) 319
Momoku monogatari (The Blind
Man's Tale) 289, 292
Mon (The Gate) 258, 259
Monokusa Taro (Do-nothing Taro)
Moso (Reveries) 262, 264
Motoori Norinaga 330
Motsuaruto (Mozart) 330
Mujinto (The Inexhaustible Lantern)
Mujo to iu koto (Impermanence) 335
Mumyosho (Nameless Notes) 98,
99, 100
Muo no rigyo (The Carp That Made
Dreams Come True) 192
Mura no ie (House in a Village) 312
Murasaki Shikibu nikki (The Diary
of Lady Murasaki) 68, 70, 71, 72
Musei dokoku (Mute Lamentation)
Myojo 264
Naemara in'itsu-den (The Tale of a
Limp Prick in Seclusion) 185, 186,
Nakajikiri (The Partition Wall) 261
Nanaban nikki (Seventh Diary) 221
Nanba monogatari (Tales of Nanba)
Nanbanji monzen (Before the Doors
of the Barbarian Church) 305
Nanga Daitai (An Outline of Nanga
Painting) 329
Naniwa dora (The Gong of Naniwa)
Nankaku-sensei bunshu 170
Nanshoku okagami (The Great
Mirror of Love Between Men)
161, 165
Nanso satomi hakkenden (The
Story of the Eight Dogs of the
Satomi of Nanso) 231-3, 297
Naoko 317
Nemureru bijo (Sleeping Beauty)
Nenashigusa (Rootless Grass) 183,
185, 187
Nezumi-kozo 234, 315
Nezumi-kozo Jirokichi 316
Nihon ni okeru kirishitan no undo
(The Early Christian Movement in
Japan) 306, 307
Nihon ryoiki (Miraculous Stories
from the Japanese Buddhist
Tradition) 85, 137, 177, 273
Nihon seijishisoshi kenkyu (Studies
in the History of Japanese
Political Thought) 340
Nihon shiso no kanosei (The
Possibilities of Japanese Thought)
Nihon shoki (Chrqnicles of Japan) 3,
7, 12-17, 21-3, 189
Ningen shikkaku (Unfit to be
Human) 342
Ninin bikuni (Two Priestesses) 131
Nio 126
Nippon eitaigura (The Japanese
Family Storehouse) 161, 165, 166
Nippon Romanha Oapanese
Romantic School) 313
Nise monogatari 132-4
Nise no en (The Marriage Bond)
Nittoguho junreikoki Ooumal of a
Pilgrimage in China in Search of
Buddhist Teaching) 46, 47
Nobi (Fire on the Plain) 341
Nobuko 310
Nojokaiho tenmatsu (A Full
Account of the Liberation of the
Farm) 279
Nomingeijutsu-ron (Peasant Art)
Nozarashi kiko (Exposure in the
Field: A Travel Account) 155
Nushi (Lacquer Craftsman) 127
Ochikubo monogatari 62, 63, 65, 72-
Ogata Kanzai no oboegaki (Ogata
_ Ryosai's Memo) 316
Ogon densetsu (Golden Legend)
Oguri hangan Oudge Oguri) 135-7
Oi no kobumi (The Records of a
Travel-worn Satchel) 155
Okagami (The Great Mirror) 78-80,
Okamezasa 282
Okinawa noto (Okinawa Notes)
Okitsu Yagoemon no isho (The
Testament of Okitsu Yagoemon)
Oku no hosomichi (The Narrow
Road to Oku) 155
Omorososhi 21
Onishikage musashi abumi 178
Onnakoroshi abura no jigoku (The
Hell of Oil: Murder of a Woman)
147, 150
Oragaharu 221, 222
Orinpia (Olympia) 332
Orinpikku no terebi (The Olympics
on Television) 332
Oshiminaku aiwa ubau (Love Seizes
without Restraint) 280
Otogi boko (Dangling Doll) 132
Otogibanashi Kiyomori (Kiyomori:
A Story with a Comic Ending) 337
Otogibanashi, Nihon dasshutsu
(Escape from Japan: A Tale for
Children) 276
Otoshiji zatsushi (East of the Kamo:
The Fourth Hour) 219
Ouvert la nuit 318
Pantagruel 324
Pari moyu (Paris Bums) 322
Pin-jia Fu 36
Rai San'yo to sono jidai (Rai San'yo
and his Times) 265, 344
Rangen (Empty Words) 246, 247
Reite senki (A Record of the Battle of
Leyte) 341
Rekishi ishiki no koso (Ancient
Substrata in Historical
Consciousness) 340
Ren'ai meikashu (A Collection of
Great Love Poems) 303
Renkanki (A Series of Records) 247-
Rinju (Last Moments) 327
Risai mokuroku (Catalogue of
Disaster) 280, 282
Rokotsunaru byosha (True
Depictions) 268.
