Gramsci and contemporary Left strategy: The

historical bloc as a strategic Concept.

(Paper presented at the 2013 Historical Materialism, London)
Panagiotis Sotiris
panagiotis.sotiris@gmail.com
Although historical bloc is one of the most-well known concepts associated
with the work of Antonio Gramsci, at the same time not enough attention has
been paid to its strategic theoretical signifcance. In most cases, historical
block has been taken to refer to alliances. his is most ob!ious in !arious
te"ts from the #$I tradition.
%
&f course the identifcation of the concept of
historical bloc simpl' with social alliances can also be attributed to a surface
reading of some of Gramscis pre-#rison writings, such as the famous te"t on
the (outhern )uestion where one can fnd Gramscis elaborations on the
*uestion of how to dismantle the (outhern agrarian bloc and its particular
intellectual bloc in order to ad!ance the alliance of between proletariat and
southern masses.
+
,owe!er, a look at Gramscis references to the historical
bloc in the #rison -otebooks pro!ides e!idence that the concept has a
broader signifcance for Gramsci in prison than simpl' a reference to social
alliances.
he frst reference to the historical bloc can be found in -otebook ., in a
reference to the importance of superstructures, as the terrain where people
become conscious of their condition, and to the necessar' relation between
base and superstructure. It is there that Gramsci refers to /(orels concept of
the /historical bloc0.
1
It is interesting that in (orels work there is no reference
to the concept of historical bloc. 2alentino Gerratana has suggested that
Gramsci, who did note ha!e the possibilit' to reread (orels Refection on
Violence when in prison, had in mind (orels well known references to m'ths,
and in particular (orels insistence that these images should be taen as a
!hole 3in Italian /prenderli in blocco04, as historical "orces#
.
1
(ee for e"ample 5erlinguer %677
2
/he alliance between proletariat and peasant masses re*uires this formation. It is
all the more re*uired b' the alliance between proletariat and peasant masses in the
(outh. he proletariat will destro' the (outhern agrarian bloc insofar as it succeeds,
through its part', in organi8ing increasingl' signifcant masses of poor peasants into
autonomous and independent formation. 5ut its greater and lesser or lesser success
in this necessar' task will also depend upon its abilit' to break up the intellectual
bloc that is the 9e"ible, but e"tremel' resistant, armour of the agrarian bloc0
3Gramsci %67:, p. .;+4.
3
Gramsci %677, .17 3)., <%=4.
4
/In the course of these studies one thing seemed so e!ident to me that I did not
belie!e that I needed to la' much stress on it> men who are participating in great
social mo!ements alwa's picture their coming action in the form of images of battle
in which their cause is certain to triumph. I proposed to gi!e the name of m'ths to
these constructions, knowledge of which is so important for historians> the general
strike of the s'ndicalists and ?ar"s catastrophic re!olution are such m'ths. I wanted
to show that we should not attempt to anal'se such groups of images in the wa' that
we break down a thing into its elements, that the' should be taken as a whole, as
historical forces, and that we should be especiall' careful not to make an'
1
In -otebook 7, the concept of the historical bloc returns in Gramscis criticism
of $roces philosoph'. @or Gramsci the concept of the historical bloc is the
e*ui!alent of spirit in $roces idealist conception and it also refers to a
dialectical acti!it' and a process of distinction that does not negate its real
unit'.
=
In the second !ersion of this passage in -otebook %A the concept of
historical bloc 3again attributed to (orel4 is linked to the unit' of the process
of realit', concei!ed as acti!e reaction b' humanit' on the structure.
;
In
another passage from -otebook 7 Gramsci links the historical bloc to the
force of ideolog' and also of the relation ideologies and material forces and
insists that in realit' it is a relation of organic dialectical unit', distinctions
being made onl' for didactic reasons.
Another proposition of ?ar" is that a popular con!iction often has the same
energ' as a material force or something of the kind, which is e"tremel'
signifcant. he anal'sis of these propositions tends, I think, to reinforce the
conception of historical bloc in which precisel' material forces are the content
and ideologies are the form, though this distinction between form and
content has purel' didactic !alue, since the material forces would be
inconcei!able historicall' without form and the ideologies would be indi!idual
fancies without the material forces.
7
In -otebook : the concept of historic bloc returns and we ha!e Gramscis
insistence on the identit' of histor' and politics, the identit' between nature
and spirit, in an attempt towards a dialectic of distinct moments 3a unit' of
the opposites and the distincts4.
:
In the second !ersion of this passage, in
-otebook %1, the reference is on the identit' between structures and
superstructures.
6
his conception of the historical bloc as referring to the
3dialectical4 unit' of the social whole and in particular to the relation between
material tendencies and ideological representations and the importance of
such a relation between material conditions and ideologies as a condition for
re!olutionar' pra"is, also emerges in the following e"tract from -otebook :.
It is important to note the wa' this passage maintains a close dialectical
relation between the social relations of production and the comple",
contradictor' ensemble of the superstructures as the basis for a strategic
re!olutionar' political orientation that is concei!ed in terms of ideolog' but
also maintains the dialectical relation with social relations of production.
