Вы находитесь на странице: 1из 35

Music, Musicians and Muslim Law

Author(s): Lois Ibsen al Faruqi


Source: Asian Music, Vol. 17, No. 1 (Autumn - Winter, 1985), pp. 3-36
Published by: University of Texas Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/833739 .
Accessed: 09/05/2014 04:47
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
.
University of Texas Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Asian Music.
http://www.jstor.org
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
MUSIC, MUSICIANS AND MUSLIM LAW
by
Lois Ibsen al
Faruqi
ON METHODOLOGY
Any study
of music and music-related issues in Muslim
society
has a double task. First of
all,
it should
contribute a
body
of ideas and data that would
satisfy
scholars in the fields of
ethnomusicology
and Islamic
studies. In
addition,
it should
speak meaningfully
to
members of Muslim
society
around the
world,
since these
are the
people
who must
ultimately judge
if
we,
as
researchers and
scholars,
have understood them or not. In
order to
satisfy
both these
needs,
it seems crucial that
we
try
to avoid a number of
problems
that have hindered
many previous
studies. These
problems
fall into three
categories: 1)
those
pertaining
to
SOURCES;
2)
those
pertaining
to ASSOCIATIONS BETWEEN MUSICAL AND NON-MUSICAL
ACTIVITIES;
and
3)
those
pertaining
to TERMINOLOGY.
1)
SOURCES. The first
question
that must be asked if
we are to avoid
misunderstanding
the attitude of Islam
toward music and musicians is: Who or what shall be
regarded
as
speaking
for Islam? We are all well aware of
the multitudinous collections of often
contradictory
statements,
both oral and
written,
on music that have come
from various
regions
and
periods
of Islamic
history.
Are
all of these sources to be
regarded
as
equally qualified
to
speak
for Islam? Or are we to content ourselves with
examining only
one
person's
or one
group's opinion
on the
matter? In order to be true to the data and to Islamic
civilization,
it would seem that the researcher should
investigate
as
many
as
possible
of the materials that a
consensus of the Muslims themselves consider to be
authoritative in these matters.
Coverage
of the sources
of wide
acceptance
within the culture is demanded
by logic
as well as cultural and intellectual
honesty.
It is the verbatim word of God in the
Qur'An
and the
example (sunnah)
of the
Prophet Muhammad,
as evidenced in
the
hadith
literature'
that constitute the
primary
sources
for what Islam has said on
any issue,
not
only
that which
is relevant to the matters of music and musicians. The
materials found
therein, however,
do not
provide
an
exhaustive and
satisfying
answer to our
preliminary
question. Although
the
veracity
and normative stature of
the
Qur'An
is above
question
for both Muslim and non-
Muslim,2
there is little in the Muslim
scripture
itself
3
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
that can be
regarded
as
bearing
on the issues to be
discussed here. Some Muslim writers have made valiant
attempts
to read into its
passages
hidden
justification
for their ideas
regarding
the musical
arts,
but there is
little
scholarly justification
for such efforts.
Certainly
there are more relevant materials in the
hadith
literature,
but there a different sort of
problem
confronts the interested researcher. Of the
many
collections of ahidith that can be used for
documentation,
not all are
equally qualified
to
gain
either Muslim or
scholarly respect
for
accuracy.
Even if we were to limit
ourselves to those
ahidith
that are found in the two most
authoritative and
widely accepted
collections,
those of al
Bukh~iri
and Muslim,4
we find that certain items are
regarded
as
taking precedence
over others. This
priority
is based on their connection to an
undisputed
and
widely-
known event in the life of the
Prophet
Muhammad
that
was
marked
by
his
specific judgment
on the matter in
question.
Such a
hadith
is known as a
hadith
hukmi.
Recognized by
Muslims as of even
greater authority
than the
hadith hukmi
are those "Bukh-Mus"
ahadith
(i.e.,
the ones found in both the al Bukhiri and Muslim
collections)
that
are,
in
addition,
qualified
to be
designated
as hadith mutawitir because of their
"ongoing"
reportage by every generation
from the time of the
Prophet
to the
period
of their
recording.
To use a
hadith
for
reference or documentation that lacks the
authority
of
such
guarantees
of
authenticity
is a mistake of which
numerous scholars,
both Muslim and
non-Muslim,
have been
guilty
in the
past.
In addition to the
Qur'An
and the verified and
carefully
screened a~idith,
what sources are
important
for
the
subject
of
music
and musicians
among
the Muslims of
history?
Here information should be
gathered
from those
sources that have
gained
a marked
degree
of consensus
approval
from Muslim
society
itself. These include the
founders of the four schools of Islamic
law,
Abi
Hanifah
(d. 767),
Milik ibn Anas
(d. 795-6),
al
Shifi'i (d. 820),
and
Ahmad
ibn Hanbal
(d. 855);
the
great jurists
of the
legal
tradition;
and such leaders of the
theological
or
philosophical
movements as Abi
Hamid
al
Ghazill
and Ibn
Taymiyyah,
who have been
regarded
as authorities
by
a wide
spectrum
of Muslim
society.
To base conclusions
solely
on
the
writings
of
figures
who have not
enjoyed
wide
relevance, or on the
practice
of
small,
isolated
groups
within the Muslim
world,
would doom
any study
to
statistical and
empirical
error as well as to
rejection
for
irrelevancy by
the
general
Muslim
community.
4
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
2)
ASSOCIATIONS BETWEEN MUSICAL AND
NON-MUSICAL
ACTIVITIES.
The second
category
of
methodological
problems
deals with the common
practice
of
attributing
to
musical activities the characteristics of non-musical
activities. There is a
misconception
in
many
minds that a
condemnation of certain
specific practices
with which
music has sometimes been associated necessitates or
implies
a condemnation of music itself. The truth is that
those
legitimate
sources
speaking
for Islam the
religion
that we have indicated
above,
as well as those that can
rightfully
be considered to
speak
for the
Muslims,
have
been
consistently
careful to condemn the associated
activities rather than to make a
sweeping
condemnation of
music
per
se
(al
Ghazill
1901-2;
al
Shifi'i
1906:VI, 215;
al-Qara~awi n.d.:300-304). Secondly,
we should be aware
that there have been
many overhasty critics,
both Muslims
and
non-Muslims,
who have overlooked the associated
circumstances in
presenting
statements
disapproving
of
certain musical activities. In other
words,
they
have
treated them in isolation from the
original
context in
which
they
were made.
By
so
doing,
these writers have
grossly
distorted the
original
intent of the source.
3)
TERMINOLOGY. The third
category
of
problems
in a
study
of music and musicians in Muslim
society
relates to
terminology.
First,
there is the
question
of the term
"forbidden,"
widely
used in the literature
dealing
with
this
subject.
We should note that the Arabic
equivalent,
harim,
is
properly
used in a technical,
legal
sense for
only
the act or
activity
that is
specifically
forbidden in
the
Qur'ln
or established
hadith,
and for
only
the act or
activity
that is
punishable by
a
prescribed
and
specific
punishment.
This cannot be
properly applied
to musical
performance
in
any part
of the Muslim world in
any period
of time. The terms
prohibited
or forbidden
(harim),
used
in the
legal sense,
should therefore be thrown out from
the discussion.
Instead,
we should realize that we are
discussing,
for the most
part,
ethical rather than
legal
judgments.
Where the
great
thinkers of Islamic law have
addressed themselves to the restriction and
guidance
of
musical
activities,
they
have never used the word
harim
without reference to association with
(or qualification
by) specific disapproved
behavior. The
preferable
term to
be used in most
discussions, therefore,
is unfavored
(makrth),
in contradistinction to
permissible
(hal
l).
In
a more
colloquial sense,
the term
harim
may
have a much
wider relevance. For
example,
it is sometimes used for
pitiful,
shameful,
disapproved, unfortunate,
etc. But it
should not be used to
imply
the
technical,
legal
sense
5
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
defined above. Readers should be aware of this
distinction of
meanings
when
surveying
the Islamic
materials on music.
A second
problem
of
terminology
involves the
question
of what is and what is not "music" in Islamic culture.
This
brings
us to the
ffrst
section in the
tri-partite
organization
of this
paper
on I.
MUSIC, II. MUSICIANS,
and
III. MUSLIM LAW.
I. MUSIC
For most
English-speakers
the term music means the
art and science of
combining
vocal
and/or
instrumental
sounds or tones so as to form a wide
variety
of
structurally, aesthetically,
and
emotionally satisfying
expressions
of a culture's
underlying
belief
system.
Under such a
definition,
music
generally
includes all
types
of aural' aesthetic
expression, regardless
of their
function or the context of their
performance. Musiq
is
the Arabic term often
equated
with this
concept by
Western
ethnomusicologists, by
Islamicists,
and even in some cases
by
Muslim scholars and
laymen.
Borrowed from the Greek
language by
the Muslims of the
8th-10th centuries,
the
term
masiqa
has had various connotations in Islamic
history;5
but
only
when used in the loosest sense has it
been
regarded by
members of Muslim
society
as
synonymous
with the term "music" as defined above.
Instead,
in most
instances,
it
applies only
to certain secular musical
genres
of the culture.6
Nor is there another
recognized
Arabic
expression
that could be
equated
with the
very
inclusive
English
term
music. For
example,
the Arabic word
ghini'
means
(secular) singing,
and therefore is
generally
exclusive of
all forms of
purely
instrumental music. The same term has
sometimes been used to mean all secular music, whether
performed by vocalists, instrumentalists,
or a combination
of these. In this
sense,
it still excludes all
religious
genres.
