ALICE SULLIVAN* 1. Introduction Bourdieu's theory of cultural reproduction has beenhighly influential, andhas generated agreat deal of literature, both theoretical andempirical. This paper will examine thetheory andthe use empirical researchers inthefields of edu- cation andstratification have made of it. Bourdieu's work must beseen inthe context both of thedebateonclass inequalities ineducational attainment andof broader questions of class reproduction in advanced capitalist societies. The theory of cultural reproduction isconcernedwiththelink betweenoriginal class membership andultimate class membership, andhow this link is mediated by theeducation system. According to Bourdieu, the education systems of industrialised societies function insuch away astolegitimate class inequalities. Success intheeduca- tion system is facilitated by the possession of cultural capital and of higher- class habitus. Lower-class pupils do not ingeneral possess these traits, so the failure of themajority of thesepupils is inevitable. This explains class inequal- ities in educational attainment. However, success andfailure inthe education systemis seenasbeing duetoindividual gifts (or thelack of them). Therefore, for Bourdieu, educational credentials help to reproduce and legitimate social inequalities, as higher-class individuals are seen to deserve their place in the social structure. The first part of this paper will consist of a general discussion of Bourdieu's theory of education, with particular reference totheconcepts of cultural capital andhabitus. I will argue that the concept of habitus is theoretically incoherent andhas no clear usefor empirical researchers. The concept of cultural capital, on the other hand, while not constructed particularly clearly by Bourdieu, is substantive enough to bepotentially useful to empirical researchers. The sec- * Alice Sullivan holds a British Academy Postdoctoral Research Fellowship at Nuffield College, Oxford, United Kingdom. Currently she is working with Anthony Heath (Nuffield College, Oxford) onabook oninequalities ineducation inBritain. Address: NuffieldCollege, NewRoadOxfordOXl INF, UnitedKingdom. E-mail address:Alice.Sullivan@nuf.ox.ac.uk. 144 TIreNetherlands 'Journal of Social Sciences - Volume 38 - 110. 2 - 2002 ondsection of thispaper will therefore assess someof theempirical work con- cerning cultural capital andtheproblems involved inoperationalising thecon- cept. 2. Bourdieu's Theory 2.1 Cultural Capital 2.1.1Introduction toCultural Capital Bourdieu states that cultural capital consists of familiarity with the dominant culture inasociety, andespecially theability tounderstand anduse 'educated' language. The possession of cultural capital varies with social class, yet the education systemassumes thepossession of cultural capital. This makes itvery difficult for lower-class pupils tosucceed intheeducation system. "By doing away with giving explicitly to everyone what it implicitly demands of everyone, the education system demands of everyone alike that they have what it does not give. This consists mainly of linguistic andcultural competence andthat relationship of familiarity with culture which canonly beproduced by family upbringing when ittransmits thedominant cul- ture." (Bourdieu, 1977a, p. 494) Bourdieu claims that, sincetheeducation systempresupposes thepossession of cultural capital, which few students infact possess, thereis agreat deal of inef- ficiency in 'pedagogic transmission' (i.e. teaching). This is because students simply do not understand what their teachers are trying to get across. For Bourdieu, thisisparticularly apparent intheuniversities, where students, afraid of revealing theextent of their ignorance cc minimize the risks by throwing a smoke-screen of vagueness over the possibility of truth or error." (Bourdieu and Passeron, 1990, p. 114) But despite the fact that lower-class pupils are seriously disadvantaged in the competition for educational credentials, the results of this competition are seen as meritocratic and therefore as legitimate. In addition, Bourdieu claims that social inequalities are legitimated by the educational credentials held by those indominant positions. This means that the education system has akey roleinmaintaining thestatus quo. "... it [educationlisinfact oneof themost effectivemeans of perpetuating theexisting social pattern, as it bothprovides anapparentjustification for social inequalities andgives recognition tothecultural heritage, that is, toasocial gift treatedasanatural one." (Bourdieu, 1974, p. 32) Insum, Bourdieu's view is that cultural capital is inculcated inthehigher-class home, andenables higher-class students togainhigher educational credentials The NetherlandsJournal a/Social Sciences - Volume 38- no. 2- 2002 145 than lower-class students. This enables higher-class individuals to maintain their class position, andlegitimates the dominant position which higher-class individuals typically goes on to hold. Of course, some lower-class individuals will succeed in the education system, but, rather than challenging the system, thiswill strengthenitby contributingtotheappearanceof meritocracy. Bourdieu canbecriticisedfor not beingprecise enough about exactly which of the resources associatedwith thehigher-class homeconstitute cultural capi- tal, and how these resources are converted into educational credentials. However, Bourdieu's emphasis onthenon-material resources possessed by the higher-class household is tobewelcomed. Wehave evidence that thedramatic fall in the material costs tofamilies of education due to educational reforms, such as the universal provision of free andcompulsory secondary education, havenot diminished thedegreeof associationbetween class origins andeduca- tional attainment (Shavit andBlossfeld, 1993; Halsey et al., 1980). This sug- gests that theeducational advantage which higher-class parents pass ontotheir children may not beentirely causedby economic factors, andthat thenotionof cultural capital is therefore worthy of serious attention. 2.1.2 Cultural Capital vs. Other Forms of Capital The strength of the link that Bourdieu suggests between cultural capital, edu- cational credentials andoccupational positions may be questioned, as infact, thecorrespondence between cultural capital endeducational credentials aswell as the correspondence between educational credentials and elite occupational positions is far from complete. It may be that one has to see the strength of Bourdieu's claiminthelight of theFrench context, where thereis adistinctive link between thegrandes ecoles andhighpositions intheprofessions andgov- ernment administration. Evengiventhisprovisothough, onemust acknowledge that key powerful positions, inbusiness for example, arenot allocatedprimar- ily according toeducational credentials. So, itis unsurprising that Bourdieu has beenaccusedof giving toomuchweight tosymbolic relations attheexpense of material ones (Willis, 1983). YetBourdieurefers toeconomic capital andsocial capital (social relationships andnetworks) aswell assymbolic andcultural cap- ital (Bourdieu, 1989, p. 230). It is difficult to assess how important Bourdieu thinks cultural capital is inrelationtoother forms of capital, as heischaracter- istically unclear onthis point. "Apart fromthefact that theincreaseintheproportionof holders of themost prestigious acad- emic qualifications among the ruling classes may mean only the need to call upon academic approval inorder tolegitimatethetransmissionof power andprivileges isbeingmoreandmore felt, theeffect isasthoughthecultural andeducational mechanisms hadmerely strengthened or taken over fromthe traditional mechanisms such as the hereditary transmissions of economic capital, of anameor of capital interms of social relationships." (Bourdieu, 1977a, p. 496) 146 Tire Nemerlanas'Joumal of Social Sciences ~ Volume 38-IlO. 2- 2002 Have cultural and educational mechanisms "merely strengthened" traditional mechanisms or reproduction or have they "taken over from" such traditional mechanisms? Bourdieu slides from the former to the latter claim as if there were not much tochoose between them. And as if that was not vague enough, Bourdieu is not actually claiming todescribe reality, but uses thenon-commit- tal phrase"the effect is asthough". (Such evasivephrases formpart of many of Bourdieu's sentences). In fact, (the first part of the sentence implies) educa- tional credentials may not benecessary to secure privileges at all, but only to legitimate them. In short this passage, along with others in a similar vein, is quiteincoherent. Weareleftwithnoclear ideaof Bourdieu's viewof theimpor- tance of cultural and educational capital in the transmission of privileges. At times Bourdieu stresses the roleof educational credentials insocial reproduc- tion, while at other times thevalueof educational credentials is downplayed ". . . sinceacademic qualifications areaweak currency andpossess all their value only within thelimits of theacademic market." (Bourdieu, 1977a, p. 507) For cultural capital tobeanimportant mechanism of social reproduction it must bethecase, notjust that cultural capital facilitates theacquisition of edu- cational credentials, but that educational credentials are animportant mecha- nismthrough which wealth andpower aretransmitted. Bourdieu focuses onthe first of theserelationships at theexpense of thelatter, andthis may account for theambiguity inhis views onthesubject. 2.1.3 TheCultural Arbitrary Inaddition tocultural capital, Bourdieu introduces the supplementary concept of thecultural arbitrary, which poses anadditional obstacle tolower-class edu- cational attainment. Bourdieu does not define the concept of the cultural arbi- trary. However, hestates that: "In any given social formation the legitimate pedagogic action, i.e. the pedagogic action endowed with the dominant legitimacy, is nothing other than the arbitrary imposition of the dominant cultur- al arbitrary insofar as it is misrecognized inits objective truth as the dominant pedagogic action and the imposition of the dominant culture." (Bourdieu and Passeron, 1990, p. 22) SinceBourdieuusestheterm'cultural arbitrary' without definingit, itisnot clear preciselywhat hemeanswhenreferringtoarbitrariness, or towhat extent hesees thecultural skillsdemandedandtransmittedby theeducationsystemasarbitrary. Insomecases, theeducational standardsdescribedby Bourdieuareclearly in somesensearbitrary.For instanceBourdieuclaims that lower-classstudentswho achieveadegreeof academicsuccessby dint of hardwork, facetheobstaclethat their achievementmay bedeemedtobetoohardwon, andnot natural enough. In theeducationsystem: The Netherlands'Loumal of Social Sciences - Volume 38- no. 2- 2002 147 "... application becomes pedantry and a respect for hard work grinding, limited pettiness, with the implication that it is intended tocompensate for lack of natural talents." (Bourdieu, 1974, p. 59) This aristocratic disdain for lower-class attempts to appropriate higher-class culture leads toapeculiar set of values inhigher education. Namely: "... atendency toprefer eloquence totruth, style tocontent." (Bourdieu, 1967, p. 335) Bourdieu backs up this claimby reference to university examination reports (Bourdieu and Saint-Martin, 1974). He claims that the criteria of university examiners reflect the values of thedominant classes, andthat the morevague thedemands of theexaminers are, theless chance lower-class pupils will have of adhering tothese demands. These comments onthethemeof academic values arehighly plausible. But one must ask how important the cultural arbitrary is in contributing to class inequalities ineducational attainment. Although Bourdieu's argument is rather compelling in relation to the evaluation of work in the arts and humanities departments of universities, itdoes nothavethesameforcewhenappliedtothe sciences or to primary and secondary schools. The national exams taken by school children inmany nations are largely examined using clear andexplicit criteria (although no doubt subjective judgements are afactor in determining students' results). This problem reflects a general tendency of Bourdieu's to focus on universities rather than on schools. This can only detract from his arguments sinceitmeans that Bourdieuisdealingwithapopulationfromwhich thelower-classes have already beenlargely eliminated. Bourdieu does not appear toseeevery element of thecultural capital trans- mittedinthehome andtheeducation transmitted intheschool as arbitrary. So, how do we decide which educational values and practices are arbitrary, and which valid? "The sociological theory of pedagogic action distinguishes between the arbitrariness of the imposition and the arbitrariness of thecontent imposed, only soas tobring out the sociolog- ical implications of the relationship between two logical fictions, namely apure power rela- tionship as theobjective truth of theimposition andatotally arbitrary culture as theobjective truth of the meanings imposed ... There isnopedagogic actionwhich does not inculcate some meanings not deducible fromauniversal principle (logical reason or biological nature ... )" (Bourdieu and Passeron, 1990: 9) Inrelation to the content of teaching, "arbitrariness" is opposed to"objective truth" and"meanings deducible fromauniversal principle". This is confusing, since"objective truth" and"meanings deducible fromauniversal principle" are 148 The NetherlandsJournal of Social Sciences - Volume 38 110.2 - 2002 not thesame thing. If anything which is not objectively trueis therefore "arbi- trary", does this mean that subjects in which we can never be confident of objectivetruth arealways utterly arbitrary? Or istheaimof truthenough tojus- tify adiscipline? What about subjects such asmusic or woodwork whichdonot aimat truth? Bourdieu's notion of the"cultural arbitrary" is unclear. It is not possible to determine towhat extent heis arguing that the dominant culture andthe edu- cational values that serveit arenobetter thananyother culture. Bourdieu gives some interesting examples of arbitrary values ineducation, but does not give a precise definition of what constitutes arbitrariness inthis context. Hedoes not make a clear enough distinction between those parts of the dominant culture which areinsomeway snobbish (Le. exclusivefor exclusivity'S sake) andarbi- trary, andthose which are universally valuable but not universally accessible. Such adistinction is essential if we are todistinguish between those elements of the dominant culture which should be taught in schools, and those which should beremoved fromthecurriculum. It seems clear that lower-class pupils would be disadvantaged by alack of cultural resources even if the content of educational syllabuses and assessments were utterly rational. A sophisticated grasp of language alonewouldbeahuge advantage injust about any conceiv- ableeducation system. Giventhis, thecultural arbitrary shouldprobably berel- egated toaminor roleinany explanatory theory of class inequalities ineduca- tional attainment. 2.2 Habitus 2.2.1 Introduction toHabitus The notion of habitus is central to Bourdieu's thought, yet it is never clearly defined. I will try toelucidate theconcept before going ontocriticise it. Like cultural capital, habitus is transmitted within the home. However, whereas cultural capital consists of the possession of legitimate knowledge, habitus is aset of attitudes andvalues, andthedominant habitus is aset of atti- tudes andvalues heldby thedominant class. A major component of the domi- nant habitus is apositive attitudetowards education. "... the systemof dispositions towards theschool, understood as apropensity toconsent to the investments intime, effort andmoney necessary toconserve andto increase cultural cap- ital." (Bourdieu, 1977a, p. 495) So is habitus just aset of attitudes, directed primarily towards education and culture? Sometimes Bourdieu seems tosuggest that thedominant habitus con- sists of more thanthis - that it includes (or at least gives rise to) competence inspecific social settings, including for instance: The NetherlandsJournal of Social Sciences - Volume 38 - no. 2- 2002 149 "... the practice of the games andsports of high society or the manners andtastes resulting fromgood breeding ... " (Bourdieu, 1977a: 506) Sowhat does Bourdieu meanby a"set of dispositions"? Hegives various def- initions, including a "tendency", "propensity" or "inclination" (Bourdieu, 1977b, p. 214). Giventhevagueness of this, itis not surprising that theconcept of habitus is condemned as"ambiguous andoverloaded" (Nash, 1990, p. 446). Although the concept is too nebulous to be operationalised, ethnographic researchers inthefield of education have oftenmade reference tohabitus (see for example Reay, 1995; Reay et al., 2001; McLeod, 2000; Cooper andDunne, 1998; Delamont et at, 1997). Yetit is unclear what theconcept of habitus adds tosuch work. An attempt has beenmade touse habitus inaquantitative study of education (Dumais, 2002), butthisstudy simply denotes occupational expec- tations, quite arbitrarily, as 'habitus'. So, the main use of habitus is togive a veneer of theoretical sophistication toempirical findings. 2.2.2 Structure andAgency: theRoleof Habitus Given the messiness of the concept of habitus, one might ask why Bourdieu introduces it into his theory at all. The answer is that Bourdieu thinks that the concept of habitus solves afundamental problem insociology - the conflict between structure andagency. Bourdieu attacks crudestructuralismonthegrounds that "certain structural- ists" see"agents as thesimple 'supports' of structures investedwith themyste- rious power of determining other structures." (Bourdieu, 1977a, p. 487) However, Bourdieu also criticises methodological individualism. Certain "atomistic" mobility researchers aresingled out for attack onthe grounds that they do not recognise that social mobility can coexist with stable class struc- tures. Bourdieu protects himself here by failing to name the researchers he is referring to, and it would be hard to imagine a mobility researcher failing to recognise this simple point. According to Bourdieu, if we wish to avoid the dichotomy between indi- vidualism andstructuralism: "This means that our object becomes theproduction of thehabitus, that systemof dispositions which acts as mediation between structures and practice; more specifically, it becomes nec- essary tostudy the laws that determine thetendency of structures toreproduce themselves by producing agents endowed with thesystem of predispositions which is capable of engender- ing practices adapted to the structures and thereby contributing to the reproduction of the structures." (Bourdieu, 1977a, p. 487) 150 Tire Netherlands' Journal of Social Sciences - Volume 38 - flO. 2 - 2002 Bourdieu notes that working class students aremore likely todrop out of the education systemthanmiddle andupper-class students, evenif we control for previous achievement. He claims that this is amore important mechanism of selection thanexamfailure. "Thus, previous performances being equal, pupils of working-class origin are more likely to eliminate themselves from secondary education by declining to enter it than to eliminate themselves once they have entered, and afortiori more likely not to enter than to be elimi- nated fromit by theexplicit sanction of examination failure." (Bourdieu andPasseron, 1990, p. 153) Bourdieu claims that this phenomenon canbeexplained interms of thework- ing class habitus. The habitus is insome way formedby theobjective chances of success sharedby theclass. Thehabitus inturndetermines theactions of the members of theclass. "... the negative predispositions towards the school which result inthe self-elimination of most children fromthe most culturally unfavoured classes and sections of aclass ...must be understood as ananticipation, based uponthe unconscious estimation of theobjective proba- bilities of success possessed by the whole category, of the sanctions objectively reserved by the school for those classes or sections of a class deprived of cultural capital." (Bourdieu, 1977a, p. 495) The objections to this are obvious. Firstly, how can an estimation be uncon- scious? If habitus isnot generatedby conscious individuals, wheredoes itcome from? Secondly, evenif anindividual knows theobjective probabilities of suc- cess possessed by the whole category, why do they not recognise that, by changing their attitude tothe education system, the individual may escape the fate of therest of their category? Thirdly, Bourdieu seems tobearguing that people's behaviour is theresult of accepting the "objective probabilities" of future success. However, as J enkins points out, "Something which happens at time 'x' cannot beaccounted for by the likely state of affairs - as predicted by statistics - at the time 'x+1'." (J enkins, 1992, p. 81). Expectations about the future must be based upon thepresent. The actions based ontheseexpectations create social reality, rather than"objective probabilities" creating expectations which leadtoaction. Itmight bearguedthat itisuncharitable tointerpret Bourdieu asputting for- wardanexplanation of current events interms of future events. But evenif we interpret Bourdieu morekindly asarguing that lower-class pupils donotpursue demanding educational options because they areaware of thecurrent tendency of theclass as awhole not topursue such options, it must beadmitted that this is afeeble explanation. If wewere happy toaccept explanations of thecharac- The Netherlands'Toumal of Social Sciences - Volume 38 - no. 2- 2002 151 teristics of individuals which simply refer us tothecharacteristics of thegroup of which these individuals aremembers, without explaining these characteris- tics, therewouldbelittleneedfor sociology. In sum, the notion of habitus utterly fails inBourdieu's stated purpose of avoiding both structuralist determinism and "atomism". It has been observed that thenotionof habitus iscompletely deterministic, leaving noplacefor indi- vidual agency or evenindividual consciousness (DiMaggio, 1979; King, 2000). Yet Bourdieu denies the charge of determinism on the grounds that the same habitus will produce different practices indifferent social fields, andthehabi- tus can be changed by changed circumstances (Bourdieu, 1990, p. 116). The speciousness of this argument canbeillustratedby thefact that thesamecharge will produce different motion indifferent electric fields - which hardly shows that electromagnetism has arolefor individual freedom. 