Benjamin Jan Kouwer (Auth.) Colors and Their Character - A Psychological Study 1949

COLORS AND THEIR CHARACTER
M.V. VAN DE GARDE & CO'S DRUKKERIJ, ZALTBOMMEL

COLORS AND THEIR CHARACTER
A PSYCHOLOGICAL STUDY
ACADEMISCH PROEFSCHRIFT
TER VERKRIJGING VAN DE GRAAD VAN
DOCTOR IN DE LETTEREN EN WIJSBE-
GEERTE AAN DE RIJKS-UNIVERSITEIT
TE UTRECHT OP GEZAG VAN DE RECTOR
MAGNIFICUS DR. H. J. M. WEVE, HOOG-
LERAAR IN DE FACULTEIT DER GE-
NEESKUNDE, VOLGENS BESLUIT VAN DE
SENAAT VAN DE UNIVERSITEIT TE VER-
DEDIGENOPVRIJDAG 16 DECEMBER 1949,
DES MIDDAGS TE 3 UUR
DOOR
BENJAMIN JAN KOUWER
GEBOREN TE GRONINGEN
SPRINGER-SCIENCE+BUSINESS MEDIA, B.V.
1949
PRoMoToR: PRoF. DR F. J. ]. BuYTENDIJK
ISBN 978-94-011-8235-5 ISBN 978-94-011-8906-4 (eBook)
DOI 10.1007/978-94-011-8906-4
AAN
MIJN VADER EN
MIJN GROOTMOEDER
De beeindiging van mijn universitaire studie biedt mij de ge-
legenheid om mijn dank uit te spreken aan allen, die hebben bij-
gedragen tot mijn wetenschappelijke vorming.
In de eerste plaats uit ik mijn erkentelijkheid jegens U, hoog-
geleerde Buytendijk, hooggeachte Promotor, aan wiens weten-
schappelijke Ieiding ik zo veel verschuldigd ben. De onnavolgbare
wijze, waarop gij steeds door het brengen van nieuwe ideeen hebt
bijgedragen tot de theoretische verdieping van het wetenschap-
pelijk werk, is van essentiele betekenis geweest voor mijn studie.
Ook U, hooggeleerde Langeveld, ben ik zeer veel dank verschul-
digd, niet alleen voor de wijze waarop gij mij hebt bijgestaan bij
mijn theoretische vorming, maar ook voor de persoonlijke hulp
welke gij mij ten alle tijde bereid bent geweest te geven.
Een belangrijk deel van mijn vorming dank ik aan U, hoogge-
leerde Fischer en Rmke, die mij hebt ingeleid in de gebieden,
waartoe ik als psycholoog geen directe toegang had.
U, haaggeleerde van Lennep breng ik dank voor de vele advie-
zen en opmerkingen, die U over mijn werk hebt willen maken,
en ik hoop van Uw Ieiding in de toekomst nog veel profijt te
mogen trekken.
Prof. Reichling ben ik zeer erkentelijk voor de welwillende wijze
waarop hij het taalkundig gedeelte van mijn proefschrift aan zijn
critiek heeft willen onderwerpen.
De vertaalster, Mevrouw Bos-van Kasteel, die op zo uitnemen-
de wijze de vertaling verzorgde, en mij ook op andere wijze bij
mijn arbeid heeft geholpen, ben ik bijzondere dank verschuldigd.
Metgrotewaarderingvermeld ik ookMrs. Coulter D. Huyler, Jr.,
die geheel belangeloos bereid was, de uiteindelijke vertaling aan
haar oordeel te onderwerpen.
Tenslotte nog een woord van dank aan allen, die aan mijn on-
derzoekingen hun medewerking hebben verleend, in het bijzonder
aan de wetenschappelijke staf van het Psychologisch Laborato-
num.
LIST OF FIGURES
LIST OF T ABLES
INTRODUCTION .
CONTENTS
PART I AN OUTUNE OF PROBLEMS PER-
TAINING TO COLOR
XII
XII
Chapter 1. THE N AMING OF COLOR lMPRESSIONS. 7
A. Color impression and color concept . 7
B. Color names among various peoples 11
C. The development of color names . . 25
Chapter 2. STUDIES ON THE EXPERIENCING OF CaLORS 33
A. Color preferences . . . . . . . . 33
B. The affective character of color . 39
C. Synesthesia . . . . . . . . . . 42
D. Symbolism and association . . . 48
Chapter 3. A FEW OBSERVATIONS ON PHENOMENOLOGY. 55
PART II EXPERIMENTAL RESEARCH
Chapter 1. EXPERIMENTAL PROCEDURE .
Chapter 2. DISGUSSION OF THE RESULTS.
A. Statistical results
B. Black
C. White .... .
D. Red ..... .
E. Yellow and Orange
F. Blue . . . . . . .
G. Green ..... .
H. Purple, Brown and Gray.
I. Review ........ .
67
78
78
87
94
102
107
115
122
126
132
XII CONTENTS
Chapter 3. THE CoLOR CHARACTER APPLIED.
A. The expressive function of color .
B. The psycho-diagnostic use of color
SuMMARY ..
BIBLIOGRAPHY
APPENDIX (TABLES A-D)
NAME INDEX ..
SUBJECT INDEX
LIST OF FIGURES
1. Schematic representation of the character of red,
137
137
143
159
163
171
181
184
white and yellow . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110
2. The system of colors, after Goethe . . . . . . 136
3. Frequency distribution of the words attributed to each
color . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 176
LIST OF T ABLES
1. Color words used in the color experiments . . . . . . 68
2. Age and sex of the subjects tested with Series I, II and
III . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
3. The relative use of the colors in the color experiments 78
4. Scheme of the distribution of a single word among the
various colors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
5. Color preference . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85
6. Frequency distribution of a few words with the colors
black, purple, brown and gray . . . . . . . . . . . 127
A. The distribution of the words among the colors in the
combined Series I, II and III. . . . . . . . . . . . 173
B. The distribution of percentages for each separate color
in Series I . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177
C. The words most frequently combined with each color . 178
D. Spontaneaus judgments on the colors under Instruction
II and IV . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179
INTRODUCTION
In everyday life there does not seem to be anything unusual in
speaking of the "character" of colors. We may speak of a delicate
blue, a vivid red, a lively yellow, a naive green. Colors mean
something to us; they have a kind of personality, more or less to
be compared with the human personality. The ancient Egyptian
word w for "color" later came to mean also the character of a
living being (8z, 414). Mantegazza even speaks of the "soul" of
a color.
A fine example of the intensity with which colors may be
experienced is the following quotation from Sartre (204, 25). An
artist coming from a cafe enters the sunlit street: "toutes les
couleurs s'etaient allumees en meme temps et lui faisaient fete,
comme en 29, c'etait le bal de la Redoute, le Camaval, la Fan-
tasia; les gens et les obj ets s' etaient congestionnes; le violet
d'une robe se viola<;ait, la porte rouge d'un drugstore toumait
au cramoisi, les couleurs battaient a grands coups dans les
choses, comme des pouls affoles; c'etaient des elancements, des
vibrations qui s'enflaient jusqu'a l'explosion." Here the colors
have <(ome to life completely. They crowd in on the observer and
on each other: "elles s'exaltent ou se detruisent comme s'il
s'agissait de realites vivantes" (II6, 424). Bachelard calls colors
"substantial forces" and Goethe's statement that "die Farben
sind Thaten des Lichts, Thaten und Leiden" has become
classic.
In actual perception the various colors form dynamic elements,
which not only register as neutral data but also play an active
role in perception: "les qualites ne sont pas tant pour nous des
etats que des devenirs. Les adjectifs qualitatifs. . . sont plus
pres des verbes que des noms. Rouge est plus pres de rougir que
de rougeur" (IO, 89).
In German some color names can even be used as verbs: ''die
Colors and their Character
2 INTRODUCTION
Bume grnen, der Himmel blaut, der Tag graut" (I64, 95).
Theseexpressions do not mean that the trees become green, or
that the sky is tuming blue (cf. "to redden" = to become red).
The trees are green, the sky is blue, the day is gray. These qualities
are here taken by their activity, by their dynamic meaning in
perception. In poetry many analogaus forms can be found.
Of course the use of the concept "character" in this context
is purely un-theoretical, without any anthropomorphic impli-
cations; nor does it presuppose any "real" life of the colors, or
any character or soul such as human beings possess. These words
areusedonlytodescribe the impressions made by the colors; they
have no value except phenomenally. The objective background is
ignored. There is no question of what the colors are, but only of
how they appear.
Werner (I67, 444) calls this aspect of the colors their "phy-
siognomy." He writes: "die Farben knnen auch gesichthaft an-
geschaut sein; dann ist 'rot' beispielsweise nicht die optisch-
spektrale Qualitt, sondern etwas anderes, ein Gesicht mit
Eigenschaften eines lebendig brennenden, kraftvoll energischen
Ausdrucks."
The direct opposite of the above is the scientific concept of
color such as it is used particularly in physics and physiology.
Workers in those fields will consider the above examples either as
poetic descriptions or as grave inaccuracies of popular usage,
inaccuracies carefully to be avoided whenever color is treated
scientifically. Natural science seeks only facts which can be
established objectively. But the character of color is hardly
subject to objective treatment at all.
Whenever natural science deals with "color," it means the
color in its most objective sense, divested completely of all its
aforementioned, subjective side-meanings. Its ideal is a picture
of color which is exactly the same for everybody, without any
possibility of individual variations. It strives to arrive at this
ideal through study of as many people as possible, by means of
statistical analysis and the use of objective registration apparatus.
There is no room here for such aspects as "character," "life,"
"soul": all these are subject to momentary influences and the
personality of the observer.
INTRODUCTION
3
Thus far in the study of color the emphasis has been chiefly on
the physical and physiological sides of the problem. In almost any
one of the specialized sturlies on color (e.g. zz or 44) we will find
that the major part is devoted to color physics. While there may
be a few chapters dealing with the most important physiological
theories on color vision, only very few remarks are found about
the psychology of color. The latteras a rule are utterly vague and
limited to a few intuitive everyday experiences. A more serious
study of the typical psychological meaning of color is an ex-
ception.
It is to this psychological aspect of color that the present study
is devoted: to color as it appears to us, as it is perceived by us.
The "subjective" aspect of every color impression is not only
accepted, but even made the basis of this study: it is concerned
with color only in the fully subjective meaning it has for the
observer. Any attempt to relate it to objective facts is avoided.
It is considered completely irrelevant whether the color is actually
seen or a hallucination, an afterimage or a cantrast color; the
spectral composition of the color is disregarded. The study deals
exclusively with the subjective color impression, its character as
actually perceived.
The acceptance of the subjective element in color does not
imply that the treatment, the method of study should also be
subjective. It is very \vell possiblc tO dcal \vith the subjecti,re in
a scientifically satisfactory way, arriving at generally acceptable
conclusions. The possibility of such a method will be discussed in
Part I, chapter 3.
Previous studies of the character of color will be reviewed very
briefly. Those aspects which are important in connection with the
present discussion will be stressed. Fora wider historical survey,
including a comprehensive review of Iiterature on the subject,
the reader is referred to Skard.
PART I
AN OUTLINE OF PROBLEMS PERTAINING TO COLOR
CHAPTER I
THE NAMING OF COLOR IMPRESSIONS
A. COLOR IMPRESSION AND COLOR CONCEPT
It is impossible to study color psychology without studying the
langnage and its way to indicate colors. The langnage is such an
essential factor in human existence that color preception inevi-
tably bears its mark. For not only do color terms develop on the
basis of color impressions, but conversely is color perception to
a certain extent determined by the color vocabulary.
In the following sections the emphasis will be on the color's
function in the concrete situation, on its close relationship with
all the other factors of that situation. In dealing with a color's
name, however, we must consider the color on its own, apart from
any concrete situation. When I call a color "red," it is not suf-
ficient that I perceive it in a given situation; in giving it a name
I distinguish it in that situation as something sui generis, as the
color called "red" per se. In order to name a color it must first be
abstracted from the concrete situation.
Inrealityacolorismostlythe color of something. t) In aconcrete
situation the color is given as an independent entity; it is a
quality of something eise, of an object. As Scheler (IJJ, 126)
states for example: "Farben und Tne ... erscheinen in der 'na-
trlichen Anschauung' ... nur so weit, als sie fr ... gewisse Be-
ziehungswahrnehmungen und Gestalten eine bestimmte sym-
bolische Leistung bernehmen. Wir sehen da zunchst 'Kir-
schen' und hren einen 'Wagen fahren' und nur so weit und nur
in jenen Einheiten, als Farbe und Ton diese 'Wahrnehmungen'
vermitteln, gehen sie selbst sekundr in das hier 'Gegebene'
1) The problern of the "filmy" colors will not be treated in the present study.
8 THE NAMING OF COLOR IMPRESSIONS
ein." Practically color is only important in so far as it indicates
something, in sofaras it is a token of something. The real impor-
tance of the red-ness of blood lies in the fact that it indicates the
presence of blood. We don't notice the red color apart from the
blood, but in the red we see the blood. The gray of ominous
thunderclouds is not observed as an independent factor, but we
see it in so far as it indicates the imminence of a thunderstorm.
Color therefore derives its importance from its function of re-
presenting something eise. t)
This holds true only for the "original" form of perception, the
concrete, practical form in which color has not yet been separated
from the concrete situation. Whenever the color must be observed
and named as an isolated phenomenon, a special attitude must
be developed: the process of abstraction has to take place.
This is proved strikingly by certain cases of brain injury as
a result of which this capacity of abstraction is lacking. These
patients are unable to name a given color. For them only the
concrete thing has significance: the thread, the sheet of paper,
of which the color is an integral part. For them it is impossible
to view the color per se, independent of the object, and therefore
to name the color. At best they can compare the object with
another. They may call a red thread "cherry-like," a green one
"grass-like" or a blue one "violet-like," but for such a comparison
no abstraction of the color is required. There is a direct relation
between the impression made by the thread, and that of a cherry,
a violet, or grass, and there is no need first to view the color in
itself and then, secondarily, to compare it with some object. In
the comparisons made above two concrete impressions are com-
pared without explicit consideration of the color.
However, it would be wrong to think that the abstraction
should necessarily be made before the color could be given a name.
The abstraction is made with the help of the color name which is
the medium through which the color can be lifted from the
concrete situation and considered by itself. Only by using the
word "red" we can indicate the redness as an independent phe-
nomenon, without any reference to the object which happens to
possess that color. In nature color as such never appears, and it
I) In manylanguages the word for "color" means: form, shape, appearance {ror,
15). The Chinese for "color" (se) rneans "quality."
THE NAMING OF COLOR IMPRESSIONS 9
takes a special instrument to abstract color from the concrete
situation. Such an instrument is given in the color name (although
other symbols, such as numbers, may have the same function).
Only the use of these symbols enables us to deal with the color
. per se.
The only presupposition here is: the ability to make this ab-
straction. The abovementioned patients lacked this ability al-
though the color words did exist for them and although they often
in conversation used them in an apparently normal way. But
they would use them purely automatically, mechanically, in
formulas they had learned before their brain was injured. They
would for example speak of "green trees," or of "red blood," or
of a "blue sky," not because they would actually abstract and
name those colors, but because trees, blood and the sky are
usually said tobe green, red and blue. So used thesecolor words
have no function; these words do not abstract the color from the
object. Thus it was impossible for these patients to name the
color of any specific object given to them.
Of course, the meaning of a term has to be learned first. A
child must be taught which impression is indicated by which
term. He must learn that the word "red" is used to indicate
shades of red, while the word "purple" is applied to shades of
purple, and that it is possible to distinguish between these two
groups of colors through the use of these two words. Peters (r2I)
conducted a few interesting experiments in this field with older,
backward children who were not yet fully familiar with the color
names. These experiments substantiate the above theory about
the abstractive function of the color words.
