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ABS TRACT In light of the newly defined field of narrative inquiry,

this article examines ways in which narrative functions can be used


during the analytical and interpretative phases of qualitative
research. Using Mishlers typology as a starting point, it questions
the practice of dividing storied data into small bits and suggests that
there is a need for a wider range of grounded analytical practices
practices based on the functions and operations of narrative itself.
Specifically, this discussion proposes a series of models for collocating
narrative data by examining how one researcher created frameworks
that helped ground final conclusions within the broader narrative
environment and context. The article concludes by suggesting that
the collocation of narrative is essential for establishing validity and
for creating holistic and connected research texts.
KE YWORDS : coding, narrative research, qualitative methodology,
storytelling
Introduction
The nature of narrative as research and the function of story, both fictional-
ized and factualized (Atkinson, 1995a), is now a primary source of debate
throughout academe (Clandinin and Connelly, 2000; Coles, 1989; Denzin
and Lincoln, 2000; Doniger, 1998; Gubrium and Holstein, 1997; Lawrence-
Lightfoot and Davis, 1997; Miles and Hubberman, 1994; Patton, 2001).
These newly defined variations from the way we look at qualitative practice
have led to a methodological shift in the field that stems from a core concept,
namely that all qualitative work shares a reliance on the philosophical
constructs and meaning making procedures derived from, and grounded in,
narrative and discourse processes.
1
Questions and views regarding the role of narrative in qualitative research
have risen to a crescendo during the past few years as practitioners wrestle
ARTI CLE 231
Q
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Collocation analysis: a method for
conceptualizing and understanding
narrative data
Qualitative Research
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ROBI N A. ME L L O
University of Wisconsin-Whitewater
with the nature and use of story in fieldwork, data analysis, and research
prose (Casey, 1995). In an attempt to link the multiplicity of disciplines that
use qualitative inquiry, and to more specifically identify and place the work
of qualitative research within those practices, Clandinin and Connelly (2000)
suggest using the term narrative inquiry to characterize the eclectic
assortment of multidimensional and heterogeneous fields that are defined,
globally, as qualitative investigation. Clandinin and Connelly observe that a
practitioner today often plays the part of storyteller, author, editor, and artist;
as Clifford and Marcus (1986) point out, the researcher is currently situated
as the author of culture.
We are currently, then, undergoing a shift toward understanding narrative
as the new language of the qualitative method (Gubrium and Holstein,
1997). These ideas are predicated on the fact that we work in an atmosphere
that, in the aftermath of postmodernism, has become more narrativized,
grounded, idiosyncratic, and storied in its focus. In this context, practitioners
are left grappling over what the story (or stories) of data are. Overall, the ques-
tion is made more complex due to the fact that narrative is an interactional
experience that is constantly negotiated and manipulated by both listener and
speaker.
A shift in perspective within the qualitative paradigm, toward narration
and away from description, requires that we recognize, even more strongly,
that our findings, analyses, and conclusions represent proximal and/or trans-
actional representations of what data show (Bruner, 1990; Vygotsky, 1962).
We have, therefore, reduced the role of our work away from the hierarchical
position of creating conclusive knowledge to that of interpreting and story-
telling personal experience; we do this with voices that are both idiosyncratic
and dependent on individual perceptions.
Since the essence of narrative is ephemeral and personal, we must seek
ways to negotiate meanings and findings using the stories of data, varied per-
ceptions of the field, and our creative work as writers of research discourse.
This is what Gubrium and Holstein (1997) define as working on the border of
reality and representation; the standpoint that the researcher takes between
an individual perception (or story) of the lived experience and the intent of
the narrators themselves. One of the most controversial edges (or borders)
can be observed, for example, in the ways autobiography, or portraiture
(Lawrence-Lightfoot and Davis, 1997), is now being used (Atkinson, 1995b;
Patton, 1999). Here the entire research paradigm shifts toward the story-
telling mode and away from an emphasis on the researcher as Other, or what
it means to observe and report versus what it is to be a participant as well as
the principal actor within the research investigation. In fact, it is within the
realm of autobiographical, heuristic, and arts-based research that the
boundaries can be observed most acutely where we see a redefinition of the
work from qualitative research in general to narrative inquiry specifically
(Clandinin and Connelly, 2000).