(tructures and superstructures form an Bhistorical blocB. hat is to sa' the
comple", contradictor' and discordant ensemble of the superstructures is the
re9ection of the ensemble of the social relations of production. @rom this, one
comparison between the outcomes and the pictures people had formed for
themsel!es before the action.
0 3(orel %666, p. +A4. @or Gerratanas comments see Gramsci %677, p. +;1+4.
5
Gramsci %677, p. :=. 3)7, <%4.
6
Gramsci %677, p. %1AA 3)%AII, <.%i4C Gramsci %66=, p. .%..
7
Gramsci %677, p. :;6 3)7, <+%AC Gramsci %67%, p. 177.
8
Gramsci %677, p. 677 3):, <;%4.
9
/$oncept of Bhistorical blocB, i.e.unit' between nature and spirit 3structure and
superstructure4, unit' of opposites and of distincts.0 Gramsci %677, p. %=;6 3)%1,
<%A4C Gramsci %67%, p. %17.
2
can conclude> that onl' an all-encompassing 3totalitario4 s'stem of ideologies
gi!es a rational refection of the contradiction of the structure and represents
the e"istence of the obDecti!e conditions for the re!olutionising of pra"is. If a
social group is formed which is one hundred per cent homogeneous on the
le!el of ideolog', this means that the premises e"ist one hundred per cent for
this re!olutionising > that is that the BrationalB is acti!el' and actuall' real.
his reasoning is based on the necessar' reciprocit' between structure and
superstructure, a reciprocit' which is nothing other than the real dialectical
process.
%A
Eater in a note that frst appeared in -otebook : but also, slightl' e"panded
in -otebook %A Gramsci used the concept of historical bloc as part of his
criticism of $roces conception of the ethico-political histor'. In particular, for
Gramsci it is e"actl' the conception of historical bloc as the relation of social
and economic relation with ideologicalFpolitical forms that enables a
theoretical rele!ance for the concept of ethico-political histor'. /$thico%
political histor&, in so "ar as it is di'orced "rom the concept o" historical bloc,
in !hich there is a concrete correspondence o" socio%economic content to
ethico%political "orm in the reconstruction o" the 'arious historical periods, is
nothin( more than a polemical presentation o" more or less interestin(
philosophical propositions, but its is not histor&)
11
# In a similar tone, in the
summar' frst note of -otebook %A, Gramsci treats the concept of the
historical bloc as a crucial aspect of his attempt towards a philosoph& o"
pra*is that could answer the *uestions that $roces conception of ethico-
political histor' brought forward. ?oreo!er, hegemon' and historical bloc are
theoreticall' linked in the most emphatic wa' in this passage.
$redit must therefore be gi!en to $roces thought for its instrumental !alue
and in this respect it ma' be said that it has forcefull' drawn attention to the
stud' of the factors of culture and ideas as elements of political domination,
to the function of the great intellectuals in state life, to the moment of
hegemon' and consent as the necessar' form of the concrete historical bloc.
Gthico-political histor' is therefore one of the canons of historical
interpretation that must be alwa's be borne in mind in the stud' and detailed
anal'sis of histor' as it unfolds if the intention is to construct an integral
histor' rather than partial or e"trinsic histories.
%+
he concept of historical bloc constantl' returns in Gramscis confrontation
with $rocean concepts. @or Gramsci the historical bloc can oHer a historical
10
Gramsci %677, pp. %A=%-=+ 3):, <%:+4C Gramsci %67%, p. 1;; 3translation altered4.
11
Gramsci %677, p. %A6%C Gramsci %677, pp. %+17-1: 3):, <+.AC )%AI, <%14C Gramsci
%66=, p. 1;A.
12
Gramsci %677, p. %+%% 3)%AI, +sommario,4, Gramsci %66=, p. 11+. he same
conception of the historical bloc is ob!ious in the following e"tract again from
-otebook %A> /$redit must therefore, at the !er' least, be gi!en to $roces thought as
an instrumental !alue, and in this respect it ma' be said that it has forcefull' drawn
attention to the importance of cultural and intellectuals in the organic life of ci!il
societ' and the state, to the moment of hegemon' and consent as the necessar'
form of the concrete historical bloc0 3Gramsci %677, p. %+1= 3)%AI, <%+4C Gramsci
%66=, p. 1=74.
3
and not speculati!e solution to the *uestion of the relation between the
diHerent moments of the social whole.
he *uestion is this> gi!en the $rocean principle of the dialectic of the
distincts 3which is to be criticised as the merel' !erbal solution to a real
methodological e"igenc', in so far as it is true that there e"ist not onl'
opposites but also distincts4, what relationship, which is not that of
implication in the unit' of the spirit, will there e"ist between the politico-
economic moment and other historical acti!itiesI Is a speculati!e solution of
these problems possible, or onl' a historical one, gi!en the concept of
historical bloc presupposed b' (orelI
%1
he concept of historical bloc also appears in the fragment on the relation of
forces in -otebook 6 but also in the well known fragment on the structure of
parties during a period of organic crisis in -otebook %1. here the main point
Gramsci wanted to make was on the importance of political initiati!es in
order to liberate the economic and political potential of a new historical bloc,
including the used of force.