Peters required the children first to name colored woolen
threads and then to arrange them into groups, or to find threads
to match one of a specific color, etc. He used three threads of each
of 17 different shades. Two cases will be mentioned here.
The first case, an 8t year old boy (I.Q. circa 85), got all the
color words confused. He named the threads in a haphazard
manner and he would even name the same thread differently each
time it was profered. Obviously he had not learned the specific
meaning of each word yet. When required to find threads to
match another, he would arbitrarily pick a few threads without
paying any attention to shade or color, except with red. He was
then successfully taught the name "blue" for violet and blue.
shades, and in repeated check-ups it appeared that he really
remernbered what he was taught. In later experiments it was then
found that to match a blue thread he would pick out both blue
and violet threads. Learning the color name therefore had en-
abled him to arrange the colors correctly. In the color name he had
been given a means to abstract the color from the concrete threads,
and to view these colors under a common principle, under one
and the same category. The blue and violetthreads, he discovered,
had a common aspect: their "blue" -ness. Later, when he was also
taught the term "violet" for the violet threads as distinguished
from the blue ones, he would arrange those separately, too.
The other case, a boy of 6 years and 10 months, with an l.Q.
of circa 90, knew the names red, yellow, green and blue. He called
the violet threads "lilac," and the purple ones he called "red."
When told to find all the threads matehing a purple one, he
would include all the red ones. He no Ionger did this after he was
taught the name "purple." When taught not to use the word
"lilac" but to use "blue" both for blue and violet, he would
indeed arrange blue and violet threads together.
The following conclusions can be drawn from the above and
several other experiments:
1. Generally speaking, there is no arranging of objects ac-
cording to color without knowledge of the color names. Without
that knowledge the color is seen only in its concrete application,
and not as a phenomenon sui generis which might serve as a
classification principle.
2. Different hues indicated by the same name are usually
arranged in one group as weil. The colors are brought under the
same concept and grouped accordingly.
3. Different colors, known by different names, as a rule are
not arranged in the same group. The color names make possible
the conception of different categories and a classification based
upon those categories.
From the above the practical value of the color terms becomes
apparent. The color terms provide the means to view the threads
in their specific color-aspect as distinguished from their concrete
"thread" character. The classification follows the concepts given
in the language.
THE NAMiNG OF COLOR IMPRESSIONS 11
In analyzing color perception we have to observe both these
aspects of color: its concrete and its abstract form. The perception
of color is the experience of the color as concretely exemplified,
as weil as its conceptual, abstract use. t)
The emphasis on either aspect, however, may vary consider-
ably in different instances. The abstract category may Iack
completely as is the case with morons and imbeciles, with animals,
or as the result of the abovementioned brain injuries. It is also
possible that the abstract category exists even while the color
cannot actually be experienced, as is the case with blind people.
It is said about Helen Keller (I9I, 149) that "Although she can
have no sensuous knowledge of colour, she can use the words,
as we use most of our vocabulary, intellectually, with truth, not
to impression, but to fact."
The above, however, are abnormal, extreme cases. In normal
color perception both aspects appear together. Several experi-
menters have pointed out that the emphasis on either the con-
crete or the abstract aspect is typologically determined. They
claim that some people are apt to view colors in their concrete
form while others view it conceptually, categorically. This is
substantiated by Peters (cf. p. 37), by Werner (I69, 196) and by
Bullough who discerns four different but partially overlapping
types (27).
. COLOR NAMES AMONG VARIOUS PEOPLES
In the color vocabulary of any langnage the possibility is given
t_o make a conceptual abstraction of the colors. Every child,
through the use of the concepts, may learn to make the corre-
sponding abstractions. Naturally in thls connection it is under-
stood that the langnage does provide the color names. Yet these,
too, must have come into being at some stage in the development
of the people speaking that langnage. The abstraction of color can
be traced not only in the development of any child, but also in the
development of any langnage.
And it is by no means essential that this development in every
nation follow the same pattern, or that it result in the same con-
cepts. The fact that we have words for red, yellow, green and blue
') Cf. Goldstein's antithesis of abstract and concrete behavior (66).
does not imply that such is the case with all other peoples.
Possibly other culture groups have developed categories, different
from ours, based on entirely different principles. For just as our
color vocabulary is rooted in our culture, in our pattern of exist-
ence, other nations' color terms will stem from theirs. In trans-
lating and in studying color perception in other peoples this
should always be remembered. To quote Thurnwald (ISO, 118):
"In this respect the number of violations of this principle is
unbelievable. Usually it is deemed sufficient to write down one
or two words of a European language, without even an attempt
at indicating the differences in meaning and implication of the
native terms as compared to those with which we are familiar."
In order to draw a clearer picture of the meaning of the color
terms we shall first discuss the most important ones, emphasizing
the aspects in which they are either similar to or different from
those of other peoples.
Black and White
Almost every language has special words for black and white,
which mostly prove to be very old. Geiger (59, 245) assumes that
there has been a period in which no special color terms existed
except for black and white - not even for red; red and white
during that period were indicated by the same word.
In this regard, however, it is necessary to distinguish clearly
between the concepts "black" and "white" on one band and the
closely related concepts "dark" and "light" on the other. As a
rule these two concept pairs are treated as practically identical,
and most linguistic analyses do not distinguish between the two,
which has resulted in most peculiar conclusions- an added reason
for us to emphasize the difference between them here.
Light and dark describe brilliances; they indicate the presence
or absence of "light" and the amount of light. Brilliance may be
expressed in grades: we may speak of very light, rather light,
semi-dark, etc. This form of description can be used wherever
there is question of a certain amount of light, e.g. in regard to a
source of light, the lighting of a given space, the objects illumi-
nated therein; but it is also used in characterizing colors. Every
color can be regarded under the aspect of its brilliance, as more
or less "dark" or "light."
White and black, on the contrary, are colors, of a more specific
nature. In regard to these we cannot in the same way speak of
"grades." We will not call a thing "very white" or "rather
white," and if we do, it is to indicate a totally different aspect,
namely the extent to which black or white are mixed with other
colors.
There is, indeed, a specific relation between "light" and
"white," and between "dark" and "black." Generally, white is
the lightest, and black the darkest color. In other words: white is
the typicallight color, and black the typical dark color. But this
fact does not make the two pairs identical, for black means more
than dark, and white implies more than light. Black and white
are colors, with many other aspects. They are dark and light only
in so far as they are viewed under the aspect of their brilliance.
In the analysis of color names this distinction should always
be remembered. It is wrong to translate certain terms as "white"
or "black" until it has been ascertained that they do not rather
mean "light" or "dark." It is not certain, for example, whether
Homer's (LEA!X<; and Ae:uxo<; are really intended to indicate specific
colors or to describe grades of brilliance. Geiger (59, 306) also
points out: "It would seem that from the very beginning 'black'
was intended not to indicate the shining color, but the darkness
of the night or the storm." When Geiger states that most
probably "reu" and "white" were nce described by ne and the
same term, the question arises whether this term really indicates
the colors red and white instead of their brilliance, their "light"-
ness. It seems logical that in the earliest stages separate terms
developed for light and dark: the altemation of day and night
must have given these concepts their practical importance. It
would not be nearly so easy to explain, however, why separate
terms should so soon have developed to indicate only the colors
"black" and "white" and not for the other colors.
Often terms originally signifying light and dark acquire a
secondary color meaning. "Light" will then, secondarily, mean
"white," "dark" will mean "black." Because of the intimate
relationship between the two concept pairs it is extremely
difficult to establish exactly when this transition took place in
a given language.
The Greek term Ae:uxo<; is derived from lug, from which also the
word light has developed. The Latin term canrlidus is derived
from Sanskrit candrd- = light. The Russian belyi = white
stems from the root bhe- = to lighten, to shine. Probably our
own terms developed correspondingly. White stems from Ger-
manie x_wtt(t)a-, which in turn is related with the Russian
svet = light, the Latvian szviteti = to shine, etc. German
schwarz is related to the early Norse sortna = darkening, the
Latin suasum = dark spot, etc. The early German term swarz
meant "darkly colored" rather than "black," while the English
swart means both "black" and "dark."
It is significant that, beside these terms for black and white,
new ones develop for dark and light, as happened in the Western
languages. Once the terms for light and dark lose their original
value, new terms become necessary: the two concept pairs retain
their essentially different meanings.
The genesis of color terms outlined above is not the only one
possible. Terms for "white" and "black" have also developed
through comparison with decidedly white or black objects. The
Russian arapovatyi = black for example is derived from arap =
Moor, Negro. The Latin word for black: ater originally meant
"burnt." In English standard descriptions such as "pitch black,"
"snowwhite," etc. are used.
Red
Among the chromatic colors red occupies a special position.
Contrary to the other chromatic colors, red has its special name
in all current languages. Moreover, the term for red usually proves
to be one of the oldest color terms of a given language. Also,
unlike the other chromatic colors, red as a rule is indicated by a
native term, and not by one borrowed from other languages. Of
course, in addition to such a general, typically central term for
red, the language may have many other words for specific
nuances of red. In Greek for example, many terms such as
etc. appear beside
the early term Usually there is a considerably widerrange
of terms for the red (and yellow) nuances in a language than for
the blue and green ones (I74, 242 and 2, 264ff.).
The almost universal source of terms for red is the comparison
with blood. Blood is not only a universal phenomenon but also,
as an experience, very important for mankind. Moreover, in the
experience "blood," the red color is very much in evidence. There
is every reason, therefore, for blood tobe the basis for a special
term for red.
The Greek epu&poc; = red is akin to the Sanskrit rudhira- =
blood. Their Indogermanic root re1f:dh- in all probability also
meant "blood." Latin ruber and the word red stem from the same
root. The early Norse word roiJra meant "blood." The Eskimos
use for red the word aupaluktak which is supposedly composed of
auk = blood and -paluqpoq = "resembles." In conversation with
foreigners who are not completely familiar with their langnage
they use the word auk for red (IZ9, 148).
Blood is not the only object of comparison from which terms
for red have originated. Magnus (IOI, 24) among other things
mentions red-hot iron, red earth, and "ripeness."
In cases where beside a general term for red, derived from blood,
other terms have developed the use of the latter is often limited
to certain fields. In Greek for example epu&poc; is the term for
red in its abstract sense, while c p o v ~ means red whenever it
indicates red as a dye. Only the latter, and never epu&poc; is used
in connection with clothes and all things that are dyed red (z,
269). The Buin gap means both blood and blood-red, but the
other word for red, tar, is never used to indicate the color of
blood (I5I, 35).
Yellow
The color yellow in many respects follows the pattern of red.
It usually is the first of the primaries, second only to red, for
which a special term develops. On the isle of Nias for example
black, white, red and yellow are the "primaries." Northern and
Central American Indians as a rule indicate the four points of the
compass by these four colors.
There is, however, no outstanding yellow phenomenon to be
found in nature, no specific object of comparison for yellow such
as blood is for red, although the color appears in many different
forms and often in objects of great practical importance. The
origins of the terms for yellow, therefore, vary widely. A few of
them are: fruits, wheat, straw, gold, yellow animals such as
giraffes, butterflies, etc. The Eskimo words for yellow are chiefly
16 mE NAMING OF COLOR IMPRESSIONS
based on the comparison with gall. It is not very clear how the
word yellow developed, although it must be related to ):A01) =
vegetation.
As the result of the absence of one specific object of comparison,
in some instances terms are borrowed from other languages. The
word for yellow used by the G.-negroes, gulfa, is derived from the
Danish gul farve = yellow color, and the Saramakka-negroes
use the term bakuba repi b (b =red), the first part of which
term comes from the Dutch rijpe bacove = ripe banana (IOI, 26).
Green
There is a striking difference between green and blue on one
hand and red and yellow on the other. It may happen that there
is no special term for green and blue. According to Magnus (Ioi,
9) "the Ovaherero cannot name green and blue and laugh at the
idea that there should be special names for those colors." In
those cases where special terms are available they obviously
either date from a later stagein the development of the langnage
or are borrowed from other languages.
The evident object of comparison for green is given in plants,
grass, leaves, moss, and the like, and in the great majority of
languages the term for green is clearly based on this comparison.
The word green can be reduced to the Germanie root gr which
probably meant "to grow" and which is also found in the words
to grow and grass. The Eskimo iviu1"uk = green comes from ivik =
grass, the Russian muravyi = green from murava = grass. The
Todas use ers, derived from "leaf," as well as omadi, derived from
"moss." It is often very difficult to establish exactly where the
words for "vegetation" began to mean "green." It is debatable
for example whether the pastures mentioned in Psalm 23, 2
should be called "green" as is done in the English, or "grassy" as
is done in the Dutch version.
The development of the Greek which was later used for
"green" is remarkable. Originally it referred to very young plants
with their pale, yellowish-green color (xAo"IJ). In itsoriginal meaning,
which was certainly not "green," the emphasis was on its "pale"
aspect. It was used wherever a certain fading, blurring, dimming
of nuancewas evident, as often for nuances of green as for those
of yellow, brown, orange and other intermediate colors. It was ap-
plied to branches, olivewood, sand, honey, nightingale, palefaced-
ness, fear, blood, steel, whitewine, witheredleaves, etc. It is there-
fore misleading to translate with one single color term.
Schultz (I37, 116) provides an interesting example. He quotes
a passage from Aristotle's discussion on after-images:
x&v EV XPW!J.OC. TCOAUV xpovov
/..e:uxov )(Ac..>pov,
't'OtOU't'OV cpcxtve:Tcxt, Ecp' 1te:p &v
'n)V !J.E:"t'OC.or.A/..c..>!J.E:V.
"But also after looking at a
given color for a lang time -
- white or for ex-
ample - this same color will
appear in whatever direction
we may Iook."
The only two translations of accepted by Schultz are
"red" and "green." Aristotle's topic of discussion here is the
negative after-images of white and and he claimes that
these negative after-images will be of the same color as those
looked at previously. The negative after-image of red, however, is
green, and that of green is red. So, whichever translation of
whether red or green, is used, Aristotle in either case
seems to see an after-image identical with its original color: red
identical with green or vice versa. "Objectively," however, color
and after-image are opposed. Schultz therefore concludes that
Aristotle could not distinguish between red and green and this,
to Schultz, proves once more that the Greeks were color blind in
regard to green and red (I37, 118).
The after-image of "white" according to Schultz indeed has the
"same" color. It is usually an achromatic impression of a certain
brilliance, but its hue is the same as that of the original white.
The after-image of white can well be described as "white." The
same applies, however, to We must assume that Aris-
totle by did not mean any specific hue like red or green,
and translate it with "sallow" for example. This "sallow" may,
as we have seen, include a wide range of hues, and since it appears
in the above quotation in direct conjunction with white, the
adequate translation in this case would seem tobe "sallow white"
or"pale gray." The after-images of sallow white and grayish have
all the same qualities as that of white. There may be slight dif-
ferences in the after-images' brilliance, but certainly not in their
Colors and their Character 2
hue. It has not been proved, therefore, that Aristotle could not
distinguish between red and green.
The above, of course, is a rather hypothetical interpretation of
the quotation from Aristotle, but it shows with how much caution
terms in this connection should be translated.
Not until much later did the term come to mean "green"
specifically. With :x,(J)poc;; are related the words yellow, gold, galt,
etc., as well as the Russian zelionyi = green and zioltyi = yellow.
Other objects of comparison used in the development of terms
for green were fruits, the sea, gems, etc. (z, 258).
Blue
Blue, too, has an obvious natural object of comparison in the
sky. Y et the influence of this phenomenon on the development
of terms for blue has not nearly been as great as might be expect-
ed. For one thing, in most countries the sky is not as a rule so
convincingly blue. 1) Another reason may lie in the fact that the
blue of the sky is a peculiar kind of blue, clear, whitish, unsatu-
rated. Consequently terms for blue that are based on this
comparison as a rule indicate only this very clear nuance of blue,
like the Greek term ch:poe:L8e:c;;. Clear and dark blue sometimes are
indicated by different terms. The Russians for example dis-
tinguish between siniy for dark blue and galuboy for clear blue,
the latter, incidentally, not being based on a comparison with the
sky but with a dove.
