The Language Teacher

Gender Stereotypes and

Children's Literature
Toshiko Sugino
The National Defense Academy


A few months before I was to go to the United States to study, a banquet was held
by my high school for the teachers who were not coming back the following school
year. The vice-principal gave comments about each teacher who was leaving. When
my turn came, he said, "In spite of her age, Mrs. Sugino is planning to go to the
States to study. I think she is very otoko masari." A woman who is otoko masari
excels men in some way, in brains, muscles, or in spirit. It implies not only extra
ability, but also a lack of femininity (Cherry, 1987). I was rather shocked and
wondered what he would have said if I were a man. Most likely, he meant that I
should stay home as ryosai kenbo (good wife and wise mother), according to the
Japanese stereotype. This incident motivated me to investigate gender issues.
Coming from a country where gender-biased language such as otoko masari and
memeshii (womanish) prevail, I expected that there would be more equality in the
relationships between men and women in the U.S. However, I was surprised to find
that many women there still do not feel that male-female relationships are equal or
that sexist attitudes are in any way disappearing. These attitudes are also seen in
children's literature. Children learn certain behaviors through role models that
appear in society and also in books. In this paper, I will discuss (1) definitions of
sexist language and gender stereotypes; (2) gender-biased American and Japanese
textbooks and children's books; (3) research findings on Japanese children's books;
and (4) implications for the classroom. By investigating the above, hopefully more
knowledge and understanding will help ensure a gender-fair atmosphere in the
classroom and in society.
Sexist Language and Gender Stereotypes
Sexism, defined by Banfield (1976) as, "the systematic oppression and exploitation
of human beings on the basis of their belonging to the female sex" (p. 11), is tightly
linked with language. Words such as "he,""man," and "mankind" are often used to
represent all human beings. Whenever a generic term is needed, we often use the
masculine as the proper form, and to a lesser extent and "he or she." This illustrates
the inequality between men and women in language where, ironically, women are
noticeable because of their invisibility (Brouwer, 1993). One-sided use of the
personal pronoun "he" referring to human beings, "produces the impression that
women are ignored and passed over. Psycholinguistic research has demonstrated
that texts which refer only to 'he' do not provide women with any opportunity for
identification" (Brouwer, 1993, p. 41).
Though the social roles of men and women American and Japanese societies have
changed drastically in this century, stereotypical images and ideas can still be found
in both countries. They exist because of commonly accepted over-generalizations of
men and women, such as: women are intuitive and emotional; women do not
understand mechanical devices; and women are not good at math or science. On the
other hand, men are characterized as logical, pragmatic, realistic, aggressive,
assertive, and competitive. These masculine traits are generally regarded as more
desirable than feminine traits (Eakins& Eakins, 1978).
My intent in presenting the above material is to frame the following discussion of
the kinds of language and concepts which are gender-biased and are often found in
school textbooks and children's books.
Textbooks
To help children recognize and interpret social messages found in textbooks,
teachers in Vermont asked sixth-graders to conduct surveys (Rutledge, 1997). In one
study, the children counted the number of female and male athletes featured in the
sports section of the local newspaper and found males to predominate. In another,
they investigated a new history text and found white men predominated in number
over white women and minorities.
Another study (Hildreth, 1979, p. 11) found that within the Pennsylvania public
school system, four major textbooks represented women in stereotyped roles. Only a
limited number of women who contributed to history, literature, science, and other
areas of American life were featured. Again, female invisibility was reinforced.
A 1975 analysis of Japanese textbooks for elementary and junior high school
students revealed that the majority of figures and main characters were male and
almost all the textbook authors were male (Fanselow & Kameda, 1994). The
researchers pointed out that traditional gender roles were seen throughout the texts:
women were often portrayed as housewives, and occupational roles for females
were limited to stereotypical "female" jobs such as nurse, teacher, and waitress.
Children's Books
Gender stereotypes can be traced in children from infancy, and therefore greatly
affect how they are socialized and educated. In American and Japanese children's
storybooks, girls are usually described as tentative, careful, decision makers, sweet,
unfortunate, and dependent, and boys as adventurous risk takers. At the same time,
boys are not supposed to cry or show emotions in front of others. In her article on
sexual stereotyping, Temple (1993, p. 90) cited a study in which Hall examined
prize winning childrens stories of the previous 40 years. The majority of the stories
showed females in passive roles as caretakers: mothers, helpers in the kitchen, and
nurses. On the other hand, males led exciting lives as fighters, explorers, and
adventurers.
In an attempt to help a group of elementary school students identify and explore the
impact of gender discrimination, Jett-Simpson & Masland (1993) asked students to
finish a story about a girl who at first couldn't play on a team but who, in the end,
was able to join. The elementary school boys wrote that the girl in the story was
successful in the end because of her own determination and much practice, but the
girls wrote that the boys in the story finally gave in and let her play. This suggests
that the girls here felt they were under control of their male counterparts.
In a 1973 study (cited in Fox, 1993), 85% of the main characters in storybooks for
children were male. According to Fox, "it's alarming to consider that by 5 years of
age, children mentally enforce a sex change in a literary female protagonist because
they find the idea of an active, interesting, self-respecting, female main character
simply unthinkable" (1993, p. 84). Both girls and boys have to be free from gender
stereotypes in order to enjoy their full human potential.
Gender Stereotypes in Japanese Children's Books
I began my research on Japanese children's books by Japanese authors by selecting
books with the help of a young Japanese mother. We randomly chose 70
contemporary childrens books from the public library, most of which were for
children ages 3 to 12, and published between 1980 and 1997 (See Appendix for the
list of 70 books).
First, I looked at the male characters. In those 70 books, 45 stories (64%) had male
main characters. Boys were described as follows: energetic, adventurous,
mischievous, courageous, honest, cooperative, bullying, dependable, and curious. In
six stories, boys displayed characteristics such as sweetness, shyness, loneliness and
a liking to be babied. In Ta-kun [The boy, Ta] (Machida, 1987), the 7-year-old boy
was portrayed as a very mischievous, bullying kindergarten child. However, one
rainy day, he offered his umbrella to a girl in his class. In another story
(Otokonokode gomen) [Sorry that I am a boy] (Yamashita, 1994), this 7-year old
boy cried when his friend (a girl) pulled his hair. The boy sometimes wondered
whether all his family were disappointed that he was born as a boy not as a girl.
These examples suggest that boys can sometimes be liberated from stereotypes: it is
all right for boys to cry and to show sensitivity.
Next, I compared male and female authors' depictions of their boy and girl
characters. There was not much difference between male authors' depiction of boys
and female authors depiction of boys. Most boy protagonists were small-framed,
energetic children who loved to play, were good at sports but not at studying, and
often got into fights. This is a common stereotypical image of how little boys should
behave in Japan.
Main character boys often competed with other boys they didn't like: those who
were described as good at studying, who were class-leaders, or who were well-liked
by girls and teachers. In only one of the 45 boy protagonist stories, Himitsuno neko
nikki [The secret diary on cats] (Kamijyo, 1995), was the hero depicted as a very
intelligent, hard worker who cared only about passing the entrance examination to a
private junior high school. This type of boy accurately reflects boys in today's
society in Japan, where entrance exams control education.
There were differences between male and female authors' depictions of girls. Only 6
out of 25 stories with girl main characters were written by male authors. In these
stories and others with girls in supporting roles, girls described by male authors
were caring towards their friends and families, curious about cooking, sweet, and
timid. In stories by male authors, boy main characters had younger sisters whom
they looked after.
Girls in books by female authors were described variously as adventurous, curious,
dependable, cheerful, sweet, friendly, mean, careful, imaginative, a little afraid,
responsible, and self-centered. For example, in Gogatsuno Fushigina Tomodachi [A
strange friend in May] (Yamamoto, 1993), Mei, the girl protagonist, was confronted
with the news that her mother had had a bicycle accident and had to be hospitalized.
Knowing she couldn't count on her father's help because he was always too busy at
work, Mei attended to her mother all by herself. Mei was described as very mature,
independent, and also courageous as she tried to find the "offender" in her mother's
accident by herself.
From examining these contemporary children's books, it is clear that male main
characters dominate. Further, male authors tend to stereotype girl characters (i.e., in
traditional female characters and roles), while female authors generally do not.
Four other points are worth noting. First, in stories where the main male characters
were vigorous, mischievous, and a bit too rough, there were usually female figures
who were lenient or gentle. For example, in Kaminari Dodoon [Loud Thunderbolt]
(Goto, 1997), a boy named Gon-chan was a little bully. When he forgot to bring his
homework to class, he raised an uproar. However, his female teacher accepted his
behavior with a sweet smile. In another story, Ganbattemasu Seiji-kun [The Boy,
Seiji, Is Trying Hard] (Yoshimoto, 1985), when the father of two children was
hospitalized and the mother was busy taking care of him, the little sister encouraged
her brother by saying that since he was a boy, he had to be dependable.
Second, of the 70 books, four characters, all female, were either sickly,
handicapped, or met with a tragic accident. The fact that no male character in the
stories examined experienced these hardships suggests that Japanese society
considers females to be weaker and less fortunate than males.
Third, mother characters appeared in stereotypical contexts: in kitchens, preparing
meals, at part-time jobs, at tea-time, doing laundry, making apple pies, and wearing
aprons. Fathers were not much in evidence. Furthermore, the fathers' words and
behaviors were explained to the children in the stories by their mothers. Here, it was
surprising to see such traditional stereotypical roles for men and women. These
depictions show the reality of Japanese society, in which fathers play minor roles in
family affairs, and mothers have greater responsibility for the children.
Lastly, in 17 of the 70 stories, boys interacted with animals, monsters, or ogres, or
they themselves became mythical thunderbolts. In six stories, girl main characters
interacted with small animals and flowers, with neighbors in one story, with
grandmothers in three stories. In five stories, they interacted with mothers but had
little or no interaction with fathers. Again, this shows that boys were depicted as
more active, more competitive, and more adventurous. Girls were depicted as more
passive, and more keen on female relationships, both of which are stereotypical
images of females.
Applications for Language Teachers
As a language arts teacher of college students, many of whom are planning to be
teachers themselves, I see importance in presenting opportunities to identify and
explore the impact of gender issues. The following is a list of possible class
activities:
1. Students find and discuss gender-biased expressions and expectations in their
first language.
2. Students count the number of women and men in the field of sports, in
history books, and other sources.
3. Students analyse the gender-biased expectations in English exercise books or
textbooks written by Japanese authors.
4. Students do "what-if?" writing, where they re-write a story (i.e., a fairy tale)
by changing a main character's gender. Teachers can introduce new versions
of the story to the class or students can exchange and read others' stories.
Conclusion
I have briefly introduced the concepts of sexist language and gender stereotypes.
Through my observations of Japanese children's literature, I have demonstrated the
existence of gender stereotypes. I hope my research findings, however limited,
together with other research findings will be beneficial to teachers who are
interested in helping their students be watchful of gender stereotypes and rise above
them.
Acknowledgement
The author would like to thank Rie Seki and Cheryl Benn for their help and advice
with this article.
References
Banfield, B. (1976). Human--and anti-human--values in children's books. New
York: Council on Interracial Books for Children, Inc.
Brouwer, D. (1993). Language and gender: Feminist linguistics. In R.Buikema& A.
Smelik (Eds.), Women's studies and culture: A feminist introduction (pp. 40-55).
Wiltshire, UK: Redwood Books.
Cherry, K. (1987). Womansword: What Japanese words say about women. Tokyo:
Kodansha International.
Eakins, B., & Eakins, R. (1978). Sex differences in human communication. Boston,
MA: Houghton Mifflin Co.
Fanselow, K., & Kameda, A. (1994). Women's education and gender roles in Japan.
In Gelb & Palley (Eds.), Women of Japan and Korea (pp. 45-59). Philadelphia:
Temple University Press.
Fox, M. (1993). Men who weep, boys who dance: The gender agenda between the
lines in children's literature. Language Arts, 70, 84-89.
Goto, R. (1997). Kaminari dodoon [Loud thunderbolt]. Tokyo: Popura-sha.
Hildreth, K. (1979). Sexism in elementary physical education literature: A content
analysis. Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School at The
University of North Carolina at Greensboro.
Jett-Simpson, M., & Masland, S. (1993). Girls are not dodo birds! Exploring gender
equity issue in the language arts classroom. Language Arts, 70, 104-108.
Kamijyo, S (1995). Himitsuno neko nikki [The secret diary on cats]. Tokyo: Junior
Bungakukan.
Machida, H. (1987). Ta-kun [The boy, Ta]. Tokyo: Kaisei-sha.
Rutledge, M. (1997). Reading the subtext on gender. Education Leadership, 54, 71-
73.
Temple, C. (1993). "What if beauty had been ugly?" Reading against the grain of
gender bias in children's books. Language Arts, 70, 89-93.
Yamamoto, Y. (1993). Gogatsu no fushigina tomodachi [The strange friend in
May]. Tokyo: Kaisei-sha.
Yamanaka, T. (1994). Mukamuka no isshukan [The upsetting week]. Tokyo: Kinno
Hoshisha.
Yamashita, K. (1994). Otokonoko de gomen [Sorry that I'm a boy]. Tokyo: Popura-
sha.
Yoda, I. (1992). Tenjou ura no himitsu [The secret in the ceiling]. Shizuoka:
Hikumano Shuppan.
Yoshimoto, N. (1985). Ganbattemasu Seijikun [Seiji is trying hard]. Tokyo: Popura-
sha.
Appendix
Books with male main characters (in alphabetical order by title) N=45
Title /Author /Year
A-da jiisan to Co-da jiisan (Grandpas Arda and Koda) N. Tatara 1995
Atarashii tomodachi (A new friend) Y. Kimura 1991
Bokuno epuron wa sorairo (My apron is blue) M. Yamamoto 1989
Bokuwa yujadazo (I am a brave boy) M. Sato 1997
Boku kyanpuni ittanda (I went camping) S. Watanabe 1981
Daichan no aoitsuki (The blue moon and the boy, Dai) T. Yoshida 1988
Doronko youchien (muddy kindergarten) Nagasaki, G 1986
Ensokun kishani noru (The boy, Enso, rides a train) Suzuki, K 1986
Fushigina kotowa buranko kara (A strange thing happens in a swing)M. Sano 1985
Futon danukino bouken (The adventure of futon raccoon) A. Yoshihara 1991
Ganbattemasu Seiji-kun (Seiji is trying hard) N. Yoshimoto 1985
Haru ichiban no okyakusama (The guest in spring) A. Yamashita 1994
Henna tenkousei ga yattekita (A unique new student came) T.Shimizu 1992
Himitsuno neko nikki (The secret diary of cats) S. Kamijyo 1995
Itazura ponkotsukun (The naughty used car) H. Tominaga 1978
Kaminari dodoon (Loud thunderbolt) R. Goto 1997
Kyaputen nikki (The diary of the captain) S. Yamamoto 1991
Kumatakunnchi no jidousha (Kumata familys car) S. Watanabe 1986
Mafin obasanno panya (Auntie Muffin's bakery) A. Takebayashi 1981
Moeru tanima (The burning valley) T. Yoshida 1989
Moujiki ichinensei (Soon I'll be a first grader) G. Nagasaki 1984
Mukamuka no isshukan (The upsetting week) T. Yamanaka 1994
Nakayoshi (Good friends) K. Souma 1996
Noromana ososan daihenshin (The slow father has changed much)M. Yokoyama
1992
Obachan yureininaru (The grandma became a ghost) M. Nasu 1986
Obake to asobou (Let's play with a ghost) K. Asuka 1989
Otokonokode gomen (Sorry that I'm a boy) Y. Yamashita 1994
Otosanto saikuling (Went cycling with my father) T. Takahashi 1989
Ousama daiboukenn (King's adventure) I. Okamoto 1991
Ousama uranai ooatari (The king's predictions came true) T. Teramura 1997
Ousamano pan wa daietto pan (The king's diet bread) N. Takashima 1997
Pengin yamano aisu hoteru (Penguin mountain's ice hotel) Y. Watanabe 1995
Poporokun no sentakuya-san (Poporo, a laundryman) M. Ryou 1991
Pukkun no youchien (The boy, Pukkun's kindergarten) K. Funasaki 1988
Sanpokun no tabi (Sanpo's trip) N. Tatara 1994
Soreike Annpanman (Go, Anpan man) T. Yanase 1988
Suiyoubiwa gyunyu no hi (Wednesday is milk day) I. Yoda 1992
Ta-kun (The boy, Ta) H. Masho 1987
Takoyaki Mantoman (Takoyaki Mantman) H. Takada 1994
Temo karadamo araeruyo (I can wash my hands and body) K. Iwase 1993
Tenjyou ura no himitsu (The secret in the ceiling) I. Yoda 1992
Tatsuo gonennsei (Tatsuo, the fifth grader) T. Yoshida 1981
Uchuu sukeito (Skating in the space) S. Tamura 1991
Uchuujinn ga yattekita (The alien came over) N. Matsui 1996
Yukino onitaiji (Yuki chased demons away) K. Seiya 1997
Books with female main characters (in alphabetical order by title) N=25
Title /Author /Year
Akai sandaru (Red sandals) K. Yoneda 1987
Ashitamo asoboune (Let's play again tomorrow) K. Aman 1987
Ecchan no namae (The name of the girl, Ecchan) N. Akaza 1990
Fuchan to chulip (The girl Fu and a tulip) M. Imaki 1990
Gogatsu no fushigina tomodachi (The strange friend in May) Y. Yamamoto 1993
Itazura majyokko to ijiwaru rukuchihime M. Fuji 1997
(The naughty witch and the mean princess Rukuchi)
Itaiha tondeike (Go away aching tooth!) S. Saito 1987
Kakochan no otetsudai (Kako helps housework) H. Yamanaka 1990
Karin doubutsuen e iku (Karin goes to the zoo) Y. Souma 1991
Kiraitte iwanaide (Don't say you don't like me) H. Abe 1990
Majono takkyubin (Witch's express delivery) E. Kadono 1989
Mitemite omeme (Look at my eyes) S.Umeda 1990
Momode genki (Pink means fine) K. Jyanbo 1991
Natsu yasumi wa majo no kennkyu Y. Yamamoto 1992
(Study about witches during a summer vacation)
Nazonazo Amichan (riddles and the girl Ami) S. Murayama 1995
Nemurino kunino majyokko (The little witch in a sleeping country)M. Fuji 1995
Nikyu mahotsukai kurobarasan (The second-rated witch) A. Sueyoshi 1981
Rusuban (Housesitting) W. Sato 1995
Shikkari dakko (Hold me tight, Mom) C. Natori 1996
Tanjyoukai ga hajimaruyo (Your birthday party will begin) K. Miyazaki 1995
Tenohira no pi-ko (Pi-ko on a palm) E. Kishikawa 1989
Wagamama Ma-ma hime (The selfish princess Ma-ma) H. Saito 1997
Watashiga kobutadatta koro (When I was a piggy) S. Umeda 1992
Watashimo ensoku (I'll go on an excursion, too) S. Umeda 1986
Yuzuchan (The girl, Yuzu) H. Hida 1995