Sami'
(lit., listening)
has
designated
the vocal
and instrumental music used in the context of the dhikr
(remembrance [of God])
rituals of the
qifi
or
mystical
brotherhoods,
but it often does not include music -
even
the same
type
of music -
performed
in other secular or
religious
contexts.
Tatrib
is a term that has the literal
meaning
of "the act of
delighting
or
enrapturing through
sound." This
expression denoting
both recited
poetic
and
performed
musical
expression
has sometimes been used as a
loose
equivalent
for
music,
but it too is not inclusive of
6
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
all
types
of
pitched-sound
art in the Muslim world. Its
connotation of and association with sensual
enjoyment
make
it
Islamically
unsuitable for
labeling
most
religious
genres.
Lahw
(entertainment),
another word that has
sometimes been used to translate music,
actually applies
to a much wider
category including
all
types
of amusement.
When used in a narrower, musical
sense,
it
pertains only
to secular music.
This unfruitful search for a
culturally acceptable
term that is inclusive of all
types
of musical
production
in Islamic culture is not done in order to
expose
a
deficiency
in Muslim culture or in the Arabic
language.
On
the
contrary,
results of the search are
presented
in
order to
expose
a
unique
characteristic of the culture's
understanding
of the arts of
sound,
an
understanding
that
has
played
a
key
role in
determining
the characteristics
of that art. It is clear that all
types
of what
many
of
us would consider to be music have not been considered so
by
Muslim
society.
In
fact,
Islamic culture has
provided
an
inexplicit,
but nevertheless
powerfully implied,
hierarchy
of sound-art
expression
or handasah al sawt
(artistic engineering
of
sound),
as I
prefer
to
call
it.
This hierarchization had the effect of
separating
the more
appreciated
and
encouraged genres
in a class
apart,
and of
categorizing
certain forms and occasions for sound art or
gawti7
performance
as controversial or
disapproved.
See
the Table below and the
passage
from Ibn
Taymiyyah
(1966:II, 318)
where we read that there are various kinds
of
sam&'
(listening),
"some of which are muharram
(forbidden),
[while
others
are] makruh
(unfavored),
mubah
(indifferent), w~jib (recommended),
and
mustahabb
(commendable)."
It should be noted that certain
genres
or customs in
particular parts
of the Muslim world
may prove
to be
instances of non-conformance to the hierarchization
presented
here. With a
geographic
and ethnic
complex
as
vast as Muslim
society represents,
it would be
difficult,
and
perhaps
even
impossible,
to
present
a
hierarchy
of
musical
expression
that would be
universally
valid. This
does not
negate
the
general
relevance of the
hierarchy
presented
or the benefit of such a
classification,
which
might
cause us to think in
ways
more
compatible
with the
greater reality
than
many past
studies have been able to
do.
Much has been written in the literature of Islamic
culture about the so-called
legitimacy
or
illegitimacy
of
7
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Table: HIERARCHY OF
HANDASAH AL SAWT GENRES
Qur'anic
Chant
(qira'ah)
Religious
Chants
(adhin,
NON-MUSIQA
tahlil/talbiyyah, takbrTFt,
madih,
tasbih,
and
tahmid)
Chanted
Poetry
with noble
themes
(shi'r) LEGITIMATE
(HALAL)
Family/Celebration
Music
(lullabies, women's
songs,
wedding songs, etc.)
"Occupational"
Music
(caravan
chants, shepherd's
tunes,
work
songs, etc.)
Military
Music
(Tabl
Khinah)
MUSIQA
Vocal/Instrumental
Improvi-
sations
(laylli, Aviz,
taqasim, istikhbar, etc.)
Serious Metered
Songs (dawr, Controversial
muwashshah, tasnif, etc.)
&
(ALAL, MUBAH,
Instrumental Music
(bashraf,
MAKRUH,
HARAM)
d~'irah,
samd'i,
duljab,
etc.)
Music Related to
Pre-Islamic
or Non-Islamic
Origins
Sensuous Music
Associated
ILLEGITIMATE
with
Unacceptable
Contexts
(HARM)
8
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
musiqa.
Throughout
the
centuries,
writers of
religious
works,
legal documents,
and even works
dealing
with
secular
topics,
have debated the benefits or
dangers
of
certain
genres
of this
art,
and lined
up
for or
against
certain
categories
or uses of
it.
It was
certainly
not
every
kind of handasah al
gawt
that was the
subject
of the
debate, but one cannot fail to
recognize
in the Islamic
writings
an
apprehension
of the effects that
misigq
could
have on Muslim
society
in
general,
on its individual
members and even on the
performance
of Islamic
religious
duties
(Ibn Taymiyyah 1966:II, 306ff).
While no
age
or
region
of the Islamic world was without its devotees and
practitioners
of a wide
range
of sound art
expression,
Islam and the Muslims
put
restrictions on the use of
certain
types
of this art while
supporting
and
cultivating
others.
Many
of the
encouraged genres
were not even
designated
as
mdsiqi,
lest
they
be confused or associated
with unsanctioned
types
of handasah al
gawt.
The
pitched
recitation of the
Holy
Qur'dn
stands at
the
peak
of
importance
and
acceptability
in the Muslim
hierarchy
of handasah al
gawt.
Over the centuries this
solo,
vocal
improvisational
chant has
enjoyed
the full and
unequivocal acceptance
and
support
of both the
religion
and the
society.
Qur'Anic cantillation,
or
qird'ah
(reading),
has been
performed
with some variance of
individual and
regional style
over the fourteen centuries
of Islamic
history;
but
exemplifications
have
rarely
transgressed
the boundaries of an
acceptable style
that
has been
strictly
monitored
by
concerned Muslims in
every
century
of Islamic
history.
Numerous works have been
written to condemn and forestall aberrations of the
pristine qualities
of
Qur'Anic
chant and to
guard against
the assimilation of characteristics from the
indigenous
musical cultures of the various ethnic
groups
that make
up
the Muslim ummah
(community) (see
Talbi
1958;
al
Sa'id
1967:344-348);
al
Faruqi 1974:275-281).
A
very
sensitive
and determined
aesthetic-religious
"conscience" has
guarded against
the intrusion of
changes
in the substance
and
performance
of this chant that would reduce its
conformance to the aesthetic and
religious
demands that
determined its
development. Despite
its
correspondence
with the definition of music cited
earlier,
qir&'ah
has
never been
regarded
as such.
Nevertheless,
every
Muslim
could
agree
that it is the most sublime
example
of
handasah al
pawt,
an
expression
that
implies
inclusion of
all
categories
of sound or
?awti
art and does not
carry
any
of the
questionable
associations of the term
misiq~.
9
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
There are other
genres
of
gawti
art that have also
been
regarded
as
unquestionably legitimate
forms of
handasah al
qawt expression
in Islamic
culture;
yet they
have never been
regarded
as
mdsiqi.
Just below
Qur'dnic
chant on the
hierarchy
of the Table are such
religious
chants as the
adhan
(call
to
prayer),
which is chanted
five times
daily
from the minaret of
every mosque
and
which has
many stylistic
characteristics in common with
Qur'lnic cantillation; the tahlil and
talbiyyah
chants of
the
pilgrimage
(bajj);
the takbirit intoned as Muslims
gather
on the occasion of
'Id
al Fitr and
'Id al
AdhA, the
two most
important religious holidays; madih, chants
eulogizing
the
Prophet Muhammad;
and chants of
praise
(tasbih)
or thanks
(hamd, tahmid)
to God. Even the
recitation or
intoning
oshi'r
(poetry)
with noble themes
falls within the
acceptable non-musiqa grouping.
The best
examples
of such
poetry
have
remained
so close in
substance and
performance
to the culture's handasah al
gawt prototype, Qur'Anic cantillation,
that
they
have
suffered a minimum of cultural
suppression
and have been
given
the
legitimizing support
and
appreciation,
even
esteem,
of the vast
majority
of the
community throughout
the centuries.
Only
when text and context
departed
from
Islamic ethical norms has the
appreciation
of chanted
shi'r
been
questioned.
Three more levels are included
among
the
haldl
forms
of
gawti
expression, i.e.,
those
consistently regarded
as
legitimate.
The first of these includes various
types
of
family
and celebration music such as
lullabies, women's
songs,
and music for
weddings, family
and
religious
celebrations. Some of the
religious genres
of the
higher
levels of the
hierarchy
are used for such
occasions,
as
well as secular music from the lower levels. The more
this
gawti
art of celebration is determined
by
the
aesthetic and moral ideals of the
society,
the more it has
been
accepted
and
appreciated.
The next level of the
hierarchy,
another
category
of
genres widely accepted
and
considered to be
hal~l,
includes caravan chants
(hid&',
rajaz, rukban), shepherds' tunes,
and work
songs.
It has
been
labeled
Occupational
Music. The last level within
the
legitimate
or
haldl
group comprises
music of the
Military
Band
(known
in Arabic as the
tabl
khdnah)
that
has been used
through
the centuries to
rally
for battle as
well as to
provide
entertainment for
public
celebrations.8
Family
and
celebration,
occupational,
and
military
band musics have been bracketed with other
types
of
genres
below them as
examples
of
msiqdi,
in contrast to the non-
10
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
musiqa categories higher
in the
hierarchy. Despite this,
they
have not suffered the condemnation of the
religion
or
the
people. Although
the Muslims did not consider these
secular
genres
to be as
worthy
as
Qur'inic chant,
they
have
generally regarded
them as
haldl
sound art
expressions.
