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zbudun Demirer
Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2010
Abstract Although the presence of anthropology is strongly felt during the rst
decades of the Turkish republican history, namely the period between 1923 and
1940, it is striking to see that the discipline was conceived more as a nation-building
device than a scientic endeavour. This article traces the formation of Turkish
anthropology from the late Ottoman period to the consolidation of the Republican
regime, emphasizing the interesting oscillations between physical and social/
cultural anthropologies, which are alternately brought to fore according to the
requirements the political agenda.
Keywords Turkish anthropology History of anthropology
Nation-building Cultural policies Turkication
In a very similar fashion to many of the peripheral regions,
1
the presence of
anthropology is strongly felt during the rst decades of the Turkish republican
history, namely the period between 1923 and 1940. Throughout this period,
anthropology is considered an important element in the nation-building endeavour.
Yamashita (2006), relating the beginnings of anthropology in Japan, says that in
1884, a group of young scholars had organized the Jinruigaku no Tomo workshop,
This article is the rst part of a longer project which aims at tracing the history of Turkish anthropology
up to 1970s focusing on the mission(s) it has undertaken and does not claim to provide a bibliography (or
bio-bibliography) for its subject, a task which has been prociently realized in at least two articles. See
Magnarella and Turkdogan (1976); and Erdentug and Magnarella (2002).
S. O
. Demirer (&)
Department of Anthropology, Hacettepe University, Beytepe, Ankara, Turkey
e-mail: sozbudun@hotmail.com; sozbudun@hacettepe.edu.tr
1
For a comprehensive compilation on peripheral anthropology, see Ribeiro and Escobar (2006).
1 3
Dialect Anthropol
DOI 10.1007/s10624-010-9210-x
in reaction to the claims of foreign researchers of cannibalistic practices in ancient
Japan. The group was asserting that Japanese culture should be studied by Japanese
themselves and not by foreign scholars. A similar story is related to the beginnings
of historiography and anthropology in the young Turkish republic, according to
which Afet I
. Demirer
1 3
restored; 2. Ottomaniststhose who insist on modernizing the empire by keeping
its various ethno-religious ingredients (non-Muslims as well as Muslims) together in
a constitutional formation; 3. Islamiststhose who try to rally the support of the
Islamic world by restoring and strengthening the (Islamic) Caliphate; and 4.
Turkiststhose who think that only by relying on the Turkish ethnicity
(Panturkism) and/or by heading towards building a modern nation based on that
identity (Turkish nationalism), whatever is left over from the empire can be saved.
We may add that these three orientations towards modernization, Westernism,
Ottomanism and Turkism (Islamism being more of a context of reaction, albeit
(re-)formulated in modernist terms) were more consequential than simultaneous,
since the failure of each opened up to the next.
The end of the empire: can Darwin be a cure?
In the second half of the nineteenth century, during the Westernization process of
the Ottoman Empire and within the framework of efforts to adopt Western scientic
conventions, the Mecmua-i Funun (Journal of Sciences) published by the leading
names of a movement which may be dened as Ottoman Encyclopaedism,
evolutionist articles were being published as early as 1863; for instance, the
article by Hayrullah Efendi, The Appearance and Diffusion of Man may be
considered the rst instance of scientic narration of the history of mankind, outside
of the tradition of starting it by Adam. (Dogan 2006: 150151).
Nevertheless, the rst important representative of social Darwinism among
Ottoman intellectuals is Ahmed Mithat Efendi (Dogan 2006: 152) who, in the early
years of his intellectual life, was promoting Lamarckian ideas in the journal
Dagarck. His claim that social development is enhanced by competitiveness and
not by language or social life clearly demonstrates his inclination towards social
Darwinism. Though in later life, he was to be overwhelmed by a rigid religiosity, he
was bold enough in his earlier years to claim that some of the orang-utans evolved
into human beings (Dogan 2006: 159). Another modernist, S emseddin Sami, was
promoting the idea of mans common origins with apes and trying to substantiate
human evolution by geological data, back in 1878 (Sami 1998).
Among other evolutionist intellectuals of the declining empire, the names of
Besir Fuad (18521887) who, in his brochure titled Humanity,
4
admits the inuence
of Spencer on his philosophical formation (Korlaelci 1986: 227245); the
Westernizing intellectual Abdullah Cevdet whose ideas are strongly inuenced
by Gustav Le Bon and whose social Darwinism is overrun by a racializing
discourse,
5
and I
ktisadiye ve I
. Demirer
1 3
This shift from a biologically focused approach to sociological paradigms may be
explained by several factors. The rst would be that medical doctors had a
privileged place as the rst Ottoman intellectuals to have a Western education.
Hence, most of the rst Ottoman (social) Darwinists were physicians trained in
Western universities. This prevalence would be challenged by the opening of
European higher educational opportunities for non-medical studies in the next
generation.
Secondly, Ottoman evolutionism coincides with the wake of the First Consti-
tutional period, marked by the intense persecution of liberal thought. Natural
sciences seem to have provided a safer source of metaphors in the face of the
persecutions by the autocratic regime of the Sultan Abdulhamid II (r. 18761908)
than did social sciences, which usually are more straightforward in social criticism.
The declaration of the Constitutional regime in 1908, on the other hand, had ensured
a more permissive ground for the expression of opinions.
But the more important point is that this shift corresponds to the shift in the
ideological position of the dissident Ottoman intellectuals from Westernism (or
more precisely its sequel, Ottomanism) to Turkism.
As is known, the defeat of the empire in the Balkan War led the restorationist
Association of Union and Progress in power to abandon the idea of an empire
unifying the Muslim and non-Muslim elements under a constitutional regime
(Ottomanism) in favour of a formation dominated by the Muslim-Turkish element
(Turkism). The Association since then privileged the policies that would mobilize
the institutions to construct the Turkish nation.
A general idea of progress/evolution derived from the theory of evolution,
which, in its distorted form, comprises elements to legitimize ideas about the
survival of the strongest nations and the inequality of races, however, is
insufcient to provide the vocabulary necessary for the processes relating to nation-
building. To imagine a nation which is about to relinquish its empire, sociology is
needed, and along with it, ethnography and ethnology to ll its content.
The passage from an evolutionary sociology bearing the mark of Spencerian/
social Darwinism to a Durkheimian and/or Le Playian one was realized by the rst
Turkish sociologists (Ar 1986:175) namely (Durkheimian) Ziya Gokalp and (Le
Playian) Prince Sabahattin. It is important here to dwell briey upon the views of
Ziya Gokalp whose ideas had a deeper impact upon the (self-) identication of the
Turkish nation.
Gokalp has a rather zigzagging intellectual history; while an Ottomanist in his
youth (cf Yldrm 2007), he later on embraced Panturkism and nally, in his later
years, decided upon a certain conception of cultural nationalism.
10
Though his
10
To be Turkish, it is not enough to carry Turkish blood and to belong to the Turkish race. To be
Turkish, one needs, before all, to have been educated into Turkish culture, and to work for Turkish ideals.
We do not label as Turkish those who lack those qualities, even if they carry Turkish blood and make
part of the Turkish race. And, nationality, just like religion, is attested by tongue and afrmed by heart.
Every individual who pronounces that he is Turkish with his tongue, and believes in it with his heart, is
considered a Turk. We may never question his Turkishness. (cf. Karadas 2008: 104). But that underlying
this cultural nationalism there is an ethnic or at least a religious vein is obvious from the lapses of
Gokalp when he insists that the most important obstacle to Turkish national unity is the Christian
presence in Turkey, and that the problem was solved when they, for various reasons, had left the
Anthropology as a nation-building rhetoric
1 3
views on nation rest upon the opposition between culture (which he calls hars)
and civilization,
11
they tend to overcome it. For him, civilization is the product of
a conscious, methodical and individual effort and hence, articial, whereas
culture is natural and organic (Kocak 2002: 374); in other words, while
civilization pertains to materiality, techniques and practice, culture pertains to
spirituality and organicism. A nation may enter and leave different civilizational
spheres, whereas it cannot change its culture. Thus, the dening element of a
nation is its culture.
The identication of the generative element of nation as culture would
inescapably set the mission towards the people in the agenda of nation-building
young Turkish intellectuals.
From sociology to folklore
Anthropology, as Stocking (1982: 172) asserts, is not so much a single science
produced by some Comtean logico-historical process of intellectual differentiation
as it is an imperfect fusion of quite different traditions of enquiry: biological,
historical, linguistic, sociological. This exibility makes it possible for it to be a
source of legitimization for many political and/or social projects, from supporting
empires
12
to the building of nation-states;
13
from the civilizing mission
14
to
segregationism.
15
Footnote 10 continued
country, (Karadas 2008: 100) or when he is tried (by the Martial Court instigated by the forces of
occupation in the Empire) in 1919 for having resorted to violence against the Armenians [Yldrm
2007]. For Gokalp, the Turkishness of a non-Muslim citizen, even if attested by tongue and afrmed by
heart seems to have been problematican attitude still present and disputed in contemporary Turkey.
[For the prevalence of the conation of the terms Islam and Turkish during the formative years, cf.
Eissenstat (2005: 24546). For a recent polemic, cf. I
. Demirer
1 3
The Turkish nation-building process has often made use of this compliant
repertoire. An important element of this process is ethnography (or rather, folklore
as the Volkskunde as distinct from Volkerkunde, or ethnography in the Anglosaxon
meaning of the term)
16
which plays an important role in determining the (cultural)
ingredients of the nation. Ethnography and/or folklore in the Ottoman land dates
back as early as the Decree of Reformation (1839).
17
But more systematic efforts
(such as articles about ethnography in various journals, lectures by Prof. Mezsaros
Gyu`la in Darulfunun
18
or researches by Turkist associations
19
) were made possible
by the Turkism of the Second Constitutional period.
Hence, for instance, the Turkish Society founded in Istanbul in 1908 to promote
scientic Turkism formulates, in the rst article of its Charter (1911), the objective
of the association in these terms: The aim of the association is to study and teach the
works, conditions and environments of all the peoples known as Turks, that is, to
make research on and to diffuse information about the ancient relics, history,
languages, the popular and elite literatures, ethnography and ethnology, social
conditions and actual civilizations of Turks, to work to improve our language to make
it conform to civilizational standards and to research its grammar (cited by U
stel
2004: 2122). In other words, the Turkish Society engaged in the processes of nation-
building not only theoretically but also practically, and this engagement brought forth
the birth of a Turkish ethnography (though still in an amateurish fashion). The
programme of the society, as cited by U
. Demirer
1 3
But we have to point out to the fact that the commissioned intellectuals and/or
academicians were more disadvantaged vis-a`-vis their relatively autonomous
Ottoman predecessors in that they were under strict supervision of the cadre led by
Mustafa Kemal (Ataturk); those who tended to violate or were thought of having
violated the set limits or to resist, even passively, the Kemalist agenda were
immediately eliminated, and critical voices were silenced. The founders and the
rulers of the Republic have favoured, for the sake of a strong nationalism, an
invincible homogeneity in the political thoughts of Turkish intellectuals, says
Ersanl-Behar (1992: 91), stressing that the formation of a homogenous identity
was seen as necessary for the resolution of social, economical, political and cultural
problems, and that social and political dissents were thought to hamper the efforts
of modernization (1992: 92).
The rst years of the Republic are full of such attempts at homogenization and
hence, disillusionments, for (at least some of) the intellectuals. The cultural and
educational institutions within which they acted were being restructured with the
aim of narrowing their objectives and pushing them as close as possible to those of
the founding will. The response to any objection or even questioning was
elimination.
22
For instance, the Turkish Hearths (which, through their president
Hamdullah Suphi seem to have claimed a degree of independence vis-a` vis the
party-governmentcf. U
. Demirer
1 3
and eugenics, anthropological and racial principles of Turkish history, etc. were
treated, and questions on the diffusion of trades, customs, languages, religions and
institutions were asked as well as cranial and other anthropometric measurements
required in exams (Maksudyan 2005: 90). Hence, the activities of the Institute in
Istanbul, comprising a small group of medical doctors, were centred on physical
anthropology, and ethnography/ethnology was considered a peripheral subject. And
the anthropology of the Institute, like the great part of its counterpart and mentor,
continental European anthropology, was focused on racial/eugenic principles.
Hence, Nureddin Ali Berkol, president of the Darulfunun until 1927 and a member
of the parliament after that date, states in an article which appeared in the Journal
(March 1927) that the main objective of the Institute is to inspect the Turkish and
other Anatolian races (Maksudyan 2005: 99). For the young Republic vexed in
dening its citizens in the heterogenous homeland of Anatolia, racial/physical
characteristics seem to be promising objective implements in determining who
was Turkish and who was not. To identify the physical traits of the Turkish race
was such an important mission that Berkol was willing to yield other elds of
anthropology to other faculties (N. A. Berkol et.al. 1/10) (Maksudyan 2005: 125).
However, notwithstanding the testimony of the racist historian Reha Oguz
Turkkan citing his father, who remarked that Ataturk fancied taking cranial
measurements of his guests in the presidential residence
25
; as far as we know, this
sensitivity towards races did not lead to such dramatic results as say, those in the
contemporary Nazi Germany.
26
So, how can we explain this passion of the young
Turkish anthropology towards races? I think, on several grounds:
First, the Republican cadres inherited from the late Ottoman intellectuals the
convention that the distinguishing aspect of the Western civilization was its
scientic/positivistic character. But in the hands of the founding cadre of the
Republic, validations about the truest mentor in life
27
were at the same time
translated into a political programme: to bestow dominance to scientic
precision, to measurements, to methodology in daily life, simultaneously meant
to weaken the inuence of religion (that is, of Islam) on society (cf. Maksudyan
2005: 7374). Hence, the pseudo-scientic aura enhanced by millimetric
measurements of cephalic index, enthusiastic discussions on fossil ndings,
geological speculations not only constituted the scientic capital of the
intelligentsia whose position vis-a`-vis the political power was quite fragile and
whose promotion as well as disposition was decided upon during dinners in the
presidential residence in C ankaya, but also the arguments of the intellectual
struggle of deislamization.
The efforts to prove that Turks were the autochthonous people of Anatolia and
that they belonged to the brachycephalic Caucasoid/Alpine race and not to the
25
R. Oguz Turkan, Kafatasclk Nedir? Anlayan Beri Gelsin, http://www.ulkucugenclik.biz/;imode.
26
Eissenstat (2005: 139) maintains that racial discourse in Turkey was part of the assimilationist
policies: What is surprising, given our association of race discourse with the policies of segregation in
America or Nazi Germany, is that this discourse was fundamentally designed to act as an inclusory (if
aggressively assimilationist) rather than exclusory discourse.
27
An allusion to Ataturks saying: The truest mentor in life is science.
Anthropology as a nation-building rhetoric
1 3
despised Mongoloids; that they played a pioneering role in the foundation of
civilization; that the Sumerians, Hittites, Egyptians, Etruskians, founders of
ancient civilizations, were Turks who had migrated from Central Asia, their
homeland, was also in conformity with aspirations to include the country to the
Western civilizational sphere. In other words, the Eurocentric image of
barbarous Turks, enemies of civilization was reversed into the image of the
rst nation to teach the arts of civilization to Westerners.
28
These speculations
would also form the axis of the Congresses of Turkish History, during which the
Turkish History Thesis would be sublimed into the ofcial thesis of the
Turkish Republican State.
And nally, the efforts to create a Turkish nation out of various elements
imported from the Balkans and the Caucases and the autochthonous elements of
Anatolia needed a founding myth. [According to Samih Rfat, a participant of
the First Congress of History, truth was on the side of Turks. Hence, the Turks
would create the Turanic reality with positive data and scientic facts. (Ersanl-
Behar 1992: 142)]. The mission to create an imagination and a myth of a nation
stretching from pre to post history
29
and sharing the same blood, lineage,
language, and culture called physical anthropology to duty and made it
(along with archaeology) the handmaids of the speculative history of Turks,
delineated during the two Congresses of history. So, anthropology, especially
physical anthropology, was transformed into an implement, a rhetorical device
to manufacture history.
Thus, the intellectual adventure of the Ottoman intellectuals from biology to
sociology and from sociology to ethnology seems to be reversed with the Republic:
the naturalistic approach in the determination of the social is once again at the
forefront. S evket Aziz Kansu,
30
personally pronounced by Ataturk as the magna cum
lauda of anthropology, in his Antropoloji Dersleri (Courses of Anthropology),
28
Mustafa Kemal dictates to Afet I
. Demirer
1 3
published in 1938, emphasizes the primacy of physical anthropology which he labels
as a branch of zoology.
31
Anthropology, as a discipline assistant to history, would make its presence
heavily felt during the sessions of the two Congresses of history. The papers
presented to both were mostly centred on the Central Asian origins of Turks, on
proving that they were the founders of the rst Mesopotamian and Anatolian
civilizations, and they mostly consisted of second hand (physical) anthropological
data. In both, let alone free discussions, the faintest opposition was repressed and
primacy was given to the formulation of the ofcial thesis which would be taught
in primary and secondary schools and advocated in international platforms. It is
interesting to note that in the second Congress, assembled in 1937, in a milieu
dominated by the consolidation of the single-party regime and the identication
between the party and state under the inuence of the Italian and German regimes,
the ground for free discussion was even more limited.
Another important event in the history of Turkish anthropology is the installation
in Ankara of the Faculty of Language and History, Geography (DTCF) to
institutionalize the ofcial theses on History and Language. With the founding of
the DTCF, the axis of anthropological studies would shift from Istanbul to Ankara.
In the rst years, ethnological/social anthropological studies were relatively feeble
compared to pretentious researches on physical anthropology
32
realized under the
auspices of S evket Aziz Kansu (Erdentug 1998).
And land: a culture-based nationTurkish hearths and peoples houses
Nonetheless, ethnography and/or folklore were not totally abandoned. But interest-
ingly, these elds, rather than being evaluated as areas subject to academic/scientic
interest, seem to be conceived as opportunities to educate both the people and the
intellectuals and to be relegated to semi-ofcial popular institutions.
Let me explain. I have emphasized above that the Turkish Hearths, since their
foundation, embraced the mission of investigating popular culture and to make
publications on the subject. In these institutions which spread throughout Anatolia
with the mission of Turkication, more cautious voices were raised vis-a`-vis the
idea of ancestors, migrating from the Central Asia, probably because they were
more directly confronted with the pluriethnic nature of the population. The citations
of U
stel (2004: 151153) from the discussions on the criteria of membership to the
Turkish Hearths during the First General Congress (1924) reect the inclination of
the leaders to favour cultural criteria as opposed to racial ones.
33
The problem of
31
cf. Ersanl-Behar 1992: 180.
32
Such as the spectacular Turkish Anthropometric Inquiry realized on personal orders of Ataturk, with
the cooperation of all state institutions (1937). Its results were embraced in the academic circles as late as
1960s. [See, for instance Yasa (1958: 3031)].
33
The Chairman of the Hearths, Hamdullah Suphi, while opposing to base the membership (and
allusively the citizenship) on principles of blood, interestingly does not object the criteria of class: The
Hearths are missionary institutions. If you accept workers as members, the next day, they will turn into
socialist clubs (cf. U
. Demirer
1 3
consistent with the views of Ziya Gokalp who, incidentally, claimed that
intellectuals, armed with the amenities of higher culture, should be inculcated with
popular culture, while civilizing the popular masses (Karadas 2008: 108). As a
matter of fact, Peoples Houses were addressing an urban population, or rather,
professionals who would be working in Anatolia (doctors, teachers, civil servants),
and they aimed to form each and every one of their members as torchbearers of
Turkish revolution who would carry national consciousness and the re of
civilization to the remotest parts of the country; but also as amateur ethnographers.
Among its different sections, the section on language, history and literature was
charged with compiling words, sayings, folk tales, proverbs and inspecting popular
traditions, whereas the section on museums and expositions was charged with
compiling elements of material culture to prepare the substructure of ethnographic
museums (Charter 1935). As for the section of village affairs, they were charged
with reporting in village monographies the information gathered from villages.
(O
lku as well as other journals published by the local branches: all of them
were conveying information on natural surroundings of the village, climatic
conditions and ground formations, demographic information, subsistence activities,
technology, architecture, social organization, marriage customs, childcare, etc
But it has to be kept in mind that our amateurish ethnographers never forgot that
they were more agents of the Republic than objective researchers, since when it
came to choose between loyalties, they seemed not to hesitate to report the
villagers religious feelings and their superstitions or their attitude towards the
Republic and its reforms (O
smet
I
nonu, in a speech he pronounced on May 19th, 1944 in Ankara, would condemn the
racist/Turanist propaganda activities, as sick and damaging and underline
historical ties of good neighbourhood with Soviet Union (Maarif Vekaleti 1944:
68). This shift of position was followed by a series of measures: the Turanist
manifestations were banned, and the manifestants were arrested. The Society of
Turkish History withdrew its support from racializing arguments. The history
manual published in 1931 with ultra-nationalistic and racist arguments was ousted
from the curriculum. The doctoral dissertation of Afet I
. Demirer
1 3
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