Qualitative Research 2(2) 232
Narrative analysis
The majority of current literature has focused on qualitative methodology or
summative reports pertaining to specific studies. Discussions regarding the
middle ground where we work on analyzing data and creating meaning
are not as frequently presented. There remains a relative paucity of discourse
regarding the conceptualintuitive processes we use to produce research
texts. We should therefore try to identify more examples of scholarly models,
forms, and formats used to create textual identities, research findings, and
narrative conclusions. If stories are the stuff that data are made of (to mis-
quote Shakespeare), then we need to take a concentrated look at how we use
these data reflectively and analytically. Additionally, we must continue asking
how best to practice analysis so that it remains grounded, authentic, and
inclusive of the complexity found in discourse practices so that the narratives
and their meanings remain intact.
NARRATI VE AND MEANI NG MAKI NG
Narrative is transactional and developmental; when we share narratives with
others, insights and social knowledge evolve. This is communicative and is
also a major way of disseminating information. In general, narrative func-
tions as:
(1) a structure of, and for, cognition and perception;
(2) a negotiation of relationship(s) and connection(s) to self, others, and
environment;
(3) a process of social and cultural cohesion;
(4) an artistic production and creation;
(5) an educative inquiry and proximal experience;
(6) a representational strategy for intrapersonal and interpersonal commu-
nication systems.
Organizing, analyzing, and discovering theoretical meanings from storied
data can be challenging due to the nature of narrative because, like qualita-
tive inquiry itself, it is iterative and evolutionary.
The stories represented in our data are also highly eclectic and varied, and
they leave us with questions concerning how best to work with, preserve, and
respect their content and meaning. In addition, these data often do not follow
proscribed literary/narrative forms. In fact, the oral and aural nature of nar-
rative (with its idiosyncratic grammars, switchbacks, omissions, and repeti-
tions), coupled with the non-narrative environment within which the story is
set, belies the ability of any one individual to authentically represent or dis-
cover a narratives significance and meaning. In addition, there is a tendency
in scholarship to narrativize data
2
much too quickly so that they reflect liter-
ary forms where none existed before.
The negotiated, nonlinear, and interactional nature of storytelling thus
Mello: Collocation data analysis 233
presents a dilemma to inquirers who want to ensure validity and clarity of
findings. However, the problem lies in the fact that storied data are not simply
ideas strung together, nor do they necessarily represent universal formats and
concepts. Instead, our narratives contain unique individual worldviews, per-
ceptions that are negotiated through the act of storytelling itself (Atkinson,
1995b; Bruner, 1990; Coles, 1989; Mello, 1997). The narratives we call data
are illustrative, linguistically, of perceived human experience. As such, their
meaning is dependent on context, time, place of telling, and audience
response, as well as the tellers viewpoint, coupled with the researchers
findings.
Atkinson (1995a) and Mishler (1995) suggest we look to the functions of
narrative itself to help create new models for analyzing storied data. They
point out that, although all texts are different, and all methods dependent on
varied traditions within individual disciplines, the use of narrative is driven by
some core assumptions about the nature of story itself. Mishler (1995) pro-
poses we look at a storys position, coherence, and structure (see Figure 1)
when attempting to use it analytically.
3
CODI NG I S NOT NARRATI VE
Historically, qualitative practice has been closely allied with and grounded in
the ethnographic field.