Ryoshii (Homesick on a Journey)
Ryounshii 43
Ryiiky6 shinshi (New Records of
Yanagibashi) 221, 236, 238, 239,
Ryiisuishii 105, 160
Sagoromo monogatari (The Tale of
Sagoromo) 78, 80, 81, 83
Saikaku okimiyage (Mementos of
Saikaku) 161, 165
Saikaku oridome (Saikaku's Last
Weaving) 161, 165, 166
Saikaku oyakazu (A Great Number
of Arrows by Saikaku) 152
Saikaku shokokubanashi (Saikaku's
Provincial Tales) 161
Saito Mokichi noto (Saito Mokichi
Notes) 301, 313
Sakai jiken (The Sakai Incident) 265
Sakasu (Circus) 327
San' eki enshi 160
San'ekishiko 105
Sanka-shii (Mountain Collection)
Sankyo (In the Mountains) 216
Sanky6 fiibutsushi (Notes on
Scenery of the Ravine) 320
Sannin Kichisa, kuruwa no hatsugai
(Three Kichisas: First Night in the
Pleasure Quarter) 214, 234
Sanshir6 257
Sansh6 dayii (Lord Steward
Sansho) 135
Sanuki no Suke no nikki (The Diary
of Sanuki no Suke) 68, 69, 70
Sanz6shi 159
Sarashina kiko (A Visit to Sarashina
Village) 155
Sarashina nikki (The Sarashina
Diary) 69, 70, 80
Sarumino (The Monkey's Raincoat)
Sasameyuki (The Makioka Sisters)
282, 289-291, 293, 294, 310, 317
Seigaku mondo (Questions and
Answers on the Study of the
Sages) 169
Seikatsu no tankyii 320-1
Seinen (Youth) 263
Seiro hiru no sekai, nishiki no ura
(Behind the Brocade: The World
of the House of Pleasure in the
Daytime) 183, 184
Seishinshi (A History of Ideas) 329
Seisuisho (Laughter on Awakening)
131, 132
Seiyu nichiroku (A Record of a
Journey West) 335
Seken munezan'yo (Reckonings
That Carry Men Through the
World) 161, 164, 165
Seken musuko katagi (Characters of
Young Men of Our Society) 181,
Seken musume katagi (Characters
of Young Women of Our Society)
Seken tedai katagi (Characters of
Shopmen of Our Society) 181
Sekihekifu (Song Before the Red
Cliff) 240
Senbazuru (A Thousand Cranes)
Sensaisha no Kanashimi (The Grief
of War Victims) 275
Senso ni tsuite (On War) 334
Setsugoan yawa 289
Shakai shisoshi, chusei (A History
of Social Thought: The Middle
Ages) 331, 335
Shakko (Red Light) 300, 301
Shaku Nihongi 20
Shasekishii(The Sand Collection)
toO, 137, 273
Shayo (Setting Sun) 342
Shi ba sen (Si Ma Qian) 347
Shi no shima (Island of Death) 342
Shi-jing 21
Shigosen no matsuri (Festival of the
Meridian) 344
Shikano makifude (Shikano's
Decorated Brush) 162
Shiki no sekai (The World of the
Historical Records) 347
Shikid6 okagami (The Great Mirror
of the Way of Venery) 160
Shimijimi Nihon, Nogi taisho
(Japanissimo: General Nogi) 350
Shin Kokinwakashii (Shin
Kokinshu) 6, 37, 56, 91-97, 154
Shin'yu ki (The Record of a
Friendship of the Heart) 161
Shin-zoku-Kokinshii 58
Shina yori kaerite (Back from China)
Shinden Shiko 105, 160
Shinikubi no egao (The Smile on the
Face of the Corpse) 194
Shinjii ten no Amijima (Love-
suicide at Amijima) 147, 151
Shinkichosha nikki (Diary of One
Recently Returned) 279, 281
Shinkiichitai (Empty Zone) 342
Shinpen fushoshii 129
Shinrei yaguchi no watashi 185, 186
Shinsei (A New Life) 270
Shinsen tsukubashii 113, 116
Shinsen waka-jo 61
Shinshaku kojiki (A New
Interpretation of the Kojiki) 329
Shinshaku ugetsu monogatari (The
New Tales of the Rain and Moon)
Shinsukora jidai (The New
Scholastic Age) 333
Shion monogatari (Asters) 336
Shirakaba (Silver Birch) 288
Shiramine (White Peak) 191
Shis6 no kagaku (The Science of
Thought) 345
Shitaya sowa (Tales of Shitaya) 217,
Shiyiinojo kara kyosanno'en e
(From Private Estate to
Communal Farm) 279
Shogo (Midday) 327
Sh6gun 315
Shokenko 105
Shokoku kijin-den (Lives of
Remarkable People of the
Provinces) 329, 336
Shokudo (Dining Room) 263
Shokugo no uta (Songs after Eating)
Shomonki 103
Shoo kushii 156
Shui hu juan (The Water Margin)
183, 232
Shiiishii 58
Shuju no kotoba (Words of a Dwarf)
Shunjitsu ky6so (Mad Thoughts on
a Spring Day) 327
Shunkinsh6 (A Portrait of Shunkin)
289, 291, 292, 293
Shunpiibateikyoku (Songs of the
Spring Breeze and the
Embankment) 171, 172
Shunshoku tatsumi no sono (Spring
Colours: The Garden in the
South-east) 229, 230
Shunshoku umegoyomi (Spring
Colours: The Plum Calendar) 213,
Shuntoku-maru 135
Shiiron 126
Shiizanzu (Autumn Landscape)
Sochoki (Records of Two Butterflies)