An appropriate political initiati!e is alwa's necessar' to liberate the economic
thrust from the dead weight of traditional policies - i.e. to change the political
direction of certain forces which ha!e to be absorbed if a new, homogeneous
politico-economic historical bloc, without internal contradictions, is to be
successfull' formed. And, since two BsimilarB forces can onl' be welded into a
new organism either through a series of compromises or b' force of arms,
either b' binding them to each other as allies or b' forcibl' subordinating one
to the other, the *uestion is whether one has the necessar' force, and
whether it is Bproducti!eB to use it.
%.
he strategic character of the concept of historical bloc and its relation to
accomplished hegemon' can be found the famous fragment on the Passa(e
"rom -no!in( to .nderstandin( and to /eelin( and 'ice 'ersa "rom /eelin( to
.nderstandin( and to -no!in(, from -otebook . and reproduced in -otebook
%%. ,ere the emphasis is on the particular relation between intellectuals and
the people-nation, but also between leaders and the led, and on the need for
intellectuals not onl' to interpret the conDuncture in an abstract wa' but also
to understand the passions of the subaltern classes and dialecticall'
transform them into a superior conception of the world. his for Gramsci is
e"actl' the creation of an historical bloc. It is e"actl' here that one might see
the analog' between the concept of the historical bloc and a condition of
hegemon'. he following passage e"emplifes this point.
If the relationship between intellectuals and people-nation, between the
leaders and the led, the rulers and the ruled, is pro!ided b' an organic
cohesion in which feeling-passion becomes understanding and hence
knowledge 3not mechanicall' but in a wa' that is ali!e4 , then and onl' then
is the relationship one of representation. &nl' then can there take place an
13
Gramsci %677, p. %1%; 3)%A, <.%"4 C Gramsci %66=, p. 166-.AA.
14
Gramsci %677, p. %%+AC Gramsci %677, p. %;%+ 3)6, <.A C )%1, <+14 C Gramsci %67%,
p. %;:.
4
e"change of indi!idual elements between the rulers and ruled, leaders
JdirigentiK and led, and can the shared life be realised which alone is a social
force with the creation of the Bhistorical blocB.
%=
Lac*ues e"ier was one of the theorists that ha!e insisted on the strategic
theoretical importance of the concept of the historical bloc, within Gramscis
theoretical elaboration. @or e"ier the concept of the historical bloc is e"actl'
the concept that enables us think of the unit' and interrelation between
economics, politics and ideolog', within Gramscis theor' of hegemon' and
the integral (tate. /0ithout the theor& o" the 1historical bloc1 and the unit& o"
econom& and culture and culture and politics !hich results "rom it, the
2ramscian theor& o" superstructures !ould not be mar*ist# His 1historicism1
!ould (o no "urther than the historicism o" 3roce#)
14
5ased upon this
conception, e"ier treats the concept of the historical block as a theoretical
node in Gramscis theor' of hegemon'.
he point of departure must be the concept of theM historical blocM Gramsci
stipulates. Nhat does this meanI o think the unit' of the distinct aspects or
moments of superstructural acti!it', the moment of force and consent, of
dictatorship and hegemon' and the economico-political and ethico-politicaL
moment one must begin from the basis of the organic unit' of the
superstructures and infrastructure in the historical bloc and recognise the
ultimatel' determinant character of economic conditions.
%7
@or e"ier it is important to follow carefull' Gramscis no!el redefnition of
ci!il societ' and how this encompasses a whole series of political and
ideological practices, relations, beliefs conditioned b' determinate social
relations of production.
In other words, what does ci!il societ' represent for GramsciI It is the
comple" of practical and ideological social relations 3the whole infnitel'
!aried social fabric, the whole human content of a gi!en societ'4 which is
established and grows lip on the base of determined relations of production.
It includes the t'pes of beha!iour of homo oeconomicus as well as of homo
ethiico%politicus# It is therefore the ob5ect, the sub5ect and the localit& of the
superstructural acti!ities which are carried out in wa's which diHer according
to the le!els and moments b' means of the Mhegemonic apparatusesM on the
one hand and of the Mcoerci!e apparatusesM on the other.
%:
herefore, the construction of a new historical bloc, a new articulation of
economic, politics and ideolog', is for e"ier what is the stake in a struggle
for hegemon'> 6the !innin( o" he(emon& is a social stru((le !hich aims to
trans"orm the relation o" "orces in a (i'en situation# 7 historico%political bloc
15
Gramsci %67%, p. .%:C Gramsci %677, p. .=+C Gramsci %677, pp. %=A=-A; 3)., <11 C
)%%, <;74.
16
e"ier %676, p. .6.
17
e"ier %676, p.