Evidence for this can be found in the hadith
literature,
in the
writings
of the founders of the four
law schools,
as well as in the
widely recognized
Muslim
scholars.9
All other forms of musical
expression
that have
arisen in the Muslim world can also be fitted into the
handasah al
qawt
hierarchy
of the Table,
but
they
are
separated
from the
genres
we have so far enumerated
by
an
"invisible barrier." I call it an "invisible
barrier,"
for it is one that has sometimes been heeded and sometimes
ignored
or transcended
by particular
individuals,
groups,
and/or
communities within the Muslim world. This barrier
separates
those forms of
gawti
art that have
consistently
been viewed as halil
from those that have been considered
by
some to be
questionable, by
others,
either
dangerous
or
disapproved.
At the
top
of the second
composite
section of the
hierarchy
we find free
rhythmed
Vocal and Instrumental
Improvisations,
e.g.,
laydli,
aviz,
taqgsim
and istikhbir.
Because of their formal and
stylistic similarity
to
qird'ah,
these
genres
have also been favored
by
a
large
percentage
of the
population, though they
were not
universally approved.
Below the level of such
improvisations
are the Metered Vocal and Instrumental
Compositions, e.g.,
muwashshahah,
dawr,
tagnif,
bashraf,
muqaddimah,
sam,'i,
etc. These have also been
enjoyed
and
considered
harmless
by
a sizable
though
somewhat smaller
segment
of the
society.
Below them is the level of Music
Related to Pre-Islamic or Non-Islamic
Origins, e.g.,
the
gamelan
and
kulintang
traditions of southeast
Asia,
the
polyphonic
and
polymetric
music of sub-Saharan
Africa,
the
symphonic
music of
mid-twentieth-century Egypt,
etc.
It
includes music of which Muslim
religious
leaders have
generally disapproved
because of its
relationship
to other
religious
traditions, ideas,
and
practices.
Islamic
society
has
customarily
shown
great
tolerance for such
music of new
converts,
as its
religious
leaders endeavored
to
progressively deepen
and widen the influence of Islam
on all
aspects
of their lives.
Examples
of these three
categories
of music labeled
"controversial" have been
popular
with
many
Muslims in
11
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
various
parts
of the Islamic world.
They
have varied
greatly
in substance and
performance
context. For
some,
therefore,
they
have been considered
halal
(legitimate),
for others
mubah
(indifferent
in relation to the
law),
and
for some makrih
(disapproved).
But under all
circumstances,
their
performance
and
enjoyment
has-
not
engendered
the sense of
complete
innocence that
accompanied
the involvement with
genres
above the
invisible barrier.
Finally,
the lowest level of the
hierarchy
is
given
to that sensuous music that is
performed
in association
with condemned activities,
or that is
thought
to incite to
such
prohibited practices
as
consumption
of
drugs
and
alcohol, lust, prostitution,
etc. This last level is
separated
from the others in the Table
by
a solid
black
line,
for it is below this barrier that Muslims have been
consistently unwilling
to accord their
approval.
Thus the
hierarchy
of sound art or handasah al
qawt,
as
presented
here,
includes ten
categories
or levels of
gawti
expression organized
in four subdivisions. One
subdivision includes those
genres
that Islamic culture has
refused to
designate
as music or
musiqa
lest
they
be
equated
with or influenced
by
the less favored
genres.
A
second includes three
categories
of
misiqi
sanctioned
by
the
Prophet
and Muslims
generally.
At the bottom of the
hierarchy
and
separated
from the other
genres by
an
opaque
barrier stands the music that Muslims have
consistently
regarded
as
being
outside the realm of
approval
since it
is associated with
illegitimate practices
and does not
conform to Islamic aesthetic and ethical norms. A
subdivision in a median
position
between these
halil
and
harim categories
is
comprised
of those
types
of music that
have been at issue in the
centuries-long controversy waged
in Islamic culture
by
the
protagonists
and
antagonists
of
misiqi
or sami'. It is the
genres
of this third
subdivision - and these
genres
alone - that have been at
the crux of the
controversy.
There has been no
opposition
to the
pitched-sound
rendition of the
Qur'an,
for Allah
Himself in the
Holy
Book commands such
reading (Qur'An
73:4).
The
religious chants,
chanted
poetry, family
and
celebration music,
and
occupational
music,
as well as the
brass and
percussion
music of the
military
bands,
have
been so
consistently supported by
incidents from the life
of the
Prophet Muhammad
and his
followers,
that little
time or
energy
has been
spent
on
countering
their
acceptance
and
use.'"
Likewise,
sensuous
music,
in the
bottom level of the
hierarchy,
that incites one to
lusting
12
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
and abandonment of social and
religious
duties has never
been a matter for
indecision;
it has
consistently
been
regarded
with
suspicion
and
disapproval by protagonists
of
other forms of
musiqa,
as well as
by
the more conservative
antagonists.
It is
only
the middle
categories
of the
handasah al
gawt
hierarchy,
therefore,
that have
constituted the
"gray"
area of
controversy.
A number of interrelated
aspects
seem to have been
involved in
determining
the
implicit hierarchy
of sound
art that is described here. The first of these is a
genre's
conformance to or
divergence
from the
archetypal
Qur'inic chant. Generally speaking,
the more a
genre
or
type
of musical
expression
draws for its
musical,
poetic,
and
religious inspiration
from
Qur'dnic chant,
the more it
has been
appreciated
and
"legitimized" by
Islamic
society.
The more it
strays
from that
model,
the more
susceptible
it has been to correction
by
an alert
community's
aesthetic conscience or to
assignment
to a lower level of
approval
and
appreciation.
For
example,
the
religious
and
poetic
chants mentioned have musical characteristics that
are almost identical to those of the
Qur'inic
chant. Even
much of the
family/celebration
music and
occupational
music is
governed by
similar characteristics.
Only
the
military
music of the same
legitimate
or
halil
subdivision
deviates
markedly
and
consistently
from these
characteristics. In this
instance,
function has taken
precedence
over form in the attribution of status to that
gawti
art.
Even the vocal and instrumental
improvisations
below the invisible barrier have shown a
degree
of formal
and
stylistic
resemblance to the
chanting
of the
Qur'in
that tended to insure their
widespread approval.
The
metered
compositions
of the next lower level also conform
to certain -
though
not all -
characteristics of the
gawti
genres
on the
higher
levels of the
hierarchy,
and even to
those of the
Qur'inic
musical
prototype (see
al
Faruqi
1975).
Each descent to a lower level of the
hierarachy,
however,
is
generally accompanied by
a
lessening
of
correspondence
to the model and reduced
acceptability
and
appreciation.
A second
aspect determining
a
genre's
location in the
hierarchy
seems to be the
degree
of its conformance to the
aesthetic demands of the culture. As I have
attempted
to
illustrate elsewhere
(see
al
Faruqi 1974:Chap.
I; 1975;
1978),
certain characteristics of content and form have
been
recognized
as common to
examples
of Islamic art of
any
medium. These characteristics are at their
highest
level of
perfection
and
density
in the
Qur'&n.
In both
13
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
its written and recited
forms,
the
Qur'an
has
provided
an
archetype
and norm for all forms of aesthetic
expression
in Islamic
culture."
The
hierarchy
reveals the
importance
of these characteristics in the aesthetic
judgment
of
examples
of
sawti
art or handasah al
qawt. Descending
from level to level,
conformance to those characteristics
of content and form becomes
progressively weaker.
In the
music at the bottom of the
hierarchy,
one
may
still
discover certain characteristics
binding
it to the overall
aesthetic norms of the
culture,
but
they
are
generally
at
their weakest in this
music.
It is here also that
laxity
in adherence to the cultural norms allows for substantial
borrowings
from alien musical traditions. The
nightclub
offerings
in
any
Middle
Eastern, Asian,
or African
country
provide
a
ready example
of such
dilution of cultural norms
by
a wide
variety
of musical influences from the outside
world.
Third,
the
hierarchy
is also a
ranking
of
genres
according
to
community acceptance
and
esteem.
Generally,
the
genres
at the
higher
levels of the
Non-Misiqa group
have
enjoyed
the full
acceptance
as well as
respect
of the
Muslim
peoples.
As for the three
categories
of
misiqs
genres just
above the invisible
barrier,
these have also
been
accepted by
most Muslims. Each descent of a
level,
however,
is
accompanied by
a decrease in the number of
people
who would consider involvement with that
category
of
genre completely
conscionable.
Only
a small
minority
accords
approval
to the
genres
at the lowest end of the
hierarchy. Beyond
the
opaque barrier, un-Islamic texts
and
contexts,
emphasis
on
sexual, sensuous,
and
personal
feelings,
as well as
heavy borrowings
from non-Islamic
musical traditions are to be found. All
practicing
Muslims would consider
performance
or
enjoyment
of these
genres
to be in some
degree problematic
or
questionable.
A fourth
aspect
that has determined
positioning
in
the
implicit
handasah al sawt
hierarchy
is a
corollary
to
the third
aspect.
It
pertains
to what the Muslim
community
has considered to be conformance in sound-art to
the moral demands of Islam. Those items on the
upper
levels have been
regarded
as
capable
of
directing
the
hearers' minds and attention to God and to the God-
commanded duties and ethical essentials of
life,
whereas
those
examples
in each level of the descent were felt to
be
successively
less
capable
of
producing
those desired
effects. At the bottom of the
ladder,
the sensuous
music,
which was
consistently
associated with
drugs, alcohol,
sexual
promiscuity,
and the dissolute
life,
was
widely
14
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
rejected
for its
corruptive
influence on the individual
and the
society.
