Koha Digest # 39 (1995)

EDITORIAL

THE LIMITS OF FREEDOM

by VETON SURROI

The first time I physically met a Chechenyan, he was already dead. I was passing through an
exclusive neighborhood in London and saw several ambulances which had surrounded a
beautiful house while the police had stopped the traffic. In the evening news, I found out that
the man (in reality there had been two) who was being transported to the hospital, was a
citizen of the former Soviet Union, and the next day's newspapers referred to them as two
Chechenyans, people of suspicious wealth.

The later explanations spoke of an organized crime network of the Chechenyans in London.
And, as the Interpol would state not only once, the Chechenyans are somewhere on the top of
the organized crime in Western Europe, be it drugs or arms smuggling. A characteristic
which, it seems, had entered the police computers, was the brutality with which the
Chechenyan mobsters eliminate their opponents and debtors from the act of living.

Since three years ago, Western Europe links the name of the Chechenyans to mobsters and
General Dudayev, a former general of the Red Army who proclaimed the independence of
Chechenya from the Russian Federation in times when Gorbachev was confused with the
whole process of the disintegration of the USSR. But, most likely, the massacre which has
happened in Chechenya will eliminate the image of mobsters and will bond the name of the
Chechenyans to more general synonyms of the world's politics.

For example, the Russian President Yeltsin considers it the last bastion of separatism. His
logic is simple: if the secession of Chechenya is allowed, then the other autonomous republics
within the Russian Federation should be allowed. For the Russian opposition, which in these
moments has had outstanding principled posture in the inter-ethnic conflicts, Chechenya is a
test for democracy: the use of arms against one people to solve a political problem would
mean the fortification of the military apparatus in Russia proper. Further on, the opposition,
which doesn't support the independence of Chechenya, reveals a simple calculation:
Chechenya could be conquered by the death of the Russian soldiers, enormous expenses of
the budget which has to be fulfilled with additional printing of money, ie. inflation, therefore
economic and political instability.

Could this be an internal affair? No. At least because the issue of human rights, the issue of
the rights of the Chechenyan people is an issue which goes beyond the borders of Russia.
Even more, we are facing a historical process which transcends the frames of one state: the
independence of people from the big imperialist projects. Yesterday it was the disintegration

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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of the Soviet Union and the Yugoslav mini-model, today the issue is Chechenya, tomorrow it
might be Tibet or maybe another part of the Indian sub-continent.

Silencing the problem or evaluating that "these issues are surpassed", were not proven wrong
only in the cases of yesterday, but also in the present ones. The Chechenyans fought Russia
almost the whole past century, in this century, in times of Stalin, they were forcibly
transported to different parts of the USSR, but here they are, and they believe in their
freedom.

The world has entered a phase in which it must give a reply to a complicated question: where
are the limits of the freedom of the peoples?

KOSOVA

ABSOLUT KOSOVA

by ASTRIT SALIHU

Absolut Vodka promotes its products in the most famous magazines of the world,
"Newsweek", "Time" and "Die Spiegel", etc., through a conceptual ad of continuance and
context. Thus, Absolut is known in all the biggest cities or metropolises of the world. We can
find it in Swiss watches, the pigeons of Venice's square, the Madrid guitar, the ruined Berlin
wall, the gambling tables of Monte Carlo and the music notes of Vienna. Absolut is known in
every town and vice versa, in each Absolut you can recognize a town. All ads contain
something from the identity and the image of those towns. There is no way not to feel
marginalized by the fact that we are not part of the places which would identify Absolut
Vodka or in which the Vodka would identify us. Kosova of the last years can be identified
and create its identity through the chains which suffocate a people and the absolute violence
which is applied against them.

As much we would feel well to, at least, be part of the places which are comprised in the
advertising concept of a famous product, even by evidencing the violence and chains we
carry, that much we would develop an advertising concept if we would get rid of them, as in
the following illustration. Maybe in the future, the sign of Absolute Vodka will find itself in
Scanderbeg's headpiece or Tomorr's peak.

Even though our bodies and skins are developing the identity and image of Kosova in the
world, if nothing else, then why shouldn't we impose ourselves to the concept of the ad with
the Absolut violence that surrounds us.

It seems paradoxical and cynical to advertise violence, but the code of the language of
advertising is superficial, compressed and suggestive. This doesn't explain all about Kosova.
But we believe that something else, different and strong about it has been said.

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PROFILES

State Department's report on Rugova's visit

KOSOVO'S ALBANIAN LEADER MEETS WITH ACTING SECRETARY...

Ibrahim Rugova, the acknowledged leader of the 1.8 million member Albanian community in
Kosovo, met December 2 with Acting Secretary of State Strobe Talbott at the State
Department.

Rugova's long-planned visit to washington "gives us an opportunity to exchange views on a

range of issues, but in particular on the human rights situation in Kosovo," the deputy
spokesman said. Kosovo is a province in Serbia.

Shelly recalled that the U.S. has often expressed serious concerns about the human rights
situation in Kosovo and has publicly warned against any "spill-over" of fighting from
elsewhere in the former Yugoslavia.

...AND MRS. ALBRIGHT

Following is the text of a question taken and response given December 2, released by the
Department of State Office of the Spokesman:

(Begin text)

QUESTION: Can you give us a readout of Madeleine Albright's meeting with Dr. Ibrahim
Rugova of Kosovo?

ANSWER: Ambassador Madeleine K. Albright met with Dr. Ibrahim Rugova, chairman of
the League of Democrats of Kosovo (LDK), on Friday in her State department office. Dr.
Rugova noted conditions kin Kosovo, including what he described to be the arrest of 100
policemen of Albanian descent and the alleged death by torture of one of them. Dr. Rugova
stressed his commitment to nonviolence and called for an international civilian administration
of Kosovo.

Ambassador Albright stated that the United States supports Dr. Rugova's pacifist approach to
the situation in Kosovo. She affirmed that we are very supportive of autonomy for Kosovo
but not independence. She assured Dr. Rugova that Serbia-Montenegro will not be fully
reintegrated into the international community until the autonomy of Kosovo is restored.
Ambassador Albright further stressed the importance of strict protection of human rights in
Kosovo and the need for the CSCE long-duration missions to be permitted to return to
Kosovo.

(End text)

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Attack against Rugova

JEAN KIRKPATRICK, FORMER US AMBASSADOR TO UN, ABOUT RUGOVA:

The Albanian public was especially attracted to the publication of a part of the interview of a
high American official Eduard Danich given to Zagreb's "Vecernji List", in Tirana's daily
"Koha Jonë". This newspaper concentrates on the part in which Danich speaks of Rugova and
his impressions from a meeting with him in the United States.

In an interview given to the Croatian daily "Vecernji List", a high ranked official of the
American administration, Eduard Danich, speaking of the American predisposition to help
the Croats, Bosnians and Albanians, among others, mentions the following: "I was participant
of the lunch organized in honor of the leader of the Albanians of Kosova, Dr. Ibrahim
Rugova. The reception was organized such, as if it were for a head of state. There were many
personalities of the American political life: Jean Kirkpatrick, senators, congressmen, the
editor in chief of Washington Post, and many others. Only words in general. What a mistake.
After the lunch, Kirkpatrick approached me and said: "Poor guy. He doesn't understand
anything about politics. It will be very hard for us to help them".

(Part of the interview published by "Vecernji List" /Zagreb/ and "Koha Jonë" /Tirana/).