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Gender roles in children's literature: A review of non-
award-winning "easy-to-read" books.
Link/Page Citation
Abstract. This study replicates the work of Crabb and Bielawski (1994), who analyzed gender
differences in character representation found in Caldecott award-winning children's literature, in
relation to the utilization of production, household, and leisure artifacts. This study examines non-
award-winning "easy-to-read" books. The data showed that both female and male characters are most
likely to be pictured in a leisure activity. Otherwise, male characters are apt to be seen with a
production artifact, while few are shown with a household artifact. For female characters, if they are
not in a leisure activity, they are equally likely to be seen with either a household or production artifact.
The real difference in character depiction lies with male characters not being featured in household
activities. These findings were different from Crabb and Bielawski's study. They found that female
characters were most likely represented utilizing a household artifact, while male characters were
primarily depicted with production artifacts.

The transmission of culture through language is a powerful tool (Greif 1980; Weitzman, Eifler, Hokada,
& Ross, 1971). Nevertheless, its impact is often taken lightly when selecting books for young children
to read or have read to them (Allen, Allen, & Sigler, 1993; Maher, Wade, & Moore, 1994; Peterson &
Lach, 1990). In many cultures, the most effective way of transmitting values and attitudes is through
storytelling. In literate cultures this process includes the reading of children's books (Carter &
McCloskey, 1983-1984; Carter & Patterson, 1982; Creany 1995; Davis, 1984; Kinder, Smith,& Gerard,
1976). Gender role-stereotyped behavior, presented through the text and/or illustrations of children's
literature, is effectively transmitted to children (Kolbe & LaVoie, 1981; Peterson& Lach, 1990). As
children's books reflect the gender stereotypes of the culture, it is therefore important to better
understand what children are reading and seeing in the illustrations (Albers, 1996; Creany, 1995;
Weitzman et al., 1971).

Fox (1993) argues that the primary restriction preventing women from fulfilling their potential is the
language barrier. She contends that gender "stereotypes in literature prevent the fullness of female
human potential from being realized by depriving girls of a range of strong, alternative role models"
(Fox, 1993, p. 84). Weitzman et al. (1971) also argue that role models in children's literature not only
present children with possible future images of self, but also influence their aspirations and goals. Both
women and men should "be allowed to be as real in literature as they are in life" (Fox, 1993, p. 87).

Several studies over the past 30 years have looked at award-winning books available to educators
and children through schools and public libraries (Albers, 1996; Bauer, 1993; Bowker, 1996; Collins,
Ingoldsby,& Dellman 1984; Dellman-Jenkins, Florjancic, & Swadener, 1993; Dougherty & Engel, 1987;
Ernst, 1995; Gerasimova, Troyan, & Zdravomyslova, 1996; Grauerholz & Pescosolido, 1989; Kolbe &
LaVoie, 1981; Kortenhaus & Demarest, 1993; Purcell & Stewart, 1990; Temple 1993; Wellhousen
1996). The Caldecott Medal winners are a favorite selection to analyze (Creany, 1995; Davis, 1984;
Dougherty et al., 1987; Engel, 1981; Kolbe & LaVoie, 1981; Kortenhaus & Demarest, 1993; Nilsen,
1978; Weitzman et 31., 1971). The Caldecott Medal is awarded by the Children's Service Committee
of the American Library Association (ALA) for the most distinguished picture book of the year; winners
are recognized solely for illustrations, not for literary content. The medal, according to Weitzman et al.
(1971), is the most coveted prize fo r children's books.

The current work replicates Crabb and Bielawski's (1994) study, which analyzed the representation
and utilization of household, production, and personal artifacts by characters depicted in pictures in
children's "easy-to-read" literature. The difference lies in the selection process for the sample of books
to be analyzed. Crabb and Bielawski (1994) analyzed Caldecott Medal Award winners. Because there
is only one Caldecott book winner each year and since so much research already has focused on
these books, the current work utilizes randomly selected non-award-winning books (that are part of a
series) from a large regional public library. A series, for the purpose of this study, consists of at least
two books by the same author with a similar theme or central character(s). The ultimate purpose of
this study was to better understand what gender messages are contained in the "easy-to-read"
literature that children ages 4 to 7 are exposed to when they are just learning to read.

Early work by Weitzman et al. (1971) found that Caldecott Medal books published between the years
1966-1971 notably lacked representation of women, especially of women working outside the home.
Allen et al. (1993) also analyzed 13 Caldecott Medal award books published between the years 1938-
1940 and 9 Caldecott medal-winning books and runners-up published from 1986-1988. Although their
work also shows an under-representation of female characters, this trend was less prominent than
what Weitzman et al. (1971) had reported. Notably, Allen et al. (1993) found that more traditional role
stereotyping existed in books published between the years 1986-1988 than in the earlier period (1938-
40). In their work, Kolbe and LaVoie (1981) analyzed Caldecott award-winning books published
between 1972 to 1979. They observed that when female characters were portrayed, their activities
were typically traditional in nature. They also noted that female-authored books were as stereotyped
as those written by male authors.

Nilsen's (1978) work showed a decline of female representation in pictures between 1951 and 1975.
Nilsen looked at 98 books that were either Caldecott Medal winners or Honor Books. Nilsen found
"that in the latest five-year period (1971-1975) the percentage of female characters had shrunk to
22%, [which] is all the more startling considering the attention that the growing feminist movement has
focused on the problem of equality in the treatment of male and females in school materials" (p. 225).

Engel (1981), in using the same counting method as Nilsen (1978), analyzed 19 Caldecott Medal and
Honor books published between 1976-1980 and showed that female characters represented only 26%
of all characters. Engel (1981) further believed that children's literature presents a "limited view of
women's real activities, whereas the roles of male characters were shown closer to reality" (p. 649).
Creany (1995) recognized a similar trend and noted, regarding the Caldecott award-winning books,
that "the gender roles played by male and female characters still reflected and thus transmitted
traditional gender roles" (p. 292).

Crabb and Bielawski (1994) also examined the gender-typed portrayal of material culture in Caldecott
Award-winning books published between 1937 and 1989. They analyzed the pictures in these books
and what type of artifacts the characters employed. Their work showed that a greater proportion of
female characters were represented utilizing household artifacts, while a larger proportion of male
characters were depicted using non-domestic production artifacts. Bandura (1986) argues that the
gender representation of these artifacts molds a child into specific gender roles for specific gender
marking. This gender marking, according to Crabb and Bielawski (1994), indicates that a given
household or production artifact is most appropriately used by either females or males, thereby linking
the world of human-made things with gender categories.

The work of Tognoli, Pullen, and Lieber (1994) supports Crabb and Bielawski's (1994) findings. Their
work found that the norm for males was to be identified with the rugged outdoors, away from the
confinement of "feminized space of home and family life" (p. 273). If not outdoors, men were found in
the workforce in a variety of occupations, while women were limited to the confines of the home and
responsibilities that included family roles. Notably, Crabb and Bielawski (1994) showed an increase in
the representation of male characters using household artifacts over time. They suggest that a cultural
lag may explain the lack of progress in representing female characters using production-type artifacts.

Data and Methods

The sample of books selected for this study was drawn from a large regional public library. The library
keeps a hard-copy list of books that appear in a series, sorted by the author's last name. The library's
list was initially used to identify each series, but other series were added later. A series, for the
purpose of this study, consists of at least two books by the same author with a similar theme or central
character(s). The sample was restricted to "series" books because the researchers believe the authors
of these books generally exert more influence on young readers than do authors who have published
only one book. Publishing books in a series repeatedly exposes young readers to a particular theme
or series character(s). Furthermore, no one has focused on analyzing gender messages of books in a
series.