Meanwhile blue has almost everywhere been the last of the
primades to be indicated by a special term. In many languages
there is no ward for blue at all. In those cases the blue color may
be indicated in various ways. It may for example be called
"dark." Many explorers have reported that primitive tribes
would "see blue as black." This, however, can be attributed to the
aforementioned wrang method of treating the terms for "black"
and "dark" as though they are identical in meaning and of trans-
lating "dark" with "black." But it is by no means always clear
whether a color or the brilliance of a color is meant.
1) "The sky of cloudy countdes is whitey-grey, and that of the tropics an indefinite
haze . . . . I know no commoner instance of the inaccuracy of ordinary langnage with
regard to colour than the familiar statement that the sky and the sea are blue. It is
only true, when carefully tested, in about one experience of fourteen" (z, 231).
mE NAMING OF COLOR IMPRESSIONS 19
Geiger's statement (59, 307ff) that the term for "black" is
used for shades of blue especially when this term has already
come to mean "gray," is typical: it is hard to explain, indeed,
how or. why the term for "black" should acquire the meaning
"gray," while it is perfectly plausible if we assume that the cor-
rect translation of the original term is "dark." There are several
ways for this term for "dark" to develop into a color name: the
color which it tends eventually to signify may be black, blue,
gray, or any other dark color. It depends on the circumstances
which of these colors will ultimately be indicated by the term.
The real purport therefore of Geiger's statement is that the term
for "dark" does not tend specifically to indicate black but a
"clearer" color, namely blue. The Iiterature on this subject
quotes various cases in point; Geiger (59, 337ff) discusses several.
The origin of the word blue is uncertain. It is probably related
to the Latin flavus = blond, yellow, but it is not known how
this transformation has taken place.
The naming of color among primitives
It appears that "primitive" peoples as a rule use far fewer
specific color terms than we do. Especially for green and blue
there often is no special word. On this fact the theory was based
that these peoples are color blind, a hypothesis which formed one
of the favorite topics of scientific discussion at the end of the last
century (this theory was advocated a.o. by Geiger and Magnus,
zoo and criticized by Allen). Under closer examination, however,
it appears that color descriptions do exist, only in a form different
from that to which we are accustomed.
One form of color description frequently used is that in which
the object whose color is tobe described is compared with another
object which very pronouncedly shows that color. A red object is
called "blood," a green object "grass." Rivers (IJO, 328) cites a
series of color descriptions by one man, all involving the sky:
blue - like the sky when the sun is hiding behind the clouds
indigo - like the rising clouds of the monsoon
white - like shining after rain
grey - like a cumulus when the sun is shining brightly
another kind of grey- the sun is setting and it is getting dark
brown -like the dawn when daylight is coming
20
mE NAMING OF COLOR IMPRESSIONS
The Nuer (45, 4lff) in describing cows use in addition to
standardcolor terms such descriptions as "dark clouds," "red
tree-cobra," "the shady gloom of forests," etc. On Madagascar
{9I, 128) a sick person's pailor is cailed "the color of a dead
grasshopper.'' Children will sometimes use this same type of
description in calling brown "chocolate," white "chalk," etc.
(I70, 238).
Because the color is not indicated explicitly but only through
comparison with another phenomenon the meaning of a term will
often be very uncertain as to exact nuance. An object compared
with the sea may be blue, green, gray, black or any of the many
intermediate colors. A typical example is supplied by v. d. Steinen
(I70, 225). He discovered that a certain Bakairi woman would
indicate emerald green as weil as cinnabar red and ultramarine
with the same word. This word was found to mean "parrot-
like." The kind of parrot she was referring to had both green and
blue feathers, and a red spot beside his beak. The comparison
with this parrot therefore comprises a peculiar combination of
colors. Since the object of comparison is the parrot as a whole,
there may be as many variations in the color implied as there are
colors to the parrot.
In Greek the word !J.lJA.woc; = apple-like may indicate red,
yeilow and orange shades as weil as green ones. At-3-oljl = whine-
like could be used for dark red, purple, violet, deep blue and even
for black (vinum ater).
As we have seen in the discussion of color name amnesia no
abstraction is required for this method of color description. By
this we do not mean to say that these peoples are unable to make
abstraction of the color. We, too, still use many such descriptions,
speaking for example of watery eyes, apple cheeks, chestnut hair,
etc.
In poetry it is also used frequently, not only because of the
wider variety of color indications the system offers but also
because of its richness and its subtler differentiation of emotional
values. In calling wheat "yellow" we don't mean more than that
yellowness, we use a banal expression to describe the way in
which it appears to us. When speaking of wheat as "golden,"
however, many more aspects are implied, the yellowness be-
coming only a small factor in the total complicity of comparisons.
"Gold" not only implies the yellow color but also the gloss of the
wheat, the fullness of the ears, the promise of a rich harvest, etc.
Another possibility of color description is that the color itself
is not described but rather its material character. The color in
such cases is indicated only indirectly. Rivers (r28, 231) mentions
the following Egyptian descriptions of colored threads: J;,artr =
silk, gukh = cloth, libd = feit, t6b = women's dress, quftan =
gown, etc. Only the silkiness, the feltlikeness, the caftanlikeness
of the threads was named, the color being implied in these terms.
lndeed certain matcrials often have a typical color aspect. For
us "silky" often implies a certain nuance, a soft, gleaming tint of
slightest saturation such as pink or lilac. "Feit" in a way also
means "grayish." The word tarabtsht which is used for "red" is
derived from tarbU.Sh = fez; this is an example of color comparison
since fezes usually are of a rather distinct red color.
But beside these peculiar forms of color description real color
words are always to be found although these terms among other
peoples may convey concepts entirely different from our own.
It is typical of our own color terms that they specifically
indicate color hues and are relatively independent of saturation
and brilliance. "Blue" indicates the "blue" which is present both
in clear and dark blue. Even though the darker blue may be
considered "purer," the clear blues are blue as weil. In many
other languages, however, emphasis is put primarily upon
brilliance, while at best secondary differentiations account for
the hue. Clear blue then is not viewed primarily as "blue," but
as "clear," and as such is brought in connection with other
"clear" colors. Red is the exception to this rule. Because of its
pronounced character in the case of red the color hue usually
stands in the foreground, even in systems otherwise stressing
brilliance.
We may assume in general that the basis of these other systems
is: 1. clear color, 2. red, 3. dark color. Roughly translated this
means: white, red, black.
The "clear color" comprises white, yellow, clear gray and all
other colors of great brilliance except pink. Often a separate term
exists for yellow which then includes the other nuances of equal
briJiance, and the meaning of which is usually very vague. As a
rule it means "sallow," "faded," with the implication of con-
siderable brilliance (cf. xA.wpoc; p. 16). It usually includes pale
green, but almost never pink which comes under "red."
The "dark color" usually comprises black, purple, dark blue,
dark brown, dark gray, etc. Here, too, a separate term may
develop for the dark colors of slightly greater brilliance such as
brown, violet, blue, dark green, gray, etc. In many instances one
more term develops to indicate all shades and tints of average
brilliance which are neither "clear" nor "dark" nor "red," such
as blue, green and gray.
A rough scheme of the above follows:
clear color
red
{
whitish
yellowish
red
green-blue
{
dark colored
darkcolor
blackish
There is no general line along which these intecrelations are
formed and worked out in a given language, as this depends
completely on the peculiarities of the language and the people
concerned. It is impossible to reduce all these color vocabularies
to a common denominator. We should like to quote here one
typical concrete example from Rivers' investigation among
Egyptian Iaborcrs (r28, 23Iff):
abjarj - white, clear grey, other very clear tints (except pink)
~ f r - yellow and unsaturated shades except reddish ones
af:lmar -red
akhrjar - green, blue-green, blue, sometimes brown, dull grey, dark
grey (see also 74, 77)
azraq - black, sometimes indigo, violet, but never clear blue
In Chinese, beside color terms corresponding to our own, the
word ts'ing exists the meaning of which is somewhat parallel to
that of the Egyptian akJ.tdar and which includes the colors of
average brilliance except red or yellow. It is used for instance in
connection with green olives, peas, grass, gray horses, blue sky,
etc. The Celtic term glas-to probably was used for various inter-
mediate colors: greenish, bluish as weil as yellowish. For further
examples the reader may among others consult Thurnwald (I5I).
The great importance of brilliance for the formation of color
terms does not imply, however, that these peoples only name
brilliances and no colors as Gladstone assumed on the basis of the
Homeric use of color terms. They certainly distinguish among
different color hues. The difference isthat with them the impres-
sion of brilliance has a more important function than it has with
us (see I27). They surely view the impressions in the light of
their specific color character, but that color character is not
determined exclusively by the factor of the color hue, as is mostly
the case with us.
The sensitiveness to color of primitive peoples
Some investigations made by Rivers seem to stress the impor-
tance of keeping in mind thesedifferent ways of concept formation.
Rivers endeavored to study the ability to discern colors among
several "primitive" tribes. In so doing he made use of Lovibond's
"Tintometer" which makes it possible to determine exactly the
discernment for tints of yellow, red and blue. The various tribes
examined by Rivers all gave the same outcome : the threshold for
red on the whole corresponded to that found with his British
standard group of subjects. For yellow it was slightly higher. For
blue, however, it was very much higher. The difference for blue
was so striking as to Iead Rivers to conclude that these other
tribes could be assumed tobe less sensitive to blue - which might
be explained for example by greater pigmentation of the retina.
It bad previously already been assumed by Geiger that primitives
would not perceive blue and green as clearly as we do, but more
"vaguely," as a result of less.developed retinas. Tucker conducted
similar experiments with children from 5 to 10 years old, with
almost similar results except that the threshold for all colors was
distinctly high er than with grownups; in the case of blue, however,
the difference was even considerably higher.
The physiological explanation: less sensitiveness to blue,
becomes superfluous when we determine what exactly is studied
in this experiment. In the critical phase of the experiment the
subject is shown a nuance of a color consisting of white mixed
with a minimum of red, yellow or blue. When we apply these
experiments to ourselves we will only call the color shown
"white" if we really cannot discern any other color; for if we
could we would still say "red/' "yellow" or "blue." This is so
because our color concepts are mostly independent of brilliance;
they are red, yellow or blue, no matter how great the white
component. It has not been proved, however, that the same holds
true for other peoples; that they, too, will use their term for
"white" only for pure white, and those for red, yellow and blue
for all grades of brilliance and saturation of those specific colors
alike.
Rather is it almost certain that this is not the case, except
perhaps with red. "Very clear blue" for most peoples is a concept
entirely different from "dark blue"- while both with us would
come under the same concept "blue." Very clear blue for them
would be a "clear color," dark blue a "dark color."
So when the tintometer shows a very unsaturated blue this
color is classed as a "clear color" and the primitive subject names
it accordingly. In then translating his term for "clear color" by
"white" we ourselves make a crucial mistake, since the impli-
cations of the term "white" differ totally from those of "clear
color." Very unsaturated blue is not "white" but it is certainly a
"clear color." When an Egyptian farmer calls such a nuance
abja4, he gives a correct description - which "white" would not
be. It is quite possibJe that "physiologically" the blue component
is visible, but this aspect is integrated in his concept abjatj,.
Therefore the tintometer certainly does not establish thres-
holds in these cases. The outcome of the experiments is really
not more than a compromise between the concepts covered by
foreign color words and those covered by Western color names.
When both groups are treated as comparable the results will be
as confusing as Rivers' conclusion, not because these other peoples
are less sensitive to color differences, but because of the dis-
crepancy between their concept systems and ours. I}
That such a divergence does not appear in the case of red is a
result of the primitives' color vocabulary. As we have seen, their
term for red, too, is based specifically on the hue red while
saturation is of only secondary importance. Their conception of
"red" is about the same as ours and this fact becomes apparent in
similar tintometer results.
') As the mistake made is a fundamental one, the results can not be improved by
a "mass" study as suggested by Winch (r28, 247).
C. THE DEVELOPMENT OF COLOR NAMES
In establishing the colors' meaning in everyday life it is im-
portant to find out for what particular reason particular color
terms develop; why for certain colors names already had develop-
ed in an early stage and for others not; why different peoples
stress different aspects, etc. Why is it that we generally find spe-
cific terms for red and yellow and none for blue and green?
There must be some reason for the development of a color name,
and consequently for the abstraction of the colors and the for-
mation of color concepts. "Words arise just in proportion to the
necessity which exists for conveying their meaning" (2, 254).
Every langnage must have its special motives for indicating a
certain color by the particular name that color has in that lan-
guage. Following are some of the most important of such motives.
One very important reason is the use made of paints and dyes
and the necessity to have different names for various kinds. In
paints and dyestuffs the color has become relatively independent
of any object. The purpose of using dyestuffs is to handle the
colors arbitrarily, independently. Of course even then the color
is still the color of something, namely of the dyestuff, but
obviously the emphasis lies on the color while the dyestuffs are
nothing but the inevitable substance carrying that color. Paints
and dyes are the practical, concrete forms in which the colors are
viewed as relatively independent of the object. Painting as it
were is the "practical abstraction" of color. Its correlate in the
langnage is the desire to give this phenomenon and the colors as
apart from any object their own names.
Originally painting is not more than covering with some natural
coloring which does not require any technical preparation. Allen
(2, 234) states: "In the earliest stage [the colors] are merely
daubed on in isolation, as by the Andamanese who plasters his
head with ochre, or the ancient Welsh who stained their bodies
with woad. A little higher up in the scale, the colours are used
in bars or stripes, of violent contrast."
Traces of this fundamental meaning of "covering" can be
found in the origin of some terms for "color." In Sanskrit
var1Ja = color is derived from var = to cover. The GermanFarbe
is derived from var1Ja. The Latin term color is related to celare and
occulere both meaning "to cover." The Russian mastj = a color
in card games, primarily meant "salve."
In this primary stage the covering material has a central
function and consequently the paint gets the name of the material
used. Red for example can be effected through the use of blood
or ochre. In such a case "blood" or "ochre" (as indications of the
material used) may be used simply as names for the paint.
As soon, however, as this covering with a given material begins
to be done primarily for the sake of the color-effect a change takes
place. More and more attention is given to the color aspect. Means
are devised technically to improve colors. Special dyestuffs are
prepared. The emphasis shifts from the original material to the
ultimate color effect. This process necessitates the separate
naming ef the colors, apart from the origj.nal material.
A well-known example of a standardized color name stemming
from dyeing technique is 7topcp,Jpeoc;. This is derived from cpupoo
which means "to mix," "to knead." Related to this arealso the
Indo-German bhur = to flounder, to heave, to surge, and the
Russian buria = storm. The verb is used by Homer to
signify the restless motion of the waves.
Aside from the abovementioned restlessness the word has
another emotional component: "dark" -ness. The motion implied
in 1topcpupeoc; almost always is the motion of something dark such
as the waves of the sea, a thundercloud, or death. A typical
example appears in the Loeb edition of the Odyssey:
'TtO/J...rx. ae 1topcpupe
(8 427, 8 572, x. 309).
" .... and many things did my
heart darkly ponder as I
went."
In preparing the red colors through boiling murexes striking
variations and combinations of chiefly dark colors can be seen.
Probably this unquiet mixture of colors caused the dye to be
given the name of "darkly moving" = 7topcpupeoc;. This is one
example of how the color of a dye may obtain the name of an
aspect of the preparation ofthat dye. The resulting colors as a
rnle arenot particularly dark but of a rather pronounced red hue.
Via indicating the dye the term 1topcpupeoc; got to be the standard
nameforthat particular red color.