The
importance
of this moral factor in
Muslim world attitudes toward the arts of sound is
widely
documented
(e.g.,
see al
Shifi'i 1906:VI, 214-215;
Al
Fat
wA
al
Hindiyyah
1892:V, 351;
al-QarawwlT
n.d. :301-302).
II. MUSICIANS
If we were to consider the
performers
of handasah al
gawt
of the Muslim world instead of the sound art
itself,
we would find that
they
have been ranked on a
corresponding hierarchy ranging
from
approval
to
disapproval,
from individual or
group acceptance
to
rejection.
Those who
perform
the
qird'ah, religious
chants and the other forms of
*awti
art above the
"invisible barrier" have been accorded
unquestioned
acceptance
within the
society.
The
capable
ones
among
them have even been acclaimed for their abilities and
"art."
Rather than
forming
a
separate
class, however,
Islamic culture has tended to
regard every
member of the
society
as a sometime
performer
of these
genres. Every
Muslim,
for
example,
is a
potential
qgri'
or "reciter" of
the
Qur'dn.
Since no one
simply
"reads" the
Qur'dn
without
trying
to render it
beautifully,
all Muslims make
some
attempt
at
incorporating
variant
pitches
and
durations in the recitation. A
graduate
of Al
Azhar
University"2
has maintained that the
language
of the
Qur'dn
is such that it "forces cantillation
upon
the
reciter." "It cannot be
just
read,"
he insisted. Some
qgri's,
of
course,
have better
voices,
are more
proficiant
and
aesthetically
creative than
others;
but
anyone
in the
community may
- and does - take
part
in this much admired
and
appreciated
activity.3s
Any
and
every practicing
Muslim
may
also be called
upon,
at some time in
his/her
life,
to
perform
the adhin.
Assuredly,
this would not be done
by
most Muslims from the
minaret of a
mosque,
but it is a common
duty
in more
private
situations where the
prayer
is announced for the
persons present.
No
group prayer
is made without this
audible call to attention. In the case of the individual
prayer,
the call is made
silently by
the
worshipper
if he
does not hear it from the minaret. The
pilgrimage,
praise, thanksgiving,
and other
religious
chants are also
within the
performance
domain of
every
Muslim rather than
the
prerogative
of a
special segment
of
society
known as
"musicians."
Although performance
of the other forms of
non-music handasah al
gawt (e.g.,
shi'r,
15
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
family/celebration music, occupational music,
and
military
band
music)
are less
universally performed by
the members
of Islamic
society,
Muslims of different
ages,
sexes,
and
professions
often
participate
in these forms of
community
art.
Amateurs who
perform
the
genres
of the controversial
levels of the
hierarchy,
i.e.,
the
genres
of
misiqi
that
fall between the invisible and
opaque
barriers of our
hierarchy,
are also immune to social criticism and
discrimination.
Those, however,
who are
professional
performers
or who are involved with the
disapproved types
and contexts of sensual music at the bottom of the
hierarchy
have been
regarded
with
suspicion
and disdain.
This attitude results more from the moral associations
involved in commercial
pursuit
of that
profession
than
from the actual act of
performance.
We shall
speak
more
of this in
dealing
with context as a determinant of the
status of musicians. It should be noted that the
performer
of
mdsiqd
has
generally
been accorded no better
or no worse treatment than the listener. Both
socially
and
legally,
there has been little differentiation between
the attitude toward
musicians,
on the one
hand,
and
listeners or
patrons,
on the other. Those who were in
any
way
involved with handasah al
Vawt
of the
"wrong"
kinds
and in the
"wrong"
contexts have felt
constraints,
while
those involved with the
culturally
sanctioned
types
and
contexts have not. One of the
greatest
scholars of
Moorish
Spain,
'All Ibn
Hazm
(d. 1064),
has written:
The one who listens to
singing
with the
intention of
using
it in
support
of a sin is a
sinner,
and this holds true of
anything
other
than
singing [as well],
while one who listens to
singing
with the intention of
refreshing
his
soul in order to
gain strength
to do his
duty
toward Allah Ta'ala
and to do
good
deeds,
is a
good
and obedient servant of
Allah,
and his
action is of the truth. And he who listens to
singing intending
neither obedience nor
disobedience is
doing something
neutral and
harmless,
which is similar to
going
to the
park
and
walking
around,
standing by
a window and
looking
at the
sky, wearing
blue or
green
cloths,
and so on
(quoted by al-Qaraddwi
n.d.:302-303).
Like attitudes toward the
performance
itself,
attitudes toward musicians
vary greatly, depending
on
16
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
attendant circumstances.
First of
all,
attitudes toward
performers
differ in accordance with the
type
of
performance
material. No musician is
suspect
if the
repertoire he/she performs
is drawn from those
genres
that
claim a wide
acceptance
within the
society
because of
their
deep
influence
by
Qur'dnic
chant and their
conformance to aesthetic and moral
requirements
of Muslim
society.
Such a "musician" has never been
subject
to
discrimination or
disapproval.
He is
rarely
even
regarded
as a "musician."
The context of
performance
is a second
major
determinant of the
approval
or
disapproval
of musicians.
Three factors
determing
its
suitability
were
given
a
rhymed
summarization
by
the
philosopher
and
theologian
al
Ghazili
(d. 1111).
He insisted that the context for
listening
to sound-art must be
Islamically proper
as to
the zamin
(time),
makin
(place),
and ikhwin
(associates)
of the handasah al
qawt activity (al
GhazilT
n.d.:II, 301;
1902:1-2).'4
When al
Ghazili
cited
zam~n (time)
as an
important
element
determining
the
acceptability
or the
proscription
of the controversial forms of sound art and their
performers,
he was
presenting
a
multi-pronged argument.
First of
all,
the time involved in
performance
or
enjoyment
of
gawti
expression
is
important
to Muslim
society
since it
may
interfere with the actualization of
higher
Islamic
goals (e.g., prayer,
care of
family,
social
and economic
responsibilities, etc.).
In cases where such
conflict existed,
al
Ghazili
regarded participation
to be
detrimental and therefore to be avoided
(ibid.).
In addition,
al
Ghazlil
reasoned that life is a
serious matter that allows little time for frivolous
entertainment. Therefore,
he
argued
that if a musician
(or listener)
devoted too much time to
qawti
entertainment,
such activities became a detriment rather
than an innocent
pastime (al
Ghazll
n.d.:II, 283, 301;
1901:240-241, 251).
Other writers have been
equally
insistent on the
proper
amount of involvement.
A third issue related to the factor of
time,
and one
that has influenced the status of musicians of the Muslim
world who
perform
the controversial
genres,
is the
degree
of their
professional
involvement. The
professional
performer
has
consistently
been the
object
of
suspicion
or
even disdain in Islamic
society,
whereas the non-
professional
has been tolerated or even admired for his
17
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
ability.
Because of this attitude toward
professionalism
in
music, devoting
oneself
exclusively
to music has
rarely
been the
practice
of
any
but the
marginal
members of
society
- either the most virtuosic and successful of
musicians who seem to exist outside the normal
restrictions and boundaries of the social
structure,
or
the lowliest of
persons
who have little to lose
by being
labeled
professionals.
Not
only
has the amateur in all
parts
of the Muslim world drawn
respectability
from his
other
occupation(s),
but he has avoided the
overexposure
and over-commitment to activities of entertainment that
have been condemned
by
the
society.s5
Makin
(place),
as used
by
al
Ghazall,
refers to
another element that influences the context of
any
performance
and in turn its
suitability (al
Ghazill
n.d.:II, 281-283; 1901:235-241;
Roychoudhury 1957:80).
As
has been discussed elsewhere
(al Faruqi 1981b),
there is a
surprising overlap
in the contexts for
performance
of
many
genres
of the Islamic world.
Qiri'ah,
for
example,
is not
only
heard at the
mosque
for the
prayer;
it is also
performed
at the
public meeting,
the
holiday celebration,
the school
program,
and the
private party. Many
of the
religious
and
poetic
chants based on noble themes can be
part
of a
religious gathering
such as the dhikr of the
q5fi
as well as aesthetic entertainment and
spiritual
uplift
for more secular occasions. Vocal and instrumental
improvisations bridge
the
gap
between the
religious
and
secular context in Islamic
culture, being
used in the
dhikr,
in radio or television
programs,
as well as in live
concerts,
in
private
social
gatherings,
and
family
celebrations. Such
improvisations
are sometimes even an
important
element of the cabaret musical environment.
Given this
high
level of
"unity"
in
performance
context
for different
genres,
it is clear that the sound
product
itself is not the
only
element to be considered in an
evaluation or
approval
of the musician's
occupation.
The
acceptability
of the
place
and occasion for
performance
has been of
equal importance
in
judging
the
performing
artists and those who listen to them.
The third factor mentioned
by
al Ghazill as a
criterion for
approval
or condemnation of the musician and
his/her performance
was the ikhwin
(associates; lit.,
brothers).
If
performing
or
listening
to otherwise
acceptable gawti expression put
one in the
company
of
just
and honorable
companions,
it was not to be considered a
harmful
activity.
On the other
hand,
if
performance
or
enjoyment
of music caused the
participant
to interact with
18
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
those who
might
lead
him/her
to
neglect
of
religious
and
social
responsibilities
or to moral
degradation,
it was a
disapproved activity, regardless
of the sound-art
products
involved.