4
However, the practice has expanded to include a wide
range of academic disciplines and the outcome is that a plethora of method-
ologies, including feminist practice, case studies, participantobservation,
naturalistic study, ethnography, grounded study and action-research, all
come under the umbrella term of qualitative inquiry; yet each one of these
methodologies is epistemologically different. The disparity of ideology, along
with the perceived need to gain legitimacy in academe (where quantitative
methodology is still seen by many as the rule) has, ironically, led to a tenden-
cy (among some) to standardize analytical practices. The reasoning behind
this seems to be that if one can formalize, technologize, or institutionalize
qualitative research, one can also more easily legitimize findings. As a result,
we look for commonalities and/or connections among methods. One such
process that has had wide popularity is euphemistically known as the index
card method (Lofland and Lofland, 1984), a process whereby the researcher
Qualitative Research 2(2) 234
Category Examples
Referential use and order Time, illustration, description, order, background
information, relationships.
Textual coherence Folk tale, history, myth, reminiscence, entertainment,
plots, narrative structure, literature.
Utility and significance Negotiation, ceremony, therapy, epiphany.
F I GURE 1. Major categories of narrative data in Mishlers (1995) typology.
breaks down narrative data into sections, then divides the sections into bites;
these can be as short as two to three words or as long as a few paragraphs but
are almost always excerpted from longer narrative texts. Data bites are then
reorganized according to perceived connections or overarching themes. This
is a process often referred to as coding (Maxwell, 1996).
Implied in this procedure are two assumptions: (i) narratives are too long
and complex to use in their entirety; and (ii) data can best be understood and
controlled when divided up into smaller units of discourse. Although this cut
and paste style of data manipulation is pervasive, it is still imperative that we
question the deconstruction and division of discourse. Does breaking up the
story actually bring us closer to clarifying what data tell? Furthermore, given
the wide disparity among theoretical and interdisciplinary standpoints
regarding the nature of narrative and its place in research, we are obliged to
look for processes that might increase coherence of narrative in analytical
practice.
When we divide narrative data into tiny sections for the purposes of analy-
sis we are creating an artificial form that Gubrium and Holstein (1999) define
as interlocutionary arrangements of external narrative patterns; these are
used in order to create clarity and to show that emergent findings (Maxwell,
1996) have appeared. Of course, information, conclusions, and findings do
not actually emerge on their own, like a mist rising from a lake of data bites;
instead, they are part of the researchers intuitive/cognitive perception
and emanate from serious attempts to manipulate, explore, and organize
sets of data. As such, the way we create meaning is both creative as well as
analytical.
Another problem with the urge to divide data into discrete fragments is that
we run the danger of diminishing or misinterpreting the nature of the narra-
tive as a whole, and while the index card method is useful (computer software
such as NUDIST and HypeResearch are based on this method), it is also prob-
lematic as it has the potential for divorcing the original story from its human
environment. Additionally, this method sets storied data apart from their tri-
adic coproduction (Lincoln, 1996), i.e. the interpersonal construction of a
story that occurs as a result of its performance, producer, and psycholinguis-
tic transpiration.
How, then, can we preserve the essential qualities, authenticity, and sub-
stance of the narratives of inquiry while at the same time manipulating, ana-
lyzing, and distilling data for the purposes of creating theory and perspective?
It is suggested here that one of the answers is to utilize the natural functions
of narrative as operational conditions or formats during analysis phases. In
addition, if we use multiple forms for data analysis it is more likely that the
findings and narratives of research (Clandinin and Connelly, 2000) will be
grounded and, as a result, more likely to be valid. Furthermore, because sto-
ries are negotiated exercises we must collocate our data in order to create tex-
tual and cognitive bridges between the original tale and the resulting theory.
Mello: Collocation data analysis 235
Collocating narrative data operationally
The following is an example of how, in one arts-based study, collocation mod-
els were used to explore meaning in order to create the story of research find-
ings. Data from this study were grounded in the informants context, based on
dialogue and discourse, and narrative in content (Mello, 2001b). In this study,
positionality of the teller and the story was also important. By locating nar-
rative data in different juxtapositions and with varied operations as thematic
boundaries, the researcher had a wider opportunity to explore multiple mean-
ings and become more cognizant of emergent findings. Utilizing more than
one method for the location and contextualization of the narrative data also
ensured the possibility of a valid final text, one that both illustrated the
research question and context and was a product of the functions and opera-
tions experienced.
It is recommended that narrative data be analyzed using more than one
operation simultaneously (see Figure 2) so that they are collocated in opera-
tional formats and in relationship to each other. This allows for a more com-
plex look at the way narrative functions in our informants lives and encour-
ages us to create and express more complex and interwoven research texts at
the summative stages of the work. Collocation also answers the question of
how to preserve narrative integrity and is a response to Smeyers and
Verhesschens (2001) call for a shift in situating narrative research more
holistically in order to focus our work deeply within the realm of meaning
making.
THE TEXTUAL OPERATI ON
The textual value and content of stories include factual information conveyed
by the narrative along with their motifs (cognitive formats that link sections of
the complete story together). These formats are also defined and categorized
Qualitative Research 2(2) 236
Operation Examples
Textual operation Mythic cycles, plot structures, motifs, patterns,
subjective significance, and symbolism.
Transactional operation Relationships between teller and audience, physical
context, meanings shared or developed at the time of
the event, intent of teller, entertainment and humor.
Sociocultural operation Ceremonial information, cultural interpretation, social
functions, and therapeutic functions and meanings.
Educative operation Instruction, didactic information, rote memorization,
learning and development, pedagogy, curricula,
standards, and frameworks.
F I GURE 2. Functions of story data: an operational format for coding and analysis.
in terms of patterns such as mythic cycles and archetypal symbols. The tex-
tual function has been used and extensively investigated by folklorists, espe-
cially in the first half of the 20th century, through attempts at making stories
easier to track and compare across cultures and ethnic boundaries. A com-
parative analysis can also prove useful to the qualitative researcher not nec-
essarily to discover any structural or universal patterns, but rather for the
sake of looking at thematic congruence of core narratives in their original
(and probably) disparate forms. Figure 3 provides one example of a
theme/motif chart developed during the analytical phase of Mellos (2001b)
study. In this case, stories were told aloud and student responses (in the form
of stories) were also generated. The contents of these data were analyzed by
identifying motifs and these qualities were then categorized using Proppian
(1968) morphology. Texts were then compared to each other and partici-
pants reactions to motifs were tracked throughout the entire length of the
study. This textual analysis became useful in drawing conclusions and in
understanding how the data functioned, not only in the lives of informants,
but also in relationship to the academic discourse as well.
Another attempt to examine the textual function of stories during this same
study (Mello, 2001b) was made when interviews were analyzed according to
theme and motif and then indexed according to topical content (see Figure 4).
Two themes emerged. One centered on participants interest in flying and/or
escape; the other pertained to their thoughts regarding common sense and its
relation to intelligence and survival. Questions about these themes brought
the researcher back to an examination of the motifs of flying and escape in
Mello: Collocation data analysis 237
F I GURE 3. The textual operation: patterns of motifs and characters in stories.
Types 16: story motifs
List of stories using motifs
List of stories across stories
Male
Characters listed by motif
List of stories using male characters
Female
Characters listed by motif
List of stories using female characters
Relationship between characters
Listed by motif or title
Archetypes in stories
Listed by motif or title
the protocols, this procedure in turn led to findings regarding the concept of
power and sense-making in childrens daily experience. Finally, the themes
were used in a tiered and collocated approach in order to create a narrative
research text that compared individuals discourse with theoretical perspec-
tives and findings.
THE TRANSACTI ONAL OPERATI ON
The transactional operation is a function of the discourse process that takes
into consideration the relationship of the speaker to the actual text as well as
the meaning and relationships experienced between the listener and the teller
(Bruner, 1990). Storied data, therefore, can be viewed in terms of their trans-
formative and reflective operation as experienced in the lives of informants
(Mello, 2001a). This modality examines what is happening to and among
individuals involved in the original storytelling experience and investigates
personal meanings as well as the impact of the story on listener/participants.
One technique for working with this operation was to examine individual
responses juxtapositionally by simply placing a group of stories together as
one would in an anthology. Reading them through as a literate whole provid-
ed the researcher with specific ideas of what meaning the stories had in the
research context. Quite often the anthologizing of data works to create a
holistic sense not unlike group conversation, where the control of a narrative
jumps from teller to teller and subjects range widely and, like many conversa-
tions, global experience is often more meaningful than any one select tale.
The often varied and wide-ranging nature of narratives helps the group to
develop an experience of knowing that has an opportunity to emerge within
the transactional operation, even when the participants themselves may
never have met. Participants discourses can be examined and re-organized by
textual content as well. In the case of this specific study, reactions and
responses to individual storied characters or production formats were also
added into the analytical mix. The collocation of operational formats helped
develop a layered understanding of the data and also assisted the researcher
to be more inclusive of multiple perspectives.
Figure 5 can be used as a schema for each story and event. The schema is
Qualitative Research 2(2) 238
Textual analysis: indexing
Narrative type/narrative theme/title
Description of narrative event
Thematic discourse
Themes 14
Discourse and images used
F I GURE 4. The textual operation: charting themes from an informants narrative.
then used to create a new narrative that anthologizes the stories so that the
researcher can view them together. This mega-analysis subsequently provides
the researcher with an opportunity to compare each informants responses in
their unedited version, and to form a clearer picture of how each text operates
both concurrently and individually.
THE SOCI OCULTURAL OPERATI ON
Culturally specific information is vitally important to the development of the-
oretical perspective. Additionally, when working with narratives of belief and
identity, such as myths and spiritual texts, those tales that contain mytholog-
ical symbols . . . which reverberate beyond the personal and into the collective
realm (Atkinson, 1995b), care needs to be taken so that the cultural and
social integrity of texts is preserved. Stockrocki (1994) even suggests that cul-
tural texts are of such a sensitive nature that new forms for using and includ-
ing them in research need to be created.
These perspectives were taken into consideration when developing the fol-
lowing matrix (see Figure 6) that examines the cultural source, as well as the
basic plot outline, from myths and spiritual texts. By collecting or presenting
stories from culturally competent expert tellers, placing different sources and
cultural content together, and including the belief and identity statements of
participants, the sociocultural meaning of stories became clearer. In addition,
there was a greater probability that the integrity of the tales was preserved.
Mello: Collocation data analysis 239
Informant Protocol Protocol
Name Text of story told to researcher Text of story told to researcher
F I GURE 5. The transactional operation: multiple response model.
Story Origin Participants belief statements Synopsis/annotation
and actions
Title Discourse of belief or attitude Overview of plot and/or intent
and information from field notes
re: actions and reactions to story
Title Overview of plot and intent
Title Overview of plot and intent
Title Overview of plot and intent
Title Overview of plot and intent
F I GURE 6. The sociocultural operation: annotated list by cultural origin.
THE EDUCATI VE OPERATI ON
Narrative discourse was the first literacy, as well as the first teaching, method.
The telling of stories has ancient pedagogical roots and is one of the founda-
tions of education, i.e. the rhetorical interaction between instructor and
student. Telling stories and talking to others, then, can be understood as a
primary tool for learning. In addition, since narrative is a way of knowing, a
tool for exploration, and a key component in the construction of knowledge,
it is seminal to the work of the researcher. Teacherresearchers, such as Paley
(1990) and Gallas (1998), for example, have used the educative property of
stories to create powerful research-based narratives pertaining to the sense
making and personal meaning of school children.
In order to explore the relationship between narratives and learning, Mello
(2001b) acknowledged that questions asked by the informants were in some
way indicative of an individuals inquiry processes. Questions and perceptions
originated by informants were felt to be signifiers of curiosity, indicating that
participants were attempting to make meaning from the research events by
using narrative. Queries were grouped and located together to see if any larg-
er ideas or concepts might evolve. Also, when informants told spontaneous
anecdotes about things they had been thinking about or learning about,
the stories produced were considered to be evidence of interest and learning.