The 22 non-award storybooks were chosen by selecting one book from a series listed under each
letter of the alphabet in the children's section of easy readers (see Table 1). Beginning with the letter A
and working to the end of the alphabetical listing of books, a stratified sampling frame was compiled of
all books belonging to a series. Four letters of the alphabet were not repeated in the listing. Next, one
series from each represented letter was randomly drawn. Thus, if "A" had 12 identified series, there
was a 1 in 12 chance of the series being selected in the sample. The final stage of sample selection
involved randomly selecting one book from each of the already randomly selected series.

After selecting the 22 books to be included in the sample, all pictures were photocopied in black and
white. The analysis was restricted to illustrations since that is what the Caldecott award recognizes.
Obviously, this process omits an understanding of what gender messages children may pick up when
reading the text. The advantage, however, of limiting the analysis to illustrations is that it is easier to
be precise when coding icons in pictures than it is to decipher and interpret gender meanings in words.
Nevertheless, by only coding illustrations, the study only focused on one part of a book's many
messages.

Using the copies, a content analysis was performed on each page, in line with Crabb and Bielawski's
work (1994). Again, artifacts used by each of the characters were coded as: male or female with a
production artifact, female or male with a household artifact, and female or male with a personal
artifact.

For the purpose of this study, the artifacts used by characters may be defined as production,
household, or personal. Crabb and Bielawski (1994) offer the following definitions. Production artifacts
are "objects used to produce effects outside the household, including artifacts used in construction,
agriculture, transportation and all other work outside the home" (p. 73). For example, if an adult
character was depicted as a doctor, with a medical instrument in hand, that artifact would be coded as
one of production. Household artifacts were defined as "human-made objects used to produce effects
in the home, including artifacts used in food preparation, cleaning, repair, family care and home
manufacture." Thus, if a character appeared in the kitchen and was using a mixer, then that artifact
was coded in the household category. Personal artifacts are "human-made objects not employed in
labor and used to produce effects on the immediate person of the user, including artifacts used for
grooming, protection from the elements, and leisure" (Crabb & Bielawski 1994). Should a character be
combing his hair, this artifact would be listed under personal artifacts.

To ensure the reliability of the coding process, cross-rater analysis was performed. Three volunteers
completed a content analysis of 15 books using the instructions and code sheet provided by the
researchers. Both the researchers and the volunteers wrote in red ink, directly on the copied pages,
next to each character to avoid ambiguity in identifying the artifacts. The coding of the volunteers for
these 15 books was compared to the coding by the researchers. There was a 91.27% reliability
between the cross-raters and the researchers.

In addition, the title of each book, the copyright date, the author's gender, and the total number of male
and female characters represented in pictures of each book were noted. Several variables were
created. Production (PROD) is the percent of characters with production artifacts divided by the total of
all female and male characters in the sample. Household (HOUSE) is the percent of characters with
household artifacts divided by the total of all female and male characters in the sample. LEISURE is
the percent of characters with personal artifacts divided by the total of all female and male characters
in the sample. MALE is the percent of all male characters in all categories divided by all the female
and male characters in the sample.

Results

The sample contained 467 female characters and 693 males represented in 662 pictures (see Table 1
for a list of books). This is a ratio of female to male characters of 1:1.5. The books in the sample were
published between the years 1963-1995. The sample included 12 female and 9 male authors. Most
(13) of the books did not contain a gendered name in the title. Of the books that did, eight had a boy's
name in the title and one book had both a female and male name in the title. None of the books in this
sample had only a female name as part of the title.

Fewer female (108) than male characters (175) were shown using production artifacts (see Table 2).
The female to male character representation utilizing production artifacts was a ratio of 1:1.6. More
female (101) than male (60) characters were shown with household artifacts. The ratio of female to
male characters depicted with household artifacts was 1.7:1. Fewer female (149) than male (267)
characters were shown with personal artifacts. There was a female to male ratio of 1:1.8 for personal
artifacts. The most common personal artifacts represented in the children's books in this study were
related to leisure activities.

Next, the percentage of characters with production artifacts (PROD) was regressed on the percentage
of male characters in the books, the gender of the author, and the copyright date. The results are
reported in Table 3. For every one percentage change of males shown in a book, there will be a .34%
decrease of male characters pictured utilizing a production artifact (p = .04). This is because male
characters were most likely to be pictured in a leisure activity. If the author is male, 24% more
characters will be shown with a production artifact. Overtime, the percentage of characters having
production artifacts increased at the rate of 1.2% a year.

The percentage of characters utilizing a household artifact (HOUSE) was regressed on the percentage
of male characters in the books, the gender of the author, and the copyright dates. The results are
reported in Table 4. Male authors are less likely to depict characters utilizing household artifacts (p =
.05). The percentage of characters utilizing household artifacts is 19% lower for male authors than for
female authors. Only 60 pictures featured male characters with a household artifact compared to 101
pictures of female characters with such artifacts. Unlike Crabb and Bielawski (1994), there was no
significant increase in the representation of male characters using household artifacts over time.

Finally, the percentage of characters pictured with a personal artifact (LEISURE) was regressed on the
percentage of male characters in the books, the gender of the author, and the copyright dates. These
results are reported in Table 5. For every one percentage change of males shown in a book, there is a
.43% increase of male characters pictured with a leisure artifact. However, the later the copyright date
in this study, the less likely (1.3% per year) it is that a character will be shown in a leisure activity (p =
.05).

Both female and male characters are most likely to be pictured in a leisure activity rather than in a
productive or household role. If a male character is not pictured at leisure, then he is most apt to be
seen with a production artifact (few men are featured with a household artifact). For female characters,
if they are not in a leisure activity, they are equally likely to be seen with either a household or
production artifact. The real difference in character depiction lies with male characters not being
featured in household activities.

Conclusion

This study of non-award-winning books supports the findings of others showing the overall depiction of
more male than female characters. However, the difference was not as drastic as previously reported.
The 22 books (a total of 662 pages) analyzed showed that females represented 40% of all the
characters. This is higher than Nilsen's (1978) finding of 22% or Engels's (1981) report of 26%. Given
that most of the books analyzed were published after the late 1980s, perhaps this finding points to a
real change in the number of female characters depicted in illustrations in children's literature.

The ratio of male characters to female characters coded as utilizing a production artifact was 2:1. This
finding supports work by Crabb and Bielawski (1994) showing that males were identified with the
rugged outdoors, in a working environment, or operating a motor vehicle or other form of
transportation more often than females. It also supports the finding by Creany (1995) that "the gender
roles played by male and female characters still reflect and thus transmit traditional gender roles" (p.
292). This study also supports the findings of Weitzman et al. (1971) that children's books lack
representation of working women. While the female characters were shown more often outside the
home, utilizing production artifacts, it was either as a teacher or in a leisure activity.

Female characters were depicted with household artifacts far more often than were male characters.
Although male characters were shown in a variety of household activities, this was the least likely
artifact employed by male characters. Furthermore, male authors were not as likely as female authors
to picture male characters in the realm of domestic production.

Although gender role stereotyping does exist in this sample, the picture does not appear as bleak as
previously reported. The representation of female characters is increasing overall, but more important,
the representation of females with a production artifact, or in a role outside the home, is growing. Even
so, this study raises the question as to why children's books, especially award-winning books,
continue to be gender stereotyped.

Future research in this area might aim to incorporate how children themselves understand messages
in books. Studies on the process by which children perceive images in illustrations in children's
literature are sorely missing. Finally, it would be useful to learn how stereotyping in illustrations varies
cross-culturally.

References

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Advocate, 9, 267-285.

Allen, A. M., Allen, D. N., & Sigler, G. (1993). Changes in sex-role stereotyping in Caldecott Medal
Award Picture Books 1938-1988. Journal of Research in Childhood Education, 7, 67-73.

Bandura, A. (1986). Social foundations of thought and action: A social cognitive theory. Englewood
Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.

Bauer, M. D. (1993). Sexism and the world of children's books. The Horn Book Magazine, 69
(September/October), 577-581.

Bowker, D. (1996). Gender stereotyped descriptors in children's picture books: Does "Curious Jane"
exist in the literature? Sex Roles, 35, 461-488.

Carter, D. B., & McCloskey, L. A. (1983-1984). Peers and the maintenance of sex-typed behavior: The
development of children's conceptions of cross-gender behavior in their peers. Social Cognition, 2,
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Carter, D. B., & Patterson, C. J. (1982). Sex roles as social conventions: The development of
children's conceptions of sex-role stereotypes. Developmental Psychology, 18, 812-824.

Collins, L. J., Ingoldsby, C. J., & Dellmann, M. (1984). Sex-role stereotyping in children's literature.
Childhood Education, 60, 278-285.

Crabb, P. B., & Bielawski, D. (1994). The social representation of material culture and gender in
children's books. Sex Roles, 30, 69-79.

Creany, A. D. (1995). The appearance of gender in award-winning children's books. (ERIC Document
Reproduction Service No. ED 391 510)

Davis, A. J. (1984). Sex-differentiated behaviors in non-sexist picture books. Sex Roles, 11, 1-15.

Dougherty, W. H., & Engel, R. E. (1987). An 80s look for sex equality in Caldecott winners and honor
books. The Reading Teacher, 40, 394-398.

Engel, R. E. (1981). Is unequal treatment of females diminishing in children's picture books? The
Reading Teacher, 34, 647-652.

Ernst, S. B. (1995). Gender issues in books for children and young adults. In S. Lehr (Ed.), Battling
dragons: Issues and controversy in children's literature. Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann.

Fox, M. (1993). Men who weep, boys who dance: The gender agenda between the lines in children's
literature. Language Arts, 70, 84-88.

Gerasimova, K, Troyan, N., & Zdravomsylova, E. (1996). Gender stereotypes in preschool children's
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Gender and Society, 3, 113-125.

Grief, E. B. (1980). Sex differences in parent-child conversations. Women's Studies International
Quarterly, 3, 253-258.

Dellmann-Jenkins, M. D., Florjancic, L., & Swadener, E. B. (1993). Sex roles and cultural diversity in
recent award winning picture books for young children. Journal of Research in Childhood Education, 7,
74-82.

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laboratory. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 33, 480-491.

Kolbe, R., & LaVoie, J. C. (1981). Sex-role stereotyping in preschool children's picture books. Social
Psychology Quarterly, 44, 369-374.

Kortenhaus, C. M., & Demarest, J. (1993). Gender role stereotyping in children's literature: An update.
Sex Roles, 28, 219-233.

Maher, A., Wade, B., & Moore, M. (1994). Goslob is a boy's name. English in Education, 31, 24-35.

Nilsen, A. P. (1978). Five factors contributing to the unequal treatment of females in children's picture
books. Top of the News Spring, 2, 255-258.

Peterson, S. B., & Lach, M.A. (1990). Gender stereotypes in Cchildren's books: Their prevalence and
influence on cognitive and affective development. Gender and Education, 2, 185-197.

Purcell, P., & Stewart, L. (1990). Dick and Jane in 1989. Sex Roles, 22, 177-185.

Temple, C. (1993). What if beauty had been ugly? Reading against the grain of gender bias in
children's books. Language Arts, 70, 89-93.

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characters in children's books. Children's Environments, 11, 272-280.

Weitzman, L J., Eifler, D., Hokada, E., & Ross, C. (1971). Sex-role socialization in picture books for
preschool children. American Journal of Sociology, 77, 1125-1149.

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roles through children's literature. Young Children, 51, 79-83.
Table 1

Titles of Children's Books Included in Sample

Allard, Harry. (1981). The stupids die. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.

Bridwell, Norman. (1963). Clifford the big red dog. New York:
Scholastic.

Carlstrom, Nancy White. (1988). Better not get wet, Jesse Bear. New
York: McMillan.

Donnelly, Liza. (1994). Dinosaur valentine. New York: Scholastic.

Evans, Katie. (1992). Hunky Dory ate it. New York: Dutton Children's
Books.

Fleischman, Sid. (1971). McBroom's ghost. New York: Grossett & Dunlap.

Graham, Amanda, & Gynell, Donna. (1987). Educating Arthur. Wisconsin:
Gareth Stevens.

Hayes, Sarah, & Craig, Helen. (1988). This is the bear and the picnic
lunch. London: Walker Books.

Luttrell, Ida. (1993). Mattie's little possum pet. New York: Atheneum.

Nerlove, Miriam. (1989). Easter. Niles, IL: Albert Whitman & Company.

Oxenbury, Helen. (1988). Tom and Pippo make a mess. London: Walker
Books.

Polisar, Barry Louis. (1987). Snakes and the boy who was afraid of
them. New York: Independent Publishers Group.

Reinach, Jacquelyn. (1977). Quail can't decide. Toronto: Hold, Rinehart
and Winston of Canada, Limited.

Apple, Margot. (1994). Sheep take a hike. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.

Thaler, Mike. (1989). The teacher from the Black Lagoon. New York:
Scholastic.

Viorst, Judith. (1995). Alexander, who's not going to move. New York:
Simon & Schuster.

Wells, Rosemary. (1991). Max's dragon shirt. New York: Dial Books.

Iwamura, Kazuo. (1980). Ton and Pon. New York: Bradbury Press.

Kellogg, Steven. (1988). Prehistoric Pinkerton. New York: Dial Books.

Johnson, Doug. (1995). Never ride your elephant to school. New York:
Henry Holt and Company.

Yolen, Jane. (1987). Piggins. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.