Because of the
powerful
effect of such factors as
zam~n,
makin,
and ikhwin on
meeting
or
denying
the demands
of the
religious
and moral life,
Muslim
society
has used
them as
gauges
to determine its
approval
or
rejection
of
the
activity,
the art
product,
the
performer,
and even the
participating
listener. In
fact,
in Islamic
culture,
these factors,
which
pertain
to the function and the
context of the
music,
have
perhaps played
a more
important
role in
determining
the
approval
or
disapproval
of
any
performance
than the characteristics of the handasah al
gawt
genre
itself. We find some writers
condemning
a
type
of music in one context or under certain
circumstances,
while
approving
of it in another
performance
situation.
Playing
on the daff
(tambourine)
was
regarded permissible
(haldl)
by jurists,
for
example,
when done
by
women in the
wedding
or other
joyous celebration,
but condemned if used
by
men or in some other contexts that
provided
an
association with
homosexuality (Ibn
'Abidin
1882:IV, 530;
al
Nawawi
1884:III, 401;
Ibn
Taymiyyah
1966:11, 301;
Robson 1938:3;
al Ghazill 1901:211, 237;
idem
n.d.:II,
271,
282;
Al Fatdwa al
Hindiyyah
c.
1892:V, 352). Playing
the drum or tambourine was
acceptable
for
military
music
but was often
rejected
in other contexts.
It is this
importance
of the context of the
performance,
in addition to the characteristics of the art
product
itself,
which
may
account for the
varying
statements
regarding
the sound-art that can be found in
the
hadith
literature. While the
majority
of those
sayings
and accounts
provide
evidence to bolster the
arguments
of the
protagonist
of musical
expression (al
Ghazili
n.d.:II, 274, 277-278, 284ff; 1901:217, 224-227,
244ff; Roychoudhury
1957:66-70;
al-Qaragiwi
n.d.:300ff),
there are some inclusions that seem to
support
the
opposite
view. This
apparent
contradiction has caused no
small amount of
difficulty,
for both the Muslim and non-
Muslim scholar,
not to
speak
of the confusion it has
aroused in the Muslim
community
over the centuries
(Shaltut
1960:355).
For the
Muslim,
of
course,
it is
impossible
to
disregard
the
hadith
literature since it is the next most
important
source
of the law after the
Qur'in.
Even the
non-Muslim scholar must take this material into serious
19
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
consideration,
for
any
student of the culture will notice
the
penetrating
and
far-reaching
influences it has
had,
not
only
on Muslims
themselves,
but on all their
practices,
their
thinking,
and their
institutions.
In the
course of
trying
to determine the reasons for the
acceptance
of some forms of
gawti expression
and the
rejection
of
others,
the iadith literature
provides
a
key
that can serve Muslim and non-Muslim
alike;
a
key
that
may
have much wider
significance than merely
the
light
it
sheds on the issues
pertaining
to handasah al
gawt
that
are under consideration here.
It is immaterial to our discussion whether one
argues
with the Muslim that the
hadith
materials
represent
actual
events in the
Prophet's
life
or,
with the
non-Muslim,
that
they
are consensus statements of Muslim
thinking
in the
early
centuries of the Islamic
period,
which were
projected
onto the life of the
Prophet
to
give
them
validity
and
perpetuity. Although
as much as
possible
of
the information
regarding
the circumstances in which these
anecdotes and
sayings
occurred has been
carefully
sifted
and
guarded by
the
early
Muslims to be handed down to
future
generations,
it is often difficult for us to know
the
precise
details of context and
style
that
pertained
in
these events. It is
quite
reasonable that the
Prophet,
like
many
of his Muslim
followers,
judged
each instance of
musical
performance separately.
None could be
appraised
without reference to the total
complex,
which included the
circumstances of its
performance
as well as the
characteristics of the art
product.
Given that
complexity,
it is understandable that there is some
variety
in the
responses
made
by
the
Prophet
to
specific
instances of handasah al
gawt performance.16
For
example,
the
Prophet's
comment that the
shaytin
(devils)
had
surely
blown into the nostrils of a female
vocalist who
performed
for him and his wife
'A'ishah
(Roychoudhury 1957:67)
is not a condemnation of all
musiqi
but of the
particular singer and/or
the
song performed.
Proof of this is that the
Prophet
himself had introduced
the
lady
as a
songstress
to
'A'ishah
and
agreed
to the
performance.
Neither can the
Prophet's putting
his
fingers
on his ears when
he
heard a
particular performance
be
regarded
as a
general
condemnation of the sound-art
(Abi
Diwud
1396/1950:40th
Book on
Adab,
Chap. 52).
The
hadith
that
reports
that event is not found in the
collections of either al Bukhiri or
Muslim,
the two most
reliable sources of
a4hdith.
Even if it were
proven
to be
a true
report,
it is
clearly
a record of the reaction of
20
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
the
Prophet
to a
particular performance
at a
particular
time and
place.
It should not be viewed as relevant to
all
gawti performance,
since on other occasions that are
documented
by
more reliable evidence and included in more
trustworthy
collections,
he is
reported
to have not
only
allowed,
but also listened to
performances
in his home in
Madinah
(e.g.,
al
Bukhiri
1974:II, 37-38).
The
presence
of such
seemingly contradictory ahidith
on the issue of
misiqi
has had the effect of
providing
an
invitation - even a demand - for a studied and
complex
response
to
gawti
by
Muslims. It is further evidence of
Islamic
religious
and cultural insistence on
subjecting
all activities and
aspects
of life to
religious-ethical
ideology.
The
supposed contradictions, therefore,
should
be attributed neither to false evidence on the
part
of his
followers,
nor the
insincerity
of the
Prophet
Muhammad.
Instead
they
are evidence of the culture's
qualified
rather than
general
and indiscriminate
acceptance.
of
mtsiqi
or
?awti
activity.
III. MUSLIM LAW
Given the hierarchical status of the various
genres
of handasah al
qawt
- those
designated
as
musiqi
as well
as the others - and a
comparable hierarchy
of
performers
for this
art,
we now turn our attention to the laws
involving
the
practitioners
of handasah al
gawt
in Islamic
culture. It is clear that as far as the
performers
of the
non-misiqi categories
at the
top
of the
hierarchy
are
concerned,
there have been no
legal
restrictions on the
practice
of
their art. In
fact,
the
performers
of these
genres
have
consistently
been
encouraged by
the laws and
by
the
society
to
improve
and
proliferate
their art. In
the
Qur'ln,
the
hadith,
and the four schools of
law,
the
reader of the
Qur'in
and the
mu'adhdhin (the person
who
calls to
prayer)
are admonished to
purify
themselves
before
participating
in these
activities;
but there are no
discriminatory
measures
against
them as
performers. They
operate
as full
participants
in
society
and
experience
only
those restrictions that are
placed upon
all members
of the
community.
Even for those
persons
who involve themselves with
the other forms of sound art in the controversial or
disapproved
sections of the
hierarchy,
there are no
unqualified prohibitions
and no stated or
hadd17
punishments
for violators. This
applies
to
both the
producer
and the consumer of the controversial or
rejected
21
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
genres
of
misiqa.
No evidence can be found in the
Qur'ln,
in the
hadith,
or in
any
of the
legal
documents
investigated,
for the
administering
of
physical
punishment,
incarceration,
or fines for those who involve
themselves with such activities. Neither is there
evidence for
discretionary
chastisements
(ta'zir)1"8
that
are sometimes recommended
by
Islamic law.
Legal
prohibition
of
vawti
activities, therefore,
even of the
controversial or
disapproved types,
is not documentable.
However,
there are a
variety
of
prescriptions
that can be
classified as restrictive of the
performer
of the
controversial
genres,
even
though they may
not be
judged
to be
actually punitive.
It should be remembered that
these
injunctions apply only
to the
professional,
full-
time musician who takes
money
for his
performance
or to
the
patron
of
misiqi
who makes a business of
supporting
the
performance
of others. These restrictive measures
fall into four
categories dealing
with: 1.
acceptance
or
rejection
of evidence -
i.e., testimony;
2. the
securing
of
wages
for
performances;
3.
singing
slave
girls;
and 4.
musical instruments.
1.
Acceptance
or
Rejection
of Evidence -
Testimony
For the
professional,
full-time musicians who
perform
those
genres
of
misiqA
that are below the "invisible
barrier" of the
hierarchy
of handasah al
qawt,
the most
prominent
restriction found in Muslim law is that
pertaining
to the
acceptance
or
rejection
of
testimony.
The
jurists
of all four Sunni schools of Islamic law have
maintained that the
testimony
of the
public
mourner or
singer,
for
example,
is not admissible evidence in
any
legal
case tried in a court.19 It should be
noted,
however,
that the authorities of the various madh&hib have
drawn a clear distinction between those
persons
who are
involved in
msisqi
under the
permitted
circumstances that
have been outlined earlier and those who
participate
under
religiously
and
socially disapproved
circumstances.20 For
the former,
no denial of testimonial
rights
is
prescribed,
while the
professional,
the
person
addicted to this
occupation,
the one who takes
money
for it or who is
involved
commercially
in this
activity
is considered
untrustworthy.
The musician therefore becomes
suspect
not
because he
performs misiqi
but because he takes on a
profession
that has
negative
social and moral
associations
in the culture. Such a
choice reveals in him a lack of
concern for his
position
in the
community
and
a
disregard
for
safeguarding
his
integrity
and
reputation.
These are
characteristics that could cause him to involve himself in
22
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
other activities
rejected by
the
society
and the
religion.
Likewise,
the man who
sponsors
or hires a musician is not
categorically
denied the
right
of
testimony. Suspicion
of
his character results
only
if he makes a commercial or
public
event of the
performance.