The following format (see Figure 7) was designed to track all questions,
formative thinking stories, and queries. Each of these was placed in different
configurations and examined in order to conceptualize more deeply the
impact of the research process, stories, and narrative on the individuals
worldview.
Conclusions
The need for sharing processes, templates, and maps used to examine and cre-
ate narrative coherence and meaning in research texts is essential. As we
search for ways to create scholarship from personal and individual experi-
ence, we must also examine how we ground our work in the narrative
landscape of accounts (Gubrium and Holstein, 1999); therefore, it has been
Qualitative Research 2(2) 240
F I GURE 7. The educative operation: questions as responses within the research context.
Session #: Informant
Date:
Time:
Place:
Pertinent field notes
QUESTIONS and THINKING STATEMENTS

suggested in this article that this be accomplished by creating and using a


variety of analytical formats that reflectively collocate narrative data for the
purposes of creating research texts and coherent findings.
The operations and systems presented here are few and represent one
researchers work only. They are not intended to be definitive nor even arche-
typal. Instead, they are presented in order to encourage a wider discourse
regarding the analytical processes narrative inquirers participate in when
working with stories in the field. They are also intended to illustrate how we
can rethink the practice of analyzing data by dividing them into small bites,
especially in the early stages of the work when a researchers perception of
meaning is usually nascent. Using cohesive narrative sections, or even stories
in their entirety, allows the researcher to preserve the integrity of the narra-
tive while at the same time offering greater opportunities for understanding.
Also, multiple investigations of narrative functions are recommended when
analyzing discourse and its process. By collocating, i.e. combining, juxtapos-
ing, and examining narrative data in terms of its several organic operations,
we ground the work closely to its source(s) and include both researcher and
informants meaning in the story of our findings.
Gubrium and Holstein (1997, 1999) suggest that in naturalistic and ethno-
graphic investigations storytelling has become the new language of method-
ology. They propose that additional paradigmatic understandings of narrative
need to evolve from our work. Denzin (1998) also supports innovative posi-
tions on interpretive practice understandings that are negotiations between
the artful and the conditional. Denzin further observes that qualitative prac-
titioners stand on the horns of a dilemma between constructing . . . a
representation of the lived experience (p. 407) and falling into the trap of
creating texts that are solely reflections of one persons biases, beliefs, or
agendas. To meet this challenge, we must carefully place the narratives and
perspectives of others alongside our own. We can accomplish this, or at least
attempt it, through connecting and collocating data. In doing so, the
researcher becomes the storyteller, a bridge-builder working to link the use
and production of stories in the field together with the analytical discourse of
research literature.
NOTE S
1. For purposes of this discussion, narrative, discourse, and storytelling refer to those
language processes that incorporate linguistic activities conducted between indi-
viduals or groups and without the use of scripts, memorized texts, or other liter-
ary devices and that include dramatic skills such as representational gesture,
characterization, vocalization, and mimetic action.
2. Historically, researchers and authors have changed the nature of orally told nar-
ratives during the process of transcribing and authoring them. Douglas (1996)
calls this the narrativization of text and observes that most orality does not
actually follow dramatic structures of Western written literature.
3. Mishlers (1995) typology, although originally designed to assist scholars in
Mello: Collocation data analysis 241
conversing across disciplines, is used here as a reference point for the creation of
data analysis formats.
4. The word ethnography derives from the Greek ethnos meaning the people and
graphikos, a written story or painting. Therefore ethnography can be understood
as a published story that provides the reader with a word picture (or narrative) of
and about a group of people.
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ROBI N A. ME L L O is an assistant professor of Educational Foundations at the
University of Wisconsin-Whitewater, as well as a storyteller. Her research focuses on
how narrative and arts-based methodologies in research and teaching affect human
development and learning.
Address: Department of Educational Foundations, University of Wisconsin-
Whitewater, Winther Hall 6053, College of Education, 800 West Main Street,
Whitewater, WI 53190, USA. [email: mellor@uwwvax.uww.edu]
Mello: Collocation data analysis 243

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