Marshall, James. (1992). The cut-ups crack up. New York: Viking
Children's Books.
Table 2

Number and Percentage of Male and Female Characters Depicted With
Production, Household, and Personal Artifacts

% of Male Characters % of Female Characters Total
Depicted With Artifact Depicted With Artifact

Production 62.8% (175) 38.2% (108) 283
Household 37.3% ( 60) 62.7% (101) 161
Personal 64.2% (267) 35.8% (149) 416
Table 3

Regression of Production Artifacts of Independent Variables

Variable Beta Standard Error Prob>(T)

Intercept -23.54 8.95 .02
Male -.34 .16 .04
Gender/Author .24 .08 .01
Date .01 .00 .02
[R.sup.2] .5139
Table 4

Regression of Household Artifacts on independent Variables

Variable Beta Standard Error Prob>(T)

Intercept -2.24 11.41 .03
Male .08 .18 .65
Gender/Author .19 .09 .05
Date -.00 .00 .82
[R.sup.2] .2612
Table 5

Regression of Personal Artifacts on Independent Variables


Variable Beta Standard Error Prob>(T)
Intercept 26.78 11.41 .03
Male .43 .20 .05
Gender/Author .05 .10 .63
Date .13 .01 .03
[R.sup.2] .3573
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Gender issues in young children's literature.
In recent decades, extensive studies from diverse disciplines have focused on children's
developmental awareness of different gender roles and the relationships between genders. Among
these studies, researchers agree that children's picture books have an increasingly significant place in
children's development because these books are a widely available cultural resource, offering young
children a multitude of opportunities to gain information, become familiar with the printed pictures, be
entertained, and experience perspectives other than their own. In such books, males are habitually
described as active and domineering, while females rarely reveal their identities and very frequently
are represented as meek and mild. This valuable venue for children's gender development thus
unfortunately reflects engrained societal attitudes and biases in the available choices and expectations
assigned to different genders. This discriminatory portrayal in many children's picture books also runs
the risk of leading children toward a misrepresented and misguided realization of their true potential in
their expanding world.

**********

Gender bias as portrayed in children's literature is still as prevalent today as in past decades, and
remains a problem in light of the fact that gender stereotypes and sexism in children's picture books
affect the development of gender identity in young children (e.g.., Allen, Allen, & Sigler, 1993;
Trepanier-Street & Romatowski, 1999). Numerous studies (e.g., Fox, 1993; Singh, 1998) of children's
literature content indicate that male figures dominate the majority of books. This condition affects
children's development and perceptions. Children adopt certain roles and behaviors as part of their
socialization process. Many of these gender-based, behavioral roles arise from identification with
others. The development of gender-role identity is important to children's self-perception, and
influences adults' and peers' treatment of children (Kortenhaus & Demarest, 1993). Gender affects
others' expectations of children and youngsters often do not understand the expected behavior. The
purpose of this article is to examine the current gender issues extensively revealed in children's
literature.

As mentioned, literature is one of the homes of gender stereotypes. The books that children read and
that are read to them have psycho-social uses at a time when children are continually constructing
ideas from information around them and assimilating new knowledge with previous knowledge (Elliker,
2005). In general, children's literature is said to provide characters and events with which children can
identify and through which they can consider their own actions, beliefs, and emotions (Mendoza &
Reese, 2001). The characters and situations in books introduce children to what the world may look
like through others' eyes, and offer opportunities for children to further construct their own views of self
and the world.

Strictly speaking, everything that children read contributes to the formation of self-images that help to
construct children's self-identity. For example, girls can imagine themselves as women and boys can
imagine themselves as men (Singh, 1998). Images and specific language used in picture books have
the potential to affect children's developmental processes in various ways as a result of reading at
crucial stages of development (Kramer, 2001).

Besides being an important resource for developing children's language skills, children's books play a
significant part in transmitting a society's culture. Without question, children develop gender-role
identities during their early years, and one factor that influences this identity is the literature that
children read or is read to them (Allen et al., 1993). Picture books also have a particular influence on
gender identities because they are viewed at a time when children are in the process of developing
their individual identities. Moreover, gender identity is a pervasive social classification that is
established early in childhood and is an important aspect of self-esteem.

The following parts of this article focus on: (a) the situation of gender bias and stereotypes in children's
literature, and (b) selected research studies on trends relating to images of both men and women used
in pictures, titles, and central roles of children as characters in these books.

Gender Bias and Stereotypes in Children's Literature

The concern about sexism in children's literature is based on the contention that books influence
children's behavior. Without question, the gender-roles portrayed in children's picture books influence
their audiences, but the magnitude and generalization of this influence and its impact on behavior are
not completely understood. In addition, according to Kolbe and Voie (1981), children's books are not
the only influence on children's gender-role attitudes; nonetheless, they can play an important role in
eliminating sexism by presenting egalitarian gender roles.

The impact of gender role stereotyping in children's literature has been examined in numerous studies
over the past decades. Many researchers have acknowledged that literature can influence the gender
stereotypes of young children, and that gender bias is present in the content, language, and
illustrations of many children's books (Kittelberger, 2002). In other words, children's books are an
important cultural mechanism for teaching gender roles to children (Taylor, 2003). The bias influencing
gender stereotypical thinking may limit children's choices, interests, and abilities. In most children's
picture books, males characteristically dominate titles, pictures, and texts. Female characters, on the
other hand, are not only under-represented in titles and central roles, but also appear unimportant.
According to researchers' findings (i.e., Fox, 1993; Kolbe & Voie, 1981), 85% of the main characters in
stories for children are male, and female characters rarely do anything. Examples of sexism are clearly
abundant, even from a quick glance at a dozen randomly selected books.

Gender stereotypes in literature prevent female human potential from being realized by depriving girls
of a range of strong, alternative role models. Moreover, present studies showed that female and male
characters are not presented equally (Turner-Bowker, 1996). Female characters were found to be
presented significantly less often in pictures and titles than were male characters. Also consistent with
gender stereotypes, male characters were more often described as potent, powerful, and more active
than female characters.

As mentioned, gender bias is easily found in the content, language, and illustrations of a large number
of children's books. This bias may be seen in the extent to which a main character represents a
gender in children's books and how that gender is portrayed. Moreover, Kramer (2001) asserted that
contemporary society often categorizes both genders with outdated and stereotypical images and
biased language, all of which are considered problems in children's literature.

According to Rudman (as cited in Kramer, 2001, p. 19):
Books for children have reflected
societal attitudes in limiting choices
and maintaining discrimination.
Most traditional books show females
dressed in skirts or dresses even
when they are engaged in activities
inappropriate for this sort of costume.
Illustrations also have
conventionally placed females in
passive observer roles, while males
have been pictured as active. Studies
have demonstrated time and time
again that illustrations confirm the
subordinate, less valued role for the
female, while stressing the active,
adventuresome, admirable role for
male.

In addition, most themes represented
in children's book reflect the
expectation that male characters will
use their brains to effectively and
creatively solve problems, while
female characters are portrayed as
more concerned with appearance.
Females are depicted as dependent,
emotional, silly, clumsy, and lacking
intelligence. They are passive, gentle,
domestic, motherly, and
unassertive (Kramer, 2001). Males
typically are portrayed as competent
and achievement-oriented,
while the image of females is that
they are limited in what they can do,
and are less competent in their ability
to accomplish things (Kortenhaus
& Demarest, 1993). That is to say,
female characters are involved in
few of the activities and assigned
few of the characteristics or goals
that are accorded prestige and
esteem in today's society. In reality,
women do pursue and achieve
goals, as well as engage in daily
business/professional activities.

Peterson and Lanch asserted that
gender development is a critical part
of the earliest and most important
learning experience of young children
(as cited in Narahara, 1998).
Children's picture books not only
possess an incomparable charm for
children, but also have a long-term
influence on their gender development.
That is, in addition to
entertainment, children's picture
books also communicate cultural
and social norms to young children.
Illustrations also have an equal
responsibility to tell the story
because characters' pictures evoke
feelings, emotions, and reactions as
young readers observe illustrated
facial expressions. Based on this
affirmation of importance, children's
picture books perform faithfully the
role of furthering the development
of children's gender identities.


Selected Research Studies Demonstrating Genders Inequalities

Much has been written about children's literature and gender stereotyping, describing its influences on
the gender attitudes of children (e.g., Allen et al., 1993; Kortenhaus & Demarest, 1993; Martinez &
Nash, 1993; Trepanier-Street & Romatowski, 1999). Gender role stereotypes affect how children
perceive themselves. A negative portrayal of a child's own gender may affect that child's self-identity
and self-esteem. Some researchers (e.g., Peterson & Lach, as cited in Narahara, 1998) found that an
awareness of stereotypes changed children's attitudes. Yet children who were read non-sexist stories
over a sustained period of time reduced their notions of gender-role stereotypes. These children also
developed fewer stereotypical attitudes about jobs after being read stories about people who fought
gender discrimination.

According to findings from the studies of Key and Wertzman (as cited in Kortenhaus & Demarest,
1993), males predominated in situations with active mastery themes, such as cleverness and
adventure, while females predominated in situations with "second-sex" themes, such as passivity and
victimization. Also, females were greatly underrepresented in titles and central roles. Furthermore, the
illustrations in children's picture books depicted most activity being accomplished by males. Key and
Wertzman concluded that this trend in children's books is based on the premise that "boys do, girls
are," making gender stereotypes a strong influence affecting children's perceptions of the behaviors
and attitudes of each gender.

Also, Turner-Bowker (1996) found that the most commonly used female descriptors were beautiful,
frightened, and worthless. In contrast, the most commonly used male descriptors were big, horrible,
and fierce. However, she thought that this might be due to females fulfilling their stereotypical roles.
Further, female characters were found significantly less frequently in pictures and titles. Conversely,
she contended that, recently, their representation in central roles had increased in proportion to those
for male characters.

Trepanier-Street and Romatowski (1999) found in their study that it was possible to influence
children's gender attitudes through children's literature and related activities. They suggested that use
of children's literature materials and interventions in children's literature must be sustained, focused,
and intensive in order to effect change. In addition, Trepanier-Street and Romatowski suggested the
importance of investigating whether or not a change in gender attitudes may be generalized to a wider
number of occupational roles than those portrayed in the books used in re-examining young children's
gender attitudes and thinking about occupational roles.

Recent studies (e.g., Narahara, 1998; Trepanier-Street & Romatowski, 1999) on gender equality in
children's literature found inequality in children's books. Although non-sexist books were more likely
than sexist books to portray female characters who adopted male-stereotypical characteristics and
roles, both types of books similarly portrayed the stereotypical female as a person devoted to domestic
chores and leisure activities (Diekman & Murnen, 2004). Such portrayals may contribute to the
perpetuation of gender inequality, particularly if touted as examples of equality.

Summary of Selected Research

As mentioned earlier, some conclusions can be drawn. First, gender development is a critical part of
the earliest and most important learning experiences. For young children, picture books are important
because they provide role models for children in defining standards for feminine and masculine
behavior. Next, gender stereotypes and sexism limit children's potential growth and development.
Nonsexist books, on the other hand, produce positive changes in self-concept, attitudes, and behavior
(Narahara, 1998).

In other words, children's gender attitudes may be positively changed through the reading of
appropriate children's literature and other book-related activities (Trepanier-Street & Romatowski,
1999). Moreover, Trepanier-Street and Romatowski suggested that young children's attitudes, while
still generally stereotypical, are beginning to be more flexible regarding occupational roles for men and
women. They also suggested that a valuable resource for influencing children's gender attitudes is the
careful selection of reading material and the use of books and related activities that promote gender-
neutral attitudes.

Diekman and Murnen's study (2004) provided evidence that even books praised as non-sexist
portrayed, at best, a narrow vision of gender equality in which women adopt stereotypically male
attributes and roles. Most striking was the frequent portrayals of females in stereotypically common
personalities, domestic roles, and leisure roles.

Non-sexist books succeeded in portraying female characters as adopting the characteristics and roles
identified with masculine gender roles. However, they did not portray male characters as adopting
aspects of feminine gender roles or female characters as shedding feminine gender roles. In addition,
these findings support the conceptualization of sexism as a multi-dimensional construct. Even in the
domain of children's literature, sexism manifests itself in diverse ways.

Conclusion

Children's reading materials are a widely available cultural resource that children may draw on to
make sense of gender. Books for children have reflected societal attitudes in limiting choices and
maintaining discrimination (Rudman, 1995). Most picture books show females dressed in skirts or
dresses, even when they are engaged in activities for which the costumes are inappropriate.
Illustrations have conventionally placed females in passive observer roles, while males have been
pictured as active. Illustrations confirm the subordinate, less valued role of the female and stress the
active, adventuresome, and admirable role of the male. When a female is permitted to retain active
qualities, the message conveyed to children is that she is the notable exception because all other girls
in books are "normal."

Children's picture books have an increasingly significant place in children's development because they
offer young children a multitude of opportunities to gain information, to become familiar with the printed
pictures, to be entertained, and to experience perspectives other than their own (Mendoza & Reese,
2001). Gender is perhaps the basic dimension through which children perceive their social world and
their places in it (Taylor, 2003). Gender shapes social organization, influences how young children
interact with each other, and even determines how young children evaluate themselves. Over the past
decades, increased female representation in titles, central roles, and pictures appears to indicate that
more and more authors of children's books are aware of and sensitive to women's changing roles.