So we see that there are two entirely different spheres of meaning
mE NAMING OF COLOR IMPRESSIONS 27
for xopcpupeoc; both of which are used by Homer. The first is the
original meaning "darkly moving," appearing only in highly
formalized phrases and expressions which are often repeated
identically as in the abovementioned example, and in the follow-
ing descrlption also appearing three times in exactly identical
form:
't'OV 8e: XrJ..'t'
1
oaae: EAArJ..e
n:opcpupe:oc; &rJ..VrJ..TO<;; XrJ..L (LOLprJ..
xprJ..TrJ..tlj.
" .... and down over his eyes
came dark death and mighty
fate."
This meaning as used by Horn er is clearly of older, and even of
somewhat archaic origin. In addition to this, the real color name
n:opcpupe:oc; = red appears. Homer uses it once for blood; other-
wise it always refers to dyed objects: rugs, garments, cushions,
etc. I t is clear how in this case a color term developed, based on
the process of dye preparation. t)
Now the red and yellow dyestuffs happentobe as a rule easiest
to find and to prepare (I74, 247). Covering with blood was widely
practiced. Ochre, too, was a material from which many shades
from red to yellow could easily be prepared. Green and blue,
however, usually are of mineral origin, hard to find and hard to
prepare. For tattooing purposes primitive tribes preferably use
red and yellow and, less frequently, white and black (I36, 299).
But aside from dyestuffs other everyday objects may beim-
portant enough to make further specification of the color de-
sirable. The most central objects of daily usage most urgently
require specification, and description of their color is one means
of specification. "lt is where color serves as the mark of an im-
portant object, or condition of an object, that a color name
would be most likely to develop" (I74, 246; also I77, 515). The
latter is the case for example with the Nuer who distinguish and
name their cows with the aid of color terms. Evans-Pritchard
(45, 4lff.) gives the following summary: "In naming a Nuer cow
one has to notice its colours and the way in which they are
distributed on its body. When it is not of one colour the distri-
1) Schultz's (r37, 47ff) conception is diametrically opposed to the above: he rnain-
tains that was originally used as a color term. Several of his presuppositions,
however, are wrong.
bution of colours is the significant character by which one
names it. There are ten principal colour tenns: white (bor),
black (car), brown (bual), chestnut (dol), tawny (yan), mousy
grey (lon), bay (thiang), sandy-grey (lith), blue and strawberry
roan (yil), and chocolate (gwir). When a cow is of a single
colour it is described by one of these tenns."
Clearly the practical importance of the cows led to the develop-
ment of specialcolor tenns. Woodworth (I74, 247) also remarks
that "if cows had affected the blues and greens, the history of
color vocabularies would probably have been quite different."
In the present time, too, for practical and technical reasons the
necessity may still arise for new color terms to develop: in the
technical preparation of chemical dyes, in fashions, in optics, etc.
In this respect red and yellow occupy a special position as they
are the colors of those objects which generally are of chief im-
portance to primitive peoples. It has been pointed out that nuan-
ces of red and yellow (including brown, orange, etc.) are the colors
especially to be found in men and animals, in the animal aspects
of nature (red blood, pink skin, reddish hair, yellow-orange insects,
and the like). Plants show these colors - in their fruits and
blooms - only in so far as they are directed toward the animal.
They attract animals (and men), needed for procreative purposes.
These colors in nature apparently constitute the aspect specific
for the animal, the world of animals. Seidomare the colors blue or
green found in animals, andin the few instances that they are
found these colors have some special function such as mimicry
(caterpillars) or contrast (birds' feathers), etc.
For man, in his "animal" aspects, too, this special position of
the red-yellow nuances is important. Of the greatest practical
value for him are the animals and in regard to plants the fruits
and flowers (z, 228). It is therefore perfectly understandable that
red and yellow would be the colors for which names develop
first among primitive peoples.
Another aspect to be considered is the conspicuousness of the
color. Not only the practical importance of the objects or their
quantity are of importance but also the value of the color itself
and the extent to which it predominates. The blue of the sky and
the green of trees and plants usually are present in vast quantities,
but their way of appearing is different from that of red and yel-
low: it is less striking and of less direct practical importance. They
form a background rather than something we deal with directly
(IJ4, 247).
In this respect cantrast plays an important role. It is safe to
say that on the whole those colors will get specific names which
separate themselves from the surroundings and explicitly step
into the foreground. In nature blue and green make asolidneutral
background appearing in large quantities. Moreover, according
to Allen (2, 257), most of the natural grcens and blues are difficult
to distinguish e.g. in the sea, turquoise and the like. This could be
one explanation of the fact that many languages, if they have a
riame for green and blue at all, indicate both colors by one and the
same ward.
The red and yellow nuances, however, appear mostly in smaller
quantities. In addition to the greater practical value of yellow and
red objects their cantrast with the background makes them more
conspicuous: "Primitive art as weil as classical was essentially an
outdoor art, that is, it dealt chiefly with the decoration of
fa<;ades, painted statues, and totem poles, wargalleys, chariots,
and the like. The background for this art was the blue sky and
green vegetation. Therefore, the use of the warm colors, par-
ticularly red, would result in the most effective cantrast against
such a background, whereas blue and green would be over-
whelmed and lost." (68, 260; see also 2, 227).
Color names among some Eskimo tribes also Iead to this
conclusion. Their color vocabulary namely is remarkably com-
plete; it even includes real color terms for green and blue. These
colors are for them exceptional phenomena in nature and they
appear only through contrast. Rivers (I29, 149) remarks in this
respect: "It is possible that when colour is only a transient oc-
currence in the years' experience, it may excite more attention
and therefore receive more definite nomenclature than in other
parts of the world where luxuriance of colour is so familiar that
it receives little notice."
And yet this explanation does not hold generally either. In
several regions where green vegetation is rare and in striking
cantrast with the yellowish sand of the soil, a separate name for
green is lacking entirely, just as it is among other peoples (for
example among the Tchi negroes; see IOI, ll).
But even when there is no question of cantrast the various
colors show various grades of prominence. The red-yellow shades
are typified by the stronger impression they make, by the fact
that they seem to have "more to say," not only because they go
with objects of greater importance or because they contrast more
strongly with their background, but primarily because of their
intrinsic phenomenal value. Forthis reason red, for example, is
so important : hot only because it is the color of blood but because
of its inherent prominence. This conspicuousness has been des-
cribed under several names and has been attributed to various
characteristics of the impression. Magnus reduces it to brilliance,
Allen mentions "brilliancy" and "luminous intensity." McDou-
gall (r28, 245) claims that the more attractive colors derive their
greater "emotional value" from their specific warmth.
The latter aspect indeed has been one of major importance. It
is essential, however, to consider it as a purely impressional value
of the color, and not directly as a phenomenon that can be
explained physiologically. Several attempts have been made to
reduce these qualities to physiological causes such as charac-
teristics of the retina, the nervous tracts and the like. Magnus
considers this impressional value as identical with "physiological
factors," Geigertalks about "Reizbarkeit" and Winch (r28, 247}
about "sensibility." Allthese physiological hypotheses have oue
great drawback: they cannot stand any objective test. As a rule
they have not been tested objectively at all. It is therefore
advisable to adhere to our starting point : the phenomenal
character of the colors.
In the above discussion of motives special attention was given
to the question why terms for red and yellow develop more
frequently than for green and blue. But there is another equally
important problern: why is there, generally speaking, such a
marked preference for the primaries? Why is it that for these
primary colors- red, yellow, green, blue- special terms should
develop and not for orange, violet, pink and the like? Why does
the practice continue so long of indicating the intermediate colors
by concepts which really cover the primary colors? This question
has been overlooked almost entirely in scientific literature,
probably because the absence of terms for green and blue strikes
us as strange, while there is nothing very surprising in the fact
that terms are ladring for most of the intermediate colors -
since the latter is also the case with ourselves. This fact, however,
does not diminish the importance of the question.
According to Wundt (r76, 75) this again is attributable to these
colors' position in nature, the primaries being named first because
of their greater importance: "the red of blood, the green of vege-
tation, the blue of the sky, the seeming yellow of the stars in
contrast with the blue sky."- "The difference between primary
and intermediate colors therefore is probably based on outward
conditions." Still the above is not satisfactory as a motive,
because as a rule these nature-colors are by no means the pure
primary colors; for the sky may have any possible variation of
white, gray and blue; vegetation may be green but is usually
tinged with yellow or blue; stars seem white rather than yellow,
etc. As a rule the objects of practical importance the color of
which is described do not show only primary colors but a wide
range of nuances both of primary and intermediate colors.
The special value of the primaries again should be found in
their special character, their direct phenomenal meaning, and not
in "outward conditions." The distinction between primary and
intermediate colors lies in their different degrees of prominence
which aspect is later to be discussed more elaborately. The
impression made by the intermediate colors is uncertain and
variable, depending on the set of the observer, while the primary
colors have a moredefinite character, are more sharply outlined,
and are less subject to individual variation. This greater distinct-
ness of the primary colors facilitates their specification in the
language. Terms for intermediate colors, such as violet, if they
develop, are usually less definite and more subject to personal
interpretation and variation as to nuance than those for the
primary colors. The character of the primaries makes conceptual
abstraction easier.
Black and white have not been discussed here since the motives
for the development of these terms are less easy to trace. Here
again the relationship with "light" and "dark" is a source of
The latter two concepts are of major importance in
everyday life as a result of the alternation of day and night. This
contrast also affects the colors. As we have seen early grouping
32 THB NAMING OF COLOR IMPRESSIONS
of the colors is often based on the trio "light color - red- dark
color." For many peoples this grouping is more important than
the terms "white" and "black" as used by us. In any case the
transition to the latter meaning certainly takes place much later
than is usually assumed.
CHAPTER 1
STUDIES ON THE EXPERIENCING OF COLORS
A. COLOR PREFERENCES
One aspect of the character of color has been studied extensi-
vely: its pleasantness or unpleasantness, its "affective value."
Color preferences obviously differ, both as regards order of prefer-
ence for various colors and individual preferences for special
colors. Some people may be attracted by blue or green, while
others may prefer yellow or red.
In studying these preferences one of the three following
methods is usually adopted:
1. arranging a certain range of colors, usually in the form of
sheets of colored paper, in order of preference.
2. comparing colors in sets of two, the preferred color of each
set to be indicated.
3. judging colors separately in accordance with a given scale
of values. This is the so-called method of absolute judgment.
The results of the latter two methods can be worked out statisti-
cally to establish an order of colors.
The first to make an experimental study (using the second
method) was Cohn in 1894. He concluded that there is a general
preference for the most saturated colors. Major, who followed the
third method, doubted Cohn's conclusion; his results pointed to
just the opposite - a preference for colors of slight saturation.
Cohn later proved that this was the result of a wrong way of
presenting the colors. Repeating the experiment, using a corrected
method of presenting the colors, he again found a definite
preference for colors of high saturation. He also found, however,
that there were certain subjects who showed a generat preference
for the less saturated colors (35, 286). This seemed to indicate a
certain typological factor influencing color preferences.
34 STUDIES ON THE EXPERIENCING OF COLORS
The two chief problems in later experiments were: I. Is there
a general order of preference for the colors; are certain colors
usually preferred over others? 2. Is this order of preference really
universal, or does it vary according to race, nation, sex, age, etc.?
In order to answer these questions the nurober of subjects in
the experiments was constantly increased. While Cohn worked
with a small selected group of only 14 male psychologists, mostly
between the ages of 20 and 30, the nurober of subjects in later
experiments was increased to some 500 or even 1000. Preferences
were studied in young and older children, students, mert and
women, aged people, psychopaths and psychotics, Indians,
Chinese, Japanese, Mexicans, Negroes, etc.
In 1941 the major part of theseexperimentswas summarized
by Eysenck (47). This summary represented a total of 13,625
subjects. Its conclusion isthat there is indeed a certain universal
order of color preference according to the affective value of the
colors. Starting from the most pleasant color this order ranges
from blue through red, green and purple to the almost equally
unpleasant colors orange and yellow. On the whole intermediate
colors are considered less pleasant than the adjoining primary
colors (a greenish yellow for example is less pleasant than either
green or yellow).
The answer to the second question, whether there exist any
deviations from the general order of preference, specific for cer-
tain groups of subjects, is considerably less clear. Small differ-
ences were found, generally too small, however, tobe considered
of any importance. On the whole it can be said that the differences
among individual subjects exceed those among groups of subjects.
Not even the experiments with large groups of subjects yield
figures from which we might conclude the existence of group
differences. Therefore the existence of a universal order of prefer-
ence is assumed, and group differences as yet are considered not
to have been proved satisfactorily.
Naturally many hypotheses have been made as to the causes
of this universal order of preference. Among other things Eysenck
hirnself attributed considerable influence to the brilliance of the
colors. This theory, however, like many others, does not account
for the fact that intermediate colors in general are less pleasant
than the primaries. Nor does the theory that the cause is in "the
STUDIES ON THE EXPERIENCING OF COLORS 35
functioning of the central nervous system" (48, 208) or "das
Verhltnis von assimilatorischen und dissimilatorischen Pro-
cessen in der Netzhaut und den koordinierten zentralen Par-
tien" (IIJ, 254) explain much. This is only a JV.atter of shifting
the problern to another field where as yet no observations can be
made. And even were that possible, the question would still
remain as to how this order of preference can be explained
psychologically, and how it is experienced.
A more valuable supposition would seem to be that of the influ-
ence of cultural factors: this standard order of preference would
be a product of Western culture (I6I, 303). It would be found
wherever 'Western culture has penetrated. A number of facts
seem to point in that direction. Lo found that schooling was of
greater influence than sex or racial differences. Garth, Moses and
Anthony found the effect of training and experience considerable.
Also, during primary school years, a distinct change in the order
of preference takes place. Winch, as well as Garth and Porter,
for example found a considerable decrease in the preference for
yellow. In the standard order of preference yellow is at the bot-
tom, while it is very popular with very young children.
Theabovesuppositions,however, are.at best hypotheses ad hoc.
They are based only on mass experiments, on statistics. But
statistics can not tell us anything about "causes." To learn about
those we have to analyze the original situation on the basis of
which the statistics were made, i.e. the actual choosing of the
colors.
In addition to this the importance of this general order of
preference is rather limited. True, it is possible to establish such
an order of preference based on experiments with large numbers
of subjects, but it should be remernbered that the percentage of
individual variations is extremely high. As stated supra, it was
these individual variations which made the establishment of
group differences so difficult. In a study of correlations Eysenck
found that about 30% of the variance is determined by the basic
order of preference, and about 70% by individual variations.
On the other band, the preferences of a certain individual are
fairly constant. Bradford (23, 547) bad the same subjects arrange
colors according to preference several times. He found the follow-
ing correlations: over a 14-day period 0.90, over a 12-month
period 0.84. The average correlation between different subjects,
however, is only about 0.28 (47, 387).
The individual differences may to a limited extent be classified
typologically. There seem to be two groups of subjects, one of
which prefers clear, distinct colors, while the other group likes
quiet colors of slight saturation. This was already found in
Cohn's early experiments, and Eysenck (47, 388) came later to the
same conclusion through a factor-analytic study.
But even such a typological differentiation is not enough. The
individual differences are too great to be adequately represented
in such a classification. It should be investigated whether and
how, in each individual, preferences are related to his mood, his
momentary attitude and his character. Without the knowledge of
these personal factors it is impossible to understand color prefer-
ences, not only the average preferences of large groups of persons,
but especially the important subjective variations in individuals.