2.
Wages
A second
legal
restriction on those musicians who
perform
the controversial and
unacceptable
forms of
handasah al
sawt
pertains
to the
securing
of
wages.
Since
their,
activity
as
professionals
is considered
by
most
jurists
to be
undesirable,
they
are denied
legal
recourse
to
salary procurement.
Some
jurists
have declared the
wages
for
singing
or lamentation as
illegal.
In Al
Hidiyah
we read that it is not lawful to
give
a
pledge
for
the
wages
either of a
professional
mourner or a
singer
(Hamilton
1975:499, 638).
If the
patron
wishes to
pay
them,
the musicians are not denied
recompense;
but
they
cannot
pursue
that
payment through legal
channels in case
the
patron
refuses to honor his
agreement
with them or
pays
them less than they
feel is proper.
There is another
legal
matter
pertaining
to
wages
that should be mentioned. We are told that one who chants
or teaches the
Qur'an
is no less
subject
to the denial of
the
right
to
wages
than the
performer
of other
types
of
gawti
expression.
This denial results
not, however,
from
the
questionable
status of his
performance,
but because it
is not
proper
to receive
payment
for those activities that
are considered to be one's
religious duty (Al
Hidjyah
in
Hamilton
1975:499). Often religious
teachers
and
qnri's,
as well as
performers
of
misiqa,
have alleviated the
effect of such laws
by accepting non-money payments.
The
circumvention of this rule is well known and
widely
practiced
with little
apparent indignation
from
religious
or
legal
sources. Some
jurists
have even
officially
condoned it as a
way
of
fostering religious practices
and
necessities of the culture
(ibid.).
3.
Singing
Girls
A third form of
legal
restriction
pertains
to the
practice
or
enjoyment
of handasah al
qawt performed by
the
qaynit,
those
musically
talented and trained slave
girls
of the
pre-Islamic
and
early
Islamic
period.
Here
my
evidence is less
clear,
for I have not been able to
verify
in the
primary
sources the claims made in the
secondary
sources. For
example, according
to
Roychoudhury, drawing
23
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
on the Macdonald translation of al Ghazili's Itha'
'Ulm
al
Din,
M~lik
Ibn Anas has said that if a man
buys
a slave
girl and
discovers that she is a
gaynit,
it is his
duty
to
return her to the former owner
(Roychoudhury 1957:78;
al
Ghazili 1901:201).
The
original passage
in al Ghazill is
far less
specific.
There we find that "the
purchaser may
return her if he wishes"
(kina
lahu
radduhi) (al Ghazili
n.d.:II, 269).
When we consult Al
Muwatia'
of Milik in
this
regard,
we find
that
author
laying
stress on
ways
for
remedying any problem
or "defect"
('ayb)
in
newly
purchased
slaves,
rather than
resorting
to their return to
the
original
owner. This
puts
into serious doubt the
possibility
of Milik's
having
advocated the forthwith
return of the
qaynah
to her former
owner.
Even if
proper
documentation for such a view could be
found,
the issue is
more
properly
a matter of correct identification of the
seller's
goods
than an
argument
to be used
by
the
antagonists
of
mdsiqi.
4. The Use of Instruments
Given the
importance
of an
unaccompanied
vocal chant
as
prototype
and most
accepted
form of Islamic
gawti
expression,
it is not
surprising
to find instruments and
instrumental music somewhat less
appreciated
than the
singing
voice and vocal music
among
the Muslims.
Instruments have never been allowed to
play
a role in the
Islamic
prayer ritual,
either as
accompaniment
to the
chant or alone. The difference from the
archetypal
qiri'ah,
both in
aspects
of musical
style
and in
performance
context,
that
they
evidence seems to have
kept
them from
playing
a
major
role in the
performance
of those
genres
of
non-misiqa
at the
top
of the handasah al
qawt
hierarchy. Nevertheless, they
have
generally
been
approved by
Muslims for
military
music and other secular
genres.
In those cases,
context and associated factors
have
been the
guiding principles
for their
approval
or
rejection.
As al
Ghazili
has
argued,
some instruments
that have nice sounds should not be forbidden
any
more
than the voice of the
nightingale,
but he condemns all
gawti
instruments that are associated with
wine,
homosexuals,
and other
prohibited things (al
Ghazili
n.d.:II, 271-272; 1901:210-215).
A
legal
reference that carries adverse effect on the
use of
instruments
in handasah al
gawt performances
specifies
that the hand of the thief should not be cut off
for
stealing
such instruments since
they
are sinful tools
(al Qayrawini
in
Bikiirat
al
Sa'd,
translated in Russell
24
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
1906:92). According
to the
report
of
Robson (1938:3),
al
Nawawl,
a
13th-century
Shifi'i
jurist,
claimed that the
breaking
of instruments was lawful and incurred no
liability.
In
Roychoudhury,
on the
contrary,
we find the
author
quoting
from Al
Hidiyah
as follows: "If a
person
breaks a lute . .
or
pipe,
or
cymbal belonging
to a
Muslim,
he is
responsible,
because the sale of such
article is lawful"
(Roychoudhury 1957:79). Although
this
passage
could not be located in the
primary source,
it is
a well established fact that certain instruments have been
designated
as suitable for certain
performance
circumstances,
while
disapproved
for others. The evidence
for
legislation
and
legal opinion concerning
musical
instruments therefore remains a controversial issue.
A CONTEMPORARY OPINION
One of the most recent authoritative Muslim
statements on the
question
of music, musicians,
and Muslim
law comes from
Mahmid
Shaltiit,
the late
Shaykh
al
Azhar.
As rector of Al Azhar
University
and a
jurist by
profession,
Shaltut
has offered a
contemporary response
to
the
complicated questions
that the
position
of
misiqi
provokes.
His statement is an indicator of what seems to
be the
prevailing
attitude toward music within Islamic
culture,
despite
more extreme
responses
on both ends of
the
acceptance-rejection spectrum.
His fatwA
(formal ruling
or
opinion)
was written as a
response
to a letter of
inquiry
about the
very subject
of
this
paper.
The fatwa was
published
in a collection of
legal rulings by
Shaltit on various
religious, economic,
political,
and social
questions. After lamenting
the lack
of consensus on this issue
through
the
centuries,
the
author
repeats
the oft-stated conditional
approval
of
music, basing
his
approval
on the
following
four
arguments.
First,
he maintains that
listening
to and
performing
the
many genres
of handasah al
qawt
as well as
tasting
delicious
foods,
feeling
soft
cloths, smelling
pleasant odors, seeing
beautiful
sights,
or
achieving
knowledge
of the
unknown,
are all instinctive
pleasures
with which God has endowed man.
They
all
have
the effect
of
calming
individuals who are
disturbed,
of
relaxing
them
when
they
are tired, of
refreshing
them from mental or
physical exhaustion,
and of
rekindling
them with
energy.21
God,
Shaltit
argues,
has created such instincts in human
beings
for a
good purpose,
and therefore it
may
even be
impossible
for them to
perform
their duties in this life
without the aid of such natural tendencies to
pleasure,
25
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
which
help
them reach their
goals.
He concludes that it
is therefore
impossible
that the law of God
(the shari'ah)
be
against
these instincts and
pleasures.
Instead the
shari'ah
has for
purpose
the
disciplining
of those
instincts and the
channeling
of their use so that
they
contribute
constructively
to achievement of the
higher
moral ends.
His second
argument
is that the
shari'ah,
as well as
the
Qur'dn
on which it is
based,
seeks the Golden
Mean,
thus
preventing exaggeration
either on the side of non-use
or over-use of
misiqd.
Thirdly,
he turns to the
arguments
of his
predecessors,
the
jurists
who have
given opinions
on samd'
or
"listening."
He summarizes that
they permitted muisiqi
whenever it had a suitable
context,
as it does when used
as
accompaniment
for
war,
the
hajj,
weddings,
and
'id
celebrations. He follows this with references to a work
by Shaykh
'Abd al Ghani al
Nibulusi
(1641-1731).
In a
work
by
that
17th-century jurist
of the
HanafF
madhhab,
the author
argued
that almost
every prohibition (tahrim)
of
misiqi
in the
hadith
literature is
coupled
with or
conditioned
by
the mention of
alcohol,
singing girls,
dissoluteness
(fusqg),
or
adultery.
Both Shaltit and
al
Ndbulusi therefore
argue
that
prohibition
is based on
context and
associations,
and not on the sound-art itself.
The
Prophet Muhammad
and
many
of the
respected
Muslims of
the
early period
of Islamic
history
did indeed listen to
misiqi
as well as to the
non-misiqi examples
of handasah
al
gawt,
and have attended sessions of innocent
performance.
Therefore,
he
concludes,
as did
many
of his
predecessors,
that the
prohibition
does not result from
the condemnation of
misiqi per
se,
but from its use under
the
wrong
circumstances or with
morally debilitating
associations.22
The fourth and
closing point
made in Shaltit's fatwA
on music
repeats
a
Qur'anic argument
also used
by
earlier
protagonists
of
misiqi (e.g.,
al
Ghazili
n.d.:II, 272;
1901:214-215).
Here the
jurist
cautions
against
the
reckless
forbidding
of what God did not forbid. Such
false attributions to
God,
which Shaltit condemns as
slander and falsehood
(iftird'),
are countered
by
the
Qur'an (7:32-33)."2
The
jurist
therefore concludes that
the
general
rule is that
misiqi
is
permissible;
its
prohibition
is the accident or
exception
caused
by
improper usage (Shaltit 1960:359;
also see al
Qaraowi
n.d.:14-16).