In order to build a gender-equal literature learning environment, it is important to consider the attitudes
of both authors and teachers when selecting children's books. Ideally, all children's books used in
classrooms should have well-rounded male and female characters. That is to say, teachers should
select books in which individuals have distinct personalities regardless of their genders. Characters'
achievements should not be evaluated on the basis of gender, and females should not always be
portrayed as weaker and more delicate than males. In addition, teachers may choose books that have
counter-sexist attitudes embedded in them. For example, feminist texts can help children recognize
gender-stereotypical messages. Also, combining traditional and non-traditional books can spark
discussion of how genders are portrayed in different books that promote gender-neutral attitudes
(Singh, 1998).

Teachers need to make a conscious effort to select books that reflect fairness to both genders. Since
young children cannot yet make this choice, the responsibility must be the adults'. Moreover,
increased effort is needed from publishers and authors to provide children with literature that more
closely parallels the roles of males and females in contemporary society.

The growing literature on anti-bias in curricula and culturally inclusive pedagogy in the early years of
education provides many examples of the ways that programs can provide powerful messages about
gender roles (Dellmann-Jenkins et al., 1993). The use of picture books that portray non-traditional
gender roles, including boys and men in nurturing or care-giving roles, as well as girls and women in
active, leadership roles, provides an important contrast to the commonly popular cultural messages
often seen and heard by very young children. Hence, the use of appropriate children's literature must
be well-timed as children construct their views of human diversity.

References

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Mendoza, J., & Reese, D. (2001). Examining multicultural picture books for the early childhood
classroom: Possibilities and pitfalls. Early Childhood Research & Practice, 3(2), 1-38.

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Taylor, F. (2003). Content analysis and gender stereotypes in children's books. Teaching Sociology,
31(3), 300-311.

Trepanier-Street, M. L., & Romatowski, J. A. (1999). The influence of children's literature on gender
role perceptions: A reexamination. Early Childhood Education Journal, 26(3), 155-159.

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COPYRIGHT 2008 Project Innovation (Alabama)
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Representations of material culture and gender in
award-winning children's books: a 20-year follow-up.

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books: a 20-year follow-up.." The Free Library. 2011 Association for Childhood Education
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rd-winning...-a0271882341
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rd-winning...-a0271882341
This study tested the hypothesis that children's books accurately reflect the gender-based division of
labor in the culture and historical period in which they were published. A content analysis was
performed on illustrations in books that won the Caldecott Medal or Honor between 1990 and 2009.
The final sample included 490 illustrations in 68 of the 85 books. Character gender and type of
material cultural artifact used (household, production) were coded. Larger proportions of female
characters in the books used household artifacts, whereas larger proportions of male characters used
production artifacts outside the home. The authors discuss the relationship of these representations to
the real world of gender, tools, and work, as well as implications for the socialization of children.

Keywords: children's books, gender schemas, material culture, technology, tool use, Caldecott Books,
social representations

**********

One channel by which children are exposed to ideas about the appropriate gender of users of material
culture is illustrated children's books. In the current study, we report on a content analysis of
illustrations in award-winning children's books published in the United States during the 1990s and
2000s. Our expectation was that representations in the children's books of those decades should
mirror concurrent developments in U.S. society. Specifically, we hypothesized that because women
continued during that period to do the bulk of housework, most female characters in children's books
would reflect that gendered division of labor. However, because an increasing number of women
worked outside the home during those decades, we also expected that children's books would reflect
that change in the division of labor, as well. A broader assumption of the study was that in any culture
in which children's books or other media are significant socialization channels for children, the way
that material culture and gender are portrayed may play a significant role in children's development of
beliefs about, preferences for, and expertise in using the array of artifacts that are available. When a
society sends the tacit message that specific artifacts are gender marked as exclusively for use by
either females or males, those artifacts, and the activities they are used for, may be incorporated into
normative gender roles (Bandura, 1986).

Material culture--that part of the environment that has been intentionally constructed for practical
purposes according to culturally dictated plans (Schlereth, 1985)--routinely structures gender roles
(Cockburn & Omrod, 1993; Liss, 1981; Lloyd & Duveen, 1990; Oldenziel, 2004; Wajcman, 1991,
2004). One mechanism for this structuration is the construction and transmission of social
representations that prescribe the appropriate gender of users of specific types of material cultural
artifacts. Social representations are classification systems used by members of societies to define and
make salient the things that are important, as well as the expected responses to those things
(Moscovici, 1984). Social representations of material culture and gender are shared classification
systems that link the array of human-made objects with gender categories. Numerous material cultural
objects have been shown to be gender marked, including toys, clothing, and names (Lloyd & Duveen,
1990). An object's gender marking indicates that it should be used exclusively by either males or by
females. Exposure to representations of gender marking presumably can influence gender roles by
differentially directing girls and boys to adopt beliefs, expectations, social norms, and behavioral
routines pertaining to specific types of material cultural artifacts.

Based on these ideas, Crabb and Bielawski (1994) predicted that representations of material culture
and gender could be observed in mass media content. They examined children's picture books that
had won the prestigious Caldecott Medal or Honor between 1938 and 1989. The Caldecott awards are
given annually to the artists of the winning children's picture books published in the United States.
Similar awards given to illustrated children's books in other countries are the Whitbread Awards (Great
Britain and Ireland), the Picture Book of the Year (Australia), and the Children's Book of the Year
(Canada). Illustrations in children's books may be especially efficacious in transmitting information
about gender, because children's visual attention is directed at pictures more than at text (Evans &
Saint-Aubin, 2005; Shapiro, Anderson, & Anderson, 1997), parents or others who read to preliterate
children may call children's attention to pictures more than to text (Bus, Belsky, IJzendoorn, & Crnic,
1997), and children may ask more questions about pictures than about text (Yaden, Smolkin, &
Conlon, 1989; Yaden, Smolkin, & MacGillivray, 1993) because they are better able to relate to the
illustrations than to yet-unlearned words. The high profile that Caldecott books are given in
bookstores, libraries, and book clubs makes them popular among teachers, parents, and children, and
thus it is more likely that children will actually read the books or have them read to them.

Crabb and Bielawski (1994) performed a content analysis of illustrations in Caldecott books published
over the five decades since the inception of the award and reported that a larger proportion of female
characters was shown using household artifacts (such as cooking utensils and cleaning tools) and that
a larger proportion of male characters was shown using artifacts outside the home (such as
agricultural tools and transportation vehicles). These findings were replicated by Poarch and Monk-
Turner (2001) with a sample of non-award-winning illustrated children's books published in the United
States between 1963 and 1995. Crabb and Bielawski also found that female characters' use of
household artifacts did not change over the five decades examined. Crabb and Bielawski interpreted
their findings as evidence that children's books promote a stereotypical gender-marking system and
division of labor that were common during the earlier industrial era but that should have changed, as
most women in the late 20th century joined the workforce outside the home. Crabb and Bielawski
speculated that the representation of male characters as the typical users of production artifacts
outside the home may be due to a cultural lag (Ogburn, 1964), and that as society gained more
experience with women working outside the home with production tools, this lag would diminish or
disappear.

Since 1989, the last award date of the books examined by Crabb and Bielawski (1994), labor patterns
of women and men in the United States have stayed the same in some ways and changed in others.
Women continued to do the bulk of housework (Sayer, 2005, 2007), a pattern that is consistent across
cultures and historical eras (Bittman, Rice, & Wajcman, 2004; Eagly, Wood, & Johannesen-Schmidt,
2004; Murdock, 1937; Murdock & Provost, 1973; Ross, 1987), suggesting that household material
culture should continue to be associated primarily with women. Simultaneously, women's participation
in the workforce outside the home has steadily increased and is projected to continue to increase
(Fullerton, 1999). According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics (2009), women's seasonally adjusted
participation rate in the workforce rose from 57.3% in 1989 to 59.4% in 2008. Interestingly, during the
same period, men's workforce participation rate declined from 76.3% in 1989 to 72.7% in 2008,
although it is important to note that this rate is still well above women's rate of working outside the
home (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2009).

Following Crabb and Bielawski (1994), we assumed that female and male characters in children's
books would reflect these trends in household and nondomestic production labor. To examine whether
the gender marking of material culture in children's books followed these historical trends, we
conducted a content analysis of illustrations in the 1990-2009 Caldecott Medal and Honor winners.
Five hypotheses were tested:

Hypothesis 1: The proportion of illustrations of female characters using household artifacts would be
larger than the proportion of illustrations of male characters using household artifacts. This hypothesis
is based on evidence that women in the United States performed more housework than men during
the two award decades.

Hypothesis 2: The proportion of female characters shown using household artifacts would not change
between the two award decades. This hypothesis also was based on evidence that women performed
more housework than men during that period.

Hypothesis 3: The proportion of illustrations of male characters using production artifacts would be
larger than the proportion of illustrations of female characters using production artifacts. This
hypothesis is based on evidence that more men than women worked outside the household during
that period.

Hypothesis 4: The proportion of illustrations of female characters using production artifacts would
increase over time. This hypothesis is based on evidence that the rate of women working outside the
household increased over the two award decades.

Hypothesis 5: The proportion of illustrations of male characters using production artifacts would
decrease over time. This hypothesis is based on evidence that the rate of men working outside the
home decreased during the award decades.

METHOD

Sample and Coding

Two coders (PBC and a student assistant) examined all of the 85 illustrated children's books that
received the Caldecott Medal (n = 20) or Honor (n = 65) during the period 1990 to 2009 (Association
for Library Service to Children, 2009). Codes were assigned by both coders using the coding system
of Crabb and Bielawski (1994). Each page containing an illustration was coded on two variables:
character gender (female, male) and artifact type (household, production). Household artifacts were
defined as human-made objects used to produce effects in the home, including objects used for food
preparation, cleaning, family care, repair, home crafts, and gardening. Examples of household tools
include pots and pans, knitting needles, brooms, and washing machines. Production artifacts were
defined as human-made objects used to produce effects outside the home, including objects used for
agriculture, manufacturing, construction, transportation, defense, and science and technology.
Examples of production artifacts include hammers, tractors, cars, and guns. Illustrations that did not
contain characters using artifacts were excluded. The coders eliminated 17 entire books that did not
contain illustrations of characters using artifacts. The final sample included 490 illustrations in 68 of the
85 award-winning books. Interjudge agreement was computed using the codings for all illustrations in
the sample and was found to be excellent for both artifact type (kappa = .93) and character gender
(kappa = .93).

RESULTS

Based on evidence that the proportions of female and male models to which children are exposed can
influence learning about gender more than the raw frequencies of models (Bussey & Perry, 1982;
Eagly, 1987), relative proportions of illustrations of characters using artifacts were computed and used
in the analyses. Tests were conducted using z tests on independent proportions of illustrations (Fleiss,
Levin, & Paik, 2003).

Hypothesis 1 was that the proportion of illustrations showing female characters using household
artifacts would be larger than the corresponding proportion of illustrations of male characters.
Separate focused tests (Rosenthal & Rosnow, 2008) were conducted for each award decade. For the
1990s, 59% of illustrations showed females using household artifacts, whereas 12% showed males
using household artifacts, z = + 7.86, p < .001, one-tailed, [phi] = .97 (Figure 1). For the 2000s, 56% of
illustrations showed females using household artifacts and 16% of illustrations showed males using
household artifacts, z = +5.57, p < .001, one-tailed, [phi] = .76 (Figure 1). Consistent with the
hypothesis, female characters were more likely to be shown using household artifacts (e.g., bowls,
forks, knives, spoons, or sewing machines) than male characters were.

Hypothesis 2 was that the proportion of female characters using household artifacts would not change
between the 1990s and 2000s. Consistent with the prediction, no significant difference was detected
between the 1990s (59%) and the 2000s (56%), z = .25, two-tailed, p > .80, [phi] = .03 (see Figure 1).

Hypothesis 3 was that the proportion of illustrations of male characters using production artifacts
would be larger than the proportion of illustrations of female characters using production artifacts. For
the 1990s, 88% of illustrations showed males using production artifacts, while 41% showed females
using production artifacts, z = + 7.92, p < .001, one-tailed, [phi] = .54 (Figure 2). For the 2000s, 84% of
illustrations showed males using production artifacts and 44% of illustrations showed females using
production artifacts, z = +5.57, p < .001, one-tailed, [phi] = .44 (Figure 2). Consistent with the
hypothesis, males were more likely than females to be shown using production artifacts (e.g., cars and
trucks, fishing nets, tools).

Hypothesis 4 was that the proportion of illustrations of female characters using production artifacts
would increase between the 1990s and 2000s. Contrary to this expectation, illustrations of female
characters using production artifacts did not change significantly over the two decades (z = .25, p >
.40, one-tailed, [phi] = .04) (see Figure 2).

Hypothesis 5 was that the proportion of illustrations showing male characters using production artifacts
would decrease between the 1990s and 2000s. Although a slight decrease was observed, it failed to
reach the .05 level of significance (z = + 1.23, p > . 11, one-tailed, [phi] = .07) (see Figure 2).

DISCUSSION

Children's books that won the Caldecott Medal or Honor between 1990 and 2009 accurately and
inaccurately reflect the gender-based division of labor in U.S. society during those decades. As was
the case with the real division of labor, female characters tended to be shown performing work with
household artifacts in the home, whereas male characters were shown working outside the home
using production artifacts. Contrary to the trends in the division of labor, an unchanging proportion of
female characters was shown using production artifacts outside the home, whereas in the real world,
the rate of women working outside the home increased during those decades. Another inaccuracy was
the stable representation of male characters using production artifacts despite a declining rate of men
working outside the home during that period. When these findings are combined with Crabb and
Bielawski's (1994) earlier work, the picture that emerges is that the representation of such activities in
these children's books remained stable for more than 70 years.