Little research work has as yet been done in this direction,
although a few beginnings have been made. Regarding the im-
portance of the subject's set something can be found in a study
by Washburn and Grose. They investigated the possibilities of
arbitrarily influencing the pleasantness or unpleasantness of a
color. After the subjects had judged the colors in accordance with
a given scale of values they were asked to reverse their judgment
and, if possible, to view certain pleasant colors as less pleasant,
unpleasant ones as pleasant. This proved to be more or less
feasible. The following attitudes proved to be of influence:
1. when imaginary changes were marle in the situation in which the
color was seen
2. when the subject pictured the color in combination with cer-
tain other colors
3. when the color was imagined in smaller or !arger quantities
4. when the color was associated with unpleasant or pleasant
experiences
5. when attention was focused on some other aspect of the color
6. when the subject could adapt hirnself affectively to the color
7. when a certain like or dislike was suggested to the subject
In color judging experiments one should bear in mind all the
above factors since they all can apparently be of essential
influence.
STUDIES ON THE EXPERIENCING OF COLRS 37
Another experiment, which points up the influence of the
subject's set, is that conducted by Peters {I20} who attempted to
influence artificially - to "condition" - the subject's prefer-
ences. He proceeded as follows: a series of combinations of two
colors each were shown, with the instruction each time to name
only one of the two colors (preference was irrelevant}. The
experimenter had decided previously which color of each pair
was to be "right" and which was to be "wrong." Whenever the
subject named the "wrong" color, a bell rang; when the "right"
color was named, nothing would happen. The complete range of
color combinations was shown as often as was necessary to teach
tlle subject each time to name the "right" color so that the bell
would never ring. Both before and after this "conditioning"
color preferences were established. The "conditioning" would
have proved to be effective if, after conditioning, the "right"
colors were considered more, and the "wrong" ones less pleasant
than before.
It appeared that the effect of conditioning depended on the
way in which the colors were actually perceived and judged by
the subject. One group of subjects (the "perceptual" type}
judged colors on the basis of their phenomenal aspects, of charac-
teristics essential to the impression itself, such as brilliance,
Saturation, contrast, familiarity. This group indeed had been
influenced by the conditioning. As for the other group (the
"conceptual" type}, however, their preferences were more
intellectually, more conceptually determined while the phenome-
nal character of the impressionwas of less direct importance; their
preferences were based for example on a set pattern of prefer-
ences, on the practical usability of the colors (for clothes and the
like), or on symbolic categories. Conditioi:ring had no apparent
effect on the latter group's attitude toward colors. This clearly
indicates that some factors in a given situation may have entirely
different meanings for and effects on various subjects, depending
on the subject's attitude toward color.
Aside from the subject's attitude one should consider the im-
portance of character. The fact that a certain relation exists
between character and color preferences has become evident
from so many experiments that further proof is hardly required.
But we are less certain about what that connection between
character and color preference actually is. No psychological
experiments have been made to date investigating this relation-
ship more closely. Several attempts have been made, however,
at using color preferences diagnostically, i.e. in diagnosing
character on the basis of color preferences instead of explaining
color preference by means of the character. Lscher (I39) had
bis subjects choose between two shades of a nurober of colors.
Birren instructs them to pick the most preferred from a set of ten
colors. From the choices made conclusions regarding the subject's
character were drawn. But unless the above techniques are
improved and standardized they have little scientific value.
So far this chapter has dealt only with color in abstracto, with
complete disregard of the object carrying the color. The latter
factor, however, is nottobe neglected. Experience has taught us
the extreme importance of the situation in which a color appears.
In almost every experiment described use was made of either
colored paper or projected light, which definitely influenced the
results of the experiments. In several experiments the influence
of minor factors has been investigated. From Gordon's experi-
ments it appeared that background is a very important factor.
Tinker investigated the different results obtained with colored
paper and bits of silk; Yokohama used colors in figures of various
shapes; Hevner colored linear figures; Philip colored fashion
plates. Preferences for color combinations have been extensively
studied by Lo, v. Alleschand many others.
Particularly in advertizing and publicity great interest has
been shown for the way in which the specific use of color influ-
ences color preferences. It has been established which colors are
most popular with certain consumption categories (r24, Ch. XX).
According to Schiller there is for example a specific preference
for the combination yellow-green in connection with soap, for
yellow-green or yellow-orange with breakfast food while "luxury"
is considered best expressed by the combination of yellow and
purple, etc.
These experiments are, as yet, not scientifically convincing:
the results are too variable, and the influencing factors are not
sufficiently under control.
. THE AFFECTIVE CHARACTER OF COLOR
The discussion so far has concerned itself with only one aspect
of the color: its pleasantness or unpleasantness. But a color's
character comprises much more than this one aspect; it means
more to us than just a certain like or dislike.
Two motives there are which may explain the special atten-
tion given to this one aspect. First, reducing the problern to this
one aspect greatly simplified methods of experimentation. The
instruction to arrange a number of colors according to preference
is easily understood by almost any subject and easily executed;
the results are easily worked out statistically and easily inter-
preted. This simplification made it possible to work with the
great number of subjects mentioned above.
The second motive for simplifying the problern is related to a
theoretical presupposition regarding the nature of emotion in
general. At the time that these experiments began the one-
dimensional conception of emotion was still predominant (Eb-
binghaus, Ziehen). Emotion was considered tobe nothing but a
certain degree of Lust or Unlust. Typical of every emotion would
be the degree of like or dislike experienced. All further differen-
tiation of emotions was based on outside factors that might
have influence beside the basic like-dislike characteristic such as
"associations," but need not really be considered in the analysis
of emotion. The study of emotion centered on the determination
of the degree of like or dislike involved. For the same reason the
study of the emotional character of color was limited to the study
of its like-dislike value, i.e. of color preferences. Even though this
conception of emotion is admittedly out-dated, its after effects
are still to be found in various instances, for example in the
disproportionate interest in color preferences.
Wundt (z78, 274) broadened the one-dimensional theory of
emotion into a three-dimensional one. The dimensions he added
were: "Excitement-Repose" and "Tension-Relaxation." Ac-
cording to him the singular emotions were chiefly determined by
these three dimensions, regardless of more extemal factors
influencing the concrete form of emotion.
Stefnescu-Goang has worked out an experiment in accord-
ance with this theory. The dimension "tension-relaxation" was
found to be the most obvious, red, orange, yellow and purple
being on the tension side and green, blue, indigo and violet on the
relaxation side. The like-dislike dimension proved to be too
variablebothin individual subjects and between various subjects.
As the general interest in such theories of emotion diminished,
the study of the colors' emotional character was conducted on a
freer basis. It was not so much the question to what degree certain
emotions went with the various colors, as: what emotions go
generally with a given color. Two methods were adopted:
1. It is possible to give a subject certain colors and to have him
describe freely their emotional effect on him (IBo). However, if
the subject is not trained in doing this sort of descriptive work
the results usually are meagre. At Wundt's advice, this method is
sometimes supplemented by pneumographic or sphygmographic
registration or by the recording of tapping rate and certain other
expressive movements.
2. In the United States use has rather been made of a fixed
series of many emotional terms. This Iist is given to the subject
along with the colors. He is then required with each color to mark
one or more of these terms which in his opinion are related to that
color. A good example is provided by a study made by Odbert c.s. in
which the vocabulary of Hevner was used andin which the follow-
ing central tendencies became apparent: red-exciting, orange-gay,
yellow-playful, green-leisurely, blue-tender, purple-solemn, black-
sad. These judgments correspond with the descriptions of the colors
in the following part.
Von Allesch pointed out most emphatically that the results
are extremely variable in these experiments as weil as in those
concerned with color preferences. His own experiments derive
their value chiefly from his effective system of keeping all factors
of the situation in hand. He spent years of experimentation in
order to create the most satisfactory experimental circumstances
and to keep the influence of the material undermaximum control.
Moreover, he used experienced as well as unexperienced subjects.
But in spite of this careful regulation of the objective factors,
he found again and again a striking uncertainty and variability
of results. Not even the most rigidly standardized experimental
situation appeared to be conducive to stability of the results.
Each individual seemed to have a different opinion. Nor would
the effect of a given color on a given subject be constant. A
subject's opinion of a certain color would sometimes even change
considerably during the period he was looking at it. Moreover, this
was not a matter of minor variations but often of considerable
differences and even of contradictions. In our own experiments
we regularly found shades of yellow qualified as "cold" and blue
as "warm," while the general opinion is just the opposite. In
discussing our own results we shall come upon many such in-
stances.
This great variability is not only a characteristic phenomenon
in the judging of a color's emotional character; it can also be
observed in the naming of colors. In regard to the vague inter-
mediate colors this would seem to be quite normal, but it also
holds true for the primaries (44, 231). Katzin and Murray devoted
a special study to this.
More than once it has been pointed out that this variability
is not so very great, and that it is weil possible to distill sta-
tistically certain general principles from the heterogeneity of
these results. Eysenck (47, 390) proved that even from v. Al-
lesch's own data a general order of color preference could be
ascertained. It should be bornein mind, however, that such gener-
alities can only be deduced from very large numbers of both
subjects and experiments. Von Allesch's primary purposewas to
stress the insignificance of the influence exerted by those general
rules as compared tothat of the subjective individual differences.
Wells (I66, 194) also considers that the relation he found
between colors and their emotional effect is rather constant. He
states: "a given stimulus has an affective character which re-
mains constant regardless of any subjective attitude of the
sensibilities toward that stimulus." Thus formulated this cannot
possibly be correct. For one thing, his subjects were asked to
choose from a limited number of emotional terms. This tends to
diminish the possible influence of the subjective attitude. More-
over, these terms were classed into three categories, those of
"excitation," "repose" and "gravity." Only in relation to these
three categories does there seem to be a clear-cut distinction
between the colors, but by this reduction to three categories
many important subjective differences are eliminated. The group
"excitation" for example, comprises among other things:
a. tiring, uneasy, loud, noisy, irritating
b. strong, energetic
c. light, airy, joyous, sprightly
Obviously the emotional value of these terms differs greatly. It is
true that by means of simplification certain general rules can be
found, but only at the sacrifice of very important and essential
subjective variations.
Of extreme importance, psychologically, is the relation between
the emotional effect of the colors and the character of the obser-
ver. This principle is put into practice in the many personality
tests in which colors are used. The best known example of these
tests is the Rorschach-test in which color is seen in a special
relation with emotional life. Other examples are the Mosaic
Test (96), Finger Painting (n5), the Color Pyramid Test (Pfister,
I39), the diagnostic use made of color drawing and painting, etc.
The problern as to what exactly is the relation between color and
character in these tests has been the object of only very few
experiments. For the present intuitive understanding forms the
sole basis for the diagnostic use of color.
An interesting example of its application is given by Wolff
(I73. 254ff). From a great many paper dolls of various colors he
requires his subjects (pre-school children) to compose a "family."
The results clearly show the emotional function of the colors:
as a rule the father is taken from the darker-colored, and the
mother from the lighter-colored ones. One boy picks the following
colors: for the father, in regard to whom he shows a strong
negative reaction, purple, a "mean" color. Grandfather and
brother are black, grandmother white. His favorite colors are
yellow and green: a friend is green, and his mother is yellow.
An exceptionally valuable study isthat by Alschuler and Hatt-
wick who made a thorough analysis of watercolor painting by some
170 children of about 3 to 5 years old. A special study was made of
the diagnostic value of color emphasis- the value of which was not
only weil established statistically, but also well founded theo-
retically. We shall have to refer to some of their findings later.
C. SYNESTHESIA
A striking phenomenon, also pertaining to color vision, is the
interrelation of the various senses, the various modalities of sen-
sation. Peculiar similarities and instances of mutual influence
may be found among smell, taste, hearing, sight, touch. Such
interrelations are called "synesthesia." This phenomenon has
been studied most thoroughly in extreme, pathological cases.
Some people for example, when hearing music, also see certain
colors. The colors seen usually vary with each person, as does the
connection between the colors and the various details of the
music. Cases are known in which a different hue goes with each
tone, key, musical instrument, type of composition, etc. This
particular type of synesthesia is called audition coloree. There are
several other extreme forms of synesthesia. Schliebe for example
describes the appearance of light and color phenomena durlog the
execution of various motions. Less frequently sounds or noises
are heard together with visual perception, with smell, touch or
taste. For a summary of the extensive Iiterature on this subject
the reader is referred to Mahling for instance.
These extreme cases, however, arenot of particular value to us.
Within the range of normality, too, there appears tobe a deep-
rooted community among the various modalities of sensation,
and synesthesia can be of vast importance in color vision.
Constant use is made in the langnage of this community, as when
we call certain colors "warm" or "cold," "hard" or "soft." Van
Ginneken cites many examples some of which are quoted here:
"highcolors,deep blue, meager or rich colors; fresh, firm, healthy
colors; tasteless, dull, dying, sickly colors; saturated colors;
sharp, biting, poignant colors; loud, shrill, violent colors; dirty
blue, rancid yellow, moldy green," etc.
This interrelation is used extensively in the field of literature.
A treasury of synesthetic experiences is given in poetic literature.
Huysmans for example in En route writes: "Les voix claires et
acerees mettaient, dans la tenebre du chant, des blancheurs
d'aube." And Rimbaud's dassie sonnet The Vowels begins:
"A noir, E blanc, I rouge, U vert, 0 bleu ... " Such listings of
vowels and their matehing colors also appear in quantities in
psychologicalliterature, varying with each author.
V arious experimental studies have been made in this field.
Hein made an extensive study of matehing tones and colors,
Odbert c.s. of colors and musical phrases. Bos had a number of
grays of varying brilliance arranged to correspond to tones of
different pitch. The higher tones were considered to match the
lighter shades and vice versa. The same goes in general for the
colors: colors of high brilliance usually are combined with high
tones, musical instruments of high diapason (flute), vowels with
high specific pitch (e); the opposite is done with those of low
brilliance. Bullough (26) and Monroe have investigated the colors'
"heaviness." This was found to correspond with their brilliance:
dark colors are "heavier" than clear ones.
Krauss required his subjects to express the emotional value of
yellow, red and blue through lines. Y ellowis mostlycharacterized by
sharp angles, blue bystraightand undulatinglines. On the whole the
results of this experiments arerather vague, but it would certainly
be worth the effort to perfect this method of experimentation. t)
Zietz studied the way in which tones may affect color vision.
During the observation of a color the subject was also made to
hear an intensive tone. The effect on the color observed was typi-
cal: a high tone would make the color more distinct, clearer,
stronger, while a low tone produced a vaguer, darker, softer color.
The hue of a color may also vary: red may be seen as yellowish
under the influence of a high tone, and as bluish or purplish
under the influence of a low one. The total aspect of color, too,
will change as the result of the simultaneaus sounding of a tone :
it gains a fullness and richness which it Iacks without the ac-
companying tone (cf. Werner I70) 2).
A comparable experiment has been carried out by Howells.
Here each color was "associated" with a certain tone; each color
when shown was accompanied by a specific tone. Whenever
hard-to-identify colors of low intensity were given, the impression
received would be influenced strongly by the accompanying tone.
The "right" tone, i.e. the tone associated with the color, would
intensify the impression, the "wrong" one would change it. A
"red" tone tended to alter the impression toward red, the tone
associated with green made the impression greenish, etc. A
conflict sometimes would also arise between the color perceived
!) Rapkin and Wheeler used this idea of Krauss's for a personality test, without
mentioning his name. In their vocabulary "red" is the only color word.
2) In the following statement by Calinich tcmperature is said to have thc same
effect (29, 263): "Unintentionally I observed that red appears in entirely different
nuances depending on whether the atmosphere in thc room is warm or cold. \Vhen
my room is heatcd, the color of the wallpaper appears as a definite, saturated red;
when it is cold, the same red has a clistinctly bluish tinge."
and the influence of a tone associated with another color.
Other experiments in this field are that by Mogensen Eng-
lish who studied the effect of the color of objects on their perceiv-
ed temperature; that by De Camp on the effect of color on weight;
and those by Warden and Flynn on the effect of color on the
estimated size. On the whole the results arerather vague, or even
contradictory: Warden and Flynn found no influence of color on
size, while Gundlach and Macoubrey stated that the clearer the
color was, the larger the estimated size.
