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The 13th & 14th Centuries

Persian / Arabic Literature


1. Poetry was a popular form. Amir Khusrau and Amir Hassan were great poets.
They also wrote qawwalis and created a new ndian style of poetry and is the
originator of Hindustani music.
!. History writing was another popular trend. "arni# Afif# $ira% etc.
&. "oo's we written# specially dictionaries# with painted illustrations.
Persian vs Arabic Historiography
2. analytical type. keep in mind that historiography is the study of how history is written. it is the
study of all aspects of writing history. going by this definition.....volume wise arabic history
works are less voluminous, persian more. reason, persian had been the court
language of medieval rulers. what ever was written in arabic was by travelers
before delhi sultanate, by religious scholars, arab immigrants to india. (list here
famous examples)perspectives - arabic historians were not sympathetic to hindu
traditions and culture. most of the works written by religious scholars, immigrants
carry that tinge of fanaticism and superiority complex with respect to india in
general and hindus in particular. persian - more sympathetic as they were written
by those who settled here and non-religious historians. content and style - no
differences that i know of. standard muslim style historical writing with plenty of
allusions to religious terms. very few were objective. most of them were written to
praise their patrons. eulogies and exaggerations. political history, cultural history,
economic history, military history etc were the genres.
methods of study - both relied on general observations, litterary sources written before them in
their languages. very less or no importance was given to numismatics, inscriptions,
archaeological sources, non-arabic and non-persian literature.
Al-Utbi's Kitab-i-Yamini
1. He himself was $ecretary to the $ultan (ahmud. He thus played an important
role in the go)ernment at *a+ni# and no doubt had first hand 'nowledge of many
of the e)ents he described# at least those that too' place in the capital. His wor'
co)ers the entire reign of the first sultan of *a+ni ,asiru-d din $ubu'tgin# and of
his son (ahmud up to the year .1/ H. 01/!/ 123. As the founder of the
*ha+ni)ite dynasty# $ubu'tigin played an e4tremely important role in the history
of ndia and 1entral Asia.
!. 5espite his pro4imity to $ultan (ahmud# Al 6tbi seems to ha)e little or no direct
'nowledge of ndia. He seems to ha)e little 'nowledge of ndian topography and
his statements regarding localities and place names are unreliable. ,o ndian
words appear in his te4t aside from Rai.
&. His numerous incursions into ndia were largely raids designed to capture spoil in
material wealth# sla)es and li)estoc'. He is portrayed as a +ealous (uslim eager
to destroy 7idol temples7# but this was probably %ustification for pillage# since
these acti)ities contra)ened the earlier Arab policy of granting Hindus and
"uddhists protected dhimmi status.
Minhaj-us-iraj's !aba"at-i-#asiri
0a3 (oti)ation behind writing
1. (inha% ser)ed in )ery high posts in his career. He was )ery close to the sultans.
Thus his interests were completely aligned with the interests of the sultanate i.e.
to preser)e and establish strongly the Tur'ish rule.
!. Another moti)ation definitely would be to please the sultan and he wor'ed under
many sultans. "ut this was a minor moti)ation only as he didn8t depend on writing
to earn his li)elihood.
&. "y glorifying the western connections of slam he sought to inspire the muslims
as well which was needed as they were facing a number of challenges in that age.
0b3 mportance
1. 5ue to his pro4imity to the sultans the )alue of his wor' goes up because it
reflects the thoughts of a person whose interests were completely aligned with
that of the Tur'ish rule and who was acti)ely helping the sultans in preser)ing and
establishing the rule.
!. The sultanate was in a nascent and insecure stage then. The sultan was trying to
establish his legitimacy and authority and for this he had e)en sought in)estiture
from the 1aliph. n his wor' (inha% tries to establish the historical lin's of the
$ultanate with 9estern Asian slam and co)ers this in his initial chapters itself.
&. "y glorifying the western connections of slam he sought to inspire the muslims
as well which was needed as they were facing a number of challenges in that age.
.. His interests were in the preser)ation and propagation of Tur'ish rule and his
writings reflect the insecurity of the age. He didn8t care who was the sultan so
long as the rule was preser)ed. Thus he praised each and e)ery sultan )ery highly
despite the fact that he may ha)e )iolently replaced the pre)ious sultan. :or the
same reason he 'eeps a balance between all sultans.
;. 9here he departs from the other writers of his age was he co)ered not %ust the
history of his sultan but also the entire history of slam.
<. "ecause he was writing a history of a long period it was necessary for him to
draw upon the wor's of other scholars. 9here)er he finds ! conflicting opinions
he mentions both with sources along with the one he accepts and the reasons for
doing so. :or his own period he relies on his own e4periences or those of
witnesses.
=. He gi)es an indiscriminate religious tone to his wor'. He almost absent minded
uses terms li'e slamic armies and de)il8s armies to describe wars e)en if they
were between two muslim rulers only. "y doing this he merely showed where his
sympathy lay. This tells us about the educational system of the day because he
was a product of an educational system which was highly religious and used only
religious terms.
>. His bias against Hindus can be seen only when he describes the conflicts.
?therwise he ignores it when they pose no threat to the sultanate. This clearly
reflects the attitude of the sultanate rulers as well who used religion to achie)e
their goals in the conflict situations only and otherwise were indifferent in all
practical purposes. n many instances (inha% goes ignores the uncomfortable
religious aspects of a problem as well if it ran counter to his ob%ecti)es. This
attitude was reflected in the sultans as well.
0c3 Limitations
1. He remained confined to the ruling and elite class only. "ut this tells us about the
nature of state system in those days.
0d3 1omparison with "arani
1. (inha% comes across as a scholar who li)ed in a turbulent phase - one where the
rulers8 concern was the preser)ation of their rule and for which they had to ma'e
many compromises and e)en shift goalposts i.e. be practical. 9e cannot e4pect
him to be dri)en by any particular ideology or political leaning. nstitutions were
fluid and situation was dynamic and one had to be )ery careful. "y "arani8s time
the institutions had stabili+ed# self preser)ation was no longer the o)erriding
ob%ecti)e and one could stic' to an ideology. Tensions were emerging between
these institutions and this is reflected in "arani8s writings as well.
!. (inha% writes in detail about different amirs in different areas and thus many of
the e)ents are repeated. "arani on the other hand focuses on the e)ents of only
one area and writes period wise. Thus there is no repetition in "arani.
&. (inha% mostly chronologically lists )arious e)ents and doesn8t analy+es the
trends# elements of continuity / discontinuity and the reasons thereof. "arani tries
to analy+e some aspect or the other at the end of each chapter for instance how
each sultan )iewed punishment as.
.. (inha% doesn8t tell us about the problems faced by the sultans. "arani tells us how
"alban strengthened his position# how sultanate changed under Khal%is# how
mongol threat changed the nature of sultanate under Ala-ud-din.
$ia-ud-din %arani &!ari"h-i-'iru(shahi ) 'at*a-i-+ahandari,
0a3 (oti)ations behind writing
1. "arani himself writes that he hoped that his wor' will help others learn from past
mista'es. He claims he was repentful for not critici+ing (bT when it mattered. "y
this wor'# he hoped# people will learn and not commit the same mista'es.
!. "ut in reality he had fallen out of fa)or of the new sultan :iru+ and was e)en
imprisoned. :iru+ had outloo' which ran contrary to (bT in many ways and
hence "arani was writing to please him and earn fa)or.
0b3 mportance
1. His wor' doesn8t %ust reflect his own thin'ing but tells us about the )iews of the
educational system and the particular section of maul)is. These maul)is relied on
e4tremist form of slam to preser)e their e4istence in polity. They e4pected the
sultan to consult them on e)en political matters and this 'ept their importance
intact. "ut under (bT the dominance of maul)is had reduced drastically as he
had to ma'e many compromises to propagate and strengthen his rule in ndia
which included appointment of e)en Hindus to high offices and not consulting the
maul)is in political matters. They were thus fearful of losing power in the politics
of the age. This is reflected in the wor'.
!. Thus he prescribes that the sultan must ta'e steps to propagate slam# punish non
muslims# impose shariat and gi)e more authority to men of 0muslim3 religion.
&. "y his time the sense of insecurity in the sultanate was o)er and the sultans were
well established. There was no need to draw legitimacy form the western
connections any more 0in fact delhi was the sole sur)i)ing muslim sultanate3.
$ultanate had no connections left with the west. $o "arani ma'es no attempt to
draw origin from west and merely carries forward from (inha%. He focuses only
on ndia.
.. "arani8s wor' and )iews e4pressed reflect the insecurity of his class in that age.
"eing a Tur' or a high born was no longer considered enough to qualify for a high
post@ This class was facing competition from the educated ndians. ?ne had to
ha)e qualities also to succeed. "arani and his class ob)iously resented it and in
his wor' he critici+es the low born# prescribes they shouldn8t be gi)en education
neither employed in state ser)ice. n an ideal muslim world all higher born will
ha)e assured hereditary high offices.
;. "arani represented a class of nobles who depended on land and the surplus
e4tracted for their well being. Thus he was also )ery critical of merchants and
traders and prescribed that the state should ensure they don8t accumulate wealth.
<. He ob)iously hated Hindus because of both his education and the fact that many
of them were employed in higher posts and were richer than him 0who was
languishing in %ail3. $o he is )ery critical of highly placed hindus and ignores the
poor hindus as he ignores poor muslims.
=. "arani tries to analy+e some aspect or the other at the end of each chapter for
instance how each sultan )iewed punishment as. He tells us how "alban
strengthened his position# how sultanate changed under Khal%is# how mongol
threat changed the nature of sultanate under Ala-ud-din.
0c3 Limitations
1. His wor' :atwa-i-Aahandari is not a historical wor' at all. "arani has presented
his own )iews in form of (ahmud *a+ni8s lessons to his sons. (oreo)er the
historical e)ents presented 0from *a+ni8s tongue3 are of doubtful historic nature.