Regarding their earlier data, Crabb and Bielawski (1994) suggested that the disconnect between
unchanging representations in children's books and changing labor patterns may have been
symptomatic of a cultural lag (Ogburn, 1964). They speculated that as U.S. society gained more
experience with women working outside the home, the exclusive male marking of production artifacts
would diminish. The current data cannot definitively rule out a cultural lag explanation, but the fact that
the clearly gendered representation persisted for 20 years after Crabb and Bielawski's sample does
call it into question.

Research examining children's books generally aims to describe the modeling stimuli to which young
readers are exposed. The current study similarly assumed that modeled use of material cultural
artifacts by females and males can play an important role in children's constructions of schemas about
tools and gender roles. Although neuroimaging studies have identified neural networks involved in
conceptual (knowing about) and production (knowing how to use) operations regarding tools
(Johnson-Frey, 2004), it is not yet clear where associations between tools and gender categories are
made in the brain. Yet once schemas of material culture and gender are formed in early childhood,
continued exposure to sources of schema-consistent information (e.g., children's books, television,
films, advertising, the Internet, and parents' behavior) would reinforce them (Signorella, Bigler, &
Liben, 1997). Gender-inconsistent information would tend to be ignored (Frawley, 2008) or have only
short-term effects (Flerx, Fidler, & Rogers, 1976; Scott & Feldman-Summers, t979). As schemas of
material culture and gender strengthen throughout childhood, they presumably influence interests,
efficacy expectations, skill acquisition, and educational and career choices. Thus, girls would tend to
show interest in household technologies to the exclusion of interest in production technologies,
whereas boys would show the reverse pattern of interests. Those patterns of interests would
contribute to the construction of normative gender roles.

It is important to note one limitation of our assumption that children's books should reflect social
conditions at the time that they are published. Many of the books in this sample depict nonU.S.
cultures and previous historical eras, so that many of those books portray character gender and tool
use that may be appropriate for those cultural and historical contexts. It remains to be determined
whether young readers can distinguish between their own cultural and historical contexts and other
contexts depicted in books without additional information, instruction, and discussion (Marciano,
2001).

We also note that the world of material culture in children's books does not perfectly reflect the real-
world of made things and technology. Many objects shown are from previous historical periods and
likely would be unfamiliar to children outside of books (e.g., adzes, pikes, tridents). Other objects, such
as computers, cell phones, and MP3 players, would have been familiar to children during at least part
of the 1990s and 2000s but were completely absent from the illustrations in these books. This
suggests that children's books may be only one of many sources of information that contribute to
schema development (Bigler & Liben, 2007).

We do not want to imply that using household tools requires less competence or is less useful than
using production tools outside the home. Operating a home sewing machine demands just as much
technical skill as operating a drill press in a factory. We are suggesting that sources of socialization,
such as children's books that point girls in one direction and boys in another, can constrain children's
(and later, adults') development of interests and opportunities with respect to material culture. Reform
of children's books by, for example, adjusting proportions of female and male characters using
different types of tools, would not be likely in and of itself to change schemas and behavior. Changes
in the broader culture may be required (Bigler & Liben, 2007; Council on Interracial Books for Children,
1976).

Nevertheless, it would be constructive for children's book illustrators, authors, editors, and publishers
to become familiar with the large body of research about their products and the gender stereotypes
they may be promoting to young readers. One goal would be to foster more gender-neutral portrayals
of tool use in future children's books. In addition, parents, teachers, and librarians who share picture
books with children can encourage critical thinking about gendered representations in books (Chick,
2002; Frawley, 2008). Pointing out that men also cook meals at home and that women also use
computers at work would challenge gender stereotypes in existing books. Such interventions could
have a desirable effect on the important developmental task of learning about how material culture can
influence oneself, other people, and society.

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Peter B. Crabb

Department of Psychology, Pennsylvania State University-Hazleton, Hazleton, Pennsylvania

Deb L. Marciano

Department of Early Childhood and Special Education, Valdosta State University, Valdosta, Georgia

Submitted November 18, 2010; accepted January 9, 2011.

Address correspondence to Peter B. Crabb, Department of Psychology, Pennsylvania State
University-Hazleton, 76 University Drive, Hazleton, PA 18202. E-mail: pbc1@psu.edu

DOI: 10.1080/02568543.2011.605209
FIGURE 1 Percentage of illustrations of female and male characters
shown using household artifacts by decade of award (N = 120).
Percentages are relative frequencies computed as number of characters
of each gender shown using household artifacts, divided by number of
characters of each gender per award decade.

Decade of Award

1990-1999 2000-2009

Females 59% 56%
Males 12% 16%

Note: Table made from bar graph.

FIGURE 2 Percentage of illustrations of female and male characters
shown using production artifacts by decade of award (N = 370).
Percentages are relative frequencies computed as number of characters
of each gender shown using production artifacts, divided by number of
characters of each gender per award decade.

Decade of Award

1990-1999 2000-2009

Females 41% 44%
Males 88% 84%

Note: Table made from bar graph.
COPYRIGHT 2011 Association for Childhood Education International
No portion of this article can be reproduced without the express written permission from the copyright holder.
Copyright 2011 Gale, Cengage Learning. All rights reserved.

The impact of gender-fair versus gender-stereotyped
basal readers on 1st-grade children's gender
stereotypes: a natural experiment.
Citations:
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grade children's gender stereotypes: a natural experiment.." The Free Library. 2009
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Abstract. Israeli 1st-grade children in two different schools in the same neighborhood who were using
either a gender-stereotyped or a gender-fair basal reader were asked to judge for a series of female-
stereotyped, male-stereotyped, and gender-neutral activities whether they were characteristic of
females, of males, or of both. Children using the gender-fair basal reader indicated that more activities
were appropriate for both males and females than did children using the gender-stereotyped reader.
As well, those using the gender-fair basal reader judged stereotypically female activities as more
appropriate for both males and females than did children using the gender-stereotyped reader. Type
of basal reader did not impact judgments of the gender-appropriateness of either male-stereotyped or
gender-neutral activities. There were no main effects or interactions with children's own sex or of
mothers' work status. The importance of gender-fair portrayals in basal readers was discussed.

**********

Basal readers do not only teach children how to read; their content and their pictorial depictions also
implicitly teach children about aspects of the social world and the people that inhabit that world. As
such, they can be used to promulgate and reinforce prevailing social norms and stereotypes or they
can be used to challenge and foster potential change (cf., Jordan, Green, & Tuyay, 2005). In
particular, unlike children's books that are selected for children by their parents, basal readers are
selected by teachers, schools, and school boards; consequently, they can be used strategicall y as
vehicles for promoting social change. This is especially the case in the domain of gender stereotypes,
which is the focus of the current article. Specifically, basal readers contain both textual material and
pictures or drawings that can reflect differences between males and females, in their presence, the
roles they fulfill, their actions, and their reactions (Davis, 1984; Jacklin & Mischel, 1973; Witt, 1996,
1997). Of the three major categories used by children and adults to classify both self and others--
gender, age, and race (Zemore, Fiske, & Kim, 2000)--gender may be the most important
psychologically, because it bifurcates the world. Gender-segregated play in children is evident before
age 3 (e.g., Martin & Fabes, 2001). Even younger toddlers show less involvement with toys
stereotypically associated with the opposite sex, and they reject such toys more than ones
stereotypically associated with their own sex or neutral ones (Caldera, Huston, & O'Brien, 1989;
Turner & Gervai, 1995). As well, preschool children indicate less liking of toys stereotypically
associated with the opposite sex (Eisenberg, Murray, & Hite, 1982; Martin, Eisenbud,& Rose, 1995),
mention only toys stereotypically associated with their own sex when listing their own toys (Furby,
1976), and recall more information about objects stereotypically associated with their own sex than
with the opposite sex (Bradbard, Martin, Endsley, & Halverson, 1986). According to Martin and
Halverson (1981), this pattern is due to the fact that once children are able to identify their own gender
group, they become more motivated to approach, attend to, and learn about own-sex activities and
interests than about opposite-sex ones.

Concomitantly, by about the age of 3, children are able to relate gender to gender-characteristic
activities and by about 5 years of age, they are able to relate gender to gender-associated personality
characteristics. For instance, girls, but not boys, are described by kindergarten and older children in
gender-stereotypic terms (e.g., "gentle," "dependent," "soft-hearted") (Serbin, Powlishta, & Gulko,
1993), and gender-stereotyped descriptors of boys and girls are prevalent in adolescence as well
(Sadker & Sadker, 1994; Thorne, 1993). Gender stereotypes, knowledge representations, or beliefs
about sex-related behavior and characteristics (Ashmore & Del Boca, 1979) also impact children's
information processing and often bias their memory and recall (e.g., Martin & Halverson, 1981).
Research indicates that children tend to forget or distort gender-related, counter-stereotypic
information about others presented in stories (e.g., Boston & Levy, 1991; Karniol & Aida, 1997;
Koblinsky, Cruse, & Sugawara, 1978) and in picture books (Frawley, 2008).

Gender stereotypes are nefarious, however, because they impact a wide range of contexts, including
children's evaluative judgments of other people, their choice of playmates, and even the content of
their writing. Even though children acknowledge that it is not "wrong" to play with opposite-sex toys,
they personally prefer not to play with other children who do so (Carter & McCloskey, 1983/84). Boys
and girls ages 6 to 8 typically express a preference for interacting with an opposite-sex peer presented
as playing with "opposite-sex" toys rather than with a child of their own sex who is presented as
playing with "opposite-sex" toys (Alexander & Hines, 1994). In fact, a child playing with toys
stereotypically associated with the opposite sex is rated as relatively bad, especially when this child is
male rather than female (Smetana, 1986). Also in this context, when writing stories of their own,
children are likely to write about male characters with a wide range of occupations and adventures,
whereas female characters are described as much more limited in their occupations and behaviors
(Romantowski & Trepanier-Street, 1987).

Since cultures use storytelling to transmit values and attitudes to children (e.g., Bettelheim, 1975),
educators should have an interest in exposing children to books and basal readers that serve to
reduce gender-stereotyping. UNESCO (2000; see also Blumberg, 2007) has advocated the position
that educational materials should be used as vehicles of social change in the gender domain. In fact,
though, most children's books and basal readers do not convey messages that foster the reduction of
gender stereotyping. Children's books in English include more male than female characters, whether
child, adult, or animal, and include significantly more pictures of boys than girls (Weiss, 1991;
Weitzman, Eifler, Hokada, & Ross, 1972). In a content analysis of children's books published between
1900 and 1984, male characters far outnumbered female characters (Grauerholz & Pescosolido,
1989). (Publishers often state that girls will read anything, while boys avoid stories that have girls as
main characters [Council on Interracial Books for Children, 1976; Rudman, 1984].) In recent analyses
of notable children's books (Gooden & Gooden, 2001), Caldecott-winning children's books (Davis &
McDaniel, 1999), best-selling children's picture books (Hamilton, Anderson, Broaddus, & Young,
2007), and books read by parents to their preschool children during a single week (Tepper & Cassidy,
1999), males were still overrepresented in book titles, story characters, and pictorial depictions.

Not only are males more evident by virtue of their mere presence, but their portrayals in children's
books differ from the portrayals of females. First, in the studies cited above, men and boys were
portrayed in more varied roles than were women, exposing children to gender stereotypes of women
as restricted in their occupational and behavioral choices. Similarly, a content analysis of children's
books published between 1900-84 showed that although girls were portrayed in a more egalitarian
fashion in books published in the 1980s, women were still portrayed primarily in traditional family roles
(Grauerholz & Pescosolido, 1989). Moreover, illustrations in children's books often place women in
passive observer roles while men are pictured as active (Rudman, 1984). An analysis of over 200
books for children ages 3-6 years found that males were presented as having predominantly
instrumental (i.e., traditionally masculine) characteristics or engaged in instrumental activities 91% of
the time and rarely as exhibiting characteristics or activities traditionally associated with females. In
contrast, females were presented in expressive situations or exhibiting expressive (i.e., traditionally
female) traits 79% of the time and in instrumental situations or exhibiting instrumental traits only 21%
of the time (St. Peter, 1979). In fact, dependency themes, which emphasize helpless behavior by
females, have been found to be common in a content analysis of 113 books for children (White, 1986).

This stereotype-perpetuating pattern is also evident in basal readers. In an early study in which a
content analysis of 14 basal readers was conducted (Women on Words and Images, 1972), males
were found to be portrayed more often, with a ratio of 3:1 for adult main characters and 5:2 for child
main characters. In both that study and in later studies of basal readers (e.g., Hitchcock & Tompkins,
1987), men were depicted in more varied roles and were presented as more active than females. A
more recent study (Witt, 1996) of 16 basal readers similarly found that illustrations of male characters
outnumbered those of female characters, and that male characters outnumbered female characters in
all of the books, with some of the books having more than a 2:1 ratio of male to female characters. In a
survey of 50 years of the illustrations accompanying basal readers in Australia (Jackson & Gee, 2005),
males were similarly more prevalent than females in such illustrations. Although the majority of studies
on basal readers have been conducted on English language readers, Blumberg's (2007) review
concludes that with the exception of Scandinavian countries, this is the general pattern in the majority
of non-English speaking countries as well.