18
.e"ier %676, p. 7%.
5
has to be dismantled and a ne! one constructed so as to permit the
trans"ormation o" the relations o" production#)
18
Also of particular importance is e"iers insistence
+A
that in Gramsci the
concept of the historical bloc implies an organic unit' between the (tate and
the econom', in sharp contrast to e!er' form of economism. In particular,
e"ier has oHered a forceful reading of the concept ci!il societ', which also
points towards this particular dialectic of economics and politics within the
historical bloc. @or e"ier the concept of ci'il societ& does not refer simpl' to
the feld of political and cultural hegemon', but also to economic acti!ities.
Although e"ier distinguishes the economic structure and ci!il societ', at the
same time he pro!ides te"tual e!idence of Gramscis inclusion of the crucial
aspects of economic acti!it' and beha!iour within the feld of ci!il societ',
especiall' around the crucial Gramscian notions of /homo oeconomicus) and
6determinate maret)# In this sense we can sa' that a crucial aspect of the
emergence of a new historical bloc is e"actl' the emergence not onl' of a
new economic structure but also of a new /homo oeconomicus0 and a new
confguration of ci!il societ'.
+%

$hristine 5uci-Glucksmann has also oHered an important reading of the
theoretical centralit' of the concept of historical materialism. @or 5uci-
Glucksmann Gramscis reference to structure and superstructure forming an
historical bloc is the point to begin. he frst error is the /simple identifcation
between historical bloc and class alliances O or e!en the fusion O that
embraces workers and intellectuals0.
++
@or 5uci-Glucksmann historical bloc
goes be'ond social alliances since it implies both a specifc form of
hegemonic leadership but also the de!elopment of the superstructures, /an
integral state rooted in an organic relationship between leaders and
masses0.
+1
?oreo!er, the concept of historical bloc is for 5uci-Glucksmann
not s a materialist position and anti-economistic answer to the relation
between the diHerent instances of the social wholeC it is mainl' an attempt to
rethink a re!olutionar' strateg' within the transition period.
$ompared with 5ukharins worker-peasant bloc of %6+=-+;, the Gramscian
historic bloc demonstrates maDor new feature. his bloc is cultural and
political as much as economic, and re*uires an organic relationship between
people and intellectuals, go!ernors and go!erned, leaders and led. he
cultural re!olution, as an on-going process of ade*uation between culture
and practice, is neither lu"ur' nor a simple guarantee, but rather an actual
dimension of the self-go!ernment of the masses and of democrac'.
+.
@or 5uci-Glucksmann Gramscis conception of re!olutionar' strateg' as
construction of a new historical bloc
+=
leads to a 6re"ormulation o" the entire
Mar*ist problematic o" the !itherin( a!a& o" the 9tate as a passa(e to a
19
e"ier %676, p. ;7.
20
e"ier %6:6.
21
e"ier %6:6, p. ;%.
22
5uci-Glucksmann %6:A, p. +7=.
23
5uci-Glucksmann %6:A, p. +7;.
24
5uci Glucksmann %6:A, p. +:;.
25
5uci-Glucksmann 3%6:+4 %666, p. %A+.
6
re(ulated societ&, !here political societ& is reabsorbed b& ci'il societ&).
+;

herefore, it is much more than a simple reference to a social alliance that
manages to capture political power, since it entails the construction of new
hegemonic apparatuses, new social, political, ideological and economic
forms. In opposition to a simple bloc in power, the historical bloc
/presupposes the historical construction o" lon( duration o" ne! he(emonic
s&stem, !ithout !hich classes become onl& a mechanical aggregate,
mana(ed b& the 9tate or a bureaucrac&0.
+7
@rom the abo!e elaboration it is ob!ious that historical bloc is a strategic not
a descripti!e or an anal'tical concept. It defnes not an actual social alliance,
but a social and political condition to be achie!ed. ,istorical bloc does not
refer to the formation of an electoral alliance or to !arious social strata and
mo!ements fghting side b' side. It refers to the emergence of a diHerent
confguration within ci!il societ', namel' to the emergence, on a broad scale,
of diHerent forms of politics, diHerent forms of organi8ation, alternati!e
discourses and narrati!es, that materiali8e the abilit' for societ' to be
organi8ed and administrated in a diHerent wa'. At the same time it refers to a
specifc relation between politics and economics, namel' to the articulation
not simpl' of demands and aspirations but of an alternati!e social and
economic paradigm. herefore, a new historical bloc defnes that specifc
historical condition when not onl' a new social alliance demands power but is
also in a position to impose its own particular economic form and social
strateg' and lead societ'. It also includes a particular relation between the
broad masses of the subaltern classes and new intellectual practices, along
with the emergence of new forms of mass critical and antagonistic political
intellectualit', e"actl' that passage from knowledge to understanding and
passion. Pegarding political organi8ations, it refers to that particular condition
of leadership, in the form of actual rooting, participation, and mass
mobili8ation that defnes an organic relation between leaders and led, which
when we refer to the politics of proletarian hegemon' implies a condition of
mass politici8ation and collecti!e elaboration. It also implies the actualit' of
the new political and economic forms, and the full elaboration of what can be
defned as a dual power strateg' concei!ed in the broadest sense of the
term.