Soga monogatari i16, 117, 122, 198
Sonezaki shinjii (Sonezaki Love-
suicide) 140, 144, 145, 147, 149,
150, 151, 280
Sorekara (And Then) 257-9
Sotoba Komachi 122, 206
Souvenirs entomologiques 335
Sozan wakashu 129
Subaru (Pleiades) 264, 286, 299
Sugawara denju tenarai kagami
(The Secret of Sugawara's
Calligraphy) 175, 176, 195
Sumidawara (A Bag of Charcoal) 156
Suna no onna (Woman of the
Dunes) 350
Susanoo-no-mikoto 315
Suteishimaru 194
Tadekuumushi (Some Prefer
Nettles) 289, 292
Taiheiki (Chronicle of the Great
Peace) 8, 114, 116-9 186, 198, 204
Tajinko mura (Tajinko Village) 320
Takekurabe (Comparing Heights)
Taketori monogatari (Tale of the
Bamboo Cutter) 47, 48, 49, 50, .63,
Takeuchi Yoshimi hy6ronshii
(Collected Criticism) 346
Tales from Shakespeare 255
Tamenaga Shunsui 282
Tandai shoshinroku 190, 191, 193
Tanka ni okeru shasei no setsu (On
Drawing from Nature in Tanka)
Tanpopo (Dandelion) 319
Teichu koron 241
Tenkan (Age of Change) 309
Tenno no sew (The Century of the
Emperor) 322, 323
Tettsuiden (The Story of
Ironhammer) 60
To Shishun (Du Zichun) 316
Tokai dochu hizakurige (Shanks'
Pony along the Tokaido) 210,223,
224, 227, 257
Tokaido yotsuya kaidan (The Ghost
of Yotsuya) 199-201
Tokyo keibutsushi (Tokyo Scenes)
Torikaebaya monogatari (The Tale
of the Exchanged Children) 78,
80, 81, 82, 83, 84
Tosa nikki (The Tosa Diary) 42-4,46,
47, 50, 53, 63, 68
Toseikatsusha (Party Life) 309, 310
Tozakaru Notorudamu (Notre
Dame Ever More Distant) 343
Tsubaki no umi no ki (Memories of
the Sea of Camellias) 350
Tsuchi (Earth) 296, 320
Tsugen somagaki (The Great House
of Pleasure) 228
Tsuki no hoeru (Howling at the
Moon) 302
Tsukubashu (Tsukuba Collection)
112, 113, 115, 116
Tsurezuregusa (Essays in Idleness)
101, 106-9, 132
Tsutsumi Chunagon monogatari
(The Tales of Lord Tsutsumi) 78,
Uchirnura Kanzo 275
Udekurabe (Contest) 282
Ugetsu monogatari (Tales of the
Rain and Moon) 183, 191, 192,
193, 195
Ukigurumo (Floating Clouds) 268
Ukiyo oyaji katagi (Characters of
Fathers of the Floating World) 181
Ukiyoburo (The Bath-house of the
Floating World) 210, 225-7, 257,
Ukiyodoko (The Barbershop of the
Floating World) 225-7
Une Vie 280
Unko nichiroku (A Record of Days
at Yun Gang) 305
Unmei (Destiny) 247, 248
Uraminosuke 131
Uta andon 250, 251
Uta no homare (In Praise of Poetry)
Uta no wakare (Leaving Songs
Behind) 312, 313
Utatayomi ni atauru sho (Open
Letters to Waka Poets) 254, 255
Utsuho monogatari (Tale of a
Hollow Tree) 4,62, 64, 66, 67, 71-
Vita Sexualis 264
Waga hyakushu (My Hundred
Poems) 264
Wagahai wa neko de aru (I Am a
Cat) 257
Waidan (Dirty Story) 280
Waka kuhon (Nine Types of Waka)
Wakan rohei-shu Gapanese-Chinese
Recitation Collection) 61, 62
Waranbegusa 124
Warera no ichidan to kare (Our
Group and Him) 285, 286
Watakushi no kojinshugi (My
Individualism) 259
Watanabe Kazan 329
Yabu no naka (In the Grove) 89, 315,
Yagi no uta (Songs of Goats) 327,
Yakeato no Iesu Gesus in the Ashes)
Yakei no ryoshu azuchiron (The
yaro-keisei Azuchi Dialogue) 181
Yama no oto (The Sound of the
Mountain) 319, 320
Yamashigi (Woodcock) 315, 316
Yamato monogatari 191
Yari no Goma kasane katabira
(Spearman Gonza's llIicit Love)
Yoakemae (Before the Dawn) 271,
Yohai taicho (Lieutenant Lookeast)
Yokubo wa shi yorimo tsuyoshi
(Desire is Stronger Than Death)
Yomiuri shinbun 250
Yoroppa ni okeru shukyoteki
seishin no sull to hatten (Changes
and Development of the Religious
Spirit in Europe) 330
Yoshitsune senbonzakura
(Yoshitsune: The Thousand
Cherry Trees) 176, 195, 196
Youchi Soga (The Soga Brothers
Attack by Night) 123
Yowa no nezume (Waking at Dead
of Night) 78, 80, 81, 83
Yubin hochi shinbun (The Mail
Dispatch) 236
Yugiri awa no naruto 149
Yuibutsuron no rekishi (A History
of Materialism) 330, 335
Yukiguni (Snow Country) 318-320
Zaichujo-ron 170
Zayu no mei 154
Zoku-sarumino (Sequel to the
Monkey's Raincoat) 156
Index of English Titles
(Throughout the book, first references to works give the Japanese
title, sometimes with English translation. Subsequent references
may use the English version only. This Index gives the English
titles, where known.)