VIOLENCE

AN ABSOLUTE STATEMENT: THE STORY OF A POLICEMAN

Koha exclusively publishes the text of the manuscript of Avdi Mehmedoviq's interrogation
minutes, in the most recent process against the former Kosova policemen, members of the
Independent Trade Union, which is an authentic description of the arrests, accusations and
events. The integral text is published, with the consent of the defending attorney of the
accused.

Elaborated on November 24, 1994 at 16,30 hrs., in the Regional Court of Prishtina.

Investigating Judge: Danica Marinkovic

Public Prosecutor: Jovica Jovanovic

The accused: Avdija Mehmedovic

minutes taken by: Court's typist

The accused Avdija Mehmedovic has been taken to the Court in the afternoon, therefore the
Court communicated him the grounds of suspicion, based on the criminal charges of the
Ministry of Internal Affairs of Serbia (MIAS), the department of State Security, he was
informed about his rights during the procedure that he is not obliged to defend himself, nor
reply to the asked questions, to use his mother tongue during the interrogation and the right he
has to chose his attorney who can be present during the interrogation, after he was asked said:

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I want to appoint attorney Bajram Kelmendi from Prishtina as my defending attorney, who
would be present during my interrogation, while I will defend myself in Serbian, which I
know well.

The Court informed attorney Bajram Kelmendi by phone that the accused has appointed him
as his defending attorney in this procedure, and who declared he would be in Court within
short.

At 16,40, attorney Bajram Kelmendi came to the Court, and the interrogation of the accused
continued.

First, the accused requests to consult his attorney and the Court allows him this, but in
Serbian. The accused consulted his attorney about there was any possibility to have his
interrogation take place tomorrow at 8 o'clock, because he is in no position to present his
defense, because he is very much exhausted physically and mentally, for the organs of
internal affairs have mistreated him physically, because he is sleepless and because he had not
been eating regularly, which causes him cramps in the stomach.

Since the attorney tells him he has the right to request the postponement of the interrogation
because of the above reasons and that the Court must respect his request, because the accused
must, by all means, be concentrated and fit during his defense, and in the concrete case the
request of the public prosecutor for investigations doesn't exist, but there is only the paper on
criminal charges pressed by MIAS, the investigating judge ascertains that the accused
requests the postponement of the interrogation until tomorrow at 8 o'clock, because he is
physically and mentally tired. The attorney reacts to this and requests that it is written down
that the accused requests the postponement because he is exhausted mentally and physically,
because he was physically mistreated by the organs of internal affairs, because he is sleepless
and the cramps in the stomach due to the irregular meals, therefore the Court also includes
this part of the statement of the accused in the minutes.

Then the Public Prosecutor declares that he has nothing against the postponement, but asks
the Court to start the interrogation at 11 o'clock the next day, so he can write the request for
the initiation of the investigations against the accused until then.

The Court decides: the interrogation of the accused is postponed till November 25, 1994, at
11 o'clock.

After this, the accused asks the Court whether he could consult his attorney again, and the
Court allows him. The accused asks his attorney: does he have the right, once he is back in
prison, to press criminal charges against those people who have mistreated him physically,
while the attorney replies to him that he has the right, and that he himself will press the
criminal charges and that he would only have to sign it.

After this, the accused approaches the Investigating Judge and asks: Can you guarantee that
from this moment and till 8 o'clock in the morning I will not be mistreated in prison.

The Investigating judge smiles and without dictating the question to the typist says: You
Avdija ask too much. The Court gives no guarantees, but no one will touch you.

Then the accused signs the minutes and two guards take him back to prison.

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On November 25, 1994 at 11,45 hrs. the interrogation of the accused Avdija Mehmedovic
continues in the presence of his attorney Bajram Kelmendi and the deputy Regional Public
Prosecutor Jovica Jovanovic.

The accused was read the request of the Public Prosecutor for the initiation of the
investigations, and then he declared:

I understood the request and I wish to present my defense.

I have graduated from the High Police School and the Military Academy. First I had been
teacher at the Police School in Vushtrri, and then I worked in the sector of public security of
the Secretariat of Internal Affairs of Prishtina, as chief of defensive preparations' sector.

I was dismissed from the sector in September 1990, against my will. After my dismissal, I
became member of the TU of the former employees of the internal affairs, within the Union
of the Independent Trade Unions of Kosova (UITUK). Therefore, we have established a TU
branch of the former employees of Internal Affairs, which were dismissed, within the
UITUK. Our premises were close to the premises of the UITUK. In our premises we had
some equipment: a fax machine, a computer, a photocopier and a typewriter. Beforehand, we
had organized our founding convention on July 24, 1990 and later we organized the regular
conventions. I was one of the most active members of the TU. In the meetings that we held,
apart from me, other people mentioned in the request for the initiation of the investigations,
as representatives from the field - from the other towns of Kosova attended the meetings. One
meeting was held in the building of the UITUK, but since the police would break-in our
premises too often, search them and confiscate our equipment and documentation (they took
away two computers, for one they issued a receipt and the other one they stole, for they didn't
issue us any receipt on the confiscation), then we decided to organize our meetings outside
the premises - in apartments. Therefore, the police didn't give us back the confiscated
computers, nor the documentation, and that was the reason why I presented criminal charges
against the police. We were often called to "informative talks", and I personally had been
summoned to those talks.

When we started working, we had in mind the general situation in the former Yugoslavia: the
war in Croatia, later in B&H, therefore we were fearing that the military conflicts would be
transferred to Kosova. Thus we started collecting data on who is given weapons, where the
weapons are stored, etc., and especially we had in mind Seselj's, Arkan's and Basri Pllana's
parties in Kosova. So, we were gathering data and information about the military
organizations of: Seselj, Arkan and Basri Pllana's Association.

Jonuz Tërstena and myself were gathering data in the whole of Kosova, and the data was
coming from the field. Thus, the data from Mitrovica was provided by Bedri Tahiri and Selim
Çitaku, from Gjakova by Shefqet Beqa and Sejfullah Sahatçiu, from Gjilan by Halit Rexhepi,
from Ferizaj by Reshat Maliqi and Fadil Hyseni, from Prizren by Adem Shala and Rexhep
Oruçi and from Pejë by Vllaznim Gashi and Mehmet Gjoci.

Data coming from the field was diverse, including the repression against our colleagues who
were exposed to the repressive measures of the Serbian police, starting from the summons for
informative talks, physical mistreatment, searches, evictions and up to the killing of our
colleague. The other kind of facts were related to the issue security in incidental situations.
Thus we have data about the construction of an underground object close to Komoran

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(Gllogovc) which stores poison and that this building is taken care of by armed people, or for
example the fact that the MIAS has armed the Albanians of the Berishë village aiming at
using them for reciprocal clashes and thus start conflicts of big dimensions. These facts were
presented in our meetings, which were attended by the people mentioned in the request for
the initiation of the investigations, but also by other people. Jonuz and I would go to the field
throughout Kosova and in the meeting we had with our colleagues presented these facts and
we have spoken to the people who had sent us these facts. We held one meeting at Blerim
Olloni's sister in law's apartment, and another one in a private house in Jabllanica St. We had
rented an apartment in which we had put the computer and the fax and it was Jonuz who
usually used them. I was not able to use the computer, but as I was instructed by Jonuz, I'd
work on it sometimes.