The boo' is %ust a reflection of "arani8s own thoughts on how things should be.
!. "arani tries to mention many sources but fails to bring them out clearly. (oreo)er
if any fact was con)enient for him and supported his )iews he would claim it had
come from a god fearing muslim and he could thus ta'e it on its face )alue.
&. n Tari'h-i-:iru+shahi he rarely mentions any chronology and where)er he does
that it is of doubtful nature. Perhaps it was due to the fact he was writing from %ail
and thus had to rely mostly on his memory.
.. His boo' is a bundle of e4aggerations and he contaminates many characters.
hams-i-iraj A-i-. !ari"h-i-'iru(shahi
0a3 (oti)ations behind writing
1. He was clearly not trying to please :iru+ because :iru+ had died by the time. He
was writing in a time when sultanate had disintegrated# anarchy pre)ailed all o)er
and Timur had plundered 5elhi. $o he was trying to recollect the old glorious
days. He misses the past in light of his present and that is why he tries to paint a
prosperous and peaceful picture of old days.
0b3 mportance
1. His writing reflects the anarchist state of affairs of his time and how he tried to
%ustify each and e)ery act of :iru+ in order to portray a past that was glorious and
sorely missed.
!. n his attempt to portray :iru+8s reign as one of total peace and prosperity and
under a great 'ing# he tells unintentionally us about :iru+8s wea'nesses. ?n his
part he merely focuses on positi)es and presents the wea'nesses as if they appear
his strength. He didn8t try to hide facts because had this been the case he would
ha)e not e)en mentioned the wea'nesses. 24amples are the famous bribe case and
the military defeats.
&. He didn8t come from a )ery well to do family li'e "arani. $o he is free from his
biases. He didn8t ha)e any strong ideological leanings (oreo)er he writes in a
)ery simple language.
.. He is also free from the anti-hindu biases of "arani and (inha% 0probably because
he was free from the e4tremist atmosphere in his upbringing li'e them and also
because the muslims of the age didn8t face any threat from hindus - they were
ra)aged by mongols3. Though he praises :iru+8s act of burning a brahman and
imposing %i+iya but that is a part of his general attempt to portray :iru+ as a great
'ing and his reign as a golden age.
;. 1oming from a commoner bac'ground we find he mo)es beyond the sultan and
his durbar in his wor' and tal's about the problems faced by the commoners.
/bn %atuta's Rehela
1. t is not a reliable source at all. t is interesting only because it throws some light
on the socio political e)ents of the age. "ut the writer is completely biased against
(bT.
!. (oreo)er his description of places and things doesn8t ha)e any depth and he
simply briefly describes thins without doing any research.
Amir Khusrau
1. Amir Khusrau too' the literature from elites to the commoners. He wrote
numerous popular pu++les in a form which is en%oyable to common people. This
was perhaps because he was )ery close to sufis and hence influenced by them and
also contributed to their cause. Thus his writings are a reflection of sufi
mo)ement.
!. He was a poet and not a historian. 9hate)er history he wrote was either on
instance of the sultans 0who e)en told him the topics on which to write about3 or
to please them. 2)en while writing history his focus was on the poetic aspect and
not historical truth.
&. His first wor' was Kiran-us-$aden 01!>B3 which was written to please "ugra
Khan and his son Ka'u-i-"ad. n this he tells us about delhi# its buildings# durbar#
social life of amirs etc. and his hatred towards mongols. ,aturally his focus was
on the poetic aspect.
.. His second wor' was (iftah-ul-:utuh 01!B13 in which he praised Aalal-ud-din and
his military campaigns against (ali' 1ha%%u# against Canthambore etc.
;. Khwa%ain-ul-:utuh or Tari'h-i-Alahi was written in a highly ornate style and
described the first 1; years of his reign. Although it is again more of a poetic
wor' its historical significance comes from the fact that it is the only
contemporary source we ha)e. This boo' describes military campaigns of Ala-ud-
din and (ali' Kafur and presents a beautiful description of the physical and
cultural geography of ndia.
<. His ne4t wor' is Ashi'a which tal's of Ala-ud-din8s son Khi%r Khan8s desire for
princess of *u%arat 5e)alrani. *e describes the campaigns launched to get her
and also the geography of ndia.
=. n his wor' $ipihar he praises (ubara' Khal%i.
>. His strong point is that he has gi)en a lot of dates and in general he is more
trustworthy than "arani. His writings also highlights the social conditions
pre)ailing in the age - something most historians of the age couldn8t do. He tells
us about the people# their dances# songs# settlements# professions etc.
Al %erouni's Kitab-ul-Hind
0a3 (oti)ation behind writing
1. $ome scholars belie)e that he sympathi+ed with ndians because (ahmud had
plundered his nati)e place too li'e ndia. Hence he was so sympathetic to ndian
cause.
!. n reality he was moti)ated by pure scientific and intellectual curiosity. He wanted
to understand ndian philosophical# religious and scientific thought. He analy+ed
e)erything that came across him in a critical and scientific manner and presented
his analysis in an unbiased manner.
0b3 mportance
1. n his quest he found that most of the information he came across about ndia is
based on secondary sources only. He reali+ed that second hand information is
in)ariably corrupted as it passes from people to people. Hence he was dri)en to
find the original sources and hence he began to learn $ans'rit and collect ancient
ndian te4ts. He referred to wor's of Darahmihira# Aryabhatta# "rahmagupta#
Patan%ali as well as "hagwad *ita# Dishnu Purana# Daayu Purana.
!. :or this he also consulted many brahmans of the age whene)er he needed some
help in proper interpretation.
&. He had a completely scientific outloo' and an unbiased opinion. $o religious
con)entions couldn8t corrupt him.
.. 9here)er he feels his understanding and 'nowledge is lac'ing he accepts it
without hesitation. He mentions it clearly where)er he had to rely on sources
without testing for their authenticity or secondary sources.
;. He describes ndian society# culture# festi)als# dress# food# entertainment#
scientific thought# philosophical thought etc. in great detail. He describes the
weights and measures used in ndia# distances# geographical features# alphabet etc.
pre)ailing in ndia. ,ot only does he merely describe them but also critically
analy+es them. He tal's of the legal system as mentioned in the scriptures and
highlights how the pre)ailing system differed from it. 9ea)ers were low e)en
among the outcastes who li)ed only outside the )illages and towns. He tells us
that "uddhism was not to be seen anywhere and he had only heard about it. He
tells us about the influence of "ha'ti by recogni+ing a firm monotheism in ,
ndia.
<. He e4presses regret that ndians had abandoned the scientific outloo' of their
ancestors and had relapsed into stagnation in mind and in thought. nstead of
'eeping their minds open and learning from others as their ancestors did they now
relied only on traditions.
0c3 Limitations
1. His wor' is mostly limited to the intellectual class of the age which was ob)ious
gi)en his methodology. He holds ignorant people in )ery low esteem.
Hindi Literature
1. Parochial / feudal outloo'E After the fall of the *upta empire the political
landscape had become increasingly fragmented and the land based feudal system
which de)eloped encouraged a local parochial outloo'. 9e can see this clearly in
the literature of the age.
!. $tagnation in the societyE The society had shut its mind towards embracing new
ideas and encouraging original thin'ing. 9e find a similar trend in the literature as
it became )oid of fresh outloo' and continued on established themes only.
&. Phases of hindi literatureE 0a3 ancient phase 0adi 'aal3E reflects the feudal order of
the day# 0b3 bha'ti phase 0bha'ti 'aal3E reflects the impact of bha'ti mo)ements of
the day# 0c3 reeti 'aalE after the bha'ti phase when the +amindari and %agirdari
systems returned with new )igor along with the presence of romanticism.
Phase 0. Ancient phase 1 Adi Kaal 1 2eer 3atha Phase &4 - 05 cent A6,
0a3 Caso Literature
1. t was called )eer gatha phase earlier because the first literature found comprised
almost e4clusi)ely of the writings of the court poets glorifying the bra)ery of their
ruling masters in order to praise them. They often were full of e4aggerations.
24amples are Prith)ira% Caso# Parmal Caso 0Alha and 6dal3# "eesalde) Caso
0lo)e affair of A%mer ruler "eesalde) and (alwa princess Ca%mati3. n addition to
glorifying their bra)ery the poets also glorified their lo)e affairs with beautiful
princesses of the age.
!. Ceflection of feudalistic order and parochial outloo'E The literature was full of
praise for the local rulers and how they fought other local rulers. They left no
words unwritten in the praise of their local lords and ridiculing the other chiefs.
Their aim was not to present historical facts but to glorify their masters. "y
glorifying wars and feuds they played an important role in promoting regional
ri)alry and disturbed national unity.
&. Ceflection of cherished ideals in the societyE "ra)ery and lo)e. :ighting wars was
noble. These wars were fought solely for personal reasons of the rulers be it
)engeance or to get a princess or simply to display one8s bra)ery and ne)er for the
interests of the state. They consider a bra)e warrior to be the most noble person.
.. Ceflection of poor status of women in the societyE The way they focus solely on
the beauty of the princess while glorifying the lo)e affairs of their masters tells us
that women were treated merely as an ob%ect of consumption. 9omen were
e4pected to perform %auhar and sati. They had no e4istence of their own.
;. Ceflection of lac' of law and order and peace in the societyE They glorify wars on
the other chiefs. They glorify )iolence and mention the insecurity of common
people specially if they had any )aluables.
<. Ceflection of the state systemE The rulers had no concern whatsoe)er with the
welfare of their sub%ects. They merely collected ta4es and fought wars and were
concerned with their own glory and welfare only.
=. Ceflection of growth of regional dialectsE (any of these wor's use a mi4ed form
of regional Ca%asthani dialects - a style often called pingle style.