Basal readers, perhaps unwittingly, tend to foster gender stereotypes in other ways as well. Most
basal readers show females dressed in skirts or dresses (no matter what their occupations or
activities), and boys and girls are often portrayed as engaging in different activities and reacting
differently (e.g., Jackson & Gee, 2005). Boys are more often portrayed as competitive and as facing
moral dilemmas that require decision-making (Tetenbaum & Pearson, 1989). Girls, on the other hand,
tend to be shown as passive, less adventurous, and often reliant on boys to solve their problems
(Rudman, 1984; Sadker& Sadker, 1994). For instance, in some stories, girls in basal readers had to
be rescued, whereas no boys were described as being in need of rescuing (Purcell & Stewart, 1990).
Similarly, the books used for teaching other school subjects, like arithmetic, frequently portray males
as being competent and achievement-oriented, while females are portrayed in a more restricted range
of activities and as being less competent in their ability to accomplish things (Kortenhaus & Demarest,
1993). More recent analyses of basal readers (e.g., Hunter& Chick, 2005) indicate that the pattern has
not changed; males are still portrayed more often, are more often the heroes of the stories, and are
presented in more varied endeavors and occupations. Studies in China have revealed the same
pattern, both in basal readers (Guo & Zhau, 2002) and in arithmetic books for the early grades (Chen
& Chen, 2002).

When men and women are portrayed in less gender-stereotyped ways, it is usually women, and not
men, who forge out of the stereotyped mold. An early analysis of basal readers showed that 70% of all
those characters who were portrayed in non-traditional roles were female, while 76% of those
characters who were portrayed in traditional roles were male (Scott, 1981). A more recent content
analysis of 16 widely used basal readers showed that whereas female characters could be classified
as androgynous--exhibiting a balance of traditional masculine and traditional feminine traits and
behaviors--male characters could not be classified as androgynous and were generally depicted in
traditional masculine terms (Witt, 1996). Males were portrayed as leaders who exhibited decisiveness
and independence, but women were portrayed as gentle, understanding, and sensitive. In another
analysis of basal readers (Vaughan-Roberson, Tompkins, Hitchcock, & Oldham, 1989), the adjectives
of Bem's (1974) BSRI scale, which assesses masculinity and femininity, were used by judges to
describe the actions of the main male characters. The activities and behaviors performed by the male
characters were twice as often ones that are stereotypically characteristic of males rather than of
females. A similar analysis published more recently (Evans & Davies, 2000) found the same pattern.

In this context, most problematic is the finding that children who are exposed to books with gender-
stereotypic behaviors are more likely to demonstrate stereotypic behaviors themselves, with
preschoolers exposed to a sex-stereotyped children's book significantly more often choosing a sex-
stereotyped toy (e.g., Ashton, 1983). In this light, it often has been argued that changes should be
made in the direction of choosing books that are more gender-fair (Altbach, 1991; Jordan, Green, &
Tuyay, 2005; UNESCO, 2000).

But how do more gender-fair basal readers impact children's gender stereotypes, and should they
have the same impact on boys and girls? There is general agreement that boys experience more
pressure to conform to traditional masculine sex roles and, consequently, are less flexible than girls in
this domain (Archer, 1984; Katz, 1986). In line with this observation, boys tend to judge target boys
engaged in opposite-sex toy play more severely than girls judge target girls engaged in opposite-sex
toy play (Feinman, 1974). Boys also often express reluctance to read about female characters,
whereas girls are willing to read about male characters (Schau & Scott, 1984). If, in fact, girls are
socialized in a more flexible fashion than boys in the gender domain, they should be less influenced by
the type of basal reader than boys, who should evidence less stereotyping when using gender-fair
basal readers.

Alternatively, if those who hold stronger gender stereotypes--namely, boys--are resistant to depictions
of individuals engaging in activities that are deemed more appropriate for the opposite sex, they may
engage in distortion, or "pretending" that stereotype violation did not occur (e.g., Davies, 2003; Karniol
& Aida, 1997). If this were the case, they would be expected to show no reduction in gender
stereotypes when using gender-fair basal readers as opposed to more gender-stereotyped ones.

The purpose of the current study was to compare the gender stereotypes of children using a gender-
stereotyped versus a gender-fair basal reader in 1st grade. This is an interesting issue to examine in
Israeli children because Hebrew is gender-marked. All verbs and adjectives have to reflect the gender
of the individual engaging in the activity. Thus, when a boy falls, the verb is nafal, but when a girl falls,
it appears as nafla. Hebrew-speaking children acquire the understanding of gender marking very early,
usually before they are 3 years old (e.g., Berman, 1986; Guiora, Beit-Hallahmi, Fried, & Yoder, 1982;
Levy, 1983). Hence, in reading, children are aware of the association between gender and the kinds of
verbs associated with males versus females, underlining the importance of the issue of the gender-
fairness of basal readers.

The current natural experiment was occasioned by the fact that two Israeli schools in the same
neighborhood, and serving the same population, used different basal readers that varied in their
portrayals of males and females. In one of the schools, a more gender-fair basal reader was used; in
the other school, a more gender-stereotyped basal reader was used. A natural experiment is referred
to when intact classrooms or schools are used as the grouping variable and the experimenter does not
have control over who is assigned to these intact groups (i.e., there is no random assignment of
participants to the groups in question) (Campbell & Stanley, 1963). As long as it can be assumed that
children did not choose their schools on the basis of the domain in question (i.e., the basal readers
used), the two groups can be validly compared. In fact, the children who participated in this study were
assigned to one of the two schools by the municipality, and parents were not able to choose between
the schools, creating the conditions for a natural experiment.

Method

Participants

Participants were 72 children in two 1st-grade classes in two different schools in an urban center in
Israel. The two schools are along the same street in the same city and serve the same mixed, middle-
and lower-class population. Because eight of the questionnaires were returned incomplete or
incorrectly filled out, the final sample of 64 children included 28 children (11 male and 17 female) who
used the gender-fair basal reader and 36 children (22 male and 14 female) who used the more
gender-stereotyped basal reader. Testing was conducted during the final month of the 1st grade.

Procedure

The first step prior to conducting this study was to find two basal readers that are in common use and
that differ in their portrayal of gender and gendered activity, both in terms of their verbal descriptions
and in terms of their visual portrayals. The parameters used to determine gender portrayals were
based on prior research and included gender-stereotyped personality characteristics (e.g.,
assertiveness or dependence), occupations (e.g., nurse or doctor, teacher as a female), the locales in
which activities took place (e.g., females as being in the kitchen, males as being outdoors), and the
types of activities engaged in. Using these parameters, two basal readers were identified: one called
LITAF (an acronym for what translates as Individualized, Remedial and Active Learning, Altalef &
Koriat, 1993), which was highly stereotyped in its gender portrayals, and one called BLI SODOT
(Without Secrets, Weiss & Lipavsky, 1997), which was much more gender-fair in its presentation.
These basal readers each have several volumes, become progressively more difficult to read, and
serve to teach reading in the 1st through 4th grades in many of the schools in Israel.

In the more gender-stereotyped reader, males were portrayed as building houses, guarding, playing
with a ball, and working at agricultural endeavors; females were portrayed as engaging in food
preparation, shopping for clothes, buying flowers, and playing with dolls. In the more gender-fair
reader, both males and females were portrayed as engaging in most activities, and some cross-
gender behavior was also shown--a father preparing supper (#8, p. 30), a boy playing with a doll (#2,
p. 3), a girl getting a ball as a present (#6, p. 5), and a girl winning a bike race (#6, p. 10), and a rope
pull (#6, p. 3).

The study was conducted in the children's classrooms with the teacher and the experimenter present.
After being told that they would read some short sentences and would need to answer questions
about them, the children were shown the questionnaire. Referring to each activity, they were asked to
indicate whether the activity was more appropriate for males, for females, or was equally appropriate
for both. Each activity was followed by a drawing of a male and a female, and children were asked to
circle either one of the figures or both of the figures if the activity was deemed equally applicable to
both. Children read the questionnaires independently and were helped either by the experimenter or
the teacher if they indicated difficulties reading the questionnaire.

The questionnaire consisted of 15 questions, with 13 of these referring to activities, all of which had
been mentioned in their readers. Of the activities, 5 were stereotypically female activities (doing the
dishes, preparing supper, getting a flower, playing with a doll, and baking a cake); 6 were
stereotypically male activities (going wild, playing in the mud, playing with a ball, riding a bike, looking
after the house, and building a house); and 2 were neutral (fearing an injection and talking on the
phone), as judged by 5 university students who agreed on all items. Two additional questions referred
to the child's own gender and to whether the mother works outside the home. In Hebrew, vowels are
shown as diacritical signs (called nikkud, or points), and because 1st-graders in Hebrew read with
these points, they were added to all the questions.

Results

We derived several different sets of measures from children's responses. The first set of measures
reflects whether children judged the activities as appropriate for males, appropriate for females, or
appropriate for both. Since the sum of the activities is constant, only two of the measures could be
analyzed at the same time.

For the first analysis, sex of child, type of reader, and mother's work status were between-subjects
measures, and gender appropriateness (for females or for both males and females) was a within-
subjects measure, yielding a mixed MANOVA of 2 x 2 x 2 x 2. This analysis showed only an
interaction between type of reader and gender appropriateness, F(1,56) = 4.12, p < .05. The means
relevant for this interaction are shown in Table 1.

As evident in the table, the interaction stemmed from the fact that children who used the gender-
stereotyped reader judged more activities as appropriate for females than for both males and females,
but children who used the gender-fair reader judged fewer activities as only appropriate for females
and more activities as appropriate for both males and females. Hence, the gender-fair reader
decreased the number of activities judged as only appropriate for females and increased judgments of
the greater appropriateness of the activities for both genders. In contrast to the above, there was no
effect of child gender, type of reader, or mother's work status on the judgment of activities as
appropriate for males, all F's < 2, n.s.

In order to determine where the gender-fair reader had its impact, a second set of analyses examined
children's judgments of the gender appropriateness of activities relative to the stereotypicality of the
activities in question. For instance, children could judge that stereotypically male activities are
appropriate for females, appropriate for males, or appropriate for both, and similarly for stereotypically
female and gender-neutral activities. Again, since the number of such judgments is constant, analyses
were conducted separately for each type of activity: stereotypically female, gender-neutral, and
stereotypically male activities. In a mixed ANOVA with sex of child, type of reader, and mother's work
status as between-participant factors, the analysis on stereotypically female activities showed a
significant main effect of type of reader, F(1,56) = 5.61, p < .05. Children who were using the gender-
fair reader were three times as likely as those using the gender-stereotyped reader to judge
stereotypically female activities as appropriate for both males and females. The means were .30 and
.10, respectively, for children using the gender-fair versus the gender-stereotyped reader.

Next, analyses were conducted only on those activities that were stereotypically male, again with sex
of child, type of reader, and mother's work status as between-participants factors. None of the effects
were significant, all F's < 2, n.s. Finally, the same analyses were conducted only on those activities
that were gender-neutral. None of the effects were significant, all F's < 2, n.s.

Discussion

This study examined the impact of gender-fair and gender-stereotyped basal readers on 1st-grade
children's gender stereotypes. The most striking aspect of our results is that the gender stereotypes of
those children who were using the gender-fair basal reader were significantly different than of those
children who were using the gender-stereotyped basal reader. First, children who were using the
gender-fair basal reader saw more activities as appropriate for both sexes. Second, children who were
using the gender-fair basal reader judged more activities stereotypically associated with females as
appropriate for both males and females alike. Third, the fact that neither the male-stereotyped
activities nor the gender-neutral activities were impacted by the type of basal reader that children were
using implies that changing stereotypes of what is appropriate for males is much more difficult than
changing stereotypes of what is appropriate for females. This may well occur because it is generally
women who are shown engaging in activities that are stereotypically associated with males, rather
than men being shown engaging in activities that are stereotypically associated with females. Hence, it
is clear that basal readers can be used to both perpetuate and change perceptions of stereotypic
gender roles.

As for stereotypes in general, we found no effects of children's own sex, and sex did not interact with
the type of reader used or mother's work status. This finding is in contrast to other research with 1st-
grade children showing that boys are more gender-stereotyped than girls in judging peers engaged in
cross-gender toy play (e.g., Karniol & Aida, 1997). The finding that the two readers were not
associated with a different pattern of judgments for boys than for girls suggests that boys' stereotypes
may be as amenable to change as those of girls. That is, in these 1st-grade children, exposure to
more gender-fair depictions was effective in changing both boys' and girls' gender stereotypes. On the
other hand, basal reader depictions of others that feed into extant gender stereotypes serve to
perpetuate and strengthen gender stereotypes.

One may question whether those children who used the gender-fair basal reader were less gender-
stereotyped a priori. Although we cannot disprove this possibility, we would highly doubt this
alternative explanation for our data. First, children in the region are selected to attend one or the other
school by the municipal authorities, rather than by parents. Second, the elementary school teachers in
each school decide, together with the coordinator of the elementary grades, which of the two basal
readers to assign. Third, discussion with teachers who use either the gender-fair or gender-
stereotyped basal reader indicates that they were not apparently aware of the different ways in which
gender stereotypes were portrayed in the two books, and so this was not a consideration in guiding
their choice of which basal reader to adopt. Adoption of the readers was based on the particular
technique used to teach reading in each of the basal readers and teachers' comfort with one, versus
another, technique. Hence, we would contend that children most likely entered the 1st grade with
similar gender stereotypes and that the basal readers contributed to the formation and entrenchment
or weakening of their gender stereotypes.