The ones who have worked on the collection of the data and facts, have tried, in the majority
of the occasions and for a long time, to establish a contact with the responsible at the MIAS,
in order to present them these facts and jointly try to prevent the explosion of armed conflicts
in Kosova, the distribution of drugs and other harmful things, aiming at defending all nations
and nationalities in Kosova and not only the Albanian people, but the representative of the
MIAS never accepted to receive us.

I know Mehmet Lumi, Lorenc Selmani and Enver Prekadini. I have thought of it and I have
also spoken to them about their inclusion in our activities, but finally I was told that they are
not suitable for the job, nor ready to do it.

I don't deny it, and I acknowledge as my statement the one given to the organs of internal
affairs, apart from some facts which were ascertained by them in the text and which don't
stand. I don't agree to the terms: security center, security service, organizing unit or heads of
departments (services), because they never existed. We are only people who were engaged in
gathering data, and people who have sent us the data from the field. We have presented these
facts in our contacts with foreign delegations which visited Kosova and in press conferences,
and thus we have informed the international public too about the repressive measures against
the Albanian people in general and against us, former policemen, in particular. Besides this,
we wanted to use these facts for the criminal charges to be presented to the War Tribunal in
The Hague, and we contacted the Interpol to get instructions about the person these charges
should be addressed to.

Our third meeting dealt with the facts we gathered on the collaborators of the MIAS, which
were filed in a floppy disk. Jonuz and I filed the names.

In February 1993, I don't recall the exact date, I took 10 battery portable radio-stations from
Jonuz Tërstena. Jonuz gave them to me. We have distributed them to different towns of
Kosova, one in each town, two in Pejë and three in Prishtinë. One, I kept for myself. I had
also three or four channels of frequencies which are used by the Service of Public Security of
the MIAS. The portable radio stations were distributed by me, one to Bedri Tahiri, one to
Shefqet Beqa and to other seven colleagues in Kosovan towns. None of us knew to properly
use these stations, because we had no instructions of use, therefore they served us only to
receive messages. I would listen to the frequency of the Public Security in Prishtina. I stress
that for this job we would receive at least 500 DEM per month, and the money was gathered
by me from our workers employed abroad.

Jonuz Tërstena is in Poland since two months ago, visiting his brother who has suffered a

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traffic accident. He has the floppy disk. He can come back here only if he is given
international guarantees for his personal safety. I have indications that he is in danger, that he
can be eliminated by the MIAS (the judge refuses to ascertain this sentence in the report, and
as the defending attorney insists, this sentence too is included in the report). Jonuz Tërstena
can come here only with my consent and the conditions that I will determine. (The accused
declares that he is negotiating about this with the organs of the State Security, therefore states
that the criminal procedure will be interrupted soon and that he will be released as soon as the
contents of the disk are revealed and this was not included in the report, while the attorney
reacted by telling the accused that he never worked for the organs of internal affairs, or, if he
worked, then he was only a fireman, and afterwards reacts the prosecutor, saying: I don't
believe what you are saying will be done Avdija, but also based on what your two colleagues
declared last night when interrogated).

We are willing to hand over the disk with the condition that a copy remains in our possession.
When the Service of State Security will have the disk in its possession, we will be set free,
because it will be clear what had we been doing and it is not dangerous for Serbia, The disk
contains also compromising data for the Serbian police.

Asked by the attorney, the accused replies: I was arrested on November 20, 1994 at 11
o'clock. During the para-penal procedure, I was subjected to physical torture by the organs of
internal affairs. Even last night, when my interrogation was postponed, I was physically
tortured by the prison guards. There is no service of State Security nor Public Security, there
are no organizing centers and there were no functions of heads of departments, chiefs, etc.

Asked by the Public Prosecutor, the accused declared: the physical violence applied against
me didn't influence the statement given to the Court. Yesterday, I requested the postponement
of the interrogation because of the fact that I was physically and mentally exhausted, because
I was sleepless, because I haven't been eating regularly, because I had cramps in my stomach,
and not that much because of the use of violence.

As proposed by the Public Prosecutor, the Court showed the accused parts of the statement
made by Selim Çitaku, while the accused declared that this statement is not true and contains
many insinuations and is full of imprecise details.

Thus the interrogation of the accused ended and the accused signed the report (minutes)
without any remarks.

signed by

The Accused: Avdija Mehmedovic

Investigating Judge: Danica Marinkovic

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RETURNEES

NEW DAYS OF YELLOW RIBBONS

by SEKI RADONCIC/AIM/Podgorica

Even though the Federal Government has, since the midst of the past month, adopted the
"special instructions on the possibilities to enter Yugoslavia", which in a totally inhuman way
discriminates its own citizens and violates the fundamental human rights, there were no
reactions of the democratically oriented public.

The government which didn't even care when its citizens fled the country breathlessly, with
this "decree", which many compare to the days of the yellow ribbons, wants to clearly try and
prevent the return of those citizens. Some, based on this, conclude that this is the continuation
of the ethnic cleansing, ie. it is in fact its legalization.

According to these instructions, "the entrance to FRY will not be allowed to those people
who have requested asylum in the places where they presently reside; the ones who have
passports with serial numbers belonging to the seceded republics of the Former Yugoslavia;
to bearers of Yugoslav passports (people of Muslim and Croatian nationality), whose place of
residence according to the passport is outside the FRY; to bearers of Croatian documents and
persons holding Muslim passports of the so called Bosnia and Herzegovina".

Rade Ratkovic, member of the Presidency of the Montenegrin Helsinki Committee,

comments:

"While all serious states of the world take care of their citizens wherever they are, these
instructions violate drastically the human rights, because this is a discrimination against one
own's citizens. The fatherland is obliged to accept its own citizens. The Western countries try
to return the asylum-seekers, but this regime proves, as many times before, that it doesn't
want to communicate with the world, but applies sanctions even against its own citizens. It is
clear that this is an illegal and amoral restriction of the rights of a large number of citizens".

The Federal government adopted the instructions in order to, as its representatives say,
"prevent the massive entrance of the false refugees inside the country". The Government, in
other words, was preoccupied with the fact that the Western countries, which hold, according
to the informations at the government's disposal, "over 200 thousand false refugees, out of
which 95% are Albanians" are now trying to bring back these citizens of Serbia in
Montenegro back to their lands.

Mehmet Hajrizi, member of the Presidency of the LDK, says that they have been informed
about the decision of the Government from the media, and adds: "at first sight, it seems as if
this ban and recommendations are of administrative nature, but in essence they are of deep
political nature and in function of ethnic cleansing of Kosova. It is known that the majority of
the Albanians fled Kosova due to the police repression and tortures, trying to evade the draft,
because of the lack of employment, etc. Now their return is being prevented, while on the
other side, the colonization of Kosova is proclaimed with hundreds thousands of Serbs, the
majority of them coming from the Former Yugoslavia. It is clear that such a decision of the
government aims at the change of the ethnic structure of the population of Kosova.

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While the Federal Government operates with data of about 200 thousand Albanians, the
Albanian alternative confirms that the number is much bigger. In one of the last issues of
"Monitor", Academician Rexhep Qosja stressed that under Milosevic's rule alone, about 600
thousand Albanians fled Kosova. It this were true, then the question arises - is this the way
how the Serbian regime, this time through the Federal Government, is trying to conceal the
exact number of the emigrated Albanians?

"It is clear that such a restrictive regime of returns, as the Government claims, of the false
refugees, affects mostly the Kosova Albanians and the Sandzak Muslims, but also the
Vojvodina Hungarians", says Rasim Ljajic, Secretary General of SDA Sandzak, and
continues: "In the past two years and a half, we believe that around 70 thousand people have
temporarily left Sandzak, and that a part of them has even requested temporary residence
called "Duldunge".

The fact that the Government is aiming at the change of the demographic structure is proven
by the provisions of the same decree regarding Yugoslav citizens (Muslims and Croats)
whose addresses are outside the FRY.

In regard to Sandzak, the majority of them come from the bordering territories with Bosnia.
The decision of the Government is motivated first of all by "political" (demographic) reasons,
and all of it comprises the determination of local authorities in Sandzak to start the
construction of housing facilities exclusively, as it is stated, for cadres of Serbian nationality.

Andras Agoston, Chairman of the Democratic Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians (DAVH),

evaluates that between 35-40 thousand Hungarians have fled Vojvodina. "We have been
looking for this decree for so long, but we can't find it. It is clearly and internal act. All we
know about it, we found out from the media. We are awaiting for concrete examples of its
application, ie. to have people coming to us, and then start a concrete action", says Agoston.

Even though the regime wants to show the special instructions of the Federal Government as
an aim to not allow the Albanians to come back, the decision is general, therefore it can be
concluded that it will be applied against all those who don't carry Serbian blood and those
who are not ideologically suitable. For example: the most famous Montenegrin refugee,
writer Jevrem Brkovic, was granted asylum in Croatia. If these instructions are followed
strictly, then he too, on these grounds, will be denied the return to Montenegro, at least as
long as this government is in power!

According to Natasa Kandic, Director of the Humanitarian Law Fund in Belgrade, these
instructions of the Government are a clear violation of the constitutional provisions. She
claims that she has informations that the passport control at the Belgrade airport is taking
place immediately on the way our from the airplane.

"According to the practice, it is clear that this is not an isolated action, but proves that this is a
deterioration and a new course towards the ones who come back. The Instructions are an
illegal means, and the sole fact that the Government adopts instructions and not laws, makes
them illegal means" - concludes Kandic.

But the ones in power in Serbia and Montenegro, it seems, however, do care about the human
rights of the asylum-seekers.

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Thus the Federal Government obliged the Federal Ministry of Foreign Affairs "to inform the
UNHCR in Geneva and the other competent international organizations about the intentions
to repatriate the false refugees and the violation of human rights of those people".

The principled Government, however, didn't approach the international organizations to start
actions of prevention of the violation of human rights of each individual - and enable them to
live in their own country. Nevertheless, Milorad Ivanovic, Chief of the Directorate of
Consular Matters in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, declared that "FRY is not evading the
constitutional rights to accept all of its citizens". He, also, added that "the Yugoslav side is
not in a position to, in such a short notice, beside 500 thousand refugees from the Former
Yugoslavia, accept other 200 thousand false refugees".

Ivanovic also clarified that the Yugoslav side is negotiating with Switzerland and Sweden and
is planning conversations with Germany, and is expecting "complete data on the identity of
the people coming back to their property in Yugoslavia". But, in order not to have the West
think that "the false refugees" will be deprived of their assets in this way, Ivanovic states that
it is also discussed about the dynamics of the return of the "returnees" back home. Naturally,
he also expects the concrete financial assistance of the mentioned states.

The return of the large number of asylum-seekers back home, without any doubt, would
change the ethnic composition of the population, especially in Kosova, whilst the return of
Serbs, Montenegrins, Muslims, and Hungarians would change (ostensibly) the electorate in
Serbia and Montenegro, because it is logical to suppose that such people who fled the country
because of the actual government, would not vote for it. Such a serious government doesn't
forget such a "small" detail.

The Western countries, choosing between the enormous expenses they have for Yugoslav
asylum-seekers (accommodation, social assistance, health-care assistance, even employment)
and their forced return back home, picked the second option; even though thus they question
their own evaluation that there are violations of human rights in Serbia and Montenegro.

They could explain their decision with the fact that they don't want to be accessories to ethnic
cleansing which Belgrade is conducting. But, as it seems, they forget their principles because
of money.

"The Special Instructions" started to be applied. Therefore, Ivanovic's statement aims at

softening the reaction of the international public.

Or maybe it could be interpreted as a message to the West, that if Belgrade is forced to apply
this decision, then the West proper will be forced to pay the highest price, without any doubt.

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MACEDONIA

ALBANIANS (WON'T) CHANGE THE POLITICAL COURSE

Abdurrahman Aliti, vice-chairman of the Parliament of Macedonia and Chairman of PPD

talks about the ascertainment on the inefficaciousness of the politics of Albanians, the idea to
leave the parliament and other forms of organization.

by SELADIN XHEZAIRI / Tetova

The events at the end of the year in the Republic of Macedonia - the foundation of the
University of Tetova and the reaction of the police organs towards this act, as well as the
arrest and expulsion of the Kosova Albanian MPs who declared the Kaçanik Constitution,
imposed this interview with Abdurrahman Aliti, vice-chairman of the Parliament of
Macedonia, in which his party, the PPD, is represented by 10 MPs. It also participates in the
Government with four ministers.

ALITI: The changes which you have mentioned are part of a change of the global politics in
the region. I believe that this is the starting point of the new direction of the politics towards,
about and regarding Albanians. I also think that I am not wrong to say that some moments
were taken advantage of, according to me, very marginal ones, to show the force against
Albanians, to prove that in a determined moment and in concrete circumstances, the
Government in Macedonia, most probably as agreed with external factors around Macedonia,
can prevent the Albanians from their concrete political actions. They took advantage of the
moment to, for example, take the foundation of the University as an act against the state of
Macedonia, as an act which threatens its integrity, the Macedonian national being, everything
that its Macedonian, even though none of these stand, if those are arguments. The mere fact
that the ruin of a small building was conducted under the surveillance of strong police forces,
proves that this was not just ruining a building, but a demonstration of force to intimidate the
Albanians and warn them to be much more careful in their next actions. Also the close-down
of the borders with Kosova and Albania, the prohibition of entering or leaving the country
imposed on journalists, activists, the people who deal with culture, art, science, etc. proves
that in the global plane, the policy towards Albanians, not only of Macedonia, has changed
drastically and that we are referring to the strengthening of the North-South axis, which has
always been historically harmful for Albanians, in Macedonia, Kosova and Albania. From
this aspect, I believe that the change of the political course of the Albanian political factor in
Macedonia is inevitable.

KOHA: But in the meantime your party became part of the Government of Macedonia!

ALITI: The participation in the government of Macedonia is only a sign of good will, that the
Albanians here are determined to use the democratic means, the institutions of the system to
solve the problems. The prevention of having this functioning as a determination, obliges us
to revise our political course. It is implied that we will have to think well about the correction
of this global political course, in conditions in which we will ascertain (and, unfortunately,
we are doing this!) that our politics so far has not yielded much, even worse, has not given
any results. Therefore it is inevitable to globally change our political course. Now it is only a
matter of what direction will our political activity head towards. If someone thinks that the
solution is leaving the governmental coalition, I would say that this would be the easiest thing
to do, because only a statement would be enough, only a decision of the Presidency of the

- 12 -
PPD to withdraw the ministers and the other post-holders from the state administration in
Macedonia would do. Therefore the question is not when should we leave, why and how, but
he question is: what shall be done after we leave, what political means should be used in
function to advance the position of the Albanians here. The question is: once you are out,
where and how should it be acted further on? Then, there are ideas about leaving the
Parliament, for obvious reasons and we, for the time being, are not far from the idea. This
idea is deep in our minds, its present in our conversations; it is something that can occur very
soon. But, we must have a vision, a concept: what after leaving the Parliament. If we leave,
according to the logic already seen in the Former Yugoslavia, we must constitute an Albanian
parliament with the present Albanian MPs and some others, who will be elected, and start
functioning in another modus of the political organization of the Albanians in Macedonia.

KOHA: Something similar to Bosnia?!

ALITI: Most likely. But the realization of this idea must not be done only by one Albanian
political subject in Macedonia, and the consensus of the political parties here is not enough,
but a consensus of all Albanian political subjects in the Former Yugoslavia is necessary,
including the consent of the Albanian state. Because the consequences of such an
organization in Macedonia, would not only be reflected inside Macedonia but outside its
borders too. I think that there must be a deeper analysis of this, in order to determine the
Albanian political course in the future. Otherwise, any other action I would refer to as
political dilettantism and non-productive, before all for the Albanians themselves.

MACEDONIA

SHKUP IN LATIN AMERICA

by IBRAHIM MEHMETI / Shkup

A week before the end of 1994, which will be remembered by a list of "D" days, in times
when the spirits had not been calmed after the ruin of a building destined for the University of
Tetova and when the list of all "wounds" caused by this action had not been completed yet, on
December 24, the Macedonian police undertook an action, whose consequences will be long
analyzed.

On this day, in the first hours after midnight, the Macedonian police started an action in the
style of the Latin-American policemen and arrested 19 MPs of the former Assembly of
Kosova, including the Speaker and two correspondents of "Bujku" and "Rilindja" in
Macedonia, who had been residing in Macedonia since May 1992. After their arrest and the
so called informative talks, which lasted up to 60 hours, the eighteen of them and "Rilindja's"
correspondent Bedri Sadiku were deported from Macedonia and were handed over to the
organs of Serbia. The Speaker of the Assembly, Ilijaz Ramajli was given the possibility to
choose between being handed over to the Serbian authorities or the "voluntary" exile, and
thus he chose Albania as the new country of asylum. "Rilindja's" correspondent and former
vice-premier of Kosova, Ramush Tahiri, after being interrogated for 60 hours, was released.
He was the only one to escape deportation, because his wife and children are citizens of
Macedonia. After he was set free, Tahiri declared that he had identified two policemen who
interrogated him (Jordan Najdovski and Bexhet Bexheti), announcing also that his family

- 13 -
would press charges against the Macedonian authorities. However, immediately after this, on
Friday, the assistant of the Minister of Internal Affairs of Macedonia, Bexhet Bexheti
declared that he hadn't participated in this action and that he didn't know anything about the
action. I would have been asked, he said, "my opinion would be the contrary". Unofficially,
we found out that in the concrete case Bexheti didn't act as an inspector.

The last news is that "Rilindja's" correspondent Bedri Sadiku, after being forcefully
repatriated to his place of origin, fled to Tirana. The reason stated is that the "informative
talks" he was subjected to made his stay in Presheva impossible.

The Albanian public in Macedonia asks why has this thing happened?

It is to be stressed that the Macedonian public, as well as the Macedonian officials, have been
trying to ignore and relativize the whole matter by explaining it as a "part of the regular
activities of the police which has to do with aliens who have no residence permits". The
Macedonian media, which are famous for always having first hand information about the
police actions, remained "blind and deaf" this time. On the other hand, the media in Albanian
gave a lot of space to the event. But, the information was incomplete for there was no official
explanation. As the time passed by, the postures of the police evolved. Differing from the first
days when the police denied any arrests, one day after the deportation, on Tuesday, December
27, the adjoint secretary of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Dime Djurev, admitted that there
"had been several arrests and deportations of FRY citizens", adding that there are no
informations about the deportations of the MPs, because, as he stated, the Macedonian police
doesn't know a thing about any MPs from Kosova. We make no difference between the
aliens, but the only thing that interests us is whether they have residence permits or not, said
Djurev.

The game of the Macedonian authorities with the fate of 21 citizens of Kosova lasted almost
two weeks, ie. until January 5, 1995, when "Rilindja's" journalist and former vice-premier of
Kosova, Ramush Tahiri, who is for the time being still in Shkup, sent an open letter to the
Minister of IA of Macedonia, Dr. Lubomir Frckovski, in which he reveals some details which
had been known to the public by following the media.

In this letter, he reminds the minister that the Kosova MPs were residing in Macedonia
legally, based on the agreement of the highest authorities of Kosova and Macedonia.

However, even before this letter it was very clear that these people, especially the
correspondents of "Bujku" and "Rilindja" were not unknown to the police. On the contrary,
both of them had a regular accreditation issued by the Ministry of Information of Macedonia
and the Parliament of Macedonia, in which they were allowed to enter and assist the sessions
as any other journalist.

This by itself speaks of the fact that in this recent affair we can't say that it is an ordinary
action of the police, but that these deportations are linked to the daily politics. This was
proven by the fact that Bedri Sadiku had a residence and working permit which would expire
on March 29, 1995.

The fact that these arrests took place only one week after the inauguration of the University of
Tetova and the claims of the journalists that this had been one of the exploited topics during
the informative talks and the circumstances in which this action took place, fully justify the

- 14 -
speculations about the connection between the deportation and the University.

The other question which imposes itself is, what was the purpose of this action?

It is clear that there was no practical reason, but it seems that the main goal was the
psychological effect which aims at proving that the Macedonian police will not hesitate to use
all the means to "safeguard the constitutional and legal order", etc., and this message, first of
all, is directed to the Albanians in Macedonia. Lately, there have been rumors that
"Macedonia will not allow the solution of the Albanian issue on its territory". Parallel to the
events in the past two weeks, the distribution of the Tirana issue of "Rilindja" in Macedonia
was banned, and this throws another light to these events.

These activities of the Macedonian authorities are often commented as a part of the activities
of Serbia towards the creation of a Balkan's Confederation where Macedonia would have the
role of the key which opens the doors in the North-South relations. Even though it is hard to
argument such a supposition, nevertheless the impression among the Albanian public remains
strong.

Right now, the reply of Minister Frckovski to Ramush Tahiri is expected. It is to believe that
regardless of whether he will or how will he reply to it, Frckovski's reaction will give some
answers to the dilemmas.

INTERVIEW

RAMUSH TAHIRI, journalist and former vice-premier of Kosova

A FILTHY ACTION WITH A POLITICAL MESSAGE

interviewed by SELADIN XHEZAIRI / Shkup

KOHA: You and the delegates of the Kosova Assembly were arrested by the Macedonian
police, a part of them were deported to Serbia...What, according to you, made the
Macedonian authorities take this, for many, unexpected step?

TAHIRI: I was arrested in my familial apartment in Shkup, on Saturday, December 24 early

in the morning. I didn't know that somebody else had been arrested until I was released on
Monday, December 26, after 14 hrs. I suspected that my colleague Bedri Sadiku had been
arrested, because the police searched our office and confiscated the documentation. I found
out about the arrest of the MPs and their deportation to Serbia from the inspectors, who used
a civilian vehicle (registration plates SK 247 FG) to take me back home. They told me that I
was not the only one to be arrested, but the same fate was of the MPs; that they had been
deported and that the press had been writing about it. They told me that it would be better if I
gave no statement to the press but just tell say that I was interrogated about my wife's
citizenship.

Later I found out that my colleague Bedri Sadiku was banned the entrance to Macedonia for
the following five years, although he had an accreditation, a residence and a working permit.
One day before he was arrested, he had taken his family in and had gotten them a residence

- 15 -
permit for one month.

I don't know which were the reasons that lead the Macedonian authorities to make this move.
I knew they could have done this anytime, since the residence of the MPs in Macedonia was
agreed upon between the leaderships of Kosova and Macedonia, and the Macedonian
authorities had the addresses and phone numbers of all the delegates, and their arrest was
done according to that data. Why was violence necessary, why the handcuffs, why were their
passports ruined, why were the members of the their families banned the entrance in
Macedonia for the following five years, this was probably evaluated by the Macedonians
themselves.

KOHA: It is said that there was no agreement and that the matter of residence was not
solved?

TAHIRI: It would be naive to think so. And very irresponsible, if it comes from the officials.
The MPs who proclaimed the Republic of Kosova, after the multi-party elections in Kosova,
when the constitution of the new parliament was expected and their return to Kosova, they
were given temporary residence in Macedonia, concretely in Shkup , in June 1992.

The responsible for them was Aleksa Donev, one of the assistants of the minister of IA of
Macedonia. All the passports of the Former Yugoslavia (some of them had expired) as well as
the list with the personal facts, addresses and telephone numbers in Shkup. Also, all delegates
had Donev's office and private home numbers, and they called him in case there were
problems with the Macedonian organs. The MPs, a part of them, had Croatian passports
(which had also expired) and Albanian passports they used to travel outside Macedonia. It is
true that their residence was not regulated legally. This was not wished, it was not possible
and it was not allowed either. They were residing based on an agreement and they were
supposed to leave based on an agreement.

KOHA: And the accredited journalists?

TAHIRI: Since two years ago, we were accredited by the Ministry of Information of
Macedonia (even though it didn't exist as a ministry) and the Parliament of Macedonia. Based
on these documents, anyone can get a working and residence permits which are evidenced in
the passport. My colleague Bedri Sadiku had regulated all of these, I hadn't. I was part of the
agreement, since I used to be member of the Government of Kosova. I would have to leave
Macedonia for reasons of security or others, when time would come. Otherwise, my wife and
children are citizens and residents of Macedonia, and I could have regulated my status on this
ground and thus get and alien's ID card, if I weren't the one I am and if I were a simple
citizen. I had the legal right to regulate my status, but I had no practical way to do it.

KOHA: So, everyone left apart from you?

TAHIRI: There are still 14 delegates residing in Macedonia who have not been harassed by
the police. Even though my family lives here, I have to leave. I was told that I will be allowed
to visit my family occasionally. I was threatened and finally told that I will not be deported to
Serbia, but to Albania. The intervention of the PPD postponed my deportation. Otherwise the
official documentation, newspapers, personal notes, typewriter, cassette player, photo-camera,
my apartment and office keys, photographs, suitcases etc., and I wasn't given any proof about
the confiscation nor about the interrogation which lasted 60 hours.

- 16 -
KOHA: You wrote an open letter to the minister of Internal Affairs of Macedonia. Why?

TAHIRI: It was the only thing I could do. I explained the reasons in the letter. I believe the
whole thing is a filthy job. It could have been done by the state anytime and is in no way a
success. They arrested the people according to the list. Who was not in the determined
address, simply escaped detention. They were handed over to Serbia against their will, even
though, as in the case of the Speaker, they could have been deported to Albania. There was no
concrete accusation, the MPs didn't do anything which would incite the Macedonians to act
thus. Simply, they could do it and they did it. They wanted to relay a message to Kosova on
the delegates' backs.

KOHA: In an interview, the Macedonian minister of interior declared that the correspondents
were confiscated secrete documents.

TAHIRI: This is not true. There were only materials gotten from the services of the
Parliament. Among them there was the Internal Affairs Law as well as other laws which were
in parliamentarian procedure.

If he was referring to me, then they found documents from my work in the Government of
Kosova, drafts and materials of two and a half years ago, therefore old documents, but there
were no filed documents in my possession, for none of the members of the government had
the right to have them. They must be filed elsewhere. Conditionally, the police had no right to
look into these documents, because it was not entitled to do so and, according to the
agreement, it enjoyed immunity. This was a treason of the Macedonian authorities and state.
As such, this case is without a precedent and for a long time it will be a stain in the
conscience of the Macedonian state.

KOHA: Even "Rilindja" was banned in Macedonia?

TAHIRI: Yes, since the University of Tetova was established on December 17. This speaks of
a coordination of actions to prevent the communications among the Albanians. This also
speaks of the posture of the Macedonians towards the Albanian issue, towards the Albanian
state and Kosova. There is every kind of Serbian press in Macedonia, but no one would dare
to ban the distribution of the Serbian press or expel their correspondents, and even less arrest
them!

KOHA: Which is the political background then?

TAHIRI: It could be a warning to Rugova about his statement regarding the University of
Tetova. Even though I didn't see it as a disputable statement, because he was supporting the
University, as an expression of the will of Albanians, but also in accordance to the
Macedonian constitution and laws, and it is known what are those laws like. It could also be a
warning to the PPD. It can also be a sign of the radical change of the Macedonian policy
towards Kosova, which sees the independence of Kosova as a threat to Macedonia, and the
influence on the Albanian population here. This is how the recent Macedonian steps in the
international scene can be explained.

- 17 -
KOSOVA

PIONEER GOING TO WAR...

by ASTRIT SALIHU / Prishtina

On December 22, "Bujku" published on the first page a communique of the Ministry of
Education, Science and Culture of the Republic of Kosova which "warns that newspapers,
magazines and books which were being sold in schools, are not part of the regular curriculum,
apart from "Pionieri" magazine" and that "the managements of the schools are ordered to stop
any purchase or sale of unverified materials".

A communique which was not signed by anyone, still arises the dilemma about what
magazines does it refer to, and which were not verified by the Ministry of education. Maybe
the reaction of the ministry might be reasonable, but the least it could have been done is to
precise which are the disputable magazines. At the same time, there is a doubt about what
issue of "Pionieri" has been verified and approved by the Ministry as a part of the regular
curriculum, for in each issue of this magazine, a list of very disputable contents, which are not
suitable for any curriculum nor the innocent world of children, can be found. However, there
have been other publications for children in Kosova, which could be compared in their
contents and standards. But it seems that this is the reason why the communique of the
Ministry of Education which prohibits the distribution of other magazines was published.

The communique articulates a stiffness and non-tolerance towards competence even in the
magazines for children. And such a communique should not have been published, especially
having in mind that "Pionieri" does not have an approach which should make us proud. Not
only that it doesn't fulfil the basic needs of the children in regard to information about
literature, but it is often burdened with elements which easily traumatize children. The
motives of the authors of this magazine, even though patriotic, make part of a anachronic and
primitive way of taking patriotism. Aiming at inciting the feeling of patriotism and love for
the fatherland in children, they have chose a completely erroneous path. From the rich
thesaurus of the Albanian verbal culture, in the last page of old sayings, children are offered,
for example, the following: "The wedding needs meat, war needs blood", "Who does not fear
death, victory will gain", "Freedom has its roots in blood", "When the weapon is taken away,
honor is taken away", "Who decides to die, he'll win in war", "Courage turn the bullet
around", "The brave, even with one bullet, always departs with honor", etc. The Albanian
child who will read these old sayings full of blood, death and weapons, has no chance to
escape, apart from his every-day life, from anxiousness and darkness. Instead of games,
colors, aphorisms, humoresques, etc. children are served war, blood, death, and
sado-masochist verses. If to all this we add the lack of colors, the bad socialist-realist
illustrations which are dominated by the sparrow and flowers, and are not lacking or armed
soldiers, then the full impression is that this is a magazine which shouldn't find any space in
the curricula and should not be sold as an obligatory literature in schools in Albanian.

Despite all this, the Ministry released the communique in which is defends "Pionieri". Or is it
maybe a personal financial interest of individuals? This shouldn't be excluded, having in
mind that this magazine has received 30 thousand dollars from Soros Foundation in 1993, and
in 1994 it got 10 tons of paper. If we have in mind that 30 thousand issues were sold as a
compulsory literature in schools, then we are speaking of a large amount of money. But this
wouldn't be disputable if "Pionieri" would have an acceptable level and quality. It is

- 18 -
concerning to understand that the communique endangers the new magazine called "Zanore"
(vowel), as a magazine which doesn't aim to becoming any competition to "Pionieri".

Children could really learn something from "Zanore", starting from the visual poetry, going to
geometry, computer's courses and up to rock'n'roll. It would not be surprising if it would
jeopardize "Pionieri" on the market, but in essence it would do it only because of the quality
and the professional level and not the different manipulations as it is implied in the
communique of the Ministry.

The instance forces Kosovan children to read a different content which has not changed since
WW II, in times of the illiteracy courses, socialist realism and slogans. Now they have
become national slogans. Can this value be sold to children who know about satellite TV,
computers and electrical instruments?

MACEDONIA

CRITICISM EVEN BEFORE 100 DAYS

by ISO RUSI / Shkup

After deceiving the coalition partners when the new ministers were appointed, even before
the first 100 days have expired, in all aspects, the Government of Macedonia is giving reasons
enough for criticism to the public.

"Nova Makedonija", which during the elections had been under the full control of the League
for Macedonia, by reducing itself into a propaganda media, a couple of days ago published an
editorial about he Government stating: "We wanted a competent and energic government and
a similar opposition. We got the Government, but based on the names of the people holding
ministerial posts, we do not get the impression that there is full harmony and capability. On
the other hand, there is no opposition." There are reasons of concern: "The democratic
processes move very slowly in the state, but the basic principles of the civilian society have
not started functioning yet. There is stagnation in the elaboration of juridical regulations, and
thus the civil rights, according the economic criteria from the socio-economic aspect, still
remain unaccomplished. Many indications prove that the Republic of Macedonia has a very
hard time coming out from the political and economic stagnation, despite the first positive
results. We are maybe facing the most difficult period since the constitution of the state and
the multi-party democratic system". This catastrophical evaluation of the situation has never
been directed to the Government even by the harshest opposition.

Following the euphoria after the electoral victory of the League for Macedonia, the first test -
the formation of the Government demonstrated the weakness of the coalition. There are
almost no comments in Macedonia which don't mention that the new Government is made up
of new/old people of disputable capability, who got their posts in the Government thanks to
the ranking in the parties, who must thank "their party pride, political appetites and existential
needs" for their promotion to ministers. The disagreements are now manifested even in
inter-personal clashes between the leaders of the three parties of the coalition and their
presidencies. The Government is not functioning as one of competent people, but more as a
forum which gathers party activists.

- 19 -
The Government found itself facing the season of strikes. The previous demonstrations in
front of the Parliament building of workers whose enterprises went bankrupt and who had not
been receiving any salaries or grants by the employment offices, are a naive option compared
to the announced strike of the workers of the Steel-Mill at the new location, the former
Central Committee of the LC of Macedonia, the present building of the Government. In 1988,
the workers of the Mill went on the streets and caused the dismantlement of the Communist
regime. It was a shock for the leadership, and any demonstrations of these workers were a
nightmare for all the following governments. Thus, the announcement of the workers to
demonstrate together with the members of their families, as well as the threat of the workers
of the other big enterprises that they would join the first, forced the Macedonian government
to do the same thing the previous ones had done - create the money to pay the salaries. There
were no demonstrations and everyone celebrated New Year's at home. The first test
demolished the announcement of the prime-minister that he would radicalize the economic
reform. Because the old recipe still works - go out on the street, you'll get your salary, even
though 100 days before that we were told the contrary. Again politics directs the economy.

The problem of the 23 largest enterprises, whose losses are evaluated to 5% of the
Macedonian GNP, and which are a direct consequence of the increased labor but poor quality
of production, is also a part of the conversations with the IMF on a stand-by arrangement. The
Government, which is between the requests of the IMF that all of those who can't survive in
the market, should stop working and the social tensions which would be created by the
dismissed workers, offered the Parliament a draft law on the restructuring of these enterprises.
The offer of the Government for the enterprises which produce losses is: privatization or
bankruptcy with June as deadline - who survives June, remains, the rest go bankrupt. But the
package foresees a moratorium of their obligations, and the debts are conserved in the
founding deposit, which means that the enterprises will start from zero and they will get
initial funding from the budget to cover the expenses of the ones who have lost the jobs. At
least 16 thousand new unemployed will receive 33 million dollars. It is clear that the
government wants to stick to the diagnosis of the World Bank but at the same time approves
the arguments of the employed that the poor results are not only consequence of their poor
labor but also of external factors, as is the non-functioning of the market, the Greek blockade,
sanctions against Yugoslavia, the non-realistic interest policy, the lack of basis for structural
changes, etc. The problem of the 23 enterprises is only a precondition for further economic
reforms and the start of the path towards the restructuring of the economy. The banks, the
lack of discipline in the financial and tax policies should not be discussed. The chaos is
slowly taking over the economic flows. The effect of this has already been seen in some
former Socialist countries.

But, right now, Macedonia doesn't have only economic problems. The package of problems
of foreign policy and international relations are themselves a very heavy burden for the
Government and a state of Macedonia's format. Some circles even have started discussing
whether Macedonia can subsist as an independent state, which leads to the pessimistic
forecasts about entering a serious political crisis, and in which the worst options would be the
ruin of the state or an imposed integration in an alliance.

Over 30% of the electorate in Macedonia voted for the League and this helped the coalition
win 80% of the seats in the Parliament. The first step proved that only Kiro Gligorov is
keeping the alliance going. It is clear that the voters voted for Gligorov and thus for the
League for Macedonia. Thus Gligorov has fund himself before a very hard task: to use his
capital trying to conceal the differences between the partners or to allow or not allow the

- 20 -
dismantlement of the coalition. If he will opt to save the coalition, then he would have to
personally try and sort out the problems between the parties.

If he remains on the side and the coalition is ruined, then it will come out that he was "used"
by the party which will get to power, and at the same time, it will be as if he deceived his
voters who voted for the League and himself. And the differences among the partners stand
almost in every issue: from the volume of investments, the process of privatization, the
concept of denationalization, and up to the solution of social issues, the "position and the
role" of the police and Army. The trend of getting international support in the past years,
along with such problems, could seriously endanger the inter-ethnic relations according to the
pattern already seen in the Former Yugoslavia.