A Woman (Aru onna) 280, 310
Absorbed in Letters (Gesaku
zanmai) 316
After Tea (Kocha no ato) 281
Age of Change (Tenkan) 309
Amatsu Maid, The (Amatsu Otome)
193, 194
America: A Sentimental Journey
(Amerika kanjo ryoko) 348
Anaesthesia (Masui) 263
Ancient Calendar, The (Daikyoji
mukashigoyomi) 149
Ancient Calendar, The (Daikyoshi
mukashi Koizumi) 164
Ancient Substrata in Historical
Consciousness (Rekishi ishiki no
koso) 340
And Then (Sorekara) 257-9
As If . . . (Kano yo ni) 263
As Lascivious as a Snake (Jasei no
in) 192
Asters (Shion monogatari) 336
Autumn (Aki) 316
Autumn Landscape (Shiizanzu)
Azuma Dialogues, The (Azuma
mondo) 114
Azumaburi Kyoka Library
(Azumaburi kyoka bunko) 207
Back from China (Shina yori kaerite)
Bag of Charcoal, A (Sumidawara)
Ball, The (Butokai) 316
Bamboo (Kusabira) 126
Barbershop of the Floating World
(Ukiyodoko) 225-7
Bath-house of the Floating World
(Ukiyoburo) 210, 225-7, 257, 324
Battles of Coxinga, The (Kokusen'ya
kassen) 148, 175, 188
Before the Dawn (Yoakemae) 271,
Before the Doors of the Barbarian
Church (Nanbanji monzen) 305
Behind the Brocade: The World of
the House of Pleasure in the
Daytime (Seiro hiru no sekai,
nishiki no ural 183, 184
Black Rain (Kuroi arne) 321, 342
Blind Man's Tale, The (Momoku
monogatari) 289, 292
Blockading of the Age: How Things
Are Now (Jidai heisoku no genjo)
Bloody Robe, The (Chikatabira) 193,
Blue Cat (Aoneko) 302
Blue Hood, The (Aozukin) 192
Bones (Hone) 327
Both Sun and Moon (Hi mo tsuki
mol 319
Broken Commandment, The
(Hakai) 272
Burden of Love, The (Koi no omoni)
By an Inlet (lrie no hotori) 269
By the Waters of Babylon (Babiron
no nagare no hotori nite) 343
Carp That Made Dreams Come
True, The (Muo no rigyo) 192
Catalogue of Disaster (Risai
mokuroku) 280, 282
Cauldron of Kibitsu (Kibitsu no
kama) 192
Cave Temples and Stone Buddhas
of Ta Dong (Daido sekibutsuji)
Century of the Emperor (Tenno no
seiki) 322, 323
Changes and Development of the
Religious Spirit in Europe
(Yoroppa ni okeru shiikyoteki
seishin no suii to hatten) 330
Characters of Fathers of the Floating
World (Ukiyo oyaji katagi) 181
Characters of Shopmen of Our
Society (Seken tedai katagi) 181
Characters of Young Men of Our
Society (Seken musuko katagi)
181, 182
Characters of Young Women of Our
Society (Seken musume katagi)
China's Modern Age and Japan's
Modem Age (Chiigoku no kindai
to Nihon no kindai) 346
Chomon Gorge in Winter (Fuyu no
Chomonkyo) 327
Chronicle of the Great Peace
(Taiheiki) 8, 114, 116-119, 186,
198, 204
Chronicle of the Lakeside Residence
(Chiteiki) 98, 99, 248
Chronicle of Yoshitsune (Gikeiki)
116, 117, 122, 198
Chronicles of Japan (Nihon shoki) 3,
7, 12-17, 21-3, 189
Chronicles of the Bright Moon
(Meigetsuki) 3, 91
Chronicles of the Legitimate Line of
Divine Emperors (Jinno shotoki)
Chrysanthemum Pledge, The
(Kikka no chigiri) 191, 192
Circus (Sakasu) 327
Clouded Heavens (Donten) 327
Coeval Games (Dojidai gemu) 351
Cogwheels (Haguruma) 316
Collected Criticism (Takeuchi
Yoshimi hyoronshii) 346
Collection by the Mother of the
High Priest Jojin (Jojin Ajari no
Haha-shii) 68, 69
Collection from Ancient and
Modern Times (Kokinshii) 37, 42-
45,48,49,51-56,58,59, 61, 62, 72,
77, 92, 93, 189, 255, 294
Collection of a Myriad Kyoka
(Bansai kyokashu) 204
Collection of Great Love Poems
(Ren'ai meikashii) 303
Collection of Naive Short Pieces
(Junjo shokyokushii) 299
Collection of Poems for Leisurely
Recitation (Kanginshii) 115, 131,
Collection of Ten Thousand Leaves
(Man'yoshii) 1, 3, 24, 29-38, 42,
45, 51, 52, 54, 55, 59, 61, 92, 106,
189, 193, 255, 300, 303, 307, 326
Comic Honourable Gentleman,
(Karukuchi gozen otoko) 162
Comic Tale of Nothing, The
(Karukuchi tsuyugahanashi) 162
Communistic Man
(Kyosanshugiteki ningen) 331,
Comparing Heights (Takekurabe)
Confessions of a Mask (Kamen no
kokuhaku) 349
Consideration of Kabuki, A
(Kabukigeki ni kansuru kosatsu)
Contest (Udekurabe) 282
Cottage of Autumn Leaves and
Sunset Collection, The (Koyo
sekiyosonsha-shi) 215, 216
Courier of Hell (Meido no hikyaku)
Courtesans Should Not Be Short-
tempered (Keisei kintanki) 181
Crab-cannery Ship (Kani k6sen)
Crescent Moon: A Strange Tale
(Chinsetsu yumiharizuki) 231-4
Critical Notes to Macbeth
(Makubesu hyoshaku) 268
Daibosatsu pass (Daibosatsu toge)
297, 298, 322
Daily News (Mainichi shinbun) 236
Dancing Girl, The (Maillime) 261