26
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
CONCLUSION
What have been the overall effects on Muslim art and
society
of the hierarchization of musical forms and the
on-going controversy regarding misiq&?
These cultural
movements and
manipulations certainly
did not
destroy
all
sound-art in the Muslim world -
nor,
I am
convinced,
were
they
ever meant to do so. While the first concern of
Ayatollah
Khomeini,
or of his
counterparts
in earlier
centuries,
may
have been the ethical and moral effects of
their directives
regarding musiqa,
it seems that the
effects are much more
sweeping
and
profound.
The
following points
illustrate and
support
this idea:
1. The
implicit
hierarchization of
gawti expression,
with
Qur'dnic
chant at the
apex
of that
hierarchy serving
as
archtype
and
norm,
has
produced
a marked
unity
in the
characteristics of content and form to be found in the
musical
performances
of the core countries of the Islamic
world. It
has even resulted in
significant
correspondences
in the sound arts of more distant
regions.
2. This
hierarachy
and the
religious
concern for
prescribed types
of sound-art involvement have been
instrumental in
subsuming
all
aspects
of
gawti
art under a
determination
by religious
and ethical
goals.
Handasah al
sawt thus has become another item
making up
what the
Muslim
considers to be a total Islamic
pattern
of life
that deals not
only
with the
specifically religious
matters of
prayer
and
pilgrimage,
but has its effect on
every
other
aspect
of Muslim existence as
well.
3. The hierarchization has also insured that this
aspect
of culture - the art of
pitched
sounds -
is
included in the culture's Islamization
process.
It has
furthered the
unity
of
style
in culture that is the
hallmark of
any
civilization
worthy
of the name.
4.
The control of all forms of handasah al
gawt
expression
and the
directing
of interest and
participation
toward
Qur'dnic
chant have had tremendous
homogenization
benefits for Islamic culture. These benefits are
particularly important
becaused Islamic culture has a vast
geographic
area to
span
and
probably
the most diverse
ethnic
composition
of
any
culture the world has ever
known.
This
"program,"
which seems to have been achieved
with
surprisingly
little conscious
planning, produced
a
significant
measure of overall
unity
without
brutally
destroying
the native musical
heritages
of its
converts.
27
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
These
heritages
could continue - and did continue
-
on the
lower levels of the handasah al
gawt
hi-erarchy.
Meanwhile
the musical Islamization
process
was
being
carried out
through
the continued direction of attention toward
Qur'dnic
chant and those
types
of sound-art
expression
that could
deepen
the Islamization
process.
These effects no doubt extracted a
price.
You
may
ask whether the results were worth the
price,
but all must
agree
that
only
the Muslim is
qualified
to answer that
question.
Drs.
Ala'Eddin Kharofa
(qdi
of the
Hanafi
madhhad),
Mark
Slobin,
and Isma'il
R. al
Faruqi
read an
early
draft of
this
paper
and made valuable contributions to its
improvement.
I am
sincerely grateful
to them for their
helpful suggestions
and ideas.
They
are,
of
course,
in no
way responsible
for
any shortcomings
that the
present
article
may
have.
NOTES
1i.
The
ahidith (pl.
of
hadith)
are those
sayings
and
actions attributed to the
Prophet
Muhammad
that have
been
painstakingly
verified and
scrupulously guarded
by
the
muhaddithin
("scholars
of
hadith")
and the
Muslims.
2. "We hold the Kor'an
to be as
surely
Mohammad's
word,
as the Mohammadans hold it to be the word of God"
(Muir 1923:xxviii).
3.
Muhammad
Ibn Isma'il
al
Bukhiri (810-870).
4. Muslim Ibn al
gajjij
(d. 875).
5.
See
entry
entitled
MUSIQA
or
MUSIQI
in al
Faruqi
1981a.
6. Mark Slobin writes of the narrow definition of the
word for music
(sdz)
in Northern
Afghanistan,
another
region
of the
Muslim
world: "This narrow definition
of music excludes most of the 'innocent'
28
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
manifestations,
. . . and tends to focus on the
sphere
in which music
plays
a
potentially dangerous
role . ." (Slobin 1976:26).
See similar evidence
from
sub-Saharan
Africa in Ames and
King 1971:ix-x;
and from the southern
Philippines
in Trimillos
1965:16; and Kiefer 1970:1.
7.
Sawti ("pertaining to sound") will be used as an
equivalent
for "musical" in its
widely
inclusive
sense in order to avoid association with the limited
sense that
might
be
implied
or understood
by
an
adjectival
form similar to the Arabic
musiqi.
8. See Farmer 1913-1934, "Tabl
Kh.na,"
pp.
232-237.
9.
In Kitib al
Umm,
al Shafi'i
(d. 820),
founder of one
of the four
madh~hib
(s. madhhab)
or schools of law
of Sunni
Islam,
writes that the
Prophet
Muhammad
listened to and
encouraged
the
singing
of the
hida'
or caravan
song
of the
Arabs,
the nashid al
a'rTb
("hymn
of the
Arabs")
and the
chanting
of
poetry (al
Shifi'i 1906:VI, 215).
He based his assertion on the
hadith literature.
Also see
Roychoudhury
(1957:66-70);
al Ghazdli
(1901-1902));
and Robson
(1938)
for
compilations
of the materials on
misiqd,
ghin&'
or
sama'
drawn from the
hadith
literature.
10.
A visit to Iran in
February,
1984, revealed that the
policy
toward
gawti
expression
held
by
the Islamic
revolutionary government
continues this view and
practice. Despite
a
proclaimed
ban on music
by
Imam
Khomeini,
genres high
in the handasah al
gawt
hierarchy
continue to be broadcast from Iran's
government-controlled
radio and television stations.
11. See I. R. al
Faruqi (1976:95ff)
for a discussion of
the aesthetic role of the
Qur'an
in Muslim culture.
That author describes the
Qur'an
as "the first work
of art in Islam."
12. Al Azhar is an Islamic educational institution of
Cairo,
Egypt,
which was founded in the 10th
century.
It has been influential as a
training
school at all
levels for students from all
parts
of the Muslim
world.
29
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
13.
In
1976,
a
survey among
North American Muslims
conducted
by
this author for the Association of
Muslim Social
Scientists
revealed a
high
rate of
interest in this form of
pitched-sound
art
among
immigrants
as well as American-born
converts.
Qur'Anic
chant was the most
prevalent
aesthetic
activity among
adults from all ethnic and
regional
backgrounds,
and the
activity
most
frequently
named
as one that the
respondents
wished to learn to
perform.
14. A similar statement is
expounded
in the defense of
samA'
by Majd
al Din al
Ghazill,
the brother of the
famous
Abu
HImid
al
Ghazili (Robson 1938:72-74).
It
is
thought
to have
originated
even earlier with Abi
Qiqim
al
Junayd,
a famous
mystic
who died in 910.
15. See Slobin
1976:29-53;
Sakata
1976;
and Nettl- 1975:75
for information on
contemporary
reluctance of
musicians in Muslim environments to be classified as
professionals.
16. See
Roychoudhury 1957:Chap.
III,
"The Iadith and
Music,"
pp.
66-70,
where a
summary
of the references
to the sound arts in the ahadith has been made.
According
to
al-Qaraawi,
a well known
contemporary
Muslim scholar,
"all the ahadith which have been
reported against singing,
. . . are weak and have
been shown
by
researchers to be unsound. The
jurist
Abu Bakr al-'Arabi
says,
'No sound hadith is
available
concerning
the
prohibition
of
singing,'
while Ibn Hazm
says,
'All that is
reported
on this
subject
is false and fabricated'"
(al
Qaradgwi
n.d.:302).
17. See a definition and
explanation
of this term in Al
Hidlyah
("The Guide"),
an
important compilation
of
Islamic law
(Ianafi madhhab)
that was
produced
in the
12th
century by
'All Ibn Abi Bakr al
Marghinini
and
translated to
English by
Charles Hamilton in the 18th
century (Hamilton 1975:175-176).
18. Ta'zir is
occasioned,
according
to Islamic
law,
in
any offense
for which
hadd
(or
"stated
punishment")
has not been
designated.
It is meant to
provide
a
correction of a minor
problem
rather than enforce a
punishment.
It
may
therefore involve
only
a
reprimand
in some instances and for some individuals.
It can be instituted
by
a
judge
(qi~i)
or
by any
30
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
individual in the
society,
whereas actual
punishment
can
only
be
imposed by
a
qidi
(Al
Hid&yah
in Hamilton
1975:203).
19. Evidence from Hanafi law for this can be found in Al
Hidiyah
(Hamilton 1975:361-362); marginal
notes of Al
FatawA
al
Hindiyyah
(c.
1892:V, 269);
Ibn
'Abidi-n
(1882:IV, 530);
and 'AlA' al Din Afandi
(1966:VII,
106).
For
Shifi'i
law,
see al Shifi'i
(1906:VI,
214-215);
and al
Nawawi (1884:III, 400).
For
Miliki
law,
see Milik Ibn Anas
(1905:V, 153).
For
Hanball
law,
see Ibn al
Qayyim
al
Jawziyyah (1972:245-246).
Ibn al
Qayyim (1292-1350)
was a
disciple
of Ibn
Taymiyyah,
the noted
Hanball
reformer from whom the
Wahhibi
movement in the
18th-century
Arabian
Peninsula drew
inspiration.
20.