The explanation of synesthesia
So far no explanation of synesthesia has been generally agreed
upon. The Iiterature available consists chiefly of observations and
factual material while the theoretical foundation is still in a criti-
cal stage. It is for this reason that the significance of synesthesia
will be reviewed here only summarily and only as far as is of im-
portance for the present study.
The very fact that we regard the correlation as a problern is
based on our conception of the nature of perception. Most theories
ultimately reduce every modality of perception to the various
senses: vision to the eyes, hearing to the ears, touch to the skin,
etc. The senses would be the primary "perceiving" organs,
transmitting stimuli to brain and consciousness which latter
would only perceive what the senses have picked up first. This
implies that the perceived qualities are determined by the senses;
color for example would be determined essentially by the nerve
cells of the retina.
It must be rather obvious, however, that this theory in its
extreme form is completely inadequate to explain the phenomenon
of synesthesia. The important aspect of synesthesia is the appa-
rent unity of the modalities of perception. The source of this
unity is to be found in the person who perceives. Essential is not
that my senses but that I perceive; not that my retina, but that I
see green; not that my skin, but that I feel cold. The various
qualities, colors, sounds, temperature, etc. are qualities to me,
and not to my organs. The senses are but media, instruments
through which perception is made possible. Ultimately it is the
person, in his totality, who perceives.
It can often be observed how the entire body is involved in the
act of perception. Seeing a gruesome animal is not only the
reception of a visual impression of the shape and color of that
animal, but it also includes the shiver along my spine, the goose
flesh on my arm, the trembling of my knees, the perspiration on
my brow. Alltheseare aspects of the single act of perceiving-a-
gruesome-animal.
Color vision, too, is more than the retina being stimulated; it
involves the whole body. Seeing red is not just the registration of
a visual quality, but an act involving the whole body, as is illus-
trated by Ovio's well-known example. A factory of photographic
plates was equipped with red windows. This affected the entire
behavior of the laborers: they grew excited and noisy, developed
a tendency to excessive movement, and tired quickly. The
replacement of the red windows by green ones had a soothing
effect: the workers quieted down and were considerably less tired
at night. Zeylmans van Emmichoven noticed that the tapping
rate is accelerated by red, retarded by green and blue.
Goldstein and Rosenthai have done some interesting experi-
ments with patients suffering from diseases of the cerebellum and
the frontal lobes. These patients showed all kinds of motoric
deviations such as over- and underestimation of distances and
weights, mislocation of skin stimuli, and outward motions of the
arms when required to stretch them forward blindly, etc. Under
the influence of red these deviations increase, while green has the
opposite effect. The effect of the primary colors decreases along
the line: red-yellow-blue-green. Red effects maximum deviations,
green reduces them to a minimum or even to nil: it sometimes
counteracts the deviation to the extent of bringing the perfor-
manceback to normal. Under the influence of green, for example,
the sideward movement of the arms gets more hesitant and less
pronounced while red tends to make it both quicker and wider.
The same result was obtained with cantrast colors.
This once more proves that color perception is not an act in-
':olving only the retina and "consciousness," but the body as a
totality. Of coursenot every part of the body partakes to the same
extent, and the participation is less obvious in normal persans;
but reducing perception to just the visual part means ignoring
cc.sential components. Every act of perception implies a certain
monant of "vital-krperliches Empfinden" (I68, 152; cf. I65).
I t is possible in scientific analysis to separate the purely visual
part from the other aspects of perception. This, however, is a
secondary operation and the result of this abstraction is better
called "sensation" in order to distinguish it from the original,
_actual "perception." The purely visual sensation of red, for
example, is the product of analysis, derived from the original
perception of red in which the body, the observer in his entirety
is involved.
This also has its consequences in regard to synesthesia. In
discussing the perception of a color, that color must be viewed in
its relation to the observer and not only in its relation to the
retina. The question should not be how the retina is stimulated,
but how the observer as an individual is affected. In the impres-
sion "warmth" it is not nearly as important (psychologically) to
know how the skin is affected as it is to find out how the person
who is "feeling warm" reacts. "Warmth" among other things
means a certain intimacy, an inner, deep contact with the en-
vironment. Everything warm has something live and dynamic:
sharp outlines become vague, they "melt together." The point
where I end and my environment begins is hard to teil. Of course
this can be "explained" as a result of widening pores and of
perspiration but it is not really just a matter of the skin: I am
expanding, I am perspiring. Under the influence of warmth not
our skin, but we feel our totality melting together with the
environment.
"Cold" on the contrary "freezes" everything, it draws sharp
outlines within which everything halts (and not only our blood).
The relation with the environment gets chilly, the intimacy is
broken; we withdraw as much as possible within ourselves:
"Le froid a jene sais quoi d'hostile a l'organisme humain ... Le
corps a peur du froid, il en a peur en son ame, et non pas en sa
peau ni en ses muscles" (Io, 247).
It is for this particular reason that not the senses but we, as
persops, are affected by the impressions, that these impressions
are not restricted to one single sense and have a meaning even
when we disregard the specific modality in which they affect us.
The dynamic intimacy of warmth, the rigidity of cold, are
experiences we may also have independent of the skin's sense of
temperature. The intimacy of warmth can also be experienced in
the perception of red; there, too, the outlines fade and a live,
dynamic, deep contact may be found. A color can also be "cold"
and affect us as sharp and rigid: "Wenn wir von 'toten' und
'kalten' Farben sprechen, so ist die phnomenale Klte dieser
Farben unmittelbar mit ihrer geringen Auswirkungskraft ge-
setzt: sie sind nur 'wie starr' hingelegt, 'schwingen' nicht im
eignen, mit ihnen phnomenal Ieibhaft gewordenen Sein; sind
nur eben 'da', ohne auch das zu 'leben', was sie sind" (37, 300).
Of course "warmth" appears most distinctly through the
thermal sense. It is true that "warm" is an experience which
affects us totally and which therefore may also appear in visual
perception, but the thermal sense is the proper organ for this
sensation. Impressions of other modalities, such as color, can
only be "warm" in so far as they are not specifically visual, while
the modality of heat as such is specifically "warm."
Therefore, two aspects should be distinguished in every impres-
sion: 1. The general import of the impression for the observer;
2. The specific modality in which it appears. A color specifically
is a visual impression, but its general meaning for the observer
may be either "warm" or "cold." A complete description of
perception should take either aspect into account, analyzing
both the specific nature of the various modalities of sensation and
the general meaning for the observer. Sampies of such analyses
are given in the phenomenological studies by Nogue, Lavelle
and Conrad-Martius.
D. SYMBOL15M AND ASSOCIATION
Symbolism
In the previous chapter the fact was emphasized that perception
does not concern only one of the observer's senses but bis entire
person. And this means not only bis body but all bis aspects,
including the mental and psychic ones. Color perception also
involves a person's emotional make-up, bis intelligence, bis
ethics and religion. These fields can be separated only secondarily.
In investigating the value of a color these not strictly corporeal
aspects have to be studied. The emotional, ethical, religious,
philosophical meanings of colors often prove to be of essential
importance. These aspects will in the present study be indicated
as color symbolisms, even though from a strictly theoretical
standpoint this may not be an entirely proper use of the word.
Ethnology in particular yields many examples of the symbolic
use of color in charms, amulets, divinations, medications, safe-
guards, liturgics, etc. In all these instances each color has its
special role to play and its special rules for application at specific
important occasions and functions. Red is supposed to counteract
infections and yellow eures jaundice. The evil eye is warded off
by black, sins are expiated with white, etc. Weshall give several
examples of this kind when discussing the various colors sepa-
rately.
It is generally accepted that color is of godly origin. The power
of the colors originally is the power of the divine, and whatever
possesses color also possesses its divine power: "A dragon in the
water covers hirnself with five colours, therefore he is a god"
(99, 142). Portal treats the colors entirely from the standpoint
of their divine origin: each color is discussed in its three phases;
first in its real divine quality, then in its spiritual value for man,
and finally in its last form with its profanized meaning which
regards color only in its purely human function. Red originally
represented divine Iove itself; in the second phase, human love of
God, and finally it came to symbolize Iove among human beings
in its materialized, erotic form. "Thus color symbolism ends;
nevertheless its last, materialized expression still testifies to its
noble origin" (I25, 24).
The most striking aspect of the development of color symbolism
is the gradual formalization of meaning. Originally the color is
more intensely experienced, its symbolism is richer in nuances
and more the direct product of the concrete situation. Its use,
however, is gradually standardized and to each color a more and
more sharply defined function is attributed. Practical and philo-
sophical considerations exert their influence and color symbolism
is forced into a system of meanings which gives little evidence
of the colors really being experienced. It becomes necessary to
have a manual in order to find one's way among the colors and
their specific meanings. This development is easily traced through
the Middle Ages. From a natural feeling for color a system of
symbolisms grew in which every single meaning was laid down
accurately. "Thus in the later Middle Ages a system of religious
and erotic symbolism was formed on a speculative basis, a
system so far removed from the psycho-physiological founda-
tions of the expressive value of color, that only the initiated
could become familiar with it" (3I, 49). Color symbolism
increasingly came to resemble agame, with no emotions involved
(cf. 63 for example).
The same situation prevails in heraldry and its use of color. lt
is possible that the colors of the old coats of arms originally had
a deeper significance. In the later Middle Ages, however, heraldic
symbolism consisted of a strictly formalized system in which
each color stood for certain virtues. The following Iist is a typical
example (86) :
gold - excellence, intelligence, esteem, distinction
silver - purity, wisdom, innocence, joy
red - victory, triumph, dominance
blue - fidelity, constancy, humility
green - beauty, joy, friendship, health, hope
black - sadness, humility, serviceability
purple - dignity, dominance, frugality
The best-known "manual" of heraldic symbolism isthat by Sicille
Le blasondes couleurs en armes, probably written around 1450.
Another form of systematization of color symbolism can be
found in the liturgies of the Roman Catholic, the Greek Orthodox
and Anglican Churches. Until the fourth century in the Roman
Catholic churches white was used chiefly; after that time several
colors were used freely. lnnocentius 111 restricted the number to
white, red, green and black, and during the thirteenth century
purple was added. Now each of these colors is designated to be
used exclusively on specificied occasions. Very few exceptions to
this rule are known, and in those cases special dispensation has to
be obtained.
The following meanings are attached to the five liturgical
colors (30).
white - innocence, purity, joy, glory (Feasts of J esus and Our
Lady)
red - burning charity, sacrifice (Holy Ghost, Martyrs)
green - hope for eternal life
purple - affliction, melancholy (Advent and Lent)
black - mourning, sorrow, sepulchral somberness (Requiem)
The Greek Orthodox church has similar, though not as strictly
compulsory; rules. For a special study of liturgical colors, the
reader is referred to Braun and Hulme, p. 16-29.
A highly fotm.alized system of color symbolism is still extant in
the anthroposophical doctrine where all aspects of life are seen in
a symbolical relation to the colors (cf. 79).
Other cultures yield many more examples of such systematized
color symbolism. In China there is a classification in which the
colors are combined with the points of the compass and several
other aspects of everyday life (70, 120 and 69, 26).
blue - East - Spring - wind - wood - sour -Ii ver - eyes - benevolence
red - South - Summer- heat - fire -bitter - heart - ears - ceremony and rites
yellow - Center - - dampness - earth - sweet - spieen - mouth - trustworthiness
white - West - Autumn - drought - metal - pungent -lungs - nose - righteousness
black - North - Winter -cold - water- salty - kidneys - passages- knowledge
A similar coordination of colors and compass points is found
among many Indian tribes of Northern and Central America. So
far nobody has been successful in tracing the motivation of these
systems. The system varies with each tribe, and they seem tobe
rather arbitrary. An attempt at clarification has been made by
Rck.
In India each caste has its own color; the word for caste, vartta,
originally means "color." The colors are: white for Brahmans (the
highest caste), red for Kshattriyas, yellow for Vaisyas and black
for Sudras (the lowest caste) (99, 145).
The various mythical eras have their specific colors, too, as
listed in the following chart by Mackenzie:
Mexican - 1. white 2. yellow 3. red 4. black
Celtic - 1. white 2. red 3. yellow 4. black
Indian I - 1. white 2. red 3. yellow 4. black
Indian II - 1. white 2. yellow 3. red 4. black
Greek - 1. yellow 2. white 3. red 4. black
South Borneo's Ngadju Dayaks believe that white is the color of
the upper world while the underworld is signified by red and
black- a notion which we, too, can camprehend (IJZ).
Many formalized color symbolisms are extant in our present-
day proverbs and phrases. We speak of "having the blues," of
"greenhorns" and "yellow streaks," of the "black army" and of
"doing it brown," etc. We still attribute certain conventional
meanings to the colors: hope is green, loyalty is blue, Iove is red,
hatred is yellow, purity is white, mouming is black, etc. But,
generally speaking, the original, actual value of these symbols is
no Ionger feit; we only use them automatically, as established
phrases.
A ssociation
Of great importance psychologically is the question of the
source or the origin of these systems, these conventional symbols.
They cannot be entirely meaningless. No matter how varied their
use in different cultures, wherever it is possible to analyze them
and their development it appears again and again that certain
fundamental ideas, certain identical principles underlie these
symbols. Red as a eure for a certain disease, the heraldic red
indicating vanquishing force, red signifying the warm South, or
fire, and the red liturgical rohes wom on feasts of martyrs, all
these heterogeneaus forms are rooted in one and the same basic
notion, in the actual experience of red from which all these
applications derive their meaning.
The special question for the psychologist is: what is this
experience? In what particular way is red experienced so that
all these symbolic values could result? Why does red stand for
Iove and force, yellow for hatred and green for hope?
This is where classical psychology introduced the concept of
association. Whatever could not be explained as a direct conse-
quence of the color's visual nature was explained by associations.
This was the only explanation available for the synesthesia
phenomenon and for symbolisms.
The explanation of these phenomena through association is
based on the theory that associations are formed only between
factors which previously have often been experienced together.
The more often they have appeared together, the stronger the
association. The association of hope with green for example would
be based on experience with green plants. The latterat the same
time show us their greenness and give us hope for future blooms
and fruits, for a rich harvest. The association hope-green would
therefore be the result of the often repeated, joint appearance
of green and hope so that the color green itself, in any form, would
call forth in us a feeling of hope. A similar explanation for the
association loyalty-blue was sought in the ever-returning blue
sky; for red-heat in fire; for hatred-yellow in the gall, etc. More
personal associations would be fonned in the same way. A person
may associate "mother" with blue, because his own mother has
blue eyes, or morals with brown because his Sunday school teacher
invariably used to wear a brown suit, etc. This is the fundamental
principle of the explanation of color effects in the classical psy-
chology as fonnulated for instance by Fechnet and Volkelt.
Only a few experiments have been made on this subject like
those by Dorcus and St.George. They have done little more,
however, than noting and classifying the words associated with
the colors. Therefore they hardly contribute toward the psycho-
logical understanding of color.
The concept of association today is no Ionger accepted as an
explanation in psychology. The word is still used to indicate in
general any relation between two facts but it does not explain
anything about that relation. It has been proved that the fre-
quency of joint appearance in previous experiences does not
satisfactorily explain the relation. It may be one of the motives
but certainly not the only one. Obviously there must be other
motives for the fonning of such a close relationship as exists
between red and heat, between green and hope.
True, fire sometimes is red, but not often. Nonnally it is yellow
and orange, sometimes even purplish blue. And yet red is the
color of warmth par excellence, not yellow or orange. Red, in our
experiments, has not once been called cold, as have yellow and
orange. In our experimentsred was called "fiery" fifteen times,
as weil as "flaming," "burning," "blazing," etc. Orange was
called "fiery" only once, yellow never. Yellow on the contrary
was described more often as cold than as wann while blue was
cold as often as warm. Experiences with fire cannot satisfactorily
explain a11 this. There must be some deeper reason for the for-
mation of these specific relations, and it is wrong to attribute it
to a "purely accidental" association.
The same applies to green and hope for example. Is it true that
the sight of green plants is always accompanied by the expec-
tation of fruits and flowers? And why should just the green color
have become the symbol of hope and not the shape of the leaves?
Why was the mother associated with the blue of her eyes instead
of with the color of her hair, her lips, or her dress? And why was
that color associated with the mother instead of with any one of
the many other people with blue eyes? It may be true that pre-
vious experiences play an important role in this development.
But in every instance the question remains the same: why were
these associations formed and not other ones, and why did just
these facts grow to be so closely related?
As in the case of synesthesia, the causes must rather be sought
in the nature of perception, in the function of color perception in
the totality of the person. Perceiving is: perceiving through the
emotional, motor, spiritual and all other aspects of the person.
The perception of red is not just the passive reception of a visual
quality, but also the experience of excitement, of warm contact,
of intimacy and communion. Seeing green also means feeling
well-balanced, quiet, hopeful. It is psychology's task to investigate
and analyze these universal meanings of the colors. If it stops at
their purely visual qualities it ignores those aspects which give
color perception its specifically human character.
CHAPTER 3
A FEW OBSERVATIONS ON PHENOMENOLOGY
Before proceeding to the discussion of our experimental study
of the character of the colors we shall stop briefly to consider the
question of the scientific method tobe followed in such a study.
Several times before it has been pointed out how in scientific
analysis the color usually is abstracted to some extent from the
actual situation. In the very naming of the colors not the color
simply as it is experienced is given a name but the color concept as
abstracted from and opposed to the concrete situation. In color
systems such as those of Ostwald and Munsell the colors form
certain sharply defined categories, standardized samples indicat-
ed by letters and ciphers, subject in no way to the subjective
variations in perception. Physical science is interested only in the
physical correlate of color, in the "causes" of the sensations in
(objective) time and space. Classical psychology did not treat
color in its original actuality either, but as an independent fact, a
visual "sensation," divested of all the other aspects of the situa-
tion, of emotions, motor impulses, "associations," symbolisms,
etc. In all these cases the situation is deprived of its actuality; the
color is abstracted from it as a fact per se and as such it is made
the object of scientific analysis.
It is questionable, however, whether this abstraction is really
necessary, whether it would not be feasible scientifically to study
the situation in its actuality and to approach the color as it is
concretely experienced: in its phenomenality. This indeed is the
ultimate intention of "phenomenological" psychology or, as we
shall hereafter call it, phenomenology (there exists a phenomenolo-
gical philosophy, too). Phenomenology strives to analyze the
phenomena as integral parts of the situation as actually ex-
perienced. The essential function of the original experience for
56 A FEW OBSERVATIONS ON PHENOMENOLOGY
color psychology has been mentioned several times before. The
emotional character of the color derives its real significance only
from the way it is actually experienced. The associations, the
synesthesia, the symbolisms should be reduced to the original
unity of the person and his environment, to the unity of the total
situation during the act of perception. This unity is the object of
phenomenology whose starting point is not the color as a "fact"
more or less abstracted from the experience as aseparate factor,
but the color as integrated in and with the other aspects of that
experience.
In phenomenology observer and color cannot be studied sepa-
rately since the significance of both lies in the very act of per-
ception. Phenomenology deals with color only in so far as it is
experienced, and not as a physical fact or abstract concept; it
deals with the observer only in so far as he experiences the color,
and not as a physiological mechanism. In phenomenological
Iiterature we often find perception described as a "meeting": in
the act of perception the observer and the color "meet," both
being equally essential elementsofthat meeting. Perception of a
color is not just passive reception of a visual impression but a
form of mutual exchange, an Auseinandersetzung between ob-
server and color involving all aspects of both parties. Binswanger
(z6, 22) remarks: "The world, in perception, is not experienced
as 'world' but as 'you'." In describing perception as a meeting
emphasis is put upon the above unity of actual perception in
which every aspect is influenced by all the others and of which no
single aspect can ever be clearly distinguished from the others.
The phenomenological method
The object of phenomenology therefore is entirely different
from that of the abovementioned classical studies; the impli-
cations of the word "color" in the two cases differ widely. Pheno-
menology does not posit any facts at all. It knows nothing but
experiences, of which "color" is a subordinate factor. Color is
important only as intended obfect, as that towards which the
perception is directed. In phenomenology color is only an object
of intention; as a "fact," color lies entirely outside the range of
phenomenology's pretenses.
But the chief problern here is whether it is at all possible to
A FEW OBSERVATIONS ON PHENOMENOLOGY 57
study thesituationinits actuality, or rather whether it is possible
to do so scientifically. For does not every attempt to study a
situation deprive it of its actuality and dissect it into separate
factors? Does not all scientific analysis inevitably entail some
measure of abstraction? The color under consideration naturally
can never be the phenomenal color as it is actually perceived and
experienced.
It is true indeed that with the classical methods of scientific
research the actuality as such cannot possibly be analyzed.
Phenomenology therefore has its own method: it follows the
"phenomenological method." The frequent contention that phe-
nomenology is nothing but another new method is unjustified.
Its object, too, is entirely different from that of the classical
sciences such as classical psychology. While the latter strives to
establish "pure facts," phenomenology reaches deeper toward
that Ievel where these facts do not as yet exist as separate items
but are still integrated in the unity of the actual experience. It
could not do this with the classical methods, so it has devised
its own.
Phenomenological analysis at any rate is not - as it is often
thought to be - just description; phenomenology is frequently
mistaken for an improved method of description which accounts
fr subtler differentiations and gives more accurate definitions.
This conception is wrong, or rather incomplete: description alone,
no matter how accurate, cannot touch the experience in its
actuality. For that same reason phenomenology is more than
introspection. The latter does not go further than description of
facts either, even though it describes "inner" facts. Introspection,
too, is based on an abstraction: the interiority which is its object
and the outer world with which the latter is closely related are dis-
connected; the inner facts are viewedon their own without any
reference to the actual experience where interiority and exteriori-
ty are closely interwoven.
The very act of description reduces the actual experience to
a related experience. In order to attain a phenomenological de-
scription a new aspect must be introduced, an additional meaning
which pure description does not have. The description should not
be viewed in its direct, "literal" value but as a reference to the
actual background. In phenomenological description the words
and phrases are given a special function: they do not point only
to the facts their meaning - on the surface - would seem to
imply, but through those facts to the original, actual situation.
In phenomenology "red" does not just indicate the concept or the
objective fact "red," but through that the color red as actually
experienced. Thus the phenomenological method distingnishes
itself by explicitly and purposely attributing an additional
function to its descriptions which they did not have in the classi-
cal scientific langnage (although in conversation they do!). To
use a phenomenological phrase - it posits its descriptions as
transparent to the actual background. Through the descriptions
it endeavors to draw attention to the original experience as mani-
fest in the facts and the descriptions thereof.
In this respect the function of the langnage is not one of
"relating." Only facts can be related to others, never the
actuality as such: the latter is exclusively a matter of personal
experience. The langnage can only "evoke" the actual exper-
ience in others, "elicit" it, and so enable them vicariously
to have the experience described. One may mention the exciting
quality of red as a fact, one may elaborate upon it and describe it
from many angles, one may quote striking examples; but no
matter what one does, the actual "excitingness" of red can only
be experienced by the other persons themselves. The langnage
can only serve to draw others' attention to this exciting aspect.
Cairns (49, 7) describes the phenomenological method as
follows: "In their communicative function, phenomenological
statements are intended to help the person addressed tobring to
selfgivenness for himself, to grasp, explicate, and compare the
very matters in question, to attach to the words a signification
deriving solely from his own observations, and to see the state-
ments as evidently confirmed (or cancelled) by the matters
themselves. Whatever verbal definitions or deductive arguments
may be contained in a phenomenological discourse are quite
ancillary to this purpose - or out of place. Strictly phenome-
nological statements are to be used as guides for observation,
much as one might use a previous observer's description of a
Iandscape as an aid in distinguishing its features while all the
time it lies before one's eyes. In other words, their purpose is to
assist the reader to knowledge that fulfills the phenomenolo-
gist's own criterion. Assistance is useful not only because some
observations are intrinsically difficult but also because preju-
dices are likely to induce one to overlook or explain away what
is actually there tobe seen. The phenomenologist's appeal to 'im-
mediate' inspection is not made on the assumption that a
phenomenological proposition need only be understood for its
truth to become evident forthwith. The truth of an opinion is
seen 'immediately' only when its coincidence with a given fact,
as judged on the basis of the very matters entering into it, is
seen. And often it is a long and hard road to a position from
which one can see the truth of an opinion -- 'immediately'."
As pointed out in the above quotation, in phenomenology
nothing can ever be proved. Only facts and the laws governing
them are provable; concrete experiences are not. A phenomenolo-
gical description may indicate certain experiences, but it depends
on the person addressed whether or not he is able to re-live the
experience described. The norm for the correctness of a pheno-
menological description is not the extent to which it conforms to
certain objective standards, but the measure of insight in a given
concrete experience it conveys to the other person.
Nor can a phenomenological analysis ever be complete. There is
always another aspect tobe described, another angle from which
to view the experience, a more pregnant phrasetobe used. Never
will a phenomenologist feel that he has exhausted a subject; one
of his premises is the unattainability ofthat stage.
It is a source of confusion that it is not possible by the form of
language used to distinguish between the above two functions:
that of relating (facts) and that of referring (to the actual
experience). Whenever a phenomenological exposition is judged
by classical scientific standards, i.e. as a statement of facts, it is
misinterpreted entirely or possibly even considered senseless. t)
In such cases logical contradictions are found, statements that
are objectively either wrong or vague are pointed out, and it is
not realized that these statements in the phenomenological
analysis were not at all meant to designate facts, self contained
and independent of other factors, but detailsofatotal description,
') Zilsel's criticism of the phenomenological analyses by ConradMartius (36) is a
case in point.
which has value only as a totality, as an Erhellung of an actual
experience.
The difference between these two forms of scientific use of the
language can only be understood from the total context and the
basic scheme of the study. At best the difference may be accentu-
ated artificially. E.g. in phenomenology much use is made of
capitals, quotes, hyphens, etc.; words are given a specific form
(red-"ness," "reddish"), special terms are introduced ("in-
tentionality"), etc.
I t is obvious that this use of the language depends largely upon
the possibilities of a given language. Every language has its own
specific means of expression to refer to actual experiences. In
German for example it is done through the use of contaminations
and word alterations; in French through syntax and choice of
words. It is often very difficult to appreciate the specific methods
used in foreign languages. Most phenomenological analyses are
determined largely by the language (I IZ, I I 3; see also I07, 20) :
"Il est impossible au avec son vocabulaire et sa syn-
taxe analytique jusqu'a l'exces, taut en clartes et en finesses,
non seulement de penser, mais d'etre ouvert aux choses de la
meme maniere que 1' Anglais, avec sa Iangue pratique, directe,
qui donne le pas au present et aux termes d'action, ou que
1' Allemand avec son instrument puissant et tenebreux, mainte-
nant toujours le Iien de l'esprit a l'instinct." The translation of
a phenomenological study from one language into another there-
fore is always a hazardous task.
However, the language is not necessarily the only means of
referring to actuality. For evoking a certain concrete experience
many other means are available, such as photographs (z8 or 5,
fig. 32), plates, drawings, pictures, etc. Modern French philoso-
phers frequently use novels, films and theater for illustrative
purposes, like Sartre La Nausee, S. de Beauvoir Les Bauches
Inutiles, Camus Caligula, Sartre l'Engrenage, etc. Poetry in par-
ticular often yields the most pregnant and accurate phenomenal
descriptions. Its subtly differentiated langnage and the artistry
of its images call forth far deeper-going experiences than the
most strictly scientific discussions can ever achieve. Yet it cannot
be classed as "phenomenology" since poetic descriptions have no
scientific intention. Their sphere is an artistic one. Unless their
descriptions are used in a scientific context they cannot Iead to
real phenomenology. Poemsandall other non-scientific forms of
expression provide valuable material and striking examples but
arenot in themselves phenomenological.
Phenomenology and experiment
This new function of the language is accompanied by a corres-
ponding revaluation of the experiment. Classical psychology uses
experiments to prove such facts as: x% of the subjects prefer
blue; in I I% of all cases yellow is called "cold" and in 7%
"warm"; the commonest association with green is "nature," etc.
Such facts are established through the experiments and can be
accepted at face value. The steady increase of their number is the
chief purpose; the ideal is a science which "knows" everything.
Experiments and their outcome have no direct value for
phenomenology. Beyond those facts it searches for the way they
are rooted in the actual experience. Its ideal is not to know
everything, because its conviction isthat its object can never be
"known" completely; after all the full actual experience can only
be had by the experiencing subject.
Phenomenology seeks the basis of already established facts. It
pointsout the social, pliable nature of blue, and from that stand-
point elucidates the striking preference for that color. I t discusses
the peculiar ambivalent emotional value of yellow and the resul-
ting possibilities of that color being considered either as cold or
warm. On the basis of its analyses it attempts to view established
facts under a new light, to give an evident significance to facts
that have lang been known and accepted without criticism.
Phenomenology does not regard experimental facts as more
than one step toward its ultimate object: the actual experience.
As formulated by Scheler (IJJ, ISSff): "Psychologically, too, the
experiment may serve as a phenomenological clarification. As
such it acquires a function analogaus to that of mathematical
experiments, the so called 'Veranschaulichungsexperimente'.''
Their results have the same value as the language, photographs,
theater plays: they are intended as examples, as means to call
forth the experience under discussion as accurately and as
effectively as possible. Their value is not that of a fact but of an
example. Experimental results arenot judged by their statistical
frequency but by their capacity to express a certain experience
and to explain this experience to others. The most valuable
experiments, in phenomenology, are those which yield the most
striking, most pregnant, most convincing examples. Statistical
analysis can only serve to establish the examples' factual value
which, however, is in no way indicative of their phenomenological
value.
All references in phenomenology to natural phenomena also
are to be considered under this exemplification aspect. The
natural phenomena are not mentioned because of their objective
factuality but because of their potential function as examples of
a certain experience. The phenomenologist is interested in the
greenness of grass only in so far as a Sackverhltnis is manifest in
the experience of green grass and only in so far as the green grass
pregnantly expresses the natural, youthful, fresh and hopeful
aspect of the green color. Green is not natural and hopeful
because it is the color of grass, but grass exemplifies the natural-
ness and hopefulness of green in concentrated form. However,
green may be experienced and interpreted in numerous other
ways which could hardly be exemplified by grass. Green as a
poisonous color for example is much better represented by a
greenish, pale face. Nor, in reverse, is grass the only available
image to illustrate the youthfulness and hopefulness of green.
Maeterlinck evokes a totally different picture in describing how
in a submarine cave the light of dawn filters through the water,
giving it a greenish tinge (I95, 155):
Je suis sur que l'aurore pt'metre l'ocean, et qu'a travers toutes
ses vagues vertes, elle envoie jusqu'a nous le plus pur de son
me d'enfant.
A host of actual experiences is concentrated in this one de-
cription. It calls forth with utter expressiveness the promise of
the childlike, the hope which is manifestbothin the dawn andin
the green color.
In antique science the above way of thought was generally
followed. Nature was primarily the image, the symbol of univer-
sal, divine principles. Mackenzie (99, 162) describes how in an-
cient Egypt the knowledge of minerals and precious stones was
determined entirely by the human and religious experiences
manifest therein. The same applies to Middle Age alchemy.
Bachelard demonstrates for example that the preparation of
gunpowder was not considered to be a neutral, objective accom-
plishment, but a process in which all the fundamental forces of
the universe were joined together and in which the world was
experienced in concentrated form (ro, 46): "le noir charbon
comme materia prima fut meie avec le soufre (l'homme rouge)
et le sei (la femme blanche). L'explosion, valeur cosmique in-
signe, fut le signe eclatant de la naissance 'du jeune roi'. On ne
peut meconnaitre ici l'action d'une certaine causalite des COU-
leurs, la poudre realise unesynthesedes puissances du noir, du
rouge et du blanc."