2.3 Science and Language Along with many writers on Bourdieu (Heath, 1982; Hammersley, 1981; J enkins, 1992, 1989) I havecomplained that Bourdieu fails toexpress his the- ory clearly. This failure is bound up with Bourdieu's rejection of what he describes asa"... positivist conception of science ... " (Bourdieu, 1990, p. 19- 20). Of course, Bourdieu doesnot definewhat hemeans by positivism. Instead, he uses the common ploy of denouncing all research that attempts to test hypotheses empirically as positivist without actually saying what he thinks is wrong with this typeof methodology. Therejection of theimportance of deriv- ing hypotheses from a theory and attempting to test these hypotheses allows Bourdieu tobeunapologetic intheuseof poorly defined concepts. "Especially intheAnglo-Saxon tradition, peoplecriticise theresearcher for usingconcepts that function as signposts pointing tophenomena that are worth examining but that often remain obscure andvague, evenif they aresuggestive andevocative." (Bourdieu, 1990, p. 40) Against suchAnglo-Saxon criticisms, Bourdieu asserts that, because thesocial worldiscomplex, theories about itmust becomplicated, andmust beexpressed incomplicated language. "I think that, literary and stylistic qualities apart, what Spitzer says about Proust's style is something I could say about my own writing. Hesays, firstly, that what is complex can only besaidinacomplex way; secondly, that reality is not only complex, but also structured... if youwant toholdtheworld inall its complexity andat thesame time order andarticulate it. . . you have touseheavily articulated sentences that canbepractically reconstructed likeLatin sentences... " (Bourdieu, 1990, p. 51-52) 152 The Netherlands' Journal of Social Sciences - Volume 38 - no. 2 - 2002 Theabsurdity of this argument iseasily shown. Firstly, theaimof scienceisnot to"holdtheworld inall its complexity", andthehistory of science tells us that asimple theory will be preferred to amore complicated theory if the simpler theory has equal or superior predictive power, e.g. Copernicus' defeat of Ptolemaic astronomy. Furthermore, it simply is not truethat adifficult concept or theory must beexpressed indifficult language. The real purpose served by the obscurity of Bourdieu's prose is toprotect his ownwork fromrefutation. Bourdieu's strategy indealing with criticism is to claimthat his critics havenot understood his work, andtoimply that his critics arejust jealous because they arenot as clever as him. "... they criticise not my analyses, but analready simplified, if not maimed, representation of my analyses. This isbecause they invariably apply tothemthevery modes of thought, and especially distinctions, alternatives andoppositions, which my analyses areaimedat destroy- ing andovercoming." (Bourdieu, 1990, p. 107) Thepoint that thecritic may not agreethat Bourdieu has succeeded indestroy- ingsuchoppositions isignoredby Bourdieu, whonever dealswith specific crit- icisms inadirect way. When acriticismis made of Bourdieu, theexplanation for this is always to befoundintheinadequacies of thecritic. So, behind"positivist methodology" lies an "epistemology of resentment" which allows its advocates to "prohibit others from doing what they themselves are unable to do, so that they can imposetheir ownlimits onothers." (Bourdieu, 1990, p. 35) "Positivism" issim- ply" ... atradition often appealed to by the most mediocre of researchers in order to'pare thelioncubs' claws', asPlatoput it- inother words, todispar- age and reduce the creations and innovations of the scientific imagination." (Bourdieu, 1990, p. 40) So, although Bourdieu declares a "headlong, rather crazy commitment to science" (Bourdieu, 1990, p. 26), hisrejectionof scientific values ismadeplain. Furthermore, his impenetrable prosestyle shouldnot beseensimply as anirri- tationfor thereader, but rather asbeing closely boundupwith this rejection of scientific values, since clarity makes a theory amenable to testing, whereas obscurity protects it fromfalsification. 3. Empirical Evidence on Cultural Capital The theory of cultural reproduction has generated a great deal of empirical work. Most of this work focuses onthe link between cultural capital andedu- cational attainment. Theevidence ismixed, largely duetowidely varying oper- ationalisations of cultural capital. Evidence on the link between educational attainment andsocial reproduction andmobility will also be examined. There The Netherlands'Journa! a/Social Scie1JCeS - Volume 38- 110. 2- 2002 153 hasbeenlessfocus onthispart of Bourdieu's theory, but such evidence asthere is suggests that educational capital is asmuch avehicleof social mobility as of social reproduction. 3.1 Bourdieu's Own Evidence Bourdieu isadamant that hedoes notengageintheory for itsownsake, andthat empirical work is central tohis enterprise. "Let mesay outright andvery forcefully that I never 'theorise', if by that wemean engage in the kind of conceptual gobblede-gook ... that is good for textbooks andwhich, through an extraordinary misconstrual of the logic of science, passes for Theory in much of Anglo- American social science ... There is nodoubt atheory inmy work, or, better, aset of think- ing tools visible through the results they yield, but it is not built as such ... It is atemporary construct which takes shape for andby empirical work." (Waquant, 1989, p. 50) Unfortunately, the claimthat Bourdieu's theoretical framework is subordinate to the needs of empirical research is not backed by the evidence he provides regarding cultural reproduction. For Bourdieu's theory tobebackedempirically, hewouldneedtoshowthat: 1. Parental cultural capital is inheritedby children. 2. Children's cultural capital is converted into educational credentials. 3. Educational credentials are a major mechanism of social reproduction in advanced capitalist societies. Of course, Bourdieu does not deny that privilege can be inherited through means other thantheacquisitionof educational credentials. Inheritanceof prop- erty, and occupational advantage gained through social networks are obvious examples of this. So, Bourdieu's theory is not refuted by empirical evidence that there is no absolute correspondence between credentials andoccupational outcomes. However, itis crucial toBourdieu's theory that cultural capital actu- ally does facilitate educational success, andthat educational success actually is associated with occupational advantage, even if this is only ameans of legiti- mating class inequalities. Bourdieu claims that (1) and(2) areshown: "... by the fact that, among thepupils of the grandes ecoles, avery pronounced correlation may beobserved between academic success andthefamily's cultural capital measured by the academic level of theforbears over twogenerations onbothsides of thefamily... " (Bourdieu, 1977a, p. 497) Bourdieu isnot entitledtoassumethat ahighparental level of educationreveals a high level of parental cultural capital. As pointed out by De Graaf (1986), Bourdieu's useof parental educational credentials asameasure of cultural cap- 154 The Netherlands' Journal a/Social Sciences - Volume 38- no. 2- 2002 ital begs thequestion of whether educational credentials simply constitute" ... embodied cultural capital that has received school sanctioning" (Bourdieu and Boltanski, 1981, p. 145). In addition, the use of bivariate analyses is crude. Clearly, asimple associationbetween twovariables is not convincing evidence of acausal relationship. Bourdieu fails toshow that parental cultural capital is inheritedby thechildren, andthat thisis themechanismthrough which higher- class pupils tend to attain higher educational credentials than lower-class pupils. His evidence is quiteconsistent with educational privilege beingpassed downthrough mechanisms other thancultural capital, such asparental encour- agement andmaterial resources. Bourdieu also presents evidence that both social class and educational attainment arestrongly associated with participation incultural activities such as book reading and buying, and cinema, theatre, concert and museum atten- dance (Bourdieu and Boltanski, 1981, p. 490-492). However, on their own, these figures do not really back up Bourdieu's theory. They do not constitute evidence that participation in cultural activities is the mechanism by which middle class parents ensure goodqualifications for their children. Insum, Bourdieu assumes much of what hesets out toprove. It is circular totreat educational level asaproxy for cultural capital if oneis trying toassess whether cultural capital does in fact help to determine the educational levels reached by individuals. 3.2 Other Research on Cultural Reproduction Bourdieu's concept of cultural capital is not clearly defined, andit is not partic- ularly surprising that it has beenoperationalised invarious different ways. And giventhat researchers haveoperationalisedtheconcept of cultural capital indif- ferent ways, it is not surprising that empirical studies of the effect of cultural capital on educational attainment have varied in their conclusions. Since Bourdieu's definition of cultural capital is not precise, it is not clear what an 'authentic' operationalisation wouldconsist of, andmany studies appear totake theconvenient routeof defining cultural capital interms of thosemeasures that arereadily available insome dataset. However, Bourdieu does explicitly state theimportance of linguistic competence. Cultural 'competence' and 'familiari- ty' canreasonably beinterpreted asknowledge of andparticipation inthedom- inant culture. Despite this, most investigations of cultural capital have not includeddataonlinguistic ability or cultural knowledge. Dataoncultural activ- itiesother thanreading hasoftentendedtowards highly exclusiveactivities such asgallery attendance, which areforeigntoalargeproportionevenof themiddle andupper-classes. Sincedoubt hasbeencast ontheimportance of suchforms of participation inhigh culture as abasis for social andcultural exclusion, at least outsidetheFrench context (Lamont andLareau, 1988; Lamont, 1992), anexclu- sivereliance onsuch items seems misguided. Commonly, theproxy of parental The NetherlandsJournal of Social Sciences - Volume 38 no. 2- 2002 155 educationisusedinsteadof dataonparental cultural capital, althoughthisproxy clearly begs thequestionof whether occupational status andeducational attain- ment actually do reflect the possession of cultural capital. In general, surveys include dataoneither pupils' or parents' cultural participation, but not both. It has been arguedthat Bourdieu's ownoperationalisation of theconcept of cultural capital is quite inadequate. Yet Bourdieu is not the only author touse parental education as aproxy for cultural capital. Authors who use this proxy includeHalsey et al. (1980), Robinson andGamier (1985), J onsson(1987) and Egerton(1997). Halsey et al. (1980) usetheOxfordMobility Study, asurvey of 10,000adult males inEnglandandWales. Their measureof cultural capital is a combined measure of the level of qualifications attained by the respondent's father andthetypeof school attendedby therespondent's brother, andthey find (using path analysis) that this measure is associated with the type of school attended by respondents, but has no further effects oneducational outcomes. J onsson (1987) uses Swedish survey data based on a random sample of the adult population, collected in1968, 1974, and1981. Parents' education is used as aproxy for cultural capital. J onsson assesses thehypothesis that theimpor- tanceof cultural resources indetermining educational outcomes isincreasing as compared tomaterial resources, andfinds that, infact, the relative importance of parental occupational classandeducational status remained stableduringthe course of the 20th century, andthat parents' educational andoccupational sta- tus affect students' educational attainment to a similar degree. Robinson and Gamier (1985) examine therole of education inclass reproduction inFrance, (using logistic regression) and find that fathers' education is more important thanfathers' social class indetermining children's educational attainment, but that the role of education inclass reproduction has beenexaggerated. Egerton (1997), using the National ChildDevelopment Study (NCDS) finds that man- agerial class parents arelesshighly educatedthanprofessional parents, andthis leads to relatively low levels of educational attainment (defined in terms of chances of gainingA level, intermediate, anddegreelevel qualifications) for the children of managers, especially if they aregirls, but also stresses the role of material resources, as doSavage andEgerton (1997). Other studies have attemptedtomeasure cultural capital directly, but some- times in asomewhat narrow or arbitrary way. For example, some studies use individual items, or items onone activity only, as measures of cultural capital. LambusesAustralian datacollectedin1983on358Melbourne students inyear 10(age 15). Cultural capital is operationalised as attendance at art exhibitions during thepast year, and, inthecaseof nonattendance, expresseddesiretohave attended. The effect of cultural capital on educational aspirations is analysed using step-wise multiple regression, controlling for social origin and type of school attended. Cultural capital is found to have astrong impact onplans to attendcollegefor boys, but aweaker impact for girls. Graetz (1988) uses asam- 156 The Netherlands' Journal of Social Sciences - Volume 38 - no. 2 - 2002 pleof 2,197Australian adults, surveyedin1984-5. A measure of thenumber of books inthehomewhentherespondent was aged14isusedasaproxy for cul- tural capital, and Graetz finds a consistent impact on the number of years of schooling completed by respondents, controlling for parental education and family wealth. Katsillis andRubinson (1990) use items exclusively measuring participation in formal culture. The measure of cultural capital used is com- posed of items on the self-reported level of attendance at museums and gal- leries, thetheatre, andlectures, of 395seniors fromGreek public high schools in 1984. Nolink is found between this measure of cultural capital andeduca- tional participation. Attendance at cultural classes is another somewhat narrow measure of cul- tural capital. Aschaffenburg andMaas (1997) useasurvey of public participa- tioninthearts intheUS administered in1982, 1985, and1992, with asample sizeof 12,984. Themeasure of cultural capital is basedonsurvey items asking adult respondents about their attendance at cultural classes (Le. classes in the arts) throughout their youth. The authors acknowledge that this measure is problematic, sinceachild's participation incultural classes may reflect parental investment inchildren's educational futures ingeneral, rather thancultural cap- ital per se. Respondents alsoprovidedinformation ontheir parents' cultural par- ticipation during therespondents' youth; listening to classical music or opera, taking therespondent toart museums or galleries, taking therespondent toper- formances of classical music, dance, or plays, andencouraging therespondent toreadbooks (alpha = 0.72). Both parents' andrespondents' cultural capital is foundtobesignificantly associatedwith educational transitions across thestu- dents' educational careers. A problemwith this study is thelack of controls for either parental occupation or income. Roscigno andAinsworth-Darnell (1999) alsooperationalise cultural capital as attendance at cultural classes (art, music, dance), plus museum trips (alpha = 0.6). Using the US National Educational Longitudinal Survey (1988 and 1990, n = 16,189), they find (using linear regression, and controlling for SES andfamily structure) that cultural classes and museum trips have a significant positive effect on students' grade point averages andmaths test scores, andtheeffect ongrades does not vary by race. Which cultural attributes should be seen as constituting capital cannot be determined without empirical investigation, since the term cultural capital implies ananalogy with economic capital, andtherefore, areturn. The return on cultural capital takes the form of educational credentials and, ultimately, occupational success. Therefore, it is necessary to examine which elements actually yield returns in the sense of contributing to educational success. DiMaggio was thefirst researcher touseabroadrangeof potential measures of cultural capital inorder to explore the concept empirically. DiMaggio (1982) uses theUS 'Project Talent' database, basedoninterviews with 1906white 11th grade students carried out in 1960, and afollow-up in 1971. A wide range of The Netherlands' Journal of Social Sciences - Volume 38 - no. 2- 2002 157 items onstudents' attitudes toculture andparticipation inculturewereused. In addition, tests were administered tapping students' familiarity with literature, music and art. Factor analysis distinguished three separate scales, the third of which is designated as 'cultural capital', and includes cultivated self-image (based on 10self-evaluation items such as 'I enjoy beautiful things') , interest insymphony concerts, andparticipation incultural activities (drawing, acting, attending concerts, reading literature). A vocabulary test score is used as a proxy for ability, andDiMaggio excludes cultural information fromthe analy- sis (linear regression) because of its high collinearity with this measure. (This is unfortunate, since itprevents any examination of thequestionof whether the effect of cultural participation oneducational attainment ismediatedby knowl- edge). Cultural interests arefoundtohavenosignificant effect onself-reported grades (controlling for 'ability' andfather's education) but cultural capital has asignificant positive effect ongrades, especially innon-technical subjects. In the case of women, thereturns tocultural capital were greatest for individuals fromhigh-status families, but for men, the returns were greatest tothose from lower andmiddle status households. DiMaggio and Mohr (1985) find the effect of cultural capital measured in this way extends to attenance at college and graduate school, and to marital selection. In Mohr andDiMaggio (1996), the same dataset is used, but Mohr andDiMaggio extendtheir interest toparental cultural capital, measuredusing ascale composed of items oncultural resources inthe homewhen therespon- dent was growing up(books, musical instruments, hifi/stereo, classical records, art equipment, photo-developing equipment) andparents reading certain mag- azines. Mohr and DiMaggio find that social class is only weakly associated with cultural capital, while household cultural resources are more strongly linkedtorespondents' cultural capital. Theprocess of cultural transmissionwas found to be strongly gendered, with direct effects of fathers' occupation only for sons, anddirect effects of mothers' education only for daughters. If participation incultural activities does leadtoacademic success, onemay ask why this shouldbe. Ganzeboom(1982) contrasts Bourdieu's viewthat par- ticipation in high-culture is anassertion of elite status with the 'information- processing' view, according towhich thetypeof cultural participation engaged inby different groups is explained by theinformation-processing capacities of individuals inthosegroups. A potential explanation of the associationbetween cultural participation and academic success, which is linked to the 'informa- tion-processing' view, is that participation in cultural activities leads to the development of knowledge or skills, which inturnenable pupils tosucceed at school. For instance, onemight expect reading novels tocontribute toboth lin- guistic competence andcultural knowledge, andtotherefore beassociatedwith school success. Some studies have refined the cultural reproduction approach by breaking 'cultural capital' downintoits constituent parts, inorder toexam- 158 The Netherlands'Joumal of Social Sciences - Volume 38 - "0.2 - 2002 ine the mechanisms through which it operates. Public cultural participation (e.g. theatrevisits) tends tobeseenas 'status-seeking', whilereading is seenas developing and/or reflecting cognitive skill. DeGraaf (1988) uses datacollectedfromtheparents andteachers of 1,031 pupils who had entered secondary school in 1967 in the Federal Republic of Germany. The measure of cultural capital used is composed of responses on parents' 'interests' (inpolitics, philosophy, other cultures, reading prestigious magazines) and 'reading behaviour' (number of books inthehome, number of books readlast year, interest inbooks). Controlling for cognitive skills, asmea- sured by teacher-reported elementary school grades, reading climate had a direct effect onthechances of entering agymnasium (themost prestigious form of secondary schooling) but parental interests do not. In addition, De Graaf (1986) estimates linear structural models in which educational attainment is predicted by social background andby indicators of parents' financial andcul- tural resources, using the 1977Dutch 'Quality of Life Survey'. Twomeasures of parents' cultural resources wereused, 1. Reading (number of hours per week spent reading andlibrary visits per month), 2. Cultural Participation (visits per month to museums, galleries, theatres, concerts, historical buildings). Factor analysis supported the view that reading and cultural participation should be seenasseparatefactors. DeGraaf finds that parents' participation informal cul- ture has no impact on children's educational attainment, but parents' reading behaviour has some effect. Twocohorts areused(younger cohort n=317 fami- lies, older cohort n=221families) toexamine changes intherelativeimportance of cultural andfinancial resources indetermining educational attainment over time, andit is found that the influence of financial resources has disappeared since 1950, andthe influence of cultural resources has also declined, although parental occupation andeducation retaintheir importance. Crook (1997) breaks cultural capital into twoparts, reading andbeaux arts participation. Beaux arts participation refers toparticipation informal cultural activities outside the home, such as gallery, theatre and concert attendance. Crook uses the 1993Australian National Social ScienceSurvey, arandomsam- pleof adultAustralians (n= 2,760). Respondents provided information onboth their own cultural practices as adolescents andas adults, andontheir parents' cultural practices. Factor analysis supports theseparationof cultural capital into beaux arts andreading dimensions. Beaux artsitems recorded thefrequency of attendance at ballet, opera, classical concerts, museums, theatre, andof classi- cal music listening at home, (alpha for this scale ranges from 0.69 - 0.75). Reading items record the frequency of reading serious books and practical books, library visits, andalso thetotal number of books owned, (alpha ranges from 0.57 - 0.75). Crook controls for parental education, fathers' occupation and material resources in his analyses, and finds that parents' and children's cultural capital areassociated, but thereisnorigidtransmission of cultural cap- The Netttertands'Foumal of Social Sciences - Volume 38- no. 2- 2002 159 ital from parent to child. Educational outcomes (respondent-reported school grades andyears of education) aremodelledusing linear regression. A substan- tial effect of childhood reading is found. A small but significant parental beaux arts effect is found, but respondents' ownbeaux artsparticipation isnot signif- icant. Crook also examines occupational outcomes, andfinds that the occupa- tional returns to cultural participation areindirect, being entirely mediated by educational attainment. De Graaf et al. (2000) also divide cultural participation into reading and beaux arts. They usetheNetherlands Family Survey 1992-1993, arandomsam- ple of adults (n=1,653). Respondents were asked about their parents' cultural participation when they themselves were aged 15, but not their own cultural participation. Beaux arts participation reflects thefrequency of parental atten- dance at art museums, historical museums, opera or ballet, classical concerts andthetheatre(alpha = 0.80). Reading behaviour reflects whether parents read regional or historical novels, thrillers, science fiction or war novels, Dutch lit- erature, translated literature, andliteratureinaforeignlanguage (alpha = 0.73). Theeffect of cultural capital oneducational attainment ismodelledusing linear regression, and controlling for parental educational attainment, father's occu- pational status, parental financial resources, family structure, andbirth cohort. Theeffect of parental reading onrespondents' educational attainment is signif- icant, though smaller thantheeffect of financial resources. Parental beaux arts participation has nosignificant effect. Both Crook (1997) andDeGraaf et al. (2000) findthat reading is strongly associated with academic success whereas beaux arts participation is not, and infer fromthisthat theeffect of cultural capital oneducational attainment isdue to the 'educative resources' such as analytic and cognitive skills which are developed by reading, rather thantothecommunication of status viaparticipa- tion in formal culture. However, this inference may be questioned, since one couldarguethat participation inbeaux arts may contribute tothedevelopment of skills andknowledge, or that students' reading is as likely tocommunicate status, andprejudice teachers intheir favour as is participation inother cultur- al activities. Sullivan (2001, 2000), inastudy of 465 English year 11(age 16) students, breaks cultural participation down into four categories; reading (type and amount of books read, library use, newspapers read), TV viewing (watching relatively 'highbrow' programmes), music (listening toclassical or jazz, play- ing aninstrument), and 'public' cultural participation (art gallery, theatre, and concert attendence). Tests of cultural knowledge and vocabulary were also administered, inorder toallowthe'development of skills' hypothesis tobetest- ed. Respondents were also surveyed ontheir parents' cultural participation, (a measure composed of: readingbehaviour, number of books inthehome, news- papers taken, music and radio stations listened to, subjects discussed in the 160 Tile Netherlands' Journal of Social Sciences - Volume 38- no. 2- 2002 home, andart gallery, theatre andconcert attendence). Linear regression analy- sis shows nosignificant associationbetween themusic andpublic cultural par- ticipation measures and examination grades subsequently achieved, whereas reading andTV watching habits are significantly associated with grades (con- trolling for parents' education andsocial class). Furthermore, students' vocab- ulary andcultural knowledge scores fully mediate theeffect of cultural partici- pation on exam grades, supporting the 'development of skills' hypothesis. Sullivan argues that the important distinction is not that between 'public' and 'private' cultural participation, but that between verbal or literary forms which use words to transmit content (including cultural information) and visual or musical forms whicharenot basedonwords or thetransmission of information, andaretherefore lesslikely todevelop theskillswhich arerewardedwithinthe school. Of course, the direction of causality between cultural knowledge andpar- ticipation may be queried. Ganzeboom(1982) interprets his finding of ahigh level of association between cultural knowledge and cultural participation as evidence for theview that high levels of knowledge andskill allow people to understand and enjoy cultural stimuli, therefore making cultural participation more likely. It seems plausible that both these mechanisms operate - cultural participation develops cultural knowledge and skill, which in turn allows greater cultural appreciation, making further cultural participation more likely. An alternative mechanism of cultural reproduction is found inthe sugges- tion that the culture of the school reflects the dominant culture. This could occur if teachers areprejudiced infavour of pupils whodisplay' cultured' traits, andtherefore give themhigher grades. Farkas et al. (1990) findthat thecourse grades awarded by teachers are not entirely determined by course-work mas- tery, but are also affected by students' skills, presentational styles, and work habits (though nodiscrimination by raceor SES isfound). Thisviewisperhaps most relevant in the US, where grades awarded by teachers are animportant outcome of schooling, whereas inmost European nations the key outcome of schooling istheresults gainedinnational examinations. Alternatively, thedom- inant culture couldbeingrained inthecurriculum. However, it has beenpoint- edoutthat, although thismay betrueof France, thereislittleemphasis onhigh- brow culture inschools incountries such as Britain, the Netherlands, andthe US (DeGraaf et aI., 2000). A relatedpossibility is that childrenwithout cultur- al capital may experience school as aculturally hostile environment. This may be less to do with high-culture thanwith styles of interaction with the school (Lareau andHorvat, 1999) andthestyles andrhythms of daily lifefor children of different social classes (Lareau, 2000). Inaddition, it is unclear whether cultural capital is a mechanism of social reproduction or of social mobility. Thosestudies that measureboth parents' and children's cultural participation find astrong association between the two, net The NetherlandsJournal a/Social Sciences - Volume 38- no. 2- 2002 161 of other background factors (Ganzeboom, 1982; Crook, 1997; Sullivan, 2001), suggesting that cultural capital istransmittedwithinthehome, althoughthesta- tistical relationship isnot asrigidasBourdieu's theory wouldsuggest. Thelink between social class and cultural participation is not so strong, although the professional classes