"If he does not collect or
bring
others to listen to
them
[the
slave
girl
or
boy
who is trained to
sing]
I
would wish that he didn't do
it,
but his
testimony
cannot
thereby
be
repudiated.
...
. Also the man who
visits the houses of
singing
or is visited
by
the
singers
- if this is a chronic habit of
his,
and if
he
proclaims
it and if the
society
knows and
testifies that he is of that
kind,
then it is
tantamount to lowliness
(safah),
which vitiates his
testimony.
But if he does this
infrequently,
then
his
testimony
cannot be
rejected
because it is not a
clearly prohibited thing
(harem
bayyin)"
(al
Shifi'i
1906:VI, 215).
21. See al Ghazill 1901:208-209,
where a similar
statement is
recorded;
and al
Qarad~wi
n.d.:290ff.
22. al
Qaradawi
n.d.:303-304.
23.
Say:
Who hath forbidden
The beautiful
(gifts)
of
God,
Which He
hath
produced
For His
servants,
And the
things,
clean and
pure,
(Which
He
hath
provided)
For sustenance?
Say: They are,
in the life
Of this
world,
for those
Who
believe, (and) purely
For them on the
Day
Of
Judgment.
Thus do We
Explain
the
Signs
in detail
For those who understand.
31
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Say:
The
things
that
my
Lord
Hath indeed forbidden are:
Shameful
deeds, whether
open
Or secret: sins and
trespasses
Against
truth or
reason;
assigning
Of
partners
to
God,
for which
He hath
given
no
authority;
And
saying things
about God
Of which
ye
have
no knowledge.
(Qur'an 7:32-33)
The sources consulted for this
paper
are
designated
below as
representing
the four madhdhib of their authors.
Unfortunately,
the
Ja'fari
madhhab of
Shi'i
Islam was not
investigated
for this
study.
It is
hoped
that a review of
its
writings
on music can be made in the future. Dates in
the
following
list are
publication
dates of references
used rather than dates of authors' lives or
productive
periods.
HANAFI
MADHHAB
'Ald' al Din Afandi
(1966)
Al Fatdwa al
Hindiyyah
(1892)
al Ghazali (n.d.; 1901-2)
Ibn 'Abidin
(1882)
al
Marghinani
in Hamilton
(1975)
MALIKI MADHHAB
MAlik Ibn Anas
(1905; 1971)
al
Qayrawini
in
Russell (1906)
SHAFI'I MADHHAB
al
Nawawi (1884)
and in
Robson
(1938)
al
Shdfi'i (1906)
Shaltit
(1960
HANBALI MADHHAB
Ibn al
Qayyim
al
Jawziyyah (1972)
Ibn
Taymiyyah (1966)
REFERENCES CITED
Abi DAwid
1396/1950
Sunan.
Cairo,
4
vols.,
ed.
M. M. 'Abd
al Hamid.
'AlA' al Din
Afandi,
Muhammad
1966 Radd al Mukhtir 'ala Durr al Mukhtdr.
Cairo:
Muhammad Maihmfd
al
Halabi.
32
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Ames,
David W. and
Anthony
V.
King
1971
Glossary
of Hausa
Music and Its Social
Contexts. Evanston: Northwestern
University
Press.
Farmer, Henry George
1938
"Tab1
Khdna."
Encyclopedie
de
1'Islam,
Supplementary Volume,
232-237.
al
Firdqi, Isma'il
R.
1973 "Islam and Art." Studia Islamica
37:80-109.
al
Fdriqi,
Lois Ibsen
1974 "The Nature of the Musical Art of
Islamic Culture: A Theoretical and
Empirical Study
of Arabian Music."
Doctoral
thesis, Syracuse University.
1975
"Muwashshah:
A Vocal Form in Islamic
Culture."
Ethnomusicology
19
(1):1-29.
1978 "Ornamentation in Arabian
Improvisational
Music: A
Study
of
Interrelatedness in the Arts." The
World of Music 22
(1):17-32.
1981a An Annotated
Glossary
of Arabic Musical
Terms.
Westport,
Connecticut:
Greenwood Press.
1981b "The Status of Music in Muslim Nations:
Evidence from the Arab World." Asian
Music 12
(1):56-84.
Al Fatiwa al
Hindiyyah,
or Al Fatiwa al
'Alamgiriyyah
c. 1892 With
HishFiyah
al FatiwA al
Bazzaziyyah
by Shaykh Muhammad
Ibn
Muhammad
Ibn
Shahab Ibn al Bazziz al Kurdari.
Beirut: Dir al
Ma'rifah,
first
pub. by
Bllq.
al
Ghazili,
Abi
Himid
Muhammad
Ibn Muhammad
n.d.
Ihy&'
'Ulim
al Din. Cairo:
Matba'ah
al
Istiqimah,
Vol.
II.
33
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
1901,
1902
Ihyd'
'Ulim al
Din,
section tr.
by
Duncan B. Macdonald as "Emotional
Religion
in Islam as Affected
by
Music
and
Singing."
Journal of the
Royal
Asiatic
Society,
Part
I, 195-252; Part
II, 705-748;
Part
III,
1-28.
Hamilton, Charles,
tr.
1975 The
Hedaya
or Guide: A
Commentary
on
the Mussulman
Laws,
tr. from the
Persian text of 'All Ibn Abi Bakr al
Marghindni.
Lahore: Premier Book
House,
pub.
from 1870 edition.
Ibn 'Abidin,
Muhammad
Amin
1882
Hashiyah
Radd al Mukhtdr
'ala
al Durr
al Mukhtdr. Cairo:
B5l1q.
Ibn al
Qayyim
al
Jawziyyah
1972
Ighithah
al
Lahfin min Maki'id
al
Shayt~n, Mukhtagar by
'Abdallah Ibn
'Abd al
Rahman
Abi
Butayn. Riy
d: Ddr
al Yamimah
lil
Bahth
wal
Tarjamah
wal
Nashr.
Ibn
Taymiyyah, Taqi
al Din Abi al 'Abbds
Ahmad
Ibn 'Abd al
Halim
1966 "Kitib al Sam&' wal
Raq?." Majmi'ah
al
Rasd'il al KubrA. Cairo: Matba'ah
Muhammad
'All
qubayh,
Vol.
II, 295-330.
Kiefer,
Thomas M.
1970 Music from the
Tausuq
of
Sulu,
Moslems
of the Southern
Philippines.
Introduction to a two-disc set of
records
(Ethnosound, Anthology
EST
8000/1).
MAlik
Ibn Anas al
Aqbahi
1905 Al Mudawwanah al Kubra. Cairo:
Matba'ah al Sa'ddah.
1971 Al
Muwatta'.
Tinis:
Matba'ah
al
Dawlah al
Thnisiyyah.
Muir,
Sir William
1923 The Life of
Mohammad.
Edinburgh:
John
Grant.
34
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Al
Nawawi,
Muhyi
al Din Abi
Zakariyyi Yahya
Ibn Sharaf
1884
Minhij
al
Tdlibin.
Ar. text and Fr.
tr.
by
L.
W. C. Van den
Berg.
Batavia:
Imprimerie
du Gouvernement.
Nettl,
Bruno
1975 "The Role of Music in Culture:
Iran,
A
Recently Developed
Nation."
Contemporary
Music and
Music
Cultures.
Englewood
Cliffs,
New
Jersey:
Prentice-Hall, Inc.,
71-100.
al
Qaraodwi,
Yisuf
n.d. The Lawful and the Prohibited in
Islam,
tr. Kamal
El-Helbawy,
M.
Moinuddin
Siddiqui, Syed Shukry. Indianapolis:
American Trust
Publications,
first
pub.
in Arabic in 1960.
Robson,
James
1938 Tracts on
Listening
to Music. London:
The
Royal
Asiatic
Society.
Roychoudhury,
M. L.
1957 Music in
Islam,
reprinted
from Journal
of the
Royal
Asiatic
Society,
Letters.
Calcutta: H.
Bhattacharya.
Russell,
Alexander
David,
tr.
1906 First
Steps
in Muslim
Jurisprudence
(excerpts
from Ibn Abi
Zayd
al
Qayrawdni's
Bikirah al
Sa'd).
London:
Luzac and Co.
al
Sa'id,
Labib
1967 Al Jam' al
qawti
al Awwal lil
Qur'dn
al
Karim,
or Al
Mughaf
al
Murattal.
Cairo: D~r al Kitib al 'Arabi lil
Tibi'ah wal Nashr.
Sakata,
Lorraine
1976 "The
Concept
of Musician in Three
Persian-Speaking
Areas of
Afghanistan."
Asian Music 8
(1):1-28.
al
Shifi'i,
Ab5 'Abdullah
Muhammad
Ibn Idris
1906 Kitib al
Umm,
bi
Riwdyah
al
Rabi'i Ibn
Sulayman.
Cairo:
B5l~q.
35
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Shaltit,
Mahmiid
1960 Al Fatawa. Cairo: Dir al
Shuriq,
355-359.
Slobin,
Mark
1976 Music in the Culture of Northern
Afghanistan. Viking
Fund Publications
in
Anthropology,
No. 54.
Tucson,
Arizona: The
University
of Arizona
Press.
Talbi,
M.
1958 "La Qird'a bi-l-Alhin."
Arabica
5:183-190.
Trimillos,
Ricardo Diosdada
1965 "Some Social and Musical
Aspects
of the
Music of the
Taosug
in
Sulu,
Philippines."
Master's
thesis,
University
of Hawaii.
36
This content downloaded from 202.185.96.100 on Fri, 9 May 2014 04:47:55 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions