`

Triangulating the community: A

study of social and community
activity in Crystal Palace
Voluntary Sector and Volunteering
Research Conference 2014

Colin Rochester, Practical Wisdom R2Z Research Consultants
Louis Carserides, Practical Wisdom R2Z Research Consultants
Meta Zimmeck, Practical Wisdom R2Z Research Consultants



INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND
Colin Rochesters recent book on Rediscovering Voluntary Action: The Beat of a Different Drum
(2013), calls for a new narrative of voluntary action that will offer an alternative to the
approaches followed by many members of the voluntary sector research community, and it
outlines a different kind of research agenda. He notes that the conventional approach to the
study of voluntary action focuses more or less exclusively on certain kinds of voluntary
organisations formally constituted and managed agencies with conventional hierarchical
structures and specific forms of volunteering unpaid work that needs to be managed (op
cit: 6-7) and that it tends to assume that voluntary organisations and volunteers are
predominantly instrumental and typically concerned with delivering a variety of social welfare
services. His alternative paradigm, in contrast, is shaped by two main assumptions: that the
essence of voluntary action (and its distinguishing characteristic) is that it involves activities by
unmanaged volunteers in non-bureaucratic forms of organisation, which may be ad hoc or
ephemeral, and that it is as much about providing opportunities for expressive behaviour,
conviviality and mutual support as it is concerned with achieving instrumental goals.
This alternative paradigm provides the basis for a different kind of research agenda and a
different set of priorities for study (op cit: 239). It emphasises a need to understand: voluntary
associations and the less formal manifestations of collective activity; the impact of organisational
goals and purposes on the ways in which groups operate; why and how people become involved
in non-bureaucratic organisations; and the nature of that experience and its impact on peoples
lives. And it also involves breaking down some of the barriers that separate research on voluntary
organisations from the study of volunteering.
This alternative paradigm also implies the development of a specific kind of research
methodology, which is not easy, fast or cheap. Duncan Scott, who has extensively explored the
uneven, rough landscapes of voluntary action, believes that doing so requires a corresponding
mix of research approaches and that the one or two hour interview wont always suffice. He
also acknowledges that few researchers have the time or inclination to spend months or years in
one place in order to achieve the deep levels of understanding that might be needed to find their
way through the thick detail of the narrative. Instead he suggests that researchers should take or
make time to develop a relationship with those who have been involved in the activities and
organisations they are seeking to understand: The challenge then is to be able to utilise social
skills alongside academic ones to gain trust and build small reciprocities in order to capture a
rich tapestry of views and behaviours (Scott, 2014: 11-12).
As one small-scale response to the call for a new approach to the study of voluntary action
we have launched an enquiry into the nature and dynamics of voluntary and community activities
in a small area of South London. This paper introduces the study and presents some learning


from our initial exploratory or scoping exercise before setting out some key features of the way
in which we will conduct the main phase of the research.
LOCALITY STUDIES
Locality studies have been a feature of research on voluntary action for much of its history. Most
have been designed to provide statistical information about the number, resources and type of
activities of voluntary organisations in a given district, and few have attempted to dig deeper.
One of the first (and one of the most ambitious) of these locality studies was Stephen Hatchs
study of the voluntary sectors of three English towns for the Wolfenden Committee. In this he
measured growth and change in the composition of the sectors over time (Hatch, 1980).
However, the main source of these studies, from the 1990s onwards, was local infrastructure
bodies. By 2000 these studies were numerous, but New Labours ChangeUp programme, which
was aimed at modernising voluntary organisations and beefing up the sectors capacity to
deliver public services, boosted their production for example, Zimmeck reviewed 52 of these
published in two English regions between 2000 and 2007. For local infrastructure bodies these
studies provided an opportunity to advertise the importance of the local sector and to claim the
attention of funders and members of the public and they used quantification to do so: they
featured counts of active organisations; summaries of the range of activities engaged in and
clients/beneficiaries served; and descriptions of resources used numbers of paid staff, numbers
of volunteers, and total income. With a few honourable exceptions, these studies were of poor
quality and are of little value in contributing to an understanding of local voluntary action either
locally or on a larger scale (Zimmeck, 2007).
In addition to these locally-produced locality studies government also produced major collective
studies of local voluntary sectors. Tony Marshall carried out a series of Local Voluntary Activity
Surveys (LOVAS) for the Home Office in the 1990s. The detailed methodology for carrying out
this research used by LOVAS (Marshall, 1997) aimed (unlike many other studies) at
comprehensiveness in surveying local voluntary and community organisations (including those
that were based in churches and other religious groups, schools, government bodies and pubs)
and gathered information about different types of organisations, their activities, beneficiaries,
resources (funding, paid staff, volunteers) and areas of operation. This methodology also
included an analytical framework for comparing local voluntary activity in fourteen types of areas,
as defined by their socio-economic characteristics. The hope was that this analysis, which could
be used in future by other researchers to provide additional evidence, would provide a key to
understanding factors which led to high and low levels of activity and therefore to the formation
of policies which would support voluntary activity, but two sweeps of fourteen areas only
provided evidence that each area had its own unique characteristics and dynamics and that there
were no easy solutions. The methodology developed by LOVAS has been rarely used, but it was
recently modified by Andri Soteri-Proctor and her colleagues at the Third Sector Research
Centre and applied to the detailed micro-mapping of activity in a few adjacent streets: their
findings are both interesting and useful (Soteri-Procter and Alcock, 2012). The Cabinet Office
carried out two large quantitative surveys, the National Survey of Third Sector Organisations