In this sense, it is ob!ious that the concept of the historical bloc, when used
in relation to the politics of the subaltern classes, refers to a strateg' of
3counter4hegemon'. A potential hegemon' of the forces of labour, namel'
their abilit' to become actuall' leading in a broader front, that would make
possible a process of social transformation, means e"actl' creating the
conditions for a new historical bloc. his means a new articulation between
social forces, alternati!e economic forms in rupture with capitalist social
relations of productions, new political forms of organi8ation and participator'
democratic decision-making. he struggle for hegemon' means a struggle for
the formation of a new historic bloc.
hat is wh' the concept of the historical bloc is more than e!er pertinent to
contemporar' discussions within the Eeft. he reasons for this are abo!e all
political and ha!e to do with the d'namics of the conDuncture. he long
retreat of the Eeft through as the combined result of the triumph of
26
5uci-Glucksmann 3%6:+4 %666, p. %A..
27
5uci-Glucksmann 3%6:+4 %666, p. %A..
7
neoliberalism and the collapse of /actuall' e"isting socialism0 for a long time
seemed to make *uestions of strateg' unimportant. Nhat seemed to be
necessar' was the unit' around basic struggles and mo!ements of
resistance. (trategic discussion was left either to theoretical elaborations or
was postponed for a better da'. G!en after the return of mass protest
mo!ements after (eattle %666, the return of the strategic *uestions Qaniel
5ensaRd talked about in +AA;,
+:
has 'et to produce some specifc strategic
recommendations.
,owe!er, recent de!elopments ha!e made us all reali8e the urgenc' of these
*uestions. he de!elopments include the global economic crisis of the end of
the +AAAs, the crisis of neoliberalism, the impressi!e return of mass protest
politics, from +A%% until now, and the e!idences of an open hegemonic crisis
in !arious /weak links0 of the imperialist chain, a crisis that can be described
in Gramscian terms.
And the content is the crisis of the ruling classMs hegemon', which occurs
either because the ruling class has failed in some maDor political undertaking
for which it has re*uested, or forcibl' e"tracted, the consent of the broad
masses 3war, for e"ample4 , or because huge masses 3especiall' of peasants
and petit-bourgeois intellectuals4 ha!e passed suddenl' from a state of
political passi!it' to a certain acti!it', and put forward demands which taken
together, albeit not organicall' formulated, add up to a re!olution. A Bcrisis of
authorit'B is spoken of> this is precisel' the crisis of hegemon', or general
crisis of the (tate.
+6
At the same time, we ha!e the possibilit' that the Eeft can lead an impressi!e
re!ersal in the political balance of forces in countries such as Greece, and
face the possibilit' of arri!ing at go!ernmental power.
I would like to insist that the debate is more urgent than before. Pecent
de!elopments, such as the Ge8i #ark protests in urke' ha!e shown that what
would be called the new age of insurrections is far from o!er. ,owe!er,
especiall' the de!elopments regarding the de!elopments within what has
been termed the Arab (pring has shown that when mass popular
insurrections cannot be translated politicall' into autonomousl' defned
democratic and emancipator political proDects, then the results can be tragic.
At same time, regarding the crisis of neoliberalism and the current
authoritarian, disciplinar' turn of neoliberal go!ernance, the onl' contribution
the dominant elites can make is to onl' prolong the crisis. his situation is
similar to one described b' Gramsci.
Nhat makes things worse, is that it is about a crisis for which the elements
of its resolution are pre!ented from being de!eloped with the necessar'
speedC those that are dominant can no longer resol!e the crisis but ha!e the
power 3to impede4 others from resol!ing it, namel' the' ha!e the power onl'
to prolong the crisis.
1A
28
5ensaRd +AA;.
29
Gramsci %677, p. %;A1 3)%1, <+14C Gramsci %67%, p. +%A.
30
Gramsci %677, p. %7%: 3)%., <=:4.
8
his means the need to think in terms of the necessar' renewal of a
re!olutionar' strateg'. he fact that there are perhaps no ideal t'pes for
re!olution, does not mean that we do not need re!olutionar' changes. A new
historical bloc refers e"actl' such a re!olutionar' process.
In light of the abo!e, a strateg' for a new historical bloc suggests that we
must elaborate upon an alternati!e producti!e paradigm, in a non market and
non proft-oriented direction, an alternati!e non capitalist de!elopmental path
3as an aspect of the dialectics of econom' and politics within the historical
bloc4. Ne refer to a de!elopmental paradigm neither in the sense of
*uantitati!e growth, nor in the sense of an alternati!e capitalist de!elopment,
but in the sense of a new conception of how to make good use of collecti!e
social producti!e capabilities and resources. his could include new forms of
democratic social planning along with a new emphasis on self-management,
reclaiming currentl' idle producti!e facilities, creating non commercial
networks of distribution, regaining the public character of goods and ser!ice
that are currentl' under the threat of the tendenc' for new enclosures. It
could also include a new emphasis on self-reliance and decreased
dependence upon international 9ows of commodities and resources, along
with a break with consumerist conceptions of well-being.