At the end, it should be repeated that it is unbelievable that the politicians can't see things
from the start, and constantly hope that they will not suffer the same experience as the others.
And all what remains for us is to keep believing in the utopia that "opening" the eyes in this
way will enable us to achieve anything.

ALBANIA

CORRUPTION, THE POLITICAL FRONT OF '95

by MERO BAZE / Tirana

Two MPs of the Democratic Party and the President of the Cassation Court are the focus of
the Albanian political life this week, because of the request of the Public Prosecutor of
Albania to withdraw their parliamentarian immunity. For the first time, the Speaker of the
Parliament Arbnori, has replied in writing to the requests, while the three accused reacted
with press conferences and public statements which reject Arbnori's assertion. The two MPs,
Ruli and Uka, are accused for a scandal occurred two years ago which had to do with the
exportation of wood from Librazhd, and which had been approved by the then ministers Uka,
Ruli and Artan Hoxha, while the President of the Court is accused for a doubtful procedure
which absolved a Greek citizen from the accusation of drug smuggling.

This list of corruption trials is lead by the biggest scandal involving Meksi's Government,
called "Arsidi". It is expected to have four Albanian bankers and one former premier of the
technical government face trial and explain how did one million and 600 thousand dollars
disappear, appropriated by the French citizen Nicolas Arsidi, who had been strangely
appointed as the mediator in the negotiations about the Albanian external debts. On the other
hand, one of Meksi's former ministers, O. Shehu has been publishing for some days in a row,
a dossier with accusations against Meksi and former ministers Ruli and Spaho, which implies
the Arsidi case, investments in tourism, local corruption, etc.

It seems as if this year started covered with the fog of corruption, and only the Socialists have
declared this as their year.

The parliamentarian group of the DP held a meeting to discuss about the immunity of its
MPs, while the two former ministers stated that they were willing to undergo the
investigations without having their immunity withdrawn. Ex-minister Hoxha (29) is right

- 21 -
now in Italy in post-graduate studies.

The meeting was characterized by an increasing nervousness which appeared due to the fact
that the request came from the mysterious Prosecutor's Office. There are people in the DP
who think that this is a frontal attack against this party, while "Koha Jonë", in its latest issue,
claims that Berisha has found full resistance against this action. Ruli, who stopped being
minister 14 months ago, is accused of participating in three financial scandals, in which the
one involving the exportation of wood is the smallest, and where his responsibility doesn't
exceed 500 US$. On the other hand, he is the main character of the "Arsidi" affair. Political
analysts think that this is more a political move than one against corruption, in order to stop
the rivalry which is being created inside new blocs in the DP. The opinion is that Ruli and
Uka will not be condemned for their real faults, but will be forced to give up the support to
the political offensive which aims at the destruction of the DP.

Nicolas Arsidi is, for the first time, mentioned officially in 1991 by the former minister of
Nano's cabinet, Shane Kobreci. At that time he requested to become counsellor for foreign
trade of Albania. In 1991, Arsidi met the managers of the Albanian Trade Bank, Agron Saliu
and Agim Tartari in Paris, and got appointed to the post. This mandate was later confirmed by
Ruli, Minister of Economy. Six months later, Arsidi met with the former Governor of the
Bank of Albania, Ilir Hoti, and high ranked official of the Bank, Ardian Xhyheri, where he is
proposed to mediate in the Albanian external debt negotiations. Arsidi's new mandate
overlapped with Giuliano Amatto's mandate for the same task signed by former vice-premier
of the Government of Stability, Gramoz Pashko. Further on, former prime-minister, Vilson
Ahmeti, signed another letter of authorization which confirmed Arsidi as the mediator and
gave him a significant lump-sum payment, which is the essence of this scandal.

According to anonymous sources, the first job accomplished between Hoti and Arsidi was
providing medicines worth 1,6 million US$, out of which, 300 thousand would have been
divided between Hoti, Xhyheri, Tartari and Saliu, the four of them presently in prison, and
Arsidi, currently in freedom. The mechanism of this appropriation was created by the Trade
Bank which paid 650 thousand US$ in Arsidi's account in Luxembourg through the
Girocentral Bank in Vienna. It is also claimed that the bank in Luxembourg asked Arsidi
about the origin of the money, to what he presented the letters of authority.

This is the first payment out of 1,6 US$ which were to be paid to him. In December 1991,
Saliu and Tartari got 160 thousand dollars each in their accounts in Luxembourg. The same
day, Saliu withdrew 2 thousand dollars from this new account. It is also rumoured that Arsidi
has declared that he had deposited two packages with 650 thousand US$ each in Lugano and
which his attorney requested to be given back to Ilir Hoti. In March 1992, Arsidi opens a
bank account for Hoti in Luxembourg. Hoti claims that he needed it to cover his expenses
abroad, which is not logical, for he was getting subsistence allowances from the bank. One
week later, the former Governor requested the close-down of his account from Tirana.
Finally, after complicated transactions, the virement worth 1,6 million US$ was finally paid.
In March 1992, the Albanian bankers meet Arsidi again. Now it is Xhyheri who gets a current
account open in Luxembourg with 16 thousand dollars. The lack of justification of Arsidi's
money by the end of April 1992, forces him to transfer back the amount to Vienna. These acts
have only erased the traces of the requests of the Albanian bankers to pay 945 thousand
dollars to Arsidi, which, when added to the 650 thousand he had been paid in advance, make
1,6 million he was entitled to. The same sources to which magazine "Aleanca" refers to,
claim that in May 1992, Saliu and Tartari withdrew additional 20 thousand dollars each from

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their accounts in Luxembourg. The same month, Arsidi pays them 60 thousand US$ each.

In October 1992, according to very suspicious statements of Arsidi, Ilir Hoti was given one of
the parcels containing 650 thousand dollars. That month, Xhyheri requests the close-down of
his account in Luxembourg and requests the transfer of the money to the account of the
Albanian Trade Bank. In all this chronology, decoded only by banking experts, many names
of ministers, bankers, politicians were involved and there were millions of dollars missing.

The request to withdraw the immunity to the President of the Cassation Court, Zef Brozi was
approved only by five MPs in the Parliament. Brozi reacted immediately by organizing a
press conference, and by accusing the organs of internal affairs of violating the basic
procedures in the case of the Greek citizen.

He declared that he was willing to give any explanations without losing his immunity, and
thanked the MPs for their realistic standpoint in respect to the request of the Prosecutor.

Since he was appointed President of the Court, Brozi has made outstanding efforts to escape
political dictate and make the courts independent. Two months ago, he had a harsh conflict
with the Minister of Internal Affairs, Agron Musaraj and the deputy prosecutor Fatos
Dervishi. He accused Musaraj of organizing a mafia network and of applying despotic
methods against the arrested.

All this marathon race between him and his opponents seems to have to do with the attempts
or rather the policy to keep the situation under the control of different clans inside the DP.
But, Brozi has now many supporters even inside the DP, as it seems, because the attack
against him could create the dangerous precedent of a huge division inside the party itself.

The "Brozi case" has been quite well used by the DP officials as a support to the process of
independence of the Court, in order to shut down the opposition's claim regarding the "Nano
case". The fact that the DP is not using this fact to illustrate the other trials that have often
been against its interests, proves that there is a lack of both the strategy against and in favor of
the independence of the courts. All of this resembles a clash which was caused by the red
demarcation line inside the DP and the strengthening of the opposition.

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