(2008) and the National Survey of Charities and Social Enterprises (2010), which gathered
collective mapping information on the voluntary sectors of the 151 top tier local authorities in
England. These studies, unlike LOVAS, which aimed to understand differences in the composition
and activity of local voluntary and community organisations, focused on measuring performance
against national targets (which, as can be seen from the titles, changed from survey to survey)
(Ipsos MORI, 2011).
Of the greatest use is the work of Konrad Elsdon and his colleagues (1995), which has
unaccountably been overlooked by many recent researchers. This was also based on in-depth
area studies, although Elsdon was less interested in mapping and measuring than in
understanding the contribution voluntary organisations made to continuing education.
With the exception of Elsdons research these locality studies offer little in the way of answers to
the questions posed by Rochesters new research agenda. LOVAS and the work carried out by
Soteri-Proctor both concentrate on the best ways of identifying organisations, measuring their
resources and describing their activities: essential first steps in understanding what is going on in a
locality but less helpful when we want to know more about how it works and what it means for
those taking part.
A more fruitful source of insights into some of these concerns is provided by the Pathways
through Participation Project, carried out by researchers from NCVO, the Institute for
Volunteering Research and Involve, which focused on three areas with very different socio-
demographic features and conducted a total of 101 in-depth interviews with people who
reflected on their life story of participation in a broad range of social, public and individual
activities. Unlike other locality-based studies the Project focused on the experience of individuals
rather than on specific organisations or activities, and it developed an approach which enabled
the researchers to explore the complexities and dynamics of how participation works in practice
(Brodie et al., 2011: 2-3).
THE PROJECT
In choosing to pursue this new research agenda by means of a local study we appeared to be
treading a well-trodden path, but we rapidly established some parameters for our research that
set it apart from much of what had gone before. These were that:
we were interested in the views and experiences of individuals in their own right as
well as a means of learning about the organisations and activities with which they were
involved;
we wanted to develop as comprehensive a map as possible of what was going on but
this was not the main aim of the exercise;
we were looking for ways of involving people who were active in the area as
collaborators and co-owners of the study;
we wanted to explore with participants why and how people become involved in
voluntary and community activities; the nature of that experience and its impact on


peoples lives; the less formal manifestations of collective activities; and what factors
encourage or inhibit participation.
The choice of the area to study was partly opportunistic: two of us have lived for long periods
close to Crystal Palace. We have useful knowledge of the area, will have little problem as local
residents about access and acceptability and will be able to visit the area frequently and at short
notice, if necessary. But our choice was also shaped by our awareness of the high levels and the
great variety of voluntary and community activities that were taking place in Crystal Palace.
Indeed, one of our early interviewees warned us that we had made a bad choice - because there
was too much going on for us to be able to cope with. (Another suggested that the Crystal Palace
Triangle with its complex web of voluntary activity - was better understood as a state of mind
rather than a geographical area!)
The resources available for the study are modest but relatively unconstrained: the three members
of the team are contributing to the work on a voluntary basis and are not subject to formal
requirements imposed by funders or academic institutions as to timetable, subject matter or
outputs. We aim to follow the project where it leads us and to report what we have found.
THE AREA
Crystal Palace is an area in South London on the edge of no fewer than five London Boroughs
Bromley, Croydon, Lambeth, Lewisham and Southwark. It takes its name from the Crystal Palace
erected in Hyde Park for the Great Exhibition of 1851 and subsequently transported to the top
of Sydenham Hill, where it provided a centre for exhibitions, recreation and culture until 1936
when it was destroyed by fire (Leith, 2005). Despite a number of proposals for development, the
site of the Palace building has been left vacant since 1936 apart from the erection of the TV
transmitter mast that dominates the local skyline but it is currently the subject of a bid to
develop a huge retail and hotel operation on the same massive scale as the original building. The
Palace grounds have become a public park that houses the National Sports Centre. Given the
gentrification of this part of South London and pressure from globalised capital to find an outlet,
it is likely that, even if this bid for development were to fail, it would not be the last.
The focal point for the local community and the locus of our study consists of three roads
Westow Hill, Westow Street and Church Road that form the Crystal Palace Triangle and their
immediate environs. This is a vibrant area of commercial and community activity with many
restaurants and bars and a number of retail outlets. The local community has a history of
environmental campaigning against inappropriate development; is part of the Transition Towns
network; hosts a local festival; supports a local community magazine; and is the site of a wide
range of recreational, social and cultural activities.
THE INITIAL SCOPING STAGE WALKING
AND TALKING