This study, therefore, underlines the important role that basal readers can play in children's
presentation of the social world and the variety of roles that men and women play in it. To the extent
that society has an interest in fostering more heterogeneous perceptions and the reduction of gender
stereotypes, choice of basal readers and other educational materials should be guided by a deeper
understanding of the impact of the implicit content of such materials on young children and their
emergent stereotypes. As this study has shown, basal readers, by virtue of their extended presence in
children's lives, are prime vehicles for the promotion of change in children's gender stereotypes.

(submitted 7/9/08; accepted 11/3/08)

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Rachel Karniol

Michal Gal-Disegni

Tel Aviv University

Note: Correspondence regarding this paper should be sent to Rachel Karniol, Department of
Psychology, Tel Aviv University, Ramat Aviv, Israel. Electronic mail can be sent to rkarniol@
freud.tau.ac.il
Table 1
Judged Appropriateness of Activities for Females or for
Both Males and Females, by Type of Reader

Appropriate Appropriate
for for
Both Sexes Females
Gender-Stereotyped
Reader .25 .45
Gender-fair
Reader .39 .32
COPYRIGHT 2009 Association for Childhood Education International
No portion of this article can be reproduced without the express written permission from the copyright holder.
Copyright 2009 Gale, Cengage Learning. All rights reserved.

Gender, racial, and ethnic misrepresentation in children's
books: a comparative look.
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How children's books portray various groups is very important for educators to consider. In many
literate cultures, values and attitudes are transmitted through storytelling, often involving the use of
children's books (Kortenhaus & Demarest, 1993; Roberts, Dean, & Holland, 2005). Young children
usually enjoy having a book read to them.

Unfortunately, children's literature traditionally has not been authentic in representing the experiences
of many ethnic and racial minority groups (Nieto, 1996). Research also indicates that children's books
do not always portray the female gender equally to the male (Davis & McDaniel, 1999; Kortenhaus &
Demarest, 1993). For example, Czaplinski's (1972) study analyzed Caldecott-winning books from
1940 to 1971 and discovered that males outnumbered females in both pictures and text.

It is important to start when children are very young when teaching them to develop a tolerant attitude
towards people who are different than they are (Sobol, 1990). Cai and Bishop (1994) use the term
"parallel cultures" to describe the desired view of different cultures as equal. Authentic children's
books that include a variety of cultures can help future generations view people in different parts of the
world, or even those in their own neighborhood, as equal members of society (Tunnel & Jacobs,
2008). Children's literature has been used for many years to develop positive attitudes towards people
of different cultures (Hansen-Krening, 1992). Banks (2003) reports children's books to be a powerful
tool for teaching concepts involving race, culture, and discrimination to students in the primary grades.

This comparative review of research discusses findings of selected studies concerning gender, racial,
and ethnic misrepresentation in children's books. In addition, it offers suggestions for educators on
how to deal with this concern. This article will not address all groups, because there is limited research
(or none at all) on this subject for certain groups.

Gender Portrayal in Children's Books

In general, the portrayal of various groups in children's books is much better today than ever before,
but a few disturbing studies indicate that stereotypical portrayals still occur. A good example is the
study by Davis and McDaniel (1999) on gender bias in children's books. This study modeled
Czaplinski's (1972) study to examine if any improvements were made in children's books published
after 1972. The 1999 study shows that the Caldecott-winning books reviewed from 1972 to 1997
featured 811 male appearances versus 508 female appearances. This study indicates that men
represented 61% of the characters and women accounted for only 39%. In Czaplinski's (1972) study,
which investigated books dating back to 1940, males represented 63% of appearances, compared to
37% for females.

The results of the study by Davis and McDaniel (1999) indicate that sexism in children's books still
exists. It is important to note that this study only focuses on one aspect of gender inequality: the
amount of male vs. female representation. It does not emphasize the roles women played in these
books. Other studies conclude that females are likely to be portrayed as submissive and dependent
(Child, Potter,& Levine, 1946; Jacklin & Mischel, 1973; Purcell & Stewart, 1990). This type of portrayal
is stereotypical and not likely to be an accurate representation of many women today.

Kortenhaus and Demarest (1993) suggest that sometimes it is difficult to conclude whether significant
changes have been made concerning the portrayal of girls and women, as data can be analyzed in
many different ways. Their 1993 study took into consideration the roles that females played in various
children's books and found a decrease in sexism.

The Portrayal of Native Americans

Roberts, Dean, and Holland (2005) suggest that Native Americans may have endured more
stereotypes and distorted views about their culture than any other group. Although many Native
Americans are highly educated and hold professional positions, many children's books do not
represent them this way. Older picture books are more likely to represent Native Americans in a
stereotypic way; this is a problem, as some researchers (e.g., Yokota, 1999) report that schools and
libraries often keep older books containing stereotypical images and outdated information.

Stereotypical books on Native Americans ignore their cultural heritage and emphasize only a few
aspects, such as feathers and animal clothing; consequently, readers may develop inaccurate ideas
about the different Native American cultures (Roberts, Dean, & Holland, 2005). Knoeller (2005) argues
that schools continue to neglect contemporary Native American authors whose writing reflects tribal
cultures and instead choose to use books that portray inaccurate aspects of the cultures. One study
done by Lindsay (2003) mentions that books reviewed in 2000-02 about Native Americans were
ranked lower in quality than those reviewed in 1989-99, but notes that this decline could be due to the
use of higher standards.

There are several reasons as to why inaccurate, offensive, and stereotypical children's books on
Native Americans continue to be published. Some authors ignore the latest research (Roberts, Dean,
& Holland 2005). Lindsay (2003) mentions that although some very good children's books, by Native
authors and illustrators, have been published recently, publishing houses often have very few
reviewers available who are knowledgeable about Native Americans; as a result, they cannot always
distinguish good books from bad ones. Reese (1999) discusses how one book published in 1999 was
reviewed favorably in leading journals, even though its content offended the Native American
community.

Another explanation for this disconnect is that U.S. society generally receives insufficient knowledge
about Native Americans and so cannot recognize stereotypical writing and pictures about this group in
children's books. Unfortunately, evidence exists showing that many young non-Indian children believe
inaccurate concepts about Native Americans (Heller, Cunningham, & Heller, 2003).

The Portrayal of African Americans

African American literature intended for adults and children has had a troubled past (Harris, 1990),
partly because schools and libraries have very often omitted this literature from their collections. Harris
explains that sanctioned lists created by educators often include only a limited number of texts written
by African Americans. In elementary school for example, children are more likely to read children's
books that reflect the values and perspectives of whites, such as Little House on the Prairie, rather
than those written by African Americans or other people of color. In addition, not many children's
books that were published in the recent past focus on black values or feature black major characters
(Bishop, 1990).

Various studies have concluded that African Americans are portrayed in stereotypical ways in
children's books (Klein, 1985; Sadker& Sadker, 1977). Brown's (1933) study concluded that portrayals
of African Americans in early literature suggested that institutionalized racism was justifiable. Harris
(1990) states that similar attitudes could be found in children's books and explains that early children's
texts were likely to portray African Americans as "dim-witted"; furthermore, few of these books
portrayed the horrors of slavery.

The passage of civil rights legislation in the mid-1960s, with the accompanying demands for equality,
led to significant improvements in children's literature portraying African Americans and more positive
images of blacks (Pescosolido, Grauerholz, & Milkie, 1997). After the civil rights movement, many
more children's books began to reflect the cultural traditions of African Americans, including their
varied perspectives and experiences. Some of these books discuss the experience of racial
discrimination and of other inequalities that blacks had to endure. Harris (1990) reminds educators that
these books are not intended to scare children but rather to teach them about people's experiences in
historically accurate ways.

Although children's books published since the 1970s depict African Americans more positively than in
previous periods, researchers still raise concerns about several issues. Pescosolido et al. (1997)
report a lack of stories portraying intimate relationships between African Americans and whites. Other
researchers report that stereotypes still persist in children's books, even in those published more
recently. For example, Kalisa (1990) notes that some books on Africa published in the 1980s still
contained biases and stereotypes. Examples of these kinds of books include those that only show
Africans as poor, malnourished, and primitive.

The Portrayal of Hispanics

It can be difficult to describe the way Hispanics have been portrayed in children's books, because of
the number of subgroups considered to be Hispanic; these subgroups are sometimes portrayed
differently in children's books. The term "Hispanic" has been used to refer to various groups, such as
people of Cuban, Mexican, Puerto Rican, and Central or South American origin.

Overall, the portrayal of this group of people has improved in several ways over the past 40 years, but
more improvements are necessary (Nilsson, 2005). Rocha and Dowd (1993) found evidence of this
improvement while examining the changes in portrayals of Mexican American females in children's
books published from 1950 to 1969 and those from 1970 to 1990. This study concludes that the image
of females from a Mexican background has dramatically improved, as those books showed a 16%
increase in females who are portrayed as strong and enduring. The authors also mention that females
are more frequently portrayed as employed and leaders in the community in more recent books.

Some studies (e.g., Nieto, 1982) indicate that certain Hispanic groups can be negatively stereotyped in
children's books. Nieto's study concludes that many books written between 1972 and 1982 portrayed
Puerto Ricans negatively. Her study consisted of two parts. In the first part, she examined 56 fiction
books, and found that many of them describe Puerto Ricans with no sense of diversity (e.g., most live
in urban ghettos). In the second part, Nieto examined 29 nonfiction books, and concluded that many of
the books are ethnocentric and portray migrants as the cause of their own problems.

Many researchers also note the underrepresentation of Hispanics in books intended for children from
preschool to high school (Agosto, Hughes-Hassell, & Gilmore-Clough, 2003; Ayala, 1999; Higgins,
2002; Reimer, 1992). Educators need to regard this oversight as a major issue, as Hispanics have
become the largest minority population in the United States (U.S. Census Bureau, 2003).

The Portrayal of Asian Americans

Asian Americans are another fast-growing minority group in the United States. Yokota and Bates
(2005) report an increase of over 50% in Asian American school-age children since the 1990 census.
Although Cordova (1983) states that Asian Americans have lived in the United States for over 200
years, many American students still tend to view Asian Americans as foreigners (Pang, Colvin, Tran, &
Barba, 1992).

Teachers of young children can take advantage of culturally authentic children's literature to change
this view. Stereotypical portrayals of Asian Americans include those that repeatedly show them as
experts in the martial arts or as overly polite (Pang, 1990). One of the problems in the portrayal of
Asians is the limited number of modern realistic stories (MacCann, 1997). Culturally authentic
children's books can teach American students to stop viewing Asian Americans as foreigners, as
these books often aim to present Asian Americans and other minority groups in U.S. settings rather
than overseas.

Lo and Lee (1993) state that educators need to avoid many stereotypical books on Asian Americans,
while acknowledging that this is sometimes difficult to do, as many of these books are illustrated
attractively or traditionally considered appropriate. Furthermore, teachers often mistakenly believe they
are making a good choice when selecting children's books that focus on a particular minority group;
they may not realize that the book portrays that group stereotypically (Pang et al., 1992). Lo and Lee
(1993) urge educators to examine a book's illustrations to make sure they complement a text and are
not simply put in as tokens of the Asian culture. Examples of children's books that misuse illustrations
in Asian children's books are those that include too many illustrations of chopsticks and fans. If writing
is used to represent a culture, it should be the actual writing of the group and not just any writing made
to look foreign (e.g., using a font that mimics Chinese or Japanese characters). Pang et al. (1992)
recommend using books that do not rely heavily on illustrations of characters wearing traditional
clothing; at the least, the books should clarify that Asian Americans only wear such clothing for special
occasions. Illustrations also should show a wide variety of the characters' physical features, such as in
the shape of their eyes and body build.

Yokota (1999) states that while many culturally authentic books about Japan have been published in
the recent past, some issues have not been resolved. She argues that although cultural details are
portrayed more accurately, when "outsiders" write about Asians, they often miss aspects of what is
authentic to those who are native to Asia. The author's background should be considered when
evaluating the authenticity of any book.

Suggestions for Educators

The United States has more cultural minorities today than ever before. Teachers can take advantage
of culturally authentic children's books to provide a caring and warm environment for these minority
students. A curriculum that reflects the backgrounds of diverse students builds self-esteem and helps
these students feel appreciated (Gollnick & Chinn, 2006).

Unfortunately, some books with stereotypical elements continue to be published, and many of them
that were published years ago remain in circulation. It is important for teachers to avoid these types of
books because children's books transmit values and are more than just resources to teach reading. By
examining the ways that children's books have misrepresented different groups, teachers can gain
insights about how to recognize aspects of books that may be harmful to students, and they can use
this knowledge to avoid stereotypic books in the future. Many of the referenced sources listed here
provide examples and lists of culturally authentic children's books.

Culturally authentic children's books are important to all students. Mainstream students benefit equally
from these books because they teach tolerance toward people of different cultures; this is critical in
any society, especially those that are steadily becoming more diverse.

Conclusion

Some cultural minority groups are comparatively new to the United States and thus little research
exists on them. It is important for future researchers to focus on these groups and to continue
exploring the ways the groups discussed in this article are portrayed in children's books. Children
develop concepts of race and gender at a very young age. Research has shown that by the age of 5,
some students already have developed high levels of racial intolerance (Bigler & Liben, 1993; Doyle &
Aboud, 1995). By reaching children in their early years of schooling through the use of culturally
authentic children's books, teachers can instill attitudes that foster tolerance and equality towards all.

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Hani Morgan is Assistant Professor, Department of Curriculum, Instruction & Special Education,
University of Southern Mississippi.
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