0b3 $iddh Literature
1. t reflects the contemporary religious and cultural life )ery well. t was written for
the propagation of Da%rayan buddhist sect in eastern ndia in the local
languages. This literature tells us about the changes which had occurred in the
buddhist religion o)er the ages.
!. They critici+e comple4 rituals# traditionalism# e4tremism and ad)ocate a simple
life. They show a dominance of mystic ideas in their thoughts. At the same time
they also ad)ocate continuation of grihasta life.
0c3 Aain Literature
1. t flourished in western ndia in the form of poetic literature in local languages.
:or the poetic form it is also called Caas literature. t comprises of the poems
which were sung in the %ain temples by the worshippers.
!. They told us about the contemporary feuds etc. but their main aim remained to
emphasi+e the principles of non )iolence enshrined in the Aain religion. 1handan
"ala Caas is a famous wor'.
0d3 ,ath Literature
1. t emerged in eastern ndia as a reaction to $iddh literature. 9hile the $iddh
literature belie)ed in continuation of normal married life the ,ath sect opposed
consummation. t was ad)ocated by *ora'hnath and (atsyendranath.
!. They belie)ed in austerities and self control. They ideali+ed a man who doesn8t
get de)iated from his path despite being surrounded by all temptations. t has
elements of mysticism in it.
0e3 (aterial Literature 0Lau'i' Literature3
1. Comantic literatureE ts main wor's are Aaichandra Pra'ash# Aai (ayan'
1handri'a and Dasant Dilas. Their main emphasis was on e4pressing the feelings
of heart# description of women etc.
!. Literature for commonersE Amir Khusrau too' the literature from elites to the
commoners. He wrote numerous popular pu++les in a form which is en%oyable to
common people.
Phase 7. %ha"ti Phase &05 - 08 cent A6,
1. 5ifferent pro)incial rulers began to patroni+e music. 5ue to the fusion of ndo-
slamic music# 'hyal style emerged. Te4ts were written on this music which
formed a part of the bha'ti literature.
!. This period was a period of growing regionalism and declining central authority.
This was reflected in the rapid growth of regional languages as well which
became fully de)eloped in this period. $imilarly new styles of literature emerged
in different parts and attained maturity. This trend is reflected in the bha'ti period
literature.
&. "ha'ti mo)ement sought to in)ol)e more people with it and to awa'en them. This
led to the de)elopment of literature for people instead of the literature for the
elites as in the pre)ious raso literature.
.. "ha'ti and sufi mo)ement led to spread of communal harmony. This effort can be
seen in the literature as well.
;. "ha'ti mo)ement drew from the basic tenants of upanishads and )edas but was
progressi)e in its outloo' and humanist in character. This can be directly seen in
its literature as well.
<. The nirgun literature can be di)ided into two - one emphasi+ing 'nowledge 0li'e
'abir# nana'# dudu dayal3 emphasi+ed on the greatness of the teacher. t was more
radical# egalitarian# assimilatory# )ocal in their criticism of traditional rituals and
closer to the masses. The other type of nirgun literature emphasi+ed on lo)e 0sufis#
chandayan# mriga)ati# padma)at3 which preached monotheism and tried to bring
hindus and muslims closer. t was romantic in nature with *od as the lo)e ob%ect.
They belie)ed by lo)ing *od we can eliminate all differences. They portray *od
as a woman and soul as a man.
=. The sagun literature can be di)ided into two - one de)oted to Cama 0tulsidas#
ramanand3 and other de)oted to Krishna 0mira# surdas3. They use a highly poetic
literature which could be sung in the temples.
Phase 9. !raditional Phase 1 Riti Phase &Mughals,
1. 6nder the (ughals we saw the emergence of a truly composite ruling class which
included Hindus as well. 9e can see the impact in the literature of the time as it
came closer to the slamic literature. 9e can see the descriptions of the dresses#
attitude and practices# sub%ects etc. all in a way which indicated that both
communities had come closer to each other. Thus the protagonists of hindi
literature now freely wore dresses made of fine sil' and muslin# used arabic
perfumes# engaged in entertainment li'e the mughal rulers# their durbars# )arious
practices became more li'e mughals. 2)en the religious sub%ects li'e Krishna and
Cadha are portrayed in an intensely romantic and playful manner and wearing
muslim costumes. There is a clear departure from the traditional focus on
spiritualism and de)otion towards worldly pleasures. There is increased focus on
wealth# wine and women.
!. 6nder A'bar we find many muslim writers li'e Cahim# Cas-'han composing in
Hindi while many Hindi wor's being translated into Persian. A new upanishad
called Allah-o-upanishad was e)en composed. 9e see that the writers who tried to
preach communalism could not find any popularity in this age.
&. 9ith respect to women# the literature clearly shows them as an ob%ect of to be
en%oyed as against their depiction as goddesses# mothers etc. earlier. 2)en
characters li'e $ita and Cadha were no longer ob%ects of worship but the focus
was on their body and ma'eup and they were treated as ob%ects of consummation.
.. Thus we can see a clear decline of bha'ti spirit in the literature of this age and
instead being replaced by consumption which was also the social undercurrent as
the ruling class 0who were the audience of such literature3 belie)ed in
consumption only. Thus this literature can also be called as class literature. n
opposition to this there was a minor strand of mass literature specially coming
from sufi saints of the age li'e (ira etc. which opposed worldly consumption. 9e
can also see a strand of literature emphasi+ing on morals in the form of dohas of
Cahim etc.
;. Aust li'e the ruling class was separate from and unmindful of the problems of the
masses the class literature also ignores the masses and focuses only on the
lifestyle of the rulers. 9e can also see a clear mo)ement towards attributing
di)ine association to the emperors and 'ings as was emphasi+ed by the (ughals.
$ans'rit Literature
Kalhana's Rajtarangini
0a3 9hy was such a wor' written only in KashmirF
1. $ome scholars belie)e that Kashmir because of being cutoff from rest of ndia and
its distinct geographical setup was able to maintain a separate cultural identity.
Thus regional loyalty was )ery strong in Kashmir. (oreo)er it had constant
interaction with the "uddhists in Tibet and 1hina as well as with 1entral Asia.
$uch places had a strong tradition of historiography and hence the wor' was
written in Kashmir.
!. "ut it must be recogni+ed that in that period entire ndia was fragmented into
numerous localities and under feudal system. Cegional outloo' was strong
e)erywhere. $uch attempts to write on regional histories came up e)erywhere but
what ma'e Kalhana8s wor' unique was its sense of history.
&. Kalhana was different from other raso writers in the sense that he probably didn8t
ha)e the patronage of any ruler. Thats why his wor' could rise abo)e the petty
nature of his contemporaries.
0b3 (oti)ations for writing
1. He writes in the 'a)ya style in order to ma'e it interesting to the reader. Though
he ensures creati)ity in his writing yet he ne)er loses sight of his main goal )is to
write historical truths as seen by him. Thus he maintained his ob%ecti)ity in most
matters.
!. He was writing in a )ery turbulent period. Harsha8s reign had ended and there
were lots of wars and struggles around. He wanted to write impartially so as to
present facts before people and ma'e them learn from their mista'es.
0c3 mportance
1. He mentions his sources in detail. He mentions the 11 scholars who ga)e him the
family tree of Kashmir rulers. He mentions the legends# myths# fol'lore etc.
where)er he had to rely on it. "ut his strongest point is he relies on inscriptions in
the temples# land grant inscriptions etc. and mentions them clearly.
!. His wor' is di)ided into > parts. :irst & co)er history of more than &/// years
which mainly rely on Puranas and legends. His real historiography begins from
.th part and in . - < he co)ers the Kar'ota and 6tpal rulers. :or these parts he
relies on inscriptions as well as buddhist te4ts. n = and >th part he co)ers the
Lohara dynasty.
&. n the beginning he comes across as a mere presenter of )arious fol'lore. There
was no attempt of any analysis. "ut as we come closer to his period we can
clearly see the critical analysis done by him. This e4presses his )iews clearly on
matters as well as contemporary realities. :or instance Kashmir went through a
)ery turbulent phase post Harsha. Local feudal elements had become )ery strong
and there was anarchy. $o he says that a 'ing should be strong so that he can
control the affairs of the 'ingdom efficiently. He should ma'e sure that no one in
e)en the remotest )illage has sufficient wealth left with him so that he could e)en
thin' of posing a challenge to the 'ing. He writes that the feudal elements deri)e
their strength from the )ast amount of land they hold. He critici+es 'ayasthas and
bureaucrats and accuses them of harboring treacherous intentions against the
'ings. He ne)er paints anybody in full white or blac' and impartially tells us
about his strengths as well as wea'nesses.
.. t tells us about other realities of the social life as well. He mentions )ery proudly
that he belonged to a brahman family. The society had rich who fed on fried meat
and dran' perfumed cool wine. 9hile the poor had to li)e on wild )egetables. t
says Harsha introduced a general dress in Kashmir of long coats. He gi)es us a
whole lot of other information li'e geography# family trees of important people#
economic acti)ities li'e coin moulding etc.
;. t contains a stri'ing description of the engineering wor's super)ised a minister of
A)anti)arman. Landslides and soil degradation led to a great amount of rubble
and stone being deposited in the Ahelum ri)er which impeded the flow of water.
This was cleared# emban'ments were constructed to pre)ent the landslides# dams
were built and la'es were drained. The minister e)en managed to di)ert the course
of the Ahelum and the ndus ri)ers slightly which led to reclamation of land for
culti)ation. This has been supported by archaeological e)idences and subsequent
economic prosperity of Kashmir and it led to withdrawal of Kashmir from the
plains politics since the need to mo)e there was lessened.