The initial phase of the study was devoted to exploring the area on foot, conducting interviews
with known key informants and observing or participating in some of the activities. We made
initial contact with: the long-serving chair of the Crystal Palace Community Association (CPCA);
the chair of the Crystal Palace Overground Festival; the children and youth assistant at Crystal
Palace Library; the co-ordinators of the weekly food market, a social enterprise which is part of
the local Transition Town movement; the organisers of Multicultural Wellbeing and Healing
(MWAH), a community interest company that creates and delivers multi-partnership projects to
promote community cohesion and wellbeing; the development officer of the Crystal Palace
Community Development Trust; and the treasurer of the Friends of Crystal Palace Park. We have
also observed or participated in activities connected with the Festival, the food market and
MWAH.
This initial exploration has highlighted the extent and scope of voluntary and community activity
in the area and raised some issues about how we should proceed with our study.
1. Major themes: There are at least three significant kinds of activity that are worth a study
in their own right. These are the work of the CPCA (and others) in defence of the built
environment and amenities of the area; the Transition Town movement, including the
food market and its network of community gardens; and the annual Festival, which is the
major cultural event.
2. History: The community has a lively history of campaigning voluntary action from at least
1988 when it secured the designation of the Triangle as a conservation area; the massive
campaign against a proposal to build a multiplex cinema on the sight of the Palace itself in
the 1990s; continuing concerns about the future of Crystal Palace Park; and the recent
to date unsuccessful campaign to create a cinema in the former Bingo Hall on Church
Street.
3. Definition of the Area: While the Triangle remains at the heart of our study, it seems
clear that this should be seen as the core of a larger periphery which extends to the
foot of the hills leading up to the triangle itself and includes the whole of Crystal Palace
Park and a wider environment for voluntary action.
4. Range and Diversity: As well as the major aspects of voluntary action mentioned above
we have identified a number of sites of community activity such as the community centre;
the Salvation Army Citadel; a local Anglican Church; and the Library; a large number of
organisations and an even greater number of activities. These range across a variety of
fields including the local economy, the environment, social welfare, health, cultural
activities, sports and recreation and social interaction.
5. Richness of data: Our initial finding is that people involved in these groups and activities
are very happy to talk about their experiences and aspirations and that there is no lack of
written and electronic sources. The local Transmitter magazine has produced
32 issues since it began in 2008; the CPCA has a complete set of its quarterly newsletters;
and there are a number of websites and blogs including newfromcrystalpalace.co.uk - a
very well regarded site providing up-to-date news from the area and comment on topical
issues.


WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE?
The initial scoping exercise has confirmed our impression that there is a rich vein of voluntary and
community activities to be found in the Crystal Palace area. But it has also presented us with a
dilemma or series of challenges about how best to use the modest resources at our disposal for
this project. There are three obvious options for this.
1. At one end of the methodological spectrum we can revert to the default setting for so
many locality studies and confine ourselves to mapping the extent and the nature of the
voluntary and community activities that are going on and the social, economic, political
and cultural context in which they are taking place (for example, the impact of its location
in five different local authorities).
2. At the other extreme we can adopt the kind of oral history approach used by people like
Tony Parker in his portrait of life on a South London Housing Estate (Parker, 1983);
Ronald Blythe in his study of rural life in Suffolk (Blythe, 1969) and Studs Terkel in his
book on working life in the USA (Terkel, 1967). Here the focus is on the individual
testimonies of the people involved which are collected through in-depth interviews and
then sensitively edited to provide an account of their experiences, views and aspirations.
3. The third option would focus on a more detailed approach to one or more slices of
voluntary action by more or less detailed case studies. The CPCA, the Transition Town
programme or the Festival are all obvious choices for this kind of treatment.
A fourth less conventional option would be to adopt form market research the vox pop
approach of capturing the views of local people through recording short structured interviews.
All four options have their advantages and their limitations.
The first mapping approach has the advantage of a providing a comprehensive account of
the diversity of activities that are taking place and the variety of organisational arrangements that
make them possible. But in terms of its methodology it is not worth doing unless it is done well,
and even if done well it has the limitation of shallowness associated with broad brush strokes. In
an ideal world where resources are not an issue it would provide an admirable first stage to be
followed by in-depth enquiries into questions identified by the process of mapping.
The second oral history approach has the advantage of a clear focus on the individuals
involved in voluntary activities, their experiences and the ways in which they have understood
and made sense of their involvement. With careful attention to the selection of those who are
interviewed it can also reflect the variety not only of peoples experiences but also of their
reasons for getting and staying involved and their views of the value of the activities with which
they have engaged. The limitations of this approach are the result of its reliance on a single type
of information and the lack of data that would provide a context for the views expressed.
The third case study approach can be seen as the mirror image of the mapping approach. It
facilitates exploring in depth the historical context and the changing environment within which
activities take place and the full range of individual motivations and experiences involved as well


as the organisational issues that have been encountered and tackled. But its scope is limited to
one example (or at best a few examples) of voluntary action and any findings will be of limited
applicability to our wider understanding of the issues.
The fourth vox pop approach, which is borrowed from market research, uses short
structured interviews of local people as they go about their business shopping, attending the
Festival or other events, visiting the Library, sitting in the pub to ascertain their views about the
area and the local community is it a good place to live, what do they like best/least about it, are
they aware of the activities of key local organisations and individuals, are they active themselves in
the community, what are the most pressing issues for them in terms of quality of life and quiet
enjoyment. This is essentially a scattergun approach but it is useful in giving context and
perspective to the views expressed by key informants.
A PROVISIONAL WAY FORWARD
We are minded to adopt a variation of the second oral history option as our approach to the
main phase of our study supplemented by the fourth vox pop - option. This would involve
three ways of collecting data:
1. Our principal source would be in-depth interviews with an appropriate number (say,
twenty) of individuals engaged in a range of different kinds of voluntary and community
activities in a range of different roles. We would seek to understand why and how they
became involved and why they have remained active on the one hand and would treat
them as expert witnesses on how the activities were organised; what was and was not
effective practice in making things happen; and what factors encouraged or inhibited
voluntary action. We will place our reliance on the expertise of those whom Scott (2014)
has called indigenous observers and commentators.
2. We would also engage in participant and non-participant observation of the activities in
which our interviewees were involved. As well as providing a means of triangulating the
interview data such involvement would provide the kind of understanding of the daily
social flow that Scott has identified as crucial to this area of investigation.
3. We would supplement this source with a series of vox pop interviews of local people. This
would provide us with a greater and more nuanced understanding from a greater
variety of sources of how local people feel about where they live; what they think are
the chief challenges to living there; what, if anything, they are doing about it and what
they know about people and organisations who are active in the community.
4. We would seek to set these views in some kind of wider context by using documentary
and electronic sources. These would provide an overview of what activities were taking
place in the area, how they were organised and related and under what auspices they
took place.
We will also adopt a collaborative approach to the study. We will try to meet our interviewees on
a number of occasions as a group and/or individually to share the ways in which our


understanding of local voluntary activity is developing and test our findings against their views of
it. This will also add a modest longitudinal element to the study.
Finally, we have given some thought to the final output from the work. We would hope to
present the thoughts and views of our expert interviewees as voices of voluntary action on
Crystal Palace. This would be prefaced by an attempt to put this material into context and
followed by some kind of commentary by the researchers on what they think it all means for our
understanding of voluntary organisations and volunteering. We would also hope to release our
conclusions into the community by making our report electronically available on our website,
placing hard copies in the Library and community centre, publishing a think-piece in the
Transmitter and speaking to local organisations and groups. This will demonstrate the extent to
which we have been able to make a contribution to the new kind of research agenda set out in
Rediscovering Voluntary Action.
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Leith, Ian (2005). Delamottes Crystal Palace: A Victorian pleasure dome revealed. Swindon:
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Marshall, Tony (1997). Local Voluntary Action Surveys (LOVAS) Research Manual: LOVAS Paper
1. London: Home Office.
Parker, Tony (1983). The People of Providence. London: Hutchison.
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