(uch a thinking of the economic program of process of transformation, as
part of a strateg' for a new historic bloc, should not be seen as an attempt to
simpl' de!ise or think of alternati!e economic forms. In realit', it is a process
of collecti!e e"perimentation based upon the emergence of alternati!e
economic forms within mo!ements, collecti!e struggles and resistances to
the commerciali8ation of social goods. @rom the defence of public ser!ices
and the new forms of solidar' econom', to the new forms of self-
management and workers control 3from occupied factories in Argentina to
#ublic ele!ision in Greece4, we ha!e man' important e"periences. hese
ha!e not been simpl' /resistances0 but also collecti!e e"perimenting sites
that can help us understand how things can be organi8ed in a diHerent non-
capitalist wa'. In a wa', it means taking hold of the traces of communism in
actual mo!ements and social resistances to the !iolence of capital and the
markets. he Eeft should not consider these e"periences to be simpl'
/mo!ements0 and think of economic polic' onl' in terms of non-austerit'
macroeconomics, howe!er important these are.
?oreo!er, thinking in terms of a new /historical bloc0, means that the Eeft
attempts to elaborate on the possibilit' of an alternati!e narrati!e for societ',
in an attempt e"actl' for the forces of labour to be leadin( 3dirigente4. And in
this we must also think how the !er' e"perience of toda's forces of labour,
despite their fragmentation into multifarious emplo'ment situation and
prospects, with their unit' undermined b' precariousness, oHers the basis for
such a 3counter4hegemon'. oda's collecti!e labour force is not onl' more
fragmented, it is also more educated, with more access to knowledge and
communication recourse, and in an abilit' to !oice its grie!ances in a more
articulate wa'. ?oreo!er, all o!er the ad!anced capitalist societies, those
social strata that traditional sociolog' describes as middle class, in realit'
segments of intellectual labour or what #oulant8as described as the salaried
new petite-bourgeoisie,
1%
are under attack b' stagnant wages, increased
barriers to upward social mobilit', pri!ate debt burden, workplace
31
#oulant8as %67=.
9
precariousness. $onse*uentl', the' ha!e seen the class di!ide with !arious
segments of the capitalist class grow, and ha!e mo!ed closer to working
class demands and aspirations. All these de!elopments are also re9ected in
the mass unemplo'ment 3and precariousness4 of 'outh an element that has
produced social e"plosions, and probabl' will in the future. his brings
together, in mass collecti!e practises, all those social forces that, one wa' or
the other, depend upon selling their labour power to make ends meet. his
oHers not the onl' the material ground for social alliances, e"emplifed in the
co-presence of all these strata in contemporar' protests from the Indignados
to the ('ntagma to &ccup'S, but also of collecti!e e"periences, aspirations
and demands. -ew forms of /public spheres emerge that enable not simpl'
tactical cooperation within protest mo!ements, but the potential of
collecti!el' elaborating a new !ision and perspecti!e be'ond /actuall'
e"isting neoliberalism0.
his means that toda' rethinking socialist and re!olutionar' politics is not
onl' about inDecting socialist consciousness into the mo!ement F howe!er
necessar' the defence of the socialist and communist tradition might be in a
period of ideological erasure. It is also about elaborating upon collecti!e
aspirations, demands and ideological representations that emerge from the
!er' materialit' of toda's condition and struggles of the forces of labour.
$reating conditions for a new historical bloc is not onl' about articulating a
political proDectC it is about working upon actual social and historical
tendencies and d'namics, in order to create new political forms that would
enable a new dialectical relation between structure and superstructures.
his gi!es a new importance to the *uestion of the program. $ontrar' to the
tendenc' to ignore the program in the name of a simple unit' around the
negation of austerit', it is important to insist that a strateg' for a new
historical bloc re*uires articulating an alternati!e narrati!e for societ', not
Dust a sum of grie!ances and demands. (uch a program should not restrict
itself to income redistribution, increased public spending and nationali8ation.
It should also include e"periments with new producti!e forms and relations
based upon self-management, new forms of workers control, and alternati!e
forms of economic coordination and planning, in sum a collecti!e to mo!e
be'ond the capitalist logic. his is in contrast to the pragmatist turn of
some parties of the Guropean Eeft that make a distinction between an anti-
austerit' politics aiming at sa!ing societ' from austerit' and social
transformation. &n the contrar', it is now time to think of the transition
program as oHering at the same time an e"it from austerit' and the
beginning of a process of transformation in sharp break not onl' with neo-
liberalism but also with aspects of capitalist relations. his is toda' one of the
most crucial aspects of a potential re!olutionar' strateg' toda'.