Dandelion (Tanpopo) 319
Dangling Doll (Otc)gi boko) 132
Day in the Life of Oishi Kuranosuke
(Aru hi no Oishi Kuranosuke) 315
Death of a Christian (H6kyonin no
shi) 316
Defence, A (Chinbensho) 286
Desire is Stronger Than Death
(Yokubo wa shi yorimo tsuyoshi)
Destiny (Unmei) 247, 248
Development (Hatten) 270
Diary of a Mad Old Man (Futenr6jin
nikki) 289, 292, 293
Diary of Lady Izumi, The (Izumi
Shikibu nikki) 68
Diary of Lady Murasaki (Murasaki
Shikibu nikki) 68, 70-2
Diary of One Recently Returned
(Shinkich6sha nikki) 279, 281
Diary of Sanuki no Suke (Sanuki no
Suke no nikki) 68-70
Diary of the Death of My Father
(Chichi no shuen nikki) 221-3
Diary of the Sixth Year of Bunka
(Bunka rokunen nikki) 221
Dining Room (Shokud6) 263
Dirty Story (Waidan) 280
Do-nothing Tar6 (Monokusa Tar6)
Dostoievski's Life (Dosutoefusuki
no seikatsu) 337
Early Christian Movement in Japan
(Nihon ni okeru kirishitan no
undo) 306, 307
Early Life of Daid6ji Shinsuke
(Daid6ji Shinsuke no hansei) 314,
Earth (Tsuchi) 296, 320
East of the Kamo: The Fourth Hour
(Ot6shiji zatsushi) 219
Eighth Diary (Hachiban nikki) 221
Elegant Tale of Shid6ken (Furyti
Shidoken-den) 183, 185, 187, 188,
Elegantly Decorated Buddha
(Furytibutsu) 246
Empty Words (Rangen) 246, 247
Empty Zone (Shinkuchitai) 342
Escape from Japan: A Tale for
Children (Otogibanashi, Nihon
dasshutsu) 276
Essays by Isai (Isai hitsudan) 336
Essays in Idleness (Tsurezuregusa)
101, 106-9, 132
Evening of the Galactic Railway
(Gingatetsudo no yoru) 326
Example of Noble Womanhood
(Imoseyama onna teikin) 176
Exposure in the Field: A Travel
Account (Nozarashi kiko) 155
Fair Women's Love Trials (Meijo
nasake kurabe) 132
Family, (Ie) 269
Fancies from a Laboratory
(KenkyUshitsu-ura no kuso) 308
Fantasist and Scenario (Kus6ka to
shinario) 312
Faraway Notre Dame (Harukanaru
N6torudamu) 343
Festival of the Meridian (Shigosen
no matsuri) 344
Fine-weather Clogs (Hiyorigeta) 281
Fire on the Plain (Nobi) 341
Five Amorous Women (Koshoku
gonin onna) 161, 163, 165
Floating Clouds (Ukigurumo) 268
Flood Reaches My Soul, The (Kozui
wa wagatamashii ni oyobi) 351
Forty-eight Ways of Buying a
Courtesan (Keiseikai shijuhatte)
183-5, 228
From an Old Notebook (Furui techo
kara) 263
From Private Estate to Communal
Farm (ShiyUn6jo kara
kyosanno'en e) 279
From Withered Fields (Karenosh6)
Full Account of the Liberation of the
Farm (Nojokaih6 tenmatsu) 279
Gate, The (Mon) 258, 259
Gengaku's Mountain Villa
(Genkaku sanb6) 316
Ghost of Yotsuya, The (T6kaido
yotsuya kaidan} 199-201
Golden Legend (Ogon densetsu)
Gong of Naniwa (Naniwa dora) 160
Grass on the Wayside (Michikusa)
Grave of Miyagi, The (Miyagi ga
tsuka) 194
Great House of Pleasure, The
(Tsugen somagaki) 228
Great Mirror of Love Between Men,
The (Nanshoku okagami) 161, 165
Great Mirror of the Way of Venery
(Shikido okagamiJ 160
Great Mirror, The (Okagami) 78-80,
Great Number of Arrows by
Saikaku (Saikaku oyakazu) 152
Great Number of Haikai (Haikai
oyakazu) 152
Grief of War Victims (Sensaisha no
Kanashimi) 275
Haikai Notebook for the Bunka Era
(Bunka kuchO) 221
Haikai Notebook for the Bunsei Era
(Bunsei kucho) 221
Half a Day (Hannichi) 264
Handful of Sand (Ichiaku no suna)
Hell of Oil: Murder of a Woman,
The (Onnakoroshi abura no
jigoku) 147, 150
Hidden by Leaves (Hagakure) 118,
140-5, 148, 162
Hiroshima Notes (Hiroshima noto)
History of Ideas, A (Seishinshi) 329
History of Materialism (Yuibutsuron
no rekishi) 330, 335
History of Social Thought: The
Middle Ages (Shakai shisoshi,
chusei) 331, 335
Hitler Incident, The (Hittoreru
jiken) 304
Homesick on a Journey (Ryoshu)
House in a Village (Mura no ie)
Howling at the Moon (Tsuki no
hoeru) 302
I Am a Cat (Wagahai wa neko de
aru) 257
Ideas and Behaviour in Modern
Politics (Gendai seiji no shiso to
kodo) 338
TIlustrated Botanical Guide, An
(Hyakuso zufu) 307
Imperial Selection (Gosenshu) 43
Impermanence (Mujo to iu koto) 335
In Memory of the Fiftieth
Anniversary of the Deaths of 0-
natsu and Seijuro (Gojunenki uta
nebutsu) 148, 149
In Praise of Poetry (Uta no homare)
In Praise of Shadows (In'ei raisan)
289, 291
In the Grove (Yabu no naka) 89,315,
In the Mountains (Sankyo) 216
Inexhaustible Lantern, The
(Mujinto) 332
Inn at Asaji, The (Asaji ga yado) 192
Island of Death (Shi no shima) 342
Izu Dancer, The (Izu no odoriko) 319
Japanese Family Storehouse, The
(Nippon eitaigura) 161, 165, 166