0d3 Limitations
1. His analysis is not entirely free from his biases. Thus while he critici+es
bureaucracy 0because it was made of mostly 'ayasthas3 and says the bureaucracy
had corrupted the 'ings and persuaded them to follow anti - people policies# he
says that the 'ing should consult brahmans instead. This perhaps reflects his
personal grudge.
Architecture
'eatures
1. "efore the ad)ent of Tur's# Ca%put architecture belonged to the trabeate style and
had flat roofs# false arches and stone / mud based. "ut Tur's brought with them
the slamic style )is true arches# domes and used lime mortar and bric' based.
!. Tur'ish architecture was technologically superior as it used true arches# domes#
lime mortar# headers and stretchers bric' outlay# was massi)e.
&. t also left enough space for the circulation of air.
Ho* the architecture re-lects contemporary socio-politico-economic realities:
1. 6rbani+ationE Tur's were urban dwellers. Their monuments are in urban areas and
promote urbanism.
!. 1oncentration of wealthE The tur'ish rulers e4tracted all the agriculture surplus in
their hands. This surplus had to be put to use and it happened in the form of grand
monuments.
&. Ceflects the distance between the rulers and the ruled# the despotism of the
sultansE 2ach monument reflects the tastes of the sultan as because of their scale
each sultan tried to build according to his li'es to e4pand his glory. Ala-ud-din
built Alai 5arwa+a which was ma%estic in scale. This reflects the despotism of the
sultan and his ability to e4tract surplus from the peasants.
.. 1ommunal compositionE (ost of the monuments were slamic which showed the
distribution of power in the urban society. slam doesn8t permit images of birds
and animals so floral designs# geometric designs and calligraphy came up.
;. They can be di)ided into & phases - 0a3 5uring and immediately after Tur'ish
conquest when many hindu temples were destroyed and new islamic monuments
were sought to be created in their place quic'ly. 0b3 24change of s'ills and
traditions between ndian and slamic architecture forms but at the same time also
shows lac' of mastery of ndian craftsmen o)er the new slamic form# 0c3
e)olution of a special ndo - slamic form.
<. 5uring and immediately after Tur'ish conquestE Tur'ish rulers had not yet
established themsel)es. They needed to create an awe among the ruled. Thus
ltutmish created many monuments in 5elhi so that the public could be awed.
Gutub (inar was built as a symbol of Tur'ish )ictory. :urther the monuments of
the age can8t be di)ided e4clusi)ely into secular and religious monuments. This is
because the rulers needed monuments which could be used for huge public
gatherings of the nascent (uslim society in ndia. Thus they were often located in
the middle of the town and had large open garden in them# pillared )erandahs on &
sides and the praying site facing west. There was a raised platform where imams
and sultans could address the public. :irst such monument of the 'ind was
Kuwwat - ul - slam in Gila Pithora. They had come to ndia as conquerors. $o
they didn8t bring along any masons. $o the initial monuments ha)e a deep
influence of ndian architecture. The buildings of this phase were built by
demolishing parts of e4isting hindu temples and con)erting them according to
muslim needs by destroying the images# putting a wall in garbhgriha and
inscribing Guranic )erses. Also the flat roof had to be con)erted into a dome and
flat windows into arch. The ndian craftsmen were used to their traditional style
only. ?ne of the earliest monuments is Adhai 5in Ka Ahopda which was built by
Gutub-ud-din which has false arches.
=. 24panding muslim population in ndia and subsequent rise of ndian muslim
classE A mosque8s area is often proportional to the (uslim population li)ing in the
area. Thus Guwwat - ul - slam mosque was e4panded by ltutmish and Ala -ud
-din. As ndian muslim class grew stronger it also got its fair share in the ruling
class in the form of Khal%is. $o the e4pansion of the mosque also symboli+es
rising power of ndian muslim class.
>. 24change of s'ills and traditions between ndian and slamic architectural
formsE *radually we see pure form of slamic architecture coming as ndian
craftsmen began to master the new form. "alban8s tomb had the first True arch.
Aamat-i-'hana mosque of Alauddin is the first true slamic monument. Alai
5arwa+a can be construed to be the first monument which symboli+es the end of
the initial phase of insecurity and the ndo-slamic architectural form.
B. Tughluq ageE The monuments built were inferior in grandeur and beauty
compared to the Khal%i phase. Perhaps they represented a reaction to the e4cessi)e
ways of the Khal%is or the economic problems facing the sultan. 6nder *hiyas-
ud-din Tughluq we can see the continuation of the fusion of ndo-slamic forms.
Thus in his mausoleum we can see a 'alash 'ept on top of the dome. The
construction wor' in Tughluqabad may also reflect the haste and commotion in
the face of impending (ongol threat. :iru+ constructed many monuments but
none matched the grandeur of earlier sultans. $pecially under :iru+# sloping walls
called salami were pre)alent to gi)e an impression of solidity to the monument.
True domes were constructed but they were somewhat small. Pentagonal designs
came up.
1/. Lodi ageE Lodis belie)ed in the 'ingship theory of being first among the equals.
This is also reflected in the architecture as we find that the monuments built by
many Amirs were equal in scale and grandeur to those built by the sultans. "y
their time# the octagonal designs# double domes and headers and stretchers bric'
layering styles came up. 1har-bagh style also came up.
Painting
1. These paintings also show many musical instruments li'e )arious forms of )eena.
;vidences o- 3ro*th o- Paintings Under ultans
1. t was generally considered that the sultans didn8t fa)or paintings. "ut recent
e)idences firmly establish that paintings flourished under the sultans# under the
pro)incial rulers of the age as well as under the elite elements of the society.
!. 1ontemporary writer Ta%-ud-din Ca%a says that paintings were quite popular under
ltutmish8s reign. He e4plicitly tal's of paintings in)ol)ing human and animal
figures while the 1aliph8s en)oy was welcomed at the port. ?ther contemporary
writers confirm what he says.
&. 9e find both direct and indirect e)idences of paintings being used as illustrations
in boo's during Ala-ud-din8s rule. Amir Khusrau writes in detail how these
designs were prepared.
.. $hams-i-$ira% Afif in his Tari'h-i-:iru+shahi writes clearly that :iru+ banned the
li)ing portraits of humans in the palace galleries and bedrooms of the sultan. This
tells us that such a practice was followed right in the heart of sultanate.
;. $imilarly "arani writes in Tari'h-i-:iru+shahi that Aalal-ud-din finished the wor'
of construction of a palace started by $ultan Ka'u-i-bad and decorated it with
paintings.
Regional Paintings
1. Aaunpur paintingsE Darious plays and other literary wor's in the A)adhi language
ma'e liberal use of illustrations and/or tal' e4plicitly about paintings. Prominent
are the romantic wor's of 1handayan and (riga)ati. The sub%ects of such wor's
were often deri)ed from Camayan and (ahabharat. Another Persian manuscript
has been found which is hea)ily influenced by Persian painting style.
!. Paintings under Aain merchantsE $ince B - 1/ cent A5 we find miniature
illustrations in religious wor's of "uddhism# Aainism and Hinduism under the
Palas. n the 1& - 1; cent A5 such a tradition emerged )ery strongly under the
patronage of rich Aain merchants and spread to central and northern ndia as well.
n Ahemdabad many secular as well as religious Aain wor's were created which
had illustrations in them.
&. (andu paintingsE 9e ha)e found . ma%or manuscripts here which gi)e e)idence
of flourishing painting art here. A manuscript found here 0,iyamatnama3 has
many miniature portraits of $ultan ,asir-ud-din Khal%i. These paintings show
clear fusion of ndian and Persian art. They use bright and li)ely colors and reflect
the li)eliness of the durbar of (andu. Another manuscript is (iftah-ul-:u+ala
which is a dictionary. The manuscript Dostan shows hea)y influence of Persian
art. The .th one is 6%aib-ul-$annati.
.. "engal paintingsE A manuscript $harafnama has B paintings. $i'andarnama has
beautiful paintings on its opening page itself. They show clear fusion of ndo-
slamic forms.
1omposite 1ulture
1. The fusion of ndo slamic culture began with the Tur's in 1&th century. "efore
that Arab merchants were residing in ndia in the (alabar and Cashtra'uta empire
and Arabs had also conquered $ind. "ut still not much e4change happened. This
fusion reached greater heights under the (ughals.
Music
1. 5espite the opposition of religious e4tremists# music flourished under the $ultans.
Amir Khusrau de)eloped a new ndian style of poetry. (bT and Hain-ul-Abedin
were big patrons of music. Then under (ughals it reached its +enith. Abul :a+l
tells us about the prominent musicians in A'bar8s court which included both
Hindus and (uslims. 6nder "i%apur8s sultan brahim Adil $hah many te4ts were
written in poetry. He himself was a poet. "ahadur $hah and (uhammad $hah
also encouraged music.
<anguage and <iterature
1. ?ne of the ma%or steps which promoted the fusion was the complete
Persiani+ation of the administrati)e wor'. This encouraged Hindus to ta'e up
Persian learning and they also began to contribute to the Persian literature.
!. Cegional languages also began to liberally e4change with Persian due to this
mo)e. Though they 'ept their basic grammar and synta4 but incorporated many
words from Persian 0specially (arathi for instance Peshwa# A)adhi# "engali3. 9e
can see the influence of Persian in ,ana'8s wor' as well as Tulsi8s
Camcharitmanas. Cegional languages also de)eloped as the (uslim rulers in
pro)inces also patroni+ed them 0for instance Hain-ul-Abedin encouraged
compilation of Ca%tarangini# he also encouraged Kashmiri literature. $ans'rit
wor's came up in (uhammed "egara8s reign# *u%arati wor's were encouraged by
Ahmedshah. $imilarly "engali# Telugu etc. were encouraged by the local rulers3.
(any wor's were translated from Persian and $ans'rit into these regional
languages.