In an era of increased forms of capitalist internationali8ation, this also means
taking a stand regarding a countr's place in the international plane. In this
sense, recent debates within the Guropean Eeft, such as the ones pertaining
to the relation to the Guro8one and the Guropean Tnion should be read in a
strategic manner. 5reaking awa' from the Guro8one and the Guropean Tnion,
for the peripheral countries of the Guropean (outh, such as Greece, is not
simpl' about monetar' so!ereignt' 3which per se is a necessar' aspect of
regaining democratic control of economic polic'4. It is about the forces of
labour oHering an alternati!e orientation for societ', especiall' since in
10
countries such as Greece, the bourgeois historical bloc, based both its
strateg' and its legitimac', upon the Guropean Poad as a road to capitalist
moderni8ation.
?oreo!er, a politics of a potential new historical bloc means e"actl' aiming
at political power, both in the sense of a left wing go!ernment but also and
mainl' in the sense of a change in actual social power confguration. If we are
full' aware that it will be part of a long and contradictor' process of transition
and transformation and struggle from abo!e and from below, then a
go!ernment of the Eeft can be indeed be part of a modern re!olutionar'
strateg'. his would re*uire making use of both go!ernmental power 3the
radicali8ation of current institutional and constitutional framework4 and forms
of popular power from below, without underestimating the constant
confrontation with the forces of capital. his has been an open *uestion in the
communist mo!ement, from the Norkers Go!ernment described in the .
th

$ongress of the $ommunist International,
1+
to Gramscis proposal for a
$onstituent Assembl' of the anti-fascist forces,
11
to #oulant8as
confrontation with a possible democratic road to socialism,
1.
to the
contradictions of contemporar' e"periments in left go!ernance such as the
one in 5oli!ia. ,owe!er, without a strong labour mo!ement, without radical
social mo!ements, without the full de!elopment of all forms of peoples
power and self-organi8ation, an' go!ernment of the Eeft will not manage to
stand up to the immense pressure it will get from the forces of capital, the GT
and the I?@. hat is wh' it is necessar' to e"periment with new forms of
social and political power from below and to create new forms of social
practice and interaction based on solidarit' and common work, new forms of
direct democrac'.
In this sense, a strateg' for a new historical bloc also re*uires a ne! practice
o" politics, new social and political forms of organi8ation be'ond the
traditional #art'-form, be'ond traditional trade unionism and be'ond the
limits of traditional parliamentar' bourgeois politics. his corresponds e"actl'
to the need for new forms of ci!il societ' organi8ations, in the broad sense
that Gramsci ga!e to this notion. In a wa', Eouis Althusser pointed to this
direction of the political forms associated with a potential historical bloc in his
inter!ention in the debates of the ++
nd
$ongress of the @rench $ommunist
#art'.
In the best of cases, it is concei!able that the union of the people of @rance
ma' become something *uite diHerent from the means to a new electoral
balance, but is rather aimed, o!er and abo!e the organi8ations of the Eeft, at
the popular masses themsel!es. Nh' address the popular masses in this
wa'I o tell them, e!en if still onl' as a hint, that the' will ha!e to or(ani:e
themsel!es autonomousl', in original forms, in frms, urban districts and
!illages, around the *uestions of labour and li!ing conditions, the *uestions of
housing, education, health, transport, the en!ironment, etc.C in order to
defne and defend their demands, frst to prepare for the establishment of a
re!olutionar' state, then to maintain it, stimulate it and at the same time
force it to wither awa'. (uch mass organi8ations, which no one can defne in
32
$omintern %6++.
33
Eisa %611.
34
#oulant8as %6:A
11
ad!ance and on behalf of the masses, alread' e"ist or are being sought in
Ital', (pain and #ortugal, where the' pla' an important part, despite all
diUculties. If the masses sei8e on the slogan of the union of the people of
@rance and interpret it in this mass sense, the' will be re-establishing
connections with a li!ing tradition of popular struggle in our countr' and will
be able to help gi!e a new content to the political forms b' which the power
of the working people will be e"ercised under socialism.
1=
?oreo!er, it is e"actl' this combination of popular power from below and new
forms of self-management, workers control and alternati!e forms of
economic coordination that can create the conditions for a modern form of
dual power, namel' the actual emergence of new, non capitalist social and
political forms. 5oth Eenin and Gramsci thought that there can be no process
of social transformation without a !ast social and political e"perimentation,
both before and after the re!olution, which will guarant' that within the
struggles we can alread' witness the emergence of new social forms and new
wa's to organi8e production and social life.
It is not going to be an eas' road. It would re*uire a struggling societ'
actuall' changing !alues, priorities, narrati!es. It would also re*uire a new
ethics of collecti!e participation and responsibilit', of struggle and
commitment to change, a transformed and educated common sense# In this
sense, the promise of Eeft-wing politics cannot be a simple return to +AA6,
not least because it is materiall' impossible, but because we want to go
be'ond confdence to the markers and debt-ridden consumerism. In such a
world-!iew public education, public health, public transport, en!ironmental
protection, non market collecti!e determination of priorities, and *ualit' of
e!er'da' socialit', are more important than imported consumer goods and
cheap credit.