Japanese Literary Choice, The
(Honcho monzui) 60, 61
Japanese Tangyin bishi, The
(Honcho oin hiji) 161
Japanese Water Margin, The
(Honcho suikoden) 183
Japanese-Chinese Recitation
Collection (Wakan rohei-shu) 61,
Japanissimo: General Nogi
(Shimijirni Nihon, Nogi taisho)
Jesus in the Ashes (Yakeato no lesu)
Journal of a Pilgrimage in China in
Search of Buddhist Teaching
(Nittoguho junreikoki) 46, 47
Judge Oguri (Oguri hangan) 135-7
Key, The (Kagi) 289, 291-3
Kiyomori: A Story with a Comic
Ending (Otogibanashi Kiyomori)
Lake, The (Mizuumi) 319
Last Moments (Rinju) 327
Laughter on Awakening (Seisuisho)
131, 132
Leaving Songs Behind (Uta no
wakare) 312, 313
Lechery (Koshoku) 316
Letter from Prison 285, 286
Letters of Van Gogh (Gohho no
tegami) 330
Lieutenant Lookeast (Yohai taicho)
Life of an Amorous Man (Koshoku
ichidai otoko) 161, 163, 164, 231
Life of an Amorous Woman
(Koshoku ichidai onna) 161, 165
Life of an Idiot (Aru abO no issho)
Light and Darkness (Meian) 255,
Like a Needle (Hari no gotoku) 296
Linguistic Universe of Dogen
(Dogen no gengouchii) 344
Literary Criticisms (Bungaku
hyoron) 256
Little Monster (Kappa) 314, 315
Lives of Distinguished Men of
Recent Times (Kinsei kijin-den)
Lives of Remarkable People of the
Provinces (Shokoku kijin-den)
Lord Steward Sansho (Sansho
dayli) 135
Love Affairs of an Edo Lad, The
(Edo mumare uwaki no kabayaki)
183, 184
Love of a Fool (Chijin no ai) 289,291
Love Seizes without Restraint
(Oshirninaku aiwa ubau) 280
Love-suicide at Amijima (Amijima
shinju) 151
Love-suicide at Amijima (Shinjii ten
no Amijima) 147, 151
Loyal Retainer's Water Margin, The
(Chiishinsuikoden) 228
Luminous Moss (Hikarigoke) 347
Mad Cloud Collection, The
(Kyounshii) 106, 109, 111
Mad Thoughts on a Spring Day
(Shunjitsu kyoso) 327
Madame Bovary 280
Mail Dispatch, The (Yiibin hochi
shinbun) 236
Makioka Sisters, The (Sasameyuki)
282, 289-91, 293, 294, 310, 317
Marriage Bond, The (Nise no en)
193, 194
Mayfly Diary, The (Kagero nikki) 68,
69, 70, 71, 73, 317
Maze, The (Meiro) 298
Mementos of Saikaku (Saikaku
okimiyage) 161, 165
Memoirs of a Prisoner of War
(Furyoki) 340, 341
Memories of the Sea of Camellias
(Tsubaki no umi no ki) 350
Men and Women's Marriage Album
(Danjo kon'in fu) 60
Mentality of the Rulers of a
Militaristic State (Gunkoku
shihaisha no seishin keitai) 338
Midday (Shogo) 327
Miraculous Stories from the
Japanese Buddhist Tradition
(Nihon ryoiki) 85, 137, 177, 273
Modern Literature (Kindai
bungaku) 350
Modern Thought (Kindai shiso) 284
Mongrel Tsukuba Collection, The
(Inu tsukubashii) 115, 116, 131,
Monkey's Raincoat, The (Sarumino)
Mountain Collection (Sanka-shii) 94
Mozart (Motsuaruto) 330
Mr Posh's Dream of Glory (Kinkin-
sensei eiga no yume) 183
Mute Lamentation (Musei dokoku)
My Hundred Poems (Waga
hyakushu) 264
My Individualism (Watakushi no
kojinshugi) 259
Nameless Notes (Mumyosho) 98,
99, 100
Narrow Road to Oku, The (Oku no
hosomichi) 155
Nation, The (Choya shinbun) 236,
New Hygiene (Eisei shinshi) 261
New Interpretation of the Kojiki, A
(Shinshaku kojiki) 329
New Life, A (Shinsei) 270
New Medicine (Iji shimon) 261
New Records of Yanagibashi
(Ryiikyo shinshi) 221, 236, 238,
New Scholastic Age, The
(Shinsukora jidai) 333
New Tales of the Rain and Moon,
The (Shinshaku ugetsu
monogatari) 329
New Tales Under Lamplight Gian
deng xin hua) 132, 191
Night Journey (An'ya koro) 294,295
Nine Types of Waka (Waka kuhon)
Notes on Scenery of the Ravine
(Sankyo fiibutsushi) 320
Notre Dame Ever More Distant
(Tozakaru Notorudamu) 343
Ogata Ryosai's Memo (Ogata
Kanzai no oboegaki) 316
Okinawa Notes (Okinawa noto) 351
Olympia (Orinpia) 332
Olympics on Television, The
(Orinpikku no terebi) 332
On Drawing from Nature in Tanka
(Tanka ni okeru shasei no setsu)
On Flatulence (Hohi-ron) 185, 186
On the Treasure House of Writing
(Bunkyohifu-ron) 42
On War (Senso ni tsuite) 334
One Arm (Kataude) 319
One Hundred Links Composed by
Three Poets at Minase (Minase
sangin nanihito hyakuin) 113
One Hundred Stories (Hyaku
monogatari) 263
One-eyed God, The (Mehitotsu no
kami) 193
Open Letters to Waka Poets
(Utatayomi ni atauru sho) 254,255
Opening of Modern Japan (Gendai
Nihon no kaika) 259
Our Group and Him (Warera no
ichidan to kare) 285, 286
Outline of Nanga Painting, An
(Nanga Daitai) 329
Owl, The, and the Mountain Monk
(Fukuro yamabushi) 126
Pagoda, The (Gojiinoto) 246