&. A'bar was )ery fond of literary wor's and had a big library of wor's in many
languages. He also got many wor's translated into Persian.
Urdu <anguage
1. The Tur'ish in)aders came here and settled here. 9ith time their lin's with
1entral Asia bro'e 0specifically due to (ongol in)asions3 and hence they had to
recruit for their armed forces from among ndians. ,aturally there was a barrier in
communication between the Persian spea'ing central asians and hindi spea'ing
ndians. Thus urdu came up as the camp language. Amir Khusrau was one of the
first prominent writers to also ta'e up 6rdu.
!. 9hen the sufi saints and subsequently the sultans went to deccan they faced the
same language barrier again. $o the language which subsequently came up after
e4changes with the regional languages is called 5eccani language which e)ol)ed
into the more formal / classical form of 6rdu. 9ith the e4pansion of (ughal
empire in 1=th century in 5eccan the spread of 5eccani increased.
&. n 1>th century 6rdu emerged as the leading language of the gentry and
symboli+ed the re)olt against the Persian dominance.
Provincial Architecture
1. *u%arati style represents the clearest influence of Hindu style of architecture. 9e
can see this in the Aama (as%id I Ahemdabad# Khambat and "adi (as%id I
1hampaner etc. where they resemble Hindu and Aaina temples closely. The dome
was supported by slender minarets. nfluence seen in :atehpur $i'ri.
!. n *olconda fort we can see that the arches were ornamented with Hindu motifs
li'e cranes# parrots# lions# peacoc's etc. $imilarly in "i%apur8s Aama (as%id we
can see sculptures of Pipal trees on the walls which is a sacred tree for Hindus.
&. 6nder the "undelas I ?rchha and 5atia we can see arches along with Hindu
style. 6nder (arathas we can see slamic features lime minarets# domes etc.
which are e)en used in the construction of temples. (arathas also had gardens
constructed in their palaces along with fountains# canals etc.
Religion and Philosophy
1. "ha'ti and $ufi mo)ements influenced each other and the popular thought. 5in-i-
ilahi was a manifestation of the fusion. 5ara $hi'oh was also a great assimilatory
character and influenced by sufism.
!. $till the e4change couldn8t ta'e place beyond some popular practices and beliefs.
At the philosophical le)el the fusion was not )isible e4cept for the abo)e
mentioned instances. There were some sufi saints who incorporated some
practices of hindu saints li'e yoga etc. A particular sect of (uslims belie)ed
Prophet to be an a)atar# (uin-ud-din 1histi to be a demigod. 9e can see people
of both community celebrating many festi)als together. This communal harmony
was encouraged by the pro)incial sultans as well.
;volution o- a =omposite Ruling =lass
1. 9ith time the domination of Tur's ended and we can see ndian (uslims rising in
the ran' of the ruling class. Then there were many Hindus who were e4ploited in
the Hindu society# they sought to ta'e ad)antage of the new situation for their
ad)ance. $lowly e)en the better off hindus aligned themsel)es with the sultans
and e)en though they didn8t get a share directly in the upper echelons of power
they were quite important for the sultanate.
!. 9hen $i'andar Lodi ordered for the adoption of Persian as the official language
many learned Hindu classes li'e Kayastha# Kashmiri brahmans etc. learnt Persian
and too' ad)antage. The ruling class at the )illage and local le)el still comprised
predominantly of hindus. Jet before (ughals a truly composite ruling class
couldn8t emerge.
Amir Khusrau in Music
1. He was )ery much influenced by ndian music and ga)e many new ragas 0li'e
tila'# sarpada# saa%giri3 and taals by fusing ndian and slamic music. He is said to
ha)e populari+ed Gawwalis and in)ented tabla and sitar.
u-is in Music
1. They contributed in the form of ga+als and qawwalis. *a+al is a romantic form of
music where the ob%ect of lo)e is a person in this world only. Gawwali is the
romantic music where the ob%ect is *od. As such ga+als became )ery popular in
the durbars of sultans.
Culture in Mughal Empire
Persian History 9riting
#ature and =haracter
1. n , ndia land records were 'ept in Persian only. n $ ndia howe)er# both local
and Persian languages were used. This ga)e a great boost to the spread of Persian.
!. The histories were written within the confinement of slam i.e. criticism of Kuran#
Hadi# $unna etc. is not possible and it must remain within the confines of the
religion.
&. The rising might of the emperor had an influence on the historiography as well
and now the history of the age became the history of the emperor. The completed
wor's now came to be dedicated to the emperor. The earlier Arabic tradition of
gi)ing sources was also discontinued here. 5i)ine association of the 'ings was
emphasi+ed upon to establish their so)ereignty. 9e find the tradition of history
writing spreading to the pro)inces as well.
.. 9e find e4tensi)e use of religious terminology in the te4ts which might appear to
the e4tent of outright communal at the first glance. "ut it must be 'ept in mind
that in those days religion and education were intricately lin'ed. The scholars
were in)ariably men of religion and they 'new no terminology other than
religious. Thus they ma'e indiscriminate use of such terms. :or instance using
such terms lash'ar-i-'ufra and lash'ar-i-islam e)en when both sides fighting each
other were (uslims.
;. 9e must also 'eep in mind that the interest of much of the history writing section
differed from those of the sultans. The history writing section mainly came from
the religious ulemmas class and wanted sultan to be bound by the shariat and
'uran so that he would ha)e to consult them on all matters and their importance in
the politics grows. $ultans on the other hand were not willing to accept any
so)ereignty abo)e them. $o to please the ulemmas and to show their complete
loyalty towards shariat whene)er it was possible they tried to gi)e religious color
to actions otherwise necessitated by politico-economic considerations. The
historians naturally used to gi)e lot of importance and communal color to such
e)ents.
<. The political stability and economic prosperity of the age can also be seen in such
wor's.
6i--erences -rom ultanate ;ra History >riting
1. The completed wor's now came to be dedicated to the emperor.
!. The earlier Arabic tradition of gi)ing sources was also discontinued here.
&. The emperors used to pay a lot of attention to history writings themsel)es as is
e)ident from the tradition of autobiographies in the mughal age. 9hen they
couldn8t they appointed highest scholars for the tas' and ga)e them full access to
all go)ernment records 0including the classified ones3 and ga)e them other
pri)ileges as well. "ut as usual this means these writings were often biased.
.. n the mughal wor's we can see e)ents presented chronologically year after year
along with all the dates. "ut in "arani8s wor' we see lac' of such chronology.
;. The techniques of paper ma'ing and binding showed mar'ed impro)ement o)er
the sultanate era and so we ha)e larger amount of sources of mughal era with us.
$ahir-ud-din Muhammed %abur and !u(u"-i-%abri
0a3 mportance
1. ts importance is that its an autobiography and this is where (ughals differed
from sultans. The wor' is from someone who was shaping the ndia of the age
and brought a re)olution. He di)ides his wor' in & parts - first part runs from his
accession to the throne of :argana and ends with lea)ing $amar'and for the final
time# second part tells us about his struggles and wars in ndia and the third part
tells us about the state of affairs in ndia.
!. He describes the political situation of the country in great detail. He tal's about
different pro)incial rulers li'e *u%arat# (alwa# "i%apur# *olconda etc.#
Di%aynagar# "engal# Ca%putana. He tal's about the difficulties faced in 'eeping the
conquered areas firmly under his control. He tal's about the difficulties faced in
collecting land re)enue.
&. "eing a foreigner he tells us in detail about all things which struc' to him and
which may ha)e been ordinary to a resident here. He was a 'een obser)er and
describes people and geography in great detail. He writes about their clothes#
food# habits# beha)ior# profession# social structure# festi)als# art forms#
architecture# technologies etc. in great detail. Thus he produces a rich account.
.. He also writes )ery fran'ly about his own mista'es. t also gi)es a good account
of the conditions pre)ailing in Humayun8s initial years and tells us about his
strengths and wea'nesses as well.
0b3 Limitations
1. He can be accused of distortion of facts also specially while highlighting his
military )ictories.
!. He forms a negati)e stereotype of ndians based on his obser)ations of certain
bac'ward sections of the society.
&. He also lea)es out certain pro)inces li'e $ind# Kashmir# ?disha# Khandesh. He
neglects Portuguese as well.
.. His is also a bro'en account - sometimes it had long brea's.
Humayun's Historiography
1. Tari'h-i-Cashidi by Hussain (ir+aE He was a senior commander in "abur8s and
then Humayun8s army and hence the importance. He tal's in detail about
Humayun8s period. He writes about character and habits of Humayun. He gi)es a
different and detailed account of circumstances leading to the battle I Kannau%
and Kamran8s role in it. He said that some re)olts had emerged in Pun%ab and
Gandhar so Kamran had to return immediately but he left ;/// sawars with
Humayun.
!. Kanun-i-Humayuni by Khond-(irE The writer was a senior official under
Humayun and thus gi)es us a good account of the e)ents and con)entions of the
durbar.
&. Humayunnama by *ulbadanE $he was a step sister to Humayun and tells us in
detail about the life of royal ladies and Humayun8s e4ile and conquering Kabul.
A"bar's Historiography
1. t had & strands - 0a3 the official )ersion i.e. A'barnama written by Abul :a+l and
which was sponsored by A'bar# 0b3 neutral )ersion i.e. Taba'at-i-A'bari written
by ,i+am-ud-din Ahmad# and 0c3 anti-A'bar )ersion (unta'bh-ut-Tari'h written
by "adayuni.
0a3 A'barnama by Abul :a+l
1. Abul :a+l was a liberal person li'e A'bar and consequently had come )ery close
to him. n 1;B/ he was entrusted with the tas' of writing history of A'bar. The
first part starts with A'bar8s birth and ends in 1;=! where he tal's about creation
of the uni)erse# other religions and their prophets# A'bar8s ancestors etc. n the
second one he co)ers the period till 1;>>. The third part is Ain-i-A'bari. The .th
part tal's about the geography# people# climate# indian saints# sufi saints etc. of
ndia. n the final part he gi)es his brief autobiography.
!. He studied all rele)ant Arabic and Persian history boo's# he used all rele)ant
official records# farmaans etc.# he inter)iewed a lot of people including the amirs
and A'bar himself# he 'new intricate details of many things being a high amir
himself and whene)er there was a dispute regarding anything he used to ta'e
opinion of ma4imum possible number of people con)ersant with the matter and if
there was still any dispute left then A'bar used to ta'e a decision.
&. Abul :a+l was a great supporter of A'bar8s liberal religious ideas and he wanted
to strengthen his position further. $o he highlighted the di)ine aspect of A'bar8s
'ingship and also praised sulh-i-'ul policy of A'bar. He supported his claim to
musta%ir. Darious religions generally associate births of prophets or great men with
some di)ine signs. Abu :a+l tries to lin' A'bar8s birth with some di)ine signs as
well. f he was not gi)en formal education during his childhood# Abu :a+l lin's it
to such a tradition among the prophets. He wanted people to belie)e that A'bar
had an element of di)inity in him so that they follow his orders without any
issues.
.. He re%ects the highly ornamental style of Persian writing of pre)ious historians
and instead writes in a )ery simple and yet lo)able language. 6nli'e other
Persian historians he doesn8t use any such language which can e)en hint at
religious intolerance. This was a big brea' from the history writing tradition of the
age.
;. Ain--i-A'bari reflects the liberal religious )iews and sulh-i-'ul thoughts of A'bar.
t tries to gi)e a harmonious portrayal of hindus and hindu philosophy and
presents them as being tolerant# liberal and assimilatory. Although it must be
noted that he didn8t 'now $ans'rit li'e "erouni and thus suffered from this
handicap. He tries to portray the apparent differences between )arious religions as
a result of different languages# ignorance of the religious heads and interpreters#
their traditional and fanatical outloo'# use of religion by them and the rulers to
ser)e their personal ambitions etc. n reality there is no difference between any
religion. He re%ects the claim of old historians that in ndia there is an inherent
conflict between the muslims and hindus. He also re%ects any fanaticism be it in
hindus or in muslims. Thus he praises Todarmal for his qualities but critici+es him
for his lac' of tolerance.
0b3 Taba'at-i-A'bari by ,i+am-ud-din Ahmad
1. ,i+am-ud-din was a high ran'ing officer under A'bar yet wrote in a neutral way.
His boo' co)ers the history of sultanate and A'bar and other pro)inces li'e
"engal# (alwa# Aaunpur# Kashmir# $ind etc. He didn8t write to gain fa)ors from
the emperor and was a man of high integrity.
!. He uses other wor's li'e Tu+u'-i-"abri# A'barnama and numerous other
historical te4ts of his age.
0c3 (unta'bh-ut-Tari'h by Al "adayuni
1. "adayuni represented the traditional fanatical ulemma class. He had grown up and
recei)ed education in a )ery orthodo4 and fanatical en)ironment. He hated A'bar
for his religious tolerance which he belie)ed had led to the ignorance of learned
scholars li'e him. He belie)ed that all the high posts and influence should be
e4clusi)ely reser)ed for muslims and that too for learned scholars li'e him. This
was his biggest limitation but at the same time also lets us 'now the impact of
A'bar8s policies on this section.
!. "adayuni had been in)ited to ibadat'hana affairs of A'bar. "ut he soon found out
that his orthodo4 )iews would ha)e no impact on the emperor. He was also
%ealous of Abul :a+l 0who not only influenced A'bar8s policies but also was
in)ol)ed in implementing them3 whom he accused of poisoning the emperor8s
mind and this hatred shows in his wor'. He belie)es himself to be a soldier of
slam and brands both A'bar and Abul :a+l as enemies of slam. He was also
dissatisfied from A'bar for his regulations imposed on madad-i-mash 0the ta4 free
land grants made to muslim ulemmas3.
&. His wor' has & parts - first one begins from $ubu'tgin and lasts till Humayun8s
death 0this can be considered as a summary of Taba'at-i-A'bar3# second relates to
A'bar and third relates to some sufi saints# poets and muslim scholars.
.. His wor' is full of religious intolerance and hatred for hindus. "ut it must be 'ept
in mind that he was %ealous of rich hindus as they were richer than him and
focuses his )enom on them. At the same time he ignores poor hindus %ust li'e he
ignores poor muslims as this reflects the typical mindset of the pri)ileged class of
the age.
;. His research and analysis was shallow as he was not really interested in
describing any e)ent of the age. He merely wanted to pour )enom on both A'bar
and Abul :a+l.
!u(u"-i-+ahangiri by +ahangir
1. This is an autobiography and describes in detail his campaigns including failures#
factionalism emerging in the high noblery# transfers of mansabdars and how he
himself turned away from his responsibilities. The wor' reflects his desires# his
efforts# successes# failures e)erything. He describes how he wanted to be li'e his
father. He writes in detail about his daily life# his thoughts )ery honestly.
!. He doesn8t stay limited to his life only. He also describes his officers# his
perception about their thoughts and factional fights etc. This ma'es it a )ery good
source. He also describes the geographical details of his %ourney to Kashmir#
(alwa# A%mer# *u%arat and Pun%ab.
&. :irst 1; years of his reign were )ery good but from the 1<th year onwards
problems begin and he starts to retire from acti)e life. This is reflected in the form
of irregular entries in the boo'. n the alter years he delegated the responsibility of
history writing to (otmid Khan who writes in the name of Aahangir till the 1Bth
year. :rom then on he writes 'balnama-i-Aahangiri in his own name which again
is a )ery reliable source.
Padshahnama &-or hahjahan,
1. This has & )ersions. :irst was written by Ka+wini which co)ers the first 1/ years
of his reign. ,e4t was written by Abdul Hamid Lahori and co)ers first !/ years of
the reign. The third )ersion was written by (uhammad 9aris which co)ers the
last 1/ years of his reign. This wor' co)ers in detail the princes# amirs# scholars#
sufis# poets# campaigns# political e)ents# transfers etc.
Aurang(eb's Historiography
0a3 Alamgirnama by Kasem $hira%i
1. He co)ers the first 1/ years of his reign. Li'e other official historians# he too had
access to all the go)ernmental records. 9here he needed more information he
could in)estigate anyone and was also free to consult the emperor. He liberally
praises Aurang+eb and critici+es his brothers and e)en $hah%ahan. He praises
those amirs who sided with Aurang+eb in his succession war.
0b3 (unta'bh-ul-Lubab by Khafi Khan
1. This is a critical wor' of Aurang+eb8s reign and he writes how the peasantry was
oppressed by the mughals and always li)ed in fear. He also critici+es the handling
of deccani affairs and his wor' contains the elements pointing towards the decline
of mughal empire.
0c3 :utuhat-i-Alamgiri by sardas ,agar
1. This co)ers his reign up to &. years and tal's in detail about his relations with
ra%puts. He writes how by 1<B1 Aurang+eb8s policies had failed and his noblery
had hatched ambitions to car)e out independent principalities.
;uropean ources. +ean !averner
1. He was a merchant and hence was interested mostly in economic acti)ities of the
country. "ut a difference between him and other writers is that he didn8t remain
confined to the court acti)ities. He tra)elled across ndia and also wrote about the
people# social life 0whate)er he could understand3 and economic life. Thus he
becomes an important source albeit one which should be interpreted with proper
caution. He thus writes about the production acti)ities in ndia# the merchants# the
sarafs# the in)ol)ement of amirs in trade# )arious temples etc.
!. ?ne limitation is that he tra)elled through forests so he could ha)e written about
the tribals there but he didn8t. Then his writings on religious and cultural li)es are
at best shallow.
;uropean ources. 'rancis %ernier
1. He had stayed in ndia for a long period. $o he came to understand the
circumstances here in a better way. He had access to the royal courts and hence
writes about the li)es of the ruling class including the princesses. He writes about
the ra%puts as well.
!. He also throws sufficient light on the economic life. He writes about the
craftsmen# the peasants etc. "ut he incorrectly asserts that the emperor was the
owner of all land here.
&. ?n amirs he writes that they li)ed a )ery consuming life. 5espite large incomes
they were always indebted. He tal's about the transportation means# the mughal
army# the brahmans and their narrow mindset and superstitions# the sati system#
de)adasi system and craft production processes in ndia.
(ughal Architecture
'eatures
1. 1hange K 1ontinuityE 5ouble dome# char-bagh style were elements of continuity.
nfluence of pro)incial architecture# 'alash# petra dura style were elements of
change.
!. 5ue to the central asian origin of the emperors the architecture was characteri+ed
by fusion of Hindu-slamic architecture specially under A'bar. ?ne such
influence is the 'alash placed on top of the domes which was borrowed from
Hindu temple architecture. n $A8s time# greater emphasis was placed on slamic
character of buildings. Thus during A'bar8s period we can see a fusion of regional
styles into (ughal buildings. n Ced :ort we can see distinct *u%arati and (alwa
influence. The use of domes was a)oided and instead replaced by chatris. 5omes
were used only in the mosque. 9e can see the use of colorful and gla+ed tiles on
the e4ternal walls in $i'ri which resemble Persian style. ?n the other hand the
internal walls and chatris were ornamented with motifs of different animals and
human beings in the Ca%put style. :atehpur $i'ri too saw huge influence of
*u%arat and Ca%put styles. Ca%put influence is witnessed in the doors and windows
and in Aodhabai8s and "irbal8s palaces while Kashmiri influence is )isible in
(ariam8s palace. n "irbal8s palace we can see the arches were decorated with
motifs of lotus# rose and other flowers. n the 5iwan-i-Khas we can see the
influence of Aain# "uddhist as well as Hindu styles.
&. t used the char-bagh style. nitially the monument was constructed in the middle
of the garden on a raised plinth and flowing water. Humayun8s tomb is the first
e4ample. $hah%ahan changed it to placing the monument in one corner of the
garden.
.. (any beautiful gardens with flowing canals were created. t began with "abur
who got a garden created in Agra when he began to li)e there. 24ample are
$halimar I Lahore# ,ishat "agh in Kashmir.
;. 5ouble dome was another feature. Humayun8s tomb is the first e4ample.
<. Ced sandstone from 5haulpur was e4tensi)ely used by (ughals. 24amples are
$hah%ahanabad and :atehpur $i'ri. (arble was also used. :rom Aahangir8s time a
)isible shift was made towards use of marble.
=. $ome new cities li'e 5in Panah by Humayun and $hergarh by $$$ were built.
>. Pietra dura style was used for ornamentation. :loral designs were car)ed in walls
and semi-precious stones were fitted in these engra)ings for entire design.
B. Last e4ample of (ughal architecture is $afdar%ung tomb.
1/. The architecture was suited to the climatic conditions of the land. The rooms were
large and airy. There were big gardens around the building and many fountains as
well. The roofs had the 'hus-'hus grass to 'eep them cool.
Mughal Architecture as a Re-lection o- =ontemporary <i-e
1. t symboli+es the great power of the ruling class and the great di)ide between the
rulers and the ruled. (ughals brought a )ast area of the country under their
administration. They had elaborate machinery to e4tract the agriculture surplus
and this surplus was concentrated in few hands only. This ga)e them the ability to
pro)ide for best of the resources from all o)er the country in their monuments.
This shows in the superiority of their architecture. The elite and pri)ileged class
used burnt bric's# mortar and stones 0because stone cutting and polishing was
costly3 and arches# domes and )aulted roofs in their constructions. They also
made use of glasses for their windows and Aahangir e)en used colored glasses
which were )ery e4pensi)e. 1ommoners used mud bric's or 'uccha houses.
!. They reflect the increasing power of the emperor e)en in respect of his amirs.
Thus while in the Lodi rule we find that the monuments of his amirs were as good
as those of the sultan# in mughal age monuments of the emperors were way abo)e
anybody else8s. 9hile the emperors had the resources and capacity to obtain best
of material and labor from any part of the country his nobles and pro)incial
rulers / go)ernors clearly couldn8t do so.
&. 9e can see the impact of A'bar8s desire to be the religious leader of ndian
muslims as well. n 5iwan-i-Aam I $i'ri we can see that the emperor8s throne
was placed in the western direction which ga)e him religious supremacy as well.
The use of many pro)incial styles in the buildings can be seen to reflect A'bar8s
desire to be the emperor of whole ndia and not %ust a part of it. "ut this
inno)ati)e and assimilati)e character was replaced by a traditional character in
$hah%ahan8s monuments.
.. The monuments clearly show the state of the empire in those days. :or instance
the ma%estic fusion and smooth construction of $i'ri shows the stability and the
strength of the empire. "y $hah%ahan8s time a stagnation had occurred which we
can see in the lac' of )ariety in the construction. The freshness and cultural fusion
of the buildings ga)e way to artificial grandeur. The inno)ati)e and assimilati)e
character of A'bar8s time was replaced by a traditional character in $hah%ahan8s
monuments. t appears that this was an attempt to hide the growing problems of
the empire. "y Aurang+eb8s time the architecture declined due to his personal
indifference as well as economic condition of the state. 9hate)er monuments are
there show traditional style only and lac' of creati)ity. nstead the monuments of
the regional principalities began to grow in their attraction. This shows the decline
of the empire.
;. These ma%estic pro%ects reflected the cultural currents and tastes of the age in the
ruling class. The emperors often personally paid attention to the plans and
construction of the monuments. Thus we ha)e paintings of A'bar obser)ing the
construction of :atehpur $i'ri personally.
<. After &// years of liberal e4changes and changes# ndian architecture style had
stabili+ed. The craftsmen had become masters of their art and this shows in the
buildings which show a style that is more mature and uniform than its
predecessors. Architecture during sultanate period was heterogenous and more
li'e a collection of different styles.
=. The construction made use of labor intensi)e technologies which indicate the
abundance of uns'illed and s'illed labor of the age and that it had become an
important industry. Large amount of labor was employed. :or instance
A'barnama tells us ./// wor'ers were employed e)eryday for the construction of
Agra fort. Aama (as%id of 5elhi employed >/// wor'ers and Ta% (ahal employed
!//// wor'ers wor'ing e)eryday.
>. The architecture was suited to the climatic conditions of the land. The rooms were
large and airy. There were big gardens around the building and many fountains as
well. The roofs had the 'hus-'hus grass to 'eep them cool.
B. The architecture clearly shows a fusion of ndo-slamic styles and shows the
pre)ailing undercurrents of communal harmony and liberal e4change in the
society.
1/. The mughal amirs used to construct their buildings close to the buildings
constructed by their ancestors.
11. The foundation of any ma%or pro%ect was laid only after consulting the astrological
charts.
(ughal Painting
Ho* they re-lect the contemporary li-e:
1. Painters were both Hindu-(uslims as well as lower caste hindus.
!. 1ourt patroni+ed. "oo' illustrations played an important role. Kar'hanas were
established for painting. Painters were paid monthly salaries L bonuses.
&. t was un-islamic yet liberal interpretation of islam allows it.
.. Painted portraits of A'bar showing despotism.
;. $peciali+ation absent.
<. (ughal paintings show the construction scenes of the big monuments and also tell
us about the used technologies. :or instance some paintings show us how stones
were cut and polished to be used in :atehpur $i'ri.
=. 1ourt scenes# hunting scenes# wars were painted. ndian colors were de)eloped.
Mughal Paintings under A"bar
1. n the initial phase during A'bar# paintings used to draw hea)ily from persian
style though we could see some influences of ndian style occasionally. ?ne of the
first important paintings was the miniature style 5astan-i-Amir-Ham+a or
Ham+anama. t had 1!// paintings and used bright colors. Amir Ham+a was a
Persian mythological hero and A'bar used to en%oy his stories. Ham+anama
depicts foreign plants and flowers. 9e can also see influence of Hindus style in
the painting of women in it. n Anwar-i-$uhaili we can see that the birds and
animals are painted in a )ery natural style whereas in persian style animals are
painted in a )ery artificial way 0they appear more li'e mas's than ali)e animals3.
t shows ndian trees and flowers but paints hills and clouds in persian style.
These painters were mostly Persians.
!. n the ne4t phase A'bar8s policies had become much more assimilatory and the
resulting fusion culture had become mature. A'bar was becoming more interested
in analysis of different religions. $o he wanted many boo's of different religions
to be translated into Persian. $uch translations would also include miniatures.
This ga)e a big boost to the fusion process. 9e can see the same impact in the
paintings as they now included )arious pro)incial styles li'e *walior# *u%arat#
Ca%putana# Lahore# Kashmir etc. This was possible as their painters were now
drawn from all o)er ndia and not %ust Persia. Tootinama is an important painting
from this phase and we can see ndian influence in both sub%ects as well as style.
The most famous painting of this age was Ca+mnama which wor'ed as a
milestone for other paintings.
&. 9ith time we can also see the 2uropean influence in the paintings. t began when
in 1;>/ A'bar in)ited a missionary to his durbar. They brought many paintings
with them. The mughal princes were impressed and the painters tried to
incorporate its features in their own paintings. n the beginning they %ust copied
the outlines and filled it in their own colors and style. Later on we can see the
european influence both in the sub%ects and style. A popular feature now was that
the front ob%ects were put in a perspecti)e by changing their si+e.
.. 5uring the final years A'bar was besieged with many problems including the
re)olt of prince $alim and death of princes (urad and 5aniyal. 9e can see the
corresponding decline in the paintings as well specially miniatures. This decline
was e)ident not only in quantity but also quality as they now lac'ed creati)ity.
Mughal Paintings under +ahangir
1. 5uring A'bar8s reign the painting was bound by the sub%ect of the manuscript of
which it formed a part. Aahangir freed it from this limitation and encouraged free
paintings 0on sub%ects dictated by him3 including portraits. nitially he got some
of the paintings redone from the royal library. Then he turned towards life si+e
portraits and other scenes from royal life. t must be 'ept in mind e)en A'bar got
portraits done but under Aahangir they became the dominating theme. Aahangir
was eager to ha)e important e)ents of his life and reign recorded and as'ed the
painters to paint his durbar scenes# festi)al celebrations# flowers and animals
which interested him etc. There is one painting which shows Aahangir aiming for a
lioness8s eye and a Ca%put prince is pointing towards it.
!. The paintings of the age ele)ated Aahangir8s aura and showed him in a ma%estic
form. (aybe they are an attempt to ta'e his mind away from the dissonance of his
failures to tac'le some of the problems he faced or some of the desires he could
ne)er fulfill. They were %ust an attempt to show him as a great# all conquering#
merciful and %ust ruler. :or instance we can see him greeting the persian ruler on
equal terms though he ne)er met him. The one painting shows him presiding o)er
0as a great great emperor3 a meeting of many 'ings and princes from far off lands.
n another he is seen as 'ic'ing (ali' Ambar8s head.
&. Thus gradually in his reign we can see miniatures declining and getting replaced
by free style paintings including the portraits.
.. The paintings also show the animals and birds in a )ery natural way and focus on
their bodily features with a preciseness which is ama+ing. 9e can see signs of
scientific study of such sub%ects before the paintings.
Mughal Paintings a-ter +ahangir
1. :or some years $hah%ahan let them wor' as they were wor'ing under Aahangir.