At the same time, a strateg' for a new historical block also implies an
attempt towards a re-appropriation and redefnition of the !er' notion of the
people. his refers to the comple" process, political, ideological and social,
through which the people can re-emerge in a situation of struggle, neither as
the abstract subDect of the bourgeois polit', nor as the imagined communit'
of the nation, but as a potentiall' anti-capitalist alliance of all those social
strata that one wa' or the other depend upon their labour power in order to
make ends meet. his also means a new form of peoples unit', especiall'
against the di!iding results of racism and the !arieties of neofascism.
1;
(uch a process can 3and shouldO4 also be a knowledge process, both in the
sense of using the knowledge accumulated b' people in social mo!ements
3who can run better a hospital or a schoolI Appointed technocrats or the
people actuall' working and struggling there4 and also in the sense of
struggle, solidarit' and common practices being forms that help people
ac*uire knowledge, learn how to do things diHerentl' and collecti!el' re-
in!ent new forms of mass intellectualit' and a new cultural hegemon'.
?oreo!er, if political organi8ations cannot learn from actual e"periences, if
the' are not themsel!es collecti!e processes of learning and transforming the
e"periences from the struggles into political strateg', then the' cannot
contribute to a process of social transformation.
35
Althusser %677.
36
&n this see (otiris +A%1.
12
(uch a strateg' 3and dialectic of strateg' and tactics4 can transform current
emerging alliances, changes to the relations of representation, struggles,
resistances and proposals for concrete utopias, into a new and highl'
original historical block, the necessar' condition for an open-ended process
of social transformation. It is an attempt to actuall' rethink re!olutionar'
strateg', not as phantas' but as an open F ended se*uence of transformation
and e"perimentation. alking toda' about socialism cannot be simpl' about
/catch phrases0 on workers power and workers control or workers
democrac', howe!er necessar' it is to re!isit in a self-critical manner the
socialist e"periences of the +A
th
centur'. alking about socialism toda' means
building upon the d'namics of struggles, upon the new forms of democrac'
and popular so!ereignt' from below emerging within struggles, upon the
attempt at re-appropriating public space and creating new public spheres,
upon what Althusser described as ;'irtual "orms o" communism in
contemporar' mo!ements and aspirations.
17
@inall', all these also re*uire a fresh thinking of the collecti!e political subDect.
All recent de!elopments ha!e shown the importance of front politics.
$ontrar' to the metaph'sics of the #art' as a guarantor of truth and the
correct line, we need a more broad conception of the left political front that is
not onl' unit' but also dialectical process, a terrain of struggle itself, a
collecti!e democratic process, and a laborator' of ideas, proDects and
sensiti!ities.
&ne should stress the importance and signifcance which, in the modern
world, political parties ha!e in the elaboration and diHusion of conceptions of
the world, because essentiall' what the' do is to work out the ethics and the
politics corresponding to these conceptions and act as it were as their
historical laborator'. J...K he relation of theor' and practice becomes e!en
closer the more the conception is !itall' and radicall' inno!ator' and
opposed to old wa's of thinking. @or this reason one can sa' that the parties
are the elaborators of new integral and all-encompassing intellectualities and
the crucibles where the unifcation of theor' and practice, understood as a
real historical process, takes place.
1:
$ontrar' to a traditional instrumentalist conception of the political
organi8ation based on a distinction between ends and means, a re!olutionar'
strateg' must be based on the identit' of means and ends, and this means
that the democratic form of this front must also re9ect the social relations of
an emancipated societ'.
<o conclude recent de'elopments ha'e sho!n the potential "or political
chan(e and breas !ith 6actuall& e*istin( neoliberalism)# /or the =rst time
a"ter a lon( time the "orces o" the Le"t are "acin( the challen(e o" political
po!er and he(emon&# 0e do not ha'e the lu*ur& o" a'oidin( the discussion
37
/?ar" thinks of communism as a tendenc& of capitalist societ'. his tendenc' is not
an abstract result. It alread' e"ists, in a concrete form in the /interstices of capitalist
societ' 3a little bit like commodit' relations e"isting /in the interstices0 of sla!e or
feudal societ'4, !irtual forms of communism, in the associations that manage O to
a!oid commodit' relations.0 Althusser %66:, p. +:=.
38
Gramsci
+
%677, %1:7C Gramsci %67%, 11= 3)%%, <%+4.
13
on a re'olutionar& strate(& and a socialist perspecti'e "or the 21
st
centur&#
3oncepts such as 2ramsci>s historical bloc o?er us the possibilit& to rethin
politics in a strate(ic !a&#
Peferences
Althusser, Eouis %677, /&n the went'-(econd $ongress of the $ommunist
#art'0, www.mar"ists.orgVreferenceVarchi!eValthusserV%677V++nd-
congress.htm 3Accessed 1A &ctober +A%14.
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(otiris, #anagiotis +A%1, /he Qark of Greek -eo-fascism0, C'erland +%A.
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14