Paris Burns (Pari moyu) 322
Partition Wall, The (Nakajikiri) 261
Party Life (Toseikatsusha) 309, 310
Paulownia Flowers (Kiri no hana)
Peasant Art (Nomingeijutsu-ron)
People's Friend (Kokumin no tomo)
People's Group (Heirninsha) 278,
People's Newspaper, The (Heimin
shinbun) 284
Person in Disguise (Kaso jinbutsu)
Pillow Book (Makura no soshi) 68,
70-2, 107, 132, 174
Pine Needles (Matsu no ha) 137, 299
Pirate (Kaizoku) 193
Plain Sketch (Hakubyo) 331
Poems from the Eastern Provinces
(Azama-uta) 39, 40
Poems of Yoshiwara (Kitsugenshi)
Poet of Nostalgia: Yosa Buson
(Kyoshii no shijin Yosa Buson)
Portrait of Shunkin (Shunkinsho)
Possibilities of Japanese Thought
(Nihon shiso no kanosei) 345
Power (Kenryoku) 336
Questions and Answers on the
Study of the Sages (Seigaku
mondo) 169
Rai San'yo and his Times (Rai
San'yo to sono jidai) 265, 344
Reckonings That Carry Men
Through the World (Seken
munezan'yo) 161, 164, 165
Record of a Friendship of the Heart
(Shin'yu ki) 161
Record of a Journey West (Seiyu
nichiroku) 335
Record of Ancient Matters (Kojiki) 3,
7, 12-18, 21-3, 189, 337
Record of Days at Yun Gang (Unko
nichiroku) 305
Record of Genjiian (Genjiian no ki)
Record of the Battle of Leyte (Reite
senki) 341
Record of the Miracles of Jiz6
Bosatsu (Jiz6 Bosatsu reigenki) 85
Record of the Wanderings of John
Manjiro Uon Manjiro hyoryuki)
Records of a Travel-worn Satchel
(Oi no kobumi) 155
Records of Edo in Prosperity (Edo
hanjoki) 220, 221, 236, 238, 257
Records of the Bungo Region
(Bungo fudoki) 19
Records of the Hitachi Region
(Hitachi fudoki) 19, 21
Records of the Hizen Region (Hizen
fudoki) 19
Records of the Izumo Region (Izumo
fudoki) 16
Records of Two Butterflies (Sochoki)
Red Light (Shakko) 300, 301
Red Poppies (Gubijinso) 257
Reed Gatherer (Ashikari) 289
Revenge on the Drummer
(Horikawa nami no tsuzumi) 149
Reveries (Moso) 262, 264
Rich and Poor (Hinpukuron) 192
Romance from East of the Sumida
(Bokuto kitan) 238, 282
Rootless Grass (Nenashigusa) 183,
185, 187
Sad Playthings (Kanashiki gangu)
Saikaku's Last Weaving (Saikaku
oridome) 161, 165, 166
Saikaku's Provincial Tales (Saikaku
shokokubanashi) 161
Saito Mokichi Notes (Saito Mokichi
noto) 301, 313
Sakai Incident, The (Sakai jiken) 265
Sand Collection, The (Shasekishii)
100, 137, 273
Sanetomo Collection (Kinkaishii) 96
Sarashina Diary (Sarashina nikki)
Science of Thought, The (Shiso no
kagaku) 345
Scribbled notes on Art (Geijutsu ni
kansuru hashiragateki oboegaki)
Secret of Sugawara's Calligraphy,
The (Sugawara denju tenarai
kagarni) 175, 176, 195
Secret Songs of the Heretics
Uashiimon) 299, 302
Self-Discipline Collection (Jikaishii)
Sequel to the Monkey's Raincoat
(Zoku-sarurnino) 156
Series of Records, A (Renkanki)
Setting Sun (Shayo) 342
Seven Part Haikai Collection (Haikai
shichibushii) 156
Seventh Diary (Nanaban nikki) 221
Seventy-seven-year-old Girl Child
(Kiju dojo) 336
Shanks' Pony along the Tokaido
(Tokai dochii hizakurige) 210,
223, 224, 227, 257
Shikano's Decorated Brush
(Shikano makifude) 162
Shinagawa Station in the Rain (Arne
no Shinagawa eki) 312
Signpost (Dohyo) 311
Silver Birch (Shirakaba) 288
Sleeping Alone (Hitorine) 168, 169,
172, 174, 290
Sleeping Beauty (Nemureru bijo)
Smile on the Face of the Corpse,
The (Shinikubi no egao) 194
Snow Country (Yukiguni) 318, 319,
Soga Brothers Attack by Night
(Youchi Soga) 123
Solitude in the Public Square
(Hiroba no kokodu) 347
Some Prefer Nettles
(Tadekuumushi) 289, 292
Sonezaki Love-suicide (Sonezaki
shinjii) 140, 144, 145, 147, 149-
Song Before the Red Cliff
(Sekihekifu) 240
Song of Escape (Hekiekifu) 239, 240
Song of Mars (Marusu no uta) 334,
Songs after Eating (Shokugo no uta)
Songs of Goats (Yagi no uta) 327,
Songs of the Days That Were (Arishi
hi no uta) 327
Songs of the Northern Village
(Hokurika) 213, 218, 219
Songs of the Spring Breeze and the
Embankment (Shunpiibateikyoku)
171, 172
Sound of the Mountain (Yama no
oto) 319, 320
Sound of the Tide (Kaichoon) 264,
Spearman Gonza's Illicit Love (Yari
no Gonza kasane katabira) 149
Spider;s Thread, The (Kumo no ito)
Spirit of Irony (Hangoteki seishin)
Spring and the Asura (Haru to
Shura) 325, 326
Spring Colours: The Garden in the
South-east (Shunshoku tatsumi
no sono) 229, 230
Spring Colours: The Plum Calendar
(Shunshoku umegoyomi) 213,
Spring Day (Haru no hi) 156
Stearn-engine Fireman (Kisha no
kamataki) 312