"ut later on he began to ha)e himself painted in association with some di)ine
powers li'e for instance the angels themsel)es are descending on earth to 'eep the
crown on his head# or they are standing holding flags in their hands and praying
for his )ictory and long life. He also had himself painted in most imposing forms.
n one painting we can see A'bar# Aahangir and $hah%ahan with A'bar directly
gi)ing the crown to $hah%ahan.
!. Perhaps all this was an attempt to hide the decline in the fortunes of the empire.
That is why there is too much of glorifying the emperor. The decline in mughal
painting had clearly set in and creati)ity had gi)en way to traditionalism.
&. 2uropean influence can be clearly seen in these paintings as there is generally an
illuminated circle behind his head radiating light as in the european paintings of
Aesus. :urther we can see that the bac'ground is generally painted blur in light
colors.
Ca%putana $chool of Painting
1. Ca%putana paintings can be broadly di)ided into - 0a3 court paintings which depict
as usual the lifestyle of the feudal lords. 9e can see clear mughal influence here
in the form of dresses# symbols# bac'ground# scenery etc. The influence grew as
the painters returned from the delhi court due to the decline of the empire. 0b3
literary paintings which typically draw their sub%ect matter from hindu religion.
They also show less influence of islamic art and more of ra%put traditional art only
because the interaction with mughals was more in the ruling class. 0c3 fol'
paintings which typically show festi)als# celebrations# daily life e)ents etc.
Me*ar chool
1. t mainly flourished in 1hittor# 6daipur# ,athdwara# 5eogarh# $irohi# $aawar
under $isodias. t shows comparati)ely lesser influence of mughal style due to
distant political relations with the mughals.
!. 6nder Cana Amar $ingh we can see that the men clothing is triangular in the
bottom part of the body which indicates mild mughal influence only. 6nder his
successor Cana Aagat $ingh we can see an increase in the religious paintings as
well as court paintings. These paintings depicted men and women in a mi4 of
mughal and traditional wear# birds# flowers etc. all in their natural state but the
hills were painted in mughal style.
&. n the first half of 1>th century the court paintings flourished further as lot of
painters came bac'# but after that we can see a decline under the M influence.
Amber chool
1. t flourished under Kachwahas in Amber# Aaipur# Alwar.
!. Here the fol' painting and literature related religious painting flourished more. t
flourished under (an $ingh# $awai Aai $ingh and his successors. "ut by 1Bth
century it lost its appeal.
Mar*ar chool
1. t flourished under Cathores in Aodhpur# "i'aner# Aaisalmer# Pali. 9ith time we
can see growing mughal influence in the Aodhpur school as the traditional ra%put
elements were replaced by refinement and adornment. t portrays men and women
in stoc'y bodies and men with mustaches.
!. "i'aner school was the one most closely affiliated with the mughal style as it had
)ery close political relations with mughals. nstead of bright colors or beautiful
scenery wor' li'e other ra%put schools it uses soft lines and color assortment li'e
the mughals. t appears that when mughal painters were neglected under
$hah%ahan they came to "i'aner. Apart from the mughal influence we can also see
deccani influence here because Cana Anup $ingh stayed in deccan for long under
Aurang+eb. They too focus on the bodily beauty of women who are light and
slim.
%undi chool
1. t flourished under the Hadas in "undi and Ahalawar. "undi was located between
Amber in north# (ewar in south and Kota in west. $o "undi used to attract
painters from all these schools and hence de)eloped its distinct style.
!. t typically used bright li)ely colors# focused on the bodily beauty of women and
added to their beauty by using sceneries including hills# ri)ers# forests# trees#
fruits# flowers etc. in )ery natural sense. t used a special mi4ture of colors to
show the s'y in bac'ground.
&. n 1>th century the sub%ects were mostly hunting scenes# durbars# portraits of the
feudal lords and their entertainment 0e4amples of mughal influence3. t too
declined in the later half of 1>th century.
Kota chool
1. Although it is close to "undi# it still de)eloped a unique style. "undi passed
through a turbulent phase in the 1>th century. $o many painters from there came
to Kota and wor'ed here. Thus it came closer to "undi.
!. The sub%ects were mostly hunting scenes# portraits of the feudal lords and their
entertainment 0e4amples of mughal influence3. t too declined in the later half of
1>th century.
Kishangarh chool
1. The Cana here was )ery interested in art forms and was influenced by sagun
bha'ti. The famous "ani Thani painting is from Kishangarh. The paintings here
depict Cadha and Krishna in gardens or celebrating festi)als etc. t was )ery much
influenced by bha'ti and the focus is on the bodily beauty of Cadha.
Pahadi $chools of Painting
Kangra chool o- Painting
1. This school reflects the closeness to nature and uses natural scenes to e4press
human emotions. :or e4ample dry trees to symboli+e separation# bright flowers to
symboli+e meeting etc.
!. t has many regional )ariations which can be seen in "ilaspur# Aammu# (andi#
*arhwal# 1hamba# ,urpur etc.
%asauli chool o- Painting
1. 9e can see a clear fusion of fol' art of Kashmir# (ughal school and Ca%put
school here. ts chief centers were Aasrota# (an'ot# "andharlata# Aammu# ,urpur#
1hamba.
!. nitially we can see the traditional art forms clearly with people wearing
traditional dresses and ornaments etc. After the turbulence in 5elhi due to
in)asions and throne games# many painters came here and we see the influence of
mughal style growing. This we can see in the form of changes in dresses#
e4pressions of women# ornamentation etc.
3uler or ;ast Kangra chool o- Painting
1. ?ne of the reasons for its de)elopment was that due to disorder the route between
5elhi and ,9:P and Kashmir changed from passing )ia Lahore to )ia Aammu.
$o with time this came under mughal influence.
6i--erences *ith Mughal and Rajput chools
1. 9hile mughal school has focused on the splendor of the emperor and his court#
pahadi school e4presses the emotions# nature# religious sentiments etc. Thus
pahadi school could focus on life outside the royal sphere as well.
!. Pahadi school tries to portray common life style and clothing style through
'rishna as it happened in 2uropean renaissance. Thus 'rishna is depicted as
wearing pahadi dresses and among pahadi women wearing traditional dresses.
The scenes are depicted in the original state of nature.
&. Apart from 'rishna# pahadi paintings also depict common girls playing the
common games of the day or playing music or depicts animals and birds in their
natural settings. 9omen are shown as well li'e mughal paintings. the paintings of
the princes and their families are )ery much mughal styled. The difference here
though is that while such mughal paintings focused on some political e)ents li'e
battles# surrender by the enemy# recei)ing an ambassador etc. pahadi paintings on
such e)ents are few.
Pro)incial Architecture K Painting
<uc"no* chool o- Painting
6eccani chool o- Painting
1. t flourished in "i%apur# *olconda and Ahmadnagar. There was a lot of e4change
between the three centers due to the uphea)als of the age so it is often difficult to
distinguish which painting belonged to which place. There were e4changes with
Ca%puts as well as (ughals. ,i+amshahi sultans also welcomed the painters from
Di%aynagar empire. Thus the paintings show a good fusion with hindu style as
well.
!. These paintings show openness as against the traditionalism which crept into
mughal paintings during $hah%ahan. The most famous painting is that of a yogini
0or princess3 from "i%apur. Adil $hah and brahim Adil $hah of "i%apur were
great patrons of art including paintings. Their paintings are clearly influenced by
western romantic school.
Patna chool o- Painting
<uc"no* chool o- Architecture
Rajputana chool o- Architecture
1lassical (usic
1. ?riginally there was only one system of music but in medie)al age# north ndia
came under the influence of Persian music leading to formation of ! schools -
Hindustani 0north3 and Karnata'a 0south3. They ha)e common basic features li'e
raga# taal# performance includes a soloist 0either )ocal or on instrument3# a
drummer and a tanpura.
!. nitially 5hrupad style was popular which used )eena as the instrument. Another
music style which was popular among people in those days was 5hamar style
which focused on describing 'rishna along with the country girls# 'rishna playing
holi in "ra%# celebration of festi)als etc. (ughal court couldn8t remain
uninfluenced by Holi and Tansen et al composed many 5hamars as well and thus
this fol' music style found its way in the mughal courts. Apart from these two
there was the bha'ti music specially from Kabir# (ira etc. which was sung. Then
A'bar also ga)e patronage to musicians from southern india as well as north west.
Thus an all encompassing music e)ol)ed in his period. Aahangir was a patron of
music as well specially ga+als. This continued under $hah%ahan but declined
under Aurang+eb.
&. n the 1>th century under (uhammed $hah 0court musicians Adarang and
$adarang3 and under ruler of Aaunpur# the 'hyal style emerged dominant. t
differed from dhrupad in the sense it allowed for more freedom of the musician as
well as was was light and full of life. t has only two parts 0sthayi and antara3 as
against the . in dhrupad. t is more suited to the female )oice and this helped in its
spread. n 'hyal style as well there were two types - chota 'hyal and bada 'hyal.
"ada 'hyal has slow tempo while chota 'hyal has medium and high and hence
became more popular among the two. Khyal was difficult to play on the
traditional )eena and hence new instruments li'e sitar and tabla came up.
=arnatic Music
. !n contrast to "industani music, the main emphasis in #arnatic music is on vocal music$
most compositions are written to be sung, and even when played on instruments, they
are meant to be performed in gayaki (singing) style.
2. !t peaked under %ijaynagar empire & 'anjavur in ( - ) century. *urandar +as is known
as the father of #arnatic ,usic. -hakti movement and folk music traditions
contributed a lot to the development of #arnatic music.
Shruti
. !t refers to musical pitch, the note from which all the others are derived. !t is also used in
the sense of graded pitches in an octave. .hile there are an infinite number of sounds
falling within a raga in #arnatic music, the number that can be distinguished by auditory
perception is