have particularly high levels of cultural participation (Ganzeboom, 1989). Bourdieu suggests that lower-class individuals who attempt to appropriate high culture should not reap the full benefit. On the whole, the evidence does not support this view. DiMaggio (1982) finds that, among males, educational returns to cultural capital are restricted to students fromlower andmiddle class homes, whereas among women, returns tocultur- al capital aregreatest tothosefromhighstatus families. DeGraaf et al. (2000) findthat educational returns tocultural participation arehighest tothechildren of parents withlowlevelsof education. KalmijnandKraaykamp (1996) present cultural capital asaroutetosocial mobility for disadvantaged ethnic groups, as the authors findthat the faster increase incultural capital among blacks com- pared to whites has contributed to the convergence ineducational attainment (measured as years of education). A further problemfor thetheory of cultural reproduction is the incomplete relationship between educational attainment and occupational outcomes. It is well established that social class of originhas animpact onindividuals' occu- pational destinations net of educational attainment (Marshall et al., 1997). Savage andEgerton (1997) suggest that thestrong social class effect onoccu- pational outcomes which remains controlling for measured ability is evidence of theimportance of material, rather thanjust cultural, resources. Robinson and Gamier (1985) suggest that theroleof educationinclass reproduction inFrance has beenexaggerated, andother mechanisms of class transmission, such as the inheritance of property, underestimated. Infact, Robinson andGamier (1985) statethat educational credentials provide ameans of social mobility rather than social reproduction. So perhaps the school is aprogressive rather than acon- servative force after all. Bourdieu suggests that the importance of cultural resources has increased over time, asfinancial barriers toeducational participation havebeenremoved. However, thosestudies which haveexamined this hypothesis havenot support- edit (De Graaf, 1986; J onsson, 1987; Halsey et aI., 1980). Insum, variedoperationalisations of theconcept of cultural capital haveled to varied results in the empirical work in this field. The majority of studies show that cultural participation is associated with educational attainment, but that a substantial social class effect remains unexplained by 'cultural capital' however it is measured. Those researchers that have broken down the concept of cultural capital inorder toassess which cultural activities areassociatedwith educational success have supported the view that participation in formal or 'beaux arts' culture is irrelevant to educational success, whereas reading is a 162 The Netherlands' Journal of Social Sciences - Volume 38 - no. 2 - 2002 significant factor. This has been seen as evidence that an explanation of the effect of cultural capital interms of skills aquiredby students is moreplausible thananexplanation interms of prejudice fromteachers. It shouldbenotedthat thereis nothing newinthemost plausible element of Bourdieu's theory - the observation that themiddle or upper-class childoftenenjoys cultural aswell as economic advantages. This insight neednot gohandinhandwith anacceptance of 'cultural reproduction' theory as such. Writing well before Bourdieu, Floud et al. (1956) divide theresources associatedwith the home into 'material' and 'cultural' categories. Their measure of cultural resources includes parents' knowledge of theselection procedures of thegrammar schools, parents' visits tothechild's school, parents' aspirations andpreferences for thechild's educa- tion, newspapers andmagazines readandlibrary membership. Although much of thework cited here suggests that cultural resources matter, it does not nec- essarily support Bourdieu's theory of cultural reproduction as awhole. 4. Conclusions Bourdieu's project is extremely ambitious, and I have argued that many ele- ments of Bourdieu's theoretical work are empirically unhelpful. For example, habitus is aconcept with someintuitiveplausibility, but isatoncetooall-inclu- siveandtoovacuous tobeof anyusetoempirical researchers. Bourdieu's claim that thenotionof habitus solves theconflict betweenstructure anddeterminism ontheonehandandagency andindividualismontheother is quiteunjustified. Infact Bourdieu's theory has noplacenot only for individual agency, but even for individual consciousness. The part of Bourdieu's theory which has been most influential, and most fruitful for empirical researchers is theconcept of cultural capital. However, it must beacknowledged that thisconcept isnot clearly defined. Therelatedcon- cept of the cultural arbitrary is also limited by vagueness. Bourdieu has some valuable insights intoarbitrary practices inhigher education. However, hedoes not distinguish clearly enough between standards which are prejudicial to lower-class pupils andstudents because they arearbitrary, andstandards which areprejudicial tolower-class pupils andstudents because they donot have the resources tomeet those standards. Ingeneral, research has foundthat cultural capital (definedinvarious ways) has some impact on educational attainment, but does not explain all or even most of the social class effect. Interms of labour market outcomes, although educational credentials areanimportant mechanismfor theallocation of occu- pational positions, thedirect effects of social class shouldnot beunderestimat- ed. Furthermore, it is not clear to what extent educational credentials are a mechanism of social reproduction or of social mobility. Some of theempirical findings oncultural capital seemtocontradict one another. This may bepartly The Netherlands'Toumal of Social Sciences - Volume 38~two 2- 2002 163 due tothefact that thesestudies were carriedout at different times indifferent countries. It may be that cultural capital is more important insome countries than in others, or operates differently indifferent countries at different times. For example Lamont andLareau(1988) andLamont (1992) arguethat cultural participation isnot asclass-differentiated intheUS asinFrance, andcast doubt ontheimportance of participation inhigh culture as abasis for social andcul- tural exclusion inthe US. However, the main reason for the variable findings presented hereis thedifferent methodologies usedineach study, andinpartic- ular, the array of different operationalisations of cultural capital that areused. Giventhat someelements of cultural participation appear tobeassociatedwith educational success while others are not, the most fruitful approach for researchers appears tobethat of examining cultural factors indetail, aspart of thebroader project of explaining class differentials ineducational attainment. ABSTRACT Bourdieu and Education: How Useful isBourdieu's Theory for Researchers? AliceSullivan Bourdieu's theory of cultural reproductionhasbeenhighly influential withinthe sociology of education. This paper will provide a critical introduction to Bourdieu's theory regarding thecultural reproductionof educational advantage, andanoverview of the empirical literature oncultural reproduction. It will be arguedthat the 'grand theory' of cultural reproductionisunhelpful. Ontheother hand, the concept of cultural capital, though ill-defined, has proved useful for empirical researchers. REFERENCES Aschaffenburg, K. andMaas, I. (1997). 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