Story of Bunsho (BunshO soshi) 118
Story of Ironhammer (Tettsuiden)
Story of St. Christopher, The
(Kirishitohoro shonin-den) 316
Story of the Eight Dogs of the
Satomi of Nanso (Nanso satorni
hakkenden) 231-3, 297
Studies in the History of Japanese
Political Thought (Nihon
seijishisoshi kenkyii) 340
Subscription Roll, The (Kanjincho)
Swastika (Manji) 289, 292
Syllabary Book of the Loyal
Retainers, The (Kanadehon
chiishingura) 177-180, 182, 195,
Tajinko Village (Tajinko mura) 320
Tale of a Hollow Tree (Utsuho
monogatari) 4, 62,64, 66, 67, 71-4,
Tale of a Limp Prick in Seclusion
(Naemara in'itsu-den) 185-7
Tale of Flowering Fortunes (Eiga
monogatari) 78-80 83, 177
Tale of France (Furansu monogatari)
Tale of Genji, The (Genji
monogatari) 4, 7, 50, 63, 66, 67,
71-76, 78, 80-84, 93, 163, 189, 229,
289, 291, 294
Tale of Hogen, The (Hogen
monogatari) 103, 232
Tale of Lord Hamamatsu
(Hamamatsu Chiinagon
monogatari) 78, 80-2
Tale of Sagoromo (Sagoromo
monogatari) 78, 80, 81, 83
Tale of the Bamboo Cutter (Taketori
monogatari) 47-50, 63, 64, 66
Tale of the Exchanged Children
(Torikaebaya monogatari) 78, 80-
Tale of the House of Taira (Heike
monogatari) 8, 89, 90, 100-103,
118, 122, 123, 186, 198, 291, 341
Tale of the Wealthy Fukutorni
(Fukutomi choja monogatari)
Tales from Shakespeare 255
Tales of Ise (Ise monogatari) 47-50,
54, 66, 132, 133, 189, 204, 295
Tales of Kiyornizu (Kiyornizu
monogatari) 130, 131, 161
Tales of Long Autumn Nights (Aki
no yonaga monogatari) 160
Tales of Lord Tsutsurni (Tsutsurni
Chiinagon monogatari) 78, 80-2
Tales of Nanba (Nanba monogatari)
Tales of Now and Then (Konjaku
monogatari) 3, 4, 19, 50, 67, 68,
84-6, 88-90, 103, 107, 127, 137,
274, 315, 316
Tales of Shitaya (Shitaya sowa) 217,
Tales of Spring Rain (Harusame
monogatari) 191, 193-5
Tales of the Giri of Samurai Families
(Buke giri monogatari) 161
Tales of the Rain and Moon (Ugetsu
monogatari) 183, 191-3, 195
Tales to Warn the World (Jingshu
tongyin) 191
Temple of the Golden Pavilion
(Kinkakuji) 349
Ten Foot Square Hut, The (Hojoki)
98,99, 106
Testament of Okitsu Yagoemon
(Okitsu Yagoemon no isho) 264,
The Ball (Butokai) 316
The Gate (Mon) 258, 259
The Key (Kagi) 289, 291-3
The Lake (Mizuumi) 319
The Nation (Choya shinbun) 236,
The Owl and the Mountain Monk
(Fukuro yamabushi) 126
The Pagoda (Gojiinoto) 246
The Ten Conveniences and the Ten
Pleasures Giibenzu jiigizu) 171
The Usurer (Konjiki yasha) 250
The Wayfarer (Kojin) 253, 258, 259
The Well (Izutsu) 123
Thoughts in India (Indo de kangaeta
koto) 347
Thousand Cranes, A (Senbazuru)
Three Great Collections (Kanke
bunso) 44, 45, 61
Three Kichisas: First Night in the
Pleasure Quarter (Sannin Kichisa,
kuruwa no hatsugai) 214, 234
To Be Alive (Ikiru to iu koto) 272,
Tokyo Scenes (Tokyo keibutsushi)
Tosa Diary (Tosa nikki) 42-44, 46,
47, 50, 53, 63, 68
Tower of Silence, The (Chinmoku
no to) 263, 264
Town Square, The (Hiroba) 313
Traditions of the Way of Arms
(Budo denraiki) 161
Treatise on Literature (Bungakuron)
253, 256
True Depictions (Rokotsunaru
byosha) 268
Tsukuba Collection (Tsukubashii)
112, 113, 115, 116
Twelve Years' Letters Giininen no
tegami) 311
Two Gardens (Futatsu no niwa) 310,
Two Priestesses (Ninin bikuni) 131
Uncut Gems (Aratama) 300
Unfit to be Human (Ningen
shikkaku) 342
Unnecessary Words (Chogo) 246,
Usaburo the Drifter (Hyomin
Usaburo) 321
Usurer, The (Konjiki yasha) 250
Various Songs in Illness
(Byochiizatsuei) 296
Visit to Sarashina Village (Sarashina
kiko) 155
Waking at Dead of Night (Yowa no
nezume) 78, 80, 81, 83
Water Margin, The (Shui hu juan)
183, 232
Wave That Touched Heaven, The
(Arne utsu nami) 246
Wayfarer, The (Kojin) 253, 258, 259
Weird Tales of Now and Long Ago
(Kokin kidan hanabusa z6shi) 183
Well, The (Izutsu) 123
White Peak (Shiramine) 191
Wild Goose (Gan) 263
Wind Has Risen, The (Kaze tachinu)
Winter's Day (Fuyu no hi) 156
Woman of the Dunes (Suna no
onna) 350
Woman, A (Aru onna) 280, 310
Woodcock (Yamashigi) 315, 316
Words of a Dwarf (Shuju no kotoba)
World of the Historical Records, The
(Shiki no sekai) 347
Yaro-keisei Azuchi Dialogue, The
(Yakei no ryoshii azuchiron) 181
Yesterday's Happenings Are
Today's Tales (Kino wa kyo no
mOilogatari) 134, 135, 162, 204
Yew Tree (Araragi) 296, 300
Yoshitsune: The Thousand Cherry
Trees (Yoshitsune senbonzakura)
176, 195, 196
Young Sir (Botchan) 253, 257
Youth (Seinen) 263