Goethe is particularly famous for his subtle way of using natural
phenomena as illustrative of fundamental emotional experiences,
of phenomenal relations. Much criticism of Goethe's work stems
from misi:qterpretation of the basic function of his scientific
dissertations. Physically many of his theories may be antiquated,
but it should be remernbered that Goethe was not so much con-
cerned with the factual content as with the exemplary value of
the natural phenomena, because of the way in which certain
fundamentals of actual experience can be found again and again
in nature. For him nature exists primarily in its phenomenality,
as the manifestation of the Idea" (r53, 238). Boring's
conclusion (r9, 114) that "In Goethe's theory of color ... ob-
servational intuition appears at its worst," holds true only in
physicis; psychologically such a verdict indicates a complete Iack
of understanding of the background of Goethe's work.
PART 11
EXPERIMENTAL RESEARCH
Colors and their Character
5
CHAPTER 1
EXPERIMENTAL PROCEDURE
The preceding part is now to be supplemented by an investi-
gation into the ways in which the colors are actually experienced,
into the character of the colors as concretely experienced. What
function and what meaning does color have in the original
experience?
In so doing we must be mindful of the nature of "character" in
general. For character is by no means a constant thing but one
which depends on the entire concrete situation, on the circum-
stances under which the color appears and not only on the fact
that the color is red, green or blue. The character of a color is
always formed in connection with and in view of the specific
nuance of that color, its background, its practical use, the ob-
server, his mood and his ideas. A color has as many different
traits as there are concrete situations.
A character is not a structure of established qualities but one
of potential qualities. lt should therefore not be described as a
qualitative quantity of traits but rather as a potentiality. Of
chief interest for the present study are the possibilities of certain
forms of expression given in the character. Whichever possi-
bility is realized in various situations depends on the situations in
their totality and cannot be determined on the grounds of the
color only. A color is characterized by its potentiality of appearing
in a situation under any of its various aspects. The objectification
of the color as an independent, self-contained entity is a secon-
dary abstraction only to be made on the basis of its function in
the actual situation.
In the following descriptions of the colors we shall therefore
emphasize this plurality and the variability of these possibilities
of expression. In calling red "exciting" we do not intend to imply
that "excitingness" is one of a number of constant traits of that
color, but rather that this trait may be attributed to red. In some
68 EXPERIMENTAL PROCEDURE
situations this possibility may be actualized, in others it may not.
Hence all statements about the colors to be made in the
following should be read iri this sense; i.e. as possible but not
inevitable ways for the colors to appear in certain situationsnot
to be specified further.
It is our endeavor to study this potentiality given in the
colors in a more systematical way. The data available on the
meaning of the colors as briefly summarized in the foregoing
chapters often are too arbitrary and too much subject to special
cultural influences and incidental circumstances to make them
adequate for use in a more general review of color symbolism.
We have tried to supplement these data through a few experi-
ments which may provide, in a more systematical relation, data
on the character structure of the colors.
The experiments
Forthis purpose we have evolved an experiment based on a
plan by Wolff (I72, 277ff.). A number of subjects were given a
cardboard box divided into six or ten sections. In the Iid of the
box were six or ten slots corresponding to the sections. The name
of a color was printed beside each slot.
TABLEI
Series I orange purple green grey brown
black white red yellow blue
Series II green red yellow blue white purple
Series III green red yellow blue white brown
COLOR WORDS USED IN THE COLOR EXPERIMENTS
The words are listed in the order in which they were printed on the boxes.
The main experiments can be divided into 3 series in each of
which another combination of color names was used. Table I
gives a picture of the colors used in each series in the order
in which they appear on the boxes. Table II shows the grouping
of the subjects according to age and sex. Profession and social
background of the subjects varied widely. They were mostly
students and intellectuals. In this respect, too, variation of
factors was preferred over standardization and homogenization.
For the latter two might well have precluded numerous possible
EXPERIMENTAL PROCEDURE
69
TABLE II
SE RIES
AGE
1-11-111 16-25
I
26-35
I
36-65
I
All
M 12 16 14 42
F 24 24 17 65
TOTAL 36 40 31 107
AGE AND SEX OF TBE SUBJECTS TESTED WITB SERIES I, II AN:Q lll
The numbers of subjects of either sex and of each age group are
listed separately.
interpretations of the colors. Statistical certainty was made
subordinate to variety of opinions obtained.
This is also the chief reason why color words were used rather
than color samples. In general samples of specific colors tend to
urge the observer toward one certain aspect of a color and leave
little room for personal variation. It is true that color samples
also evoke widely varied interpretations, more than is commonly
assumed. Yet, in order to exclude such possible limitations, we
preferred to use color words in most experiments. The boxes had
a neutral cardboard color so as to avoid any specific hue. t)
Along with the box the following typewritten instruction was
handed to the subject:
I nstYuction I
"The purpose of the following experiment is to investigate the psy-
chological meaning of the colors. You have in front of you a box on
which the names of ten (resp. six) colors are printed: black, white, red,
yellow, blue, orange, purple, green, gray and brown (resp. the six
colors used). You must envisage these colors well. You need not think
of any particular nuance - just the colors in general.
"You will also be given a great nurober of cards on each of which one
word is printed. You are required with each word to find one of the
colors which in your opinion matches that word best, and then to put
the card through the slot of that color. You must follow your first
impressions entirely and immediately put the card into the section
which you think goes best with it. Don't stop to reason, and do not
bother about the words you have already distributed. Each word
should be considered by itself. You are absolutely free as to the motive
you may have to combine a certain word with a certain color.
t) Various parallel experiments were done, however, with color samples. On the
boxes ten little squares were stuck on a medium gray background. The nurober of
subjects in theseexperimentswas 27.
"If you cannot place a word immediately- put it aside on the table.
Maybe you will be able to place it at the end of the experiment.
"Remernher: Arrange the words under the colors as quickly as pos-
sible."
The subject was then given a pile of 116 small cards. For a
listing of the words printed on these cards, see table A. These
words were always presented in the same order for which pur-
pose every card was numbered on the back from 1 through 116.
These numbers are contained in Table A, columns 1 and 2.
During the distribution the subject's speed was watched
especially. Those who were slow were encouraged and told that
a high tempo counted more than a "considered" or "correct"
distribution, and that, if desired, more cards could be put aside.
Where the need arose for additional colors such as pink or gold,
not printed on the box, instruction was given for the time to
arrange the word under the color most closely resembling the
desired color and to explain afterwards when discussing the
distribution.
After the initial distribution the numbers of the cards put
aside were noted and the subject requested again to try to
distribute them, at a lower speed if so desired. In general this
proved tobe wholly feasible. Words that definitely could not be
placed were noted separately as "?."On the average 3% of the
words could not be combined with any specific color (see Table
III).
This part accomplished, the following instructions, also type-
written, were presented to the subject:
I nstruction I I
"Through ctistributing the words most probably you havc formed
a certain picture of each color. Piease describe as extensively as pos-
sible your conception of each color. By which type of words is each
color matched best in your opinion, and how does it impress you ?"
I nstruction I I I
"Which color do you consider the most agreeable, and which the
most disagreea ble ? Piease arrangc the ten colors according to agree-
ableness."
I nstruction I V
"Can you explain why you think certain words match a certain
color? One by one you will now be given all the groups of words you
EXPERIMENTAL PROCEDURE 71
arranged under the various colors. The easiest way is first to subdivide
such a group into smaller groups which for more or less the same
reason were attributed to that color. You can then indicate the relation
between such a group and the color. For words that do not come under
any group you can state the reason separately.
"You are not required thoroughly to analyze your choices but only
roughly to indicate your general motives."
Before we proceed to a more detailed discussion of the results,
a few general remarks on the experiment itself which are of
interest in connection with such a discussion are in order. The
following should also be compared with the observations made by
Hein who, in his experiments on the arranging of tones with
colors, had to face similar difficulties.
First, a brief justification of the experiment's set-up. All
along the purpose of the experiment has been to study the colors
in their normal, everyday aspects as laid down in the entire
complexity of popular belief, associations, convention, synes-
thesias, etc. We have not endeavored to "purge" them of all
aspects other than directly visual; on the contrary, their original
complex nature was the very basis of the experiment. For every
attempt at such a purification would immediately preclude
certain very typical forms of expression.
Only a few of our subjects had had rather extensive psycholo-
gical training. The exclusive use of trained observers would
probably have resulted in deeper-going and more valuable
descriptions, and each description might well have come closer to
the ideal of phenomenology, but such limitations would also have
necessitated the use of a smaller number of subjects with the risk
of too much emphasis on individual peculiarities and subjective
variations. As the present study was aimed especially at obtaining
insight into the rather more popular and generally accepted
meanings of the colors, the use of psychologically naive subjects
was no objection. The lack of depth in the descriptions was some-
what compensated for by their greater number.
Also in regard to the color terms used we had to Iimit our-
selves to those most commonly used in the language, for the way
in which a color lives in the langnage is of essential importance.
Our endeavor was to study the colors on the basis of these terms
and of the fact that certain color words are currently used and
others only rarely.
The words were chosen rather at random. In general words were
selected to which as emotional a response as possible could be
expected and in connection with which all colors - to a certain
extent - might be mentioned. Some words were taken from
Wolff's Iist. In preliminary experiments we began with a nurober
of such very concrete words as blood, tree, coal, thinking that
thus it would become easier for the subjects to understand the
purpose of the experiment. Such words, however, proved to differ
so strongly from the other words on the Iist that too much at-
tention was paid to the material appearance of the objects named,
and hence they would be an interfering rather than a promoting
factor. It appeared that without these words the subjects could
easily understand that nothing rational was involved but that it
was the emotional value of the colors in which we were interested.
Some observations about the experiments
In the beginning most subjects consider the instructions rather
strange. They wonder how it is possible to combine abstract
words with colors. The average subject's attitude is very rational:
he ask hirnself why one word should better match a certain color
than another. He searches for reasons for a certain grouping of
the words. Initially both words and colors are chiefly viewed
conceptually. Especially because one is involved in a psycholo-
gical experiment in which one traditionally is expected to behave
as "intelligently" as possible, a subject as a rule begins to em-
phasize the logical acceptability of his groupings. He believes it
important to achieve a "correct" distribution of the words which,
naturally, is neither required nor at all possible. This experiment
cannot possibly be carried out rationally. In order to be able to
make a distribution one has to experience the colors emotionally.
The rational approach should be replaced by the pre-rational,
emotional prime experience in which colors and words are still
two aspects of one single experience.
The experimental technique in two ways is conducive to such a
pre-rational attitude. The emphasis on high speed is especially
important. By thinking long enough one can always find a
rational reason for attributing a certain word to a certain color
and not to another color. Butthinking takes time, and by urging
speed we can eliminate the oppertunity for thinking as much as
possible. The subjects are thus forced to follow their first; emo-
tional impulses.
The use of a slotted box has a similar effect. Countless
rational motives are to be found for any distribution. Passion for
example could be combined with red because of its connection
with blood; with black because it is "bad"; with yellow because
of its relation to hate, etc. On rational grounds any word can be
combined with any color. This is very much apparent in the
experiment: highly rational-minded subjects are inclined again
and again to revise their distribution; they are never certain as
to where a certain word should ultimately go. In the preliminary
experiments we followed Wolff's method and had the subjects
write a color name after each word listed. This proved a very
time-consuming method; colors were repeatedly altered and yet
the distribution remained unsatisfactory, which in turn would
cause the subjects to "think" even more deeply about the fol-
lowing words. This doubt was eliminated as much as possible
by the slotted box system which makes alterations impossible
and already distributed words invisible. This method indeed
does much to enable the subjects to free themselves of rational
considerations and to acquire a much freer, more emotional
attitude. It was found that subjects when required to write the
color names after the words tired after some 40 words, while all of
the 116 words could be put into the slotted box without too
much effort.
In the course of the experiment all the colors acquire a very
specific affective atmosphere. They are viewed increasingly as
emotional principles, as dimensions in an "emotional space."
During the experiment a system of emotional dimensions develops
in which each color plays its specific role.
In such a system some of the colors become central factors,
primary dimensions in which the major part of the task is
accomplished. The remaining colors are used only for exceptional
cases, for those words which do not immediately combine with
one of the main colors, or which are distinguished by a very
specific nature. Each subject's distribution centers around three
or four main colors; it proved to be very unusual to use all ten
or six colors equally. One for example used red, white and black
as primary dimensions: red for the emotional, black for the bad
and white for the good. Another viewed the colors chiefly in
their pleasant-unpleasant relation. In general such systems of
dimensions cannot be rationally explained. In some cases one
color served as a receptacle for "everything I don't know what
to do with," for everything unusual or undistributable. For
such words green, purple and orange were often used. It also
happened that a subject found a single word matehing more than
one or even all colors equally well.
It is important to see in the development of such dimensional
systems what colors are present at all. The meaning attributed to
one color depends on the others available. Orange for instance
was always presented in combination with red and yellow (series
I). This caused those aspects of orangetobe accentuated which
did not belong either with red or yellow. In the differentiation of
colors their very differences become apparent : those aspects of a
color are emphasized which the other colors do not have. Purpie
and brown are largely similar to black, but in series I where they
appear together with black such of their aspects are stressed as
are lacking in black. In series II and III which do not include
black, many of its aspects are attributed to purple and brown.
All results therefore should be considered in view of the total
range of colors used, and not only in regard to each color as an
autonomaus entity. Because of the above in discussing the colors
we shall especially emphasize the mutual differences and likenes-
ses of the colors.
The question arises what the value of the development of such
dimensions could be for the character of the colors themselves,
and whether in arrangements based on such principles the colors
themselves will not be ignored. This is not the case since the
motives for the conception of such principles must be present in
the very colors. Such principles are never accidental, meaning-
less: these affective dimensions are always already potentially
given in the character of the colors. They do represent such
systematization of the emotional value of the colors as is the
case with religious and heraldic symbolism, but such systemati-
zations are potentialities already given in the very colors.
The subjects themselves also noticed the total change in value
taking place in regard to the colors during the experiment. They
realized that emotional depths were touched which usually are
ignored in the rational reasoning process. They emphasized the
value of the experiment for a discussion afterwards on a diag-
nostic level: as in the free association experiments a certain
freedom from rational inhibitions was achieved; particularly
under Instruction IV the deep emotional significance of the
distribution became manifest. Confrontation with their own
groupings had a rather emotional effect: the subjects would
realize that they had drawn a picture which surprised them
rationally but somehow seemed nevertheless justifiable. They
were as a rule unable to give reasons for the distribution made
although they accepted it as being correct. An often-repeated
statement was: "I don't know why, but it has to be so." The
experiment indeed has its value as "experimental depth psycho-
logy" (Wolff).
Only a few subjects kept having difficulties in distributing
the words throughout the experiment. These as a rule proved to
have a highly rationalistic attitude or to be emotionally frigid;
they were people who in everyday life also distinguished themsel-
ves by repression or lack of affectivity. This explains Wolff's
objection to psychologists for subjects in these experiments:
their attitude would, as a result of their training be too rationa-
listic. In our own experiments this did not prove true, possibly
because of the rather less rational character of present day
psychological training in Europe.
An important issue is the influence exerted upon the distribu-
tion by convention. The question might weil be asked if all
arrangements are not to a certain extent based on conventional
ideas conceming the meaning of the various colors. Indeed such
combinations as white and peace, black and mouming, green and
hope, red and love, are frequently found. And other combinations,
as for instance harmony and white, may be weil explained like-
wise, because of the peacefulness of harmony; envy and yellow
because envy is something hateful; future and. green because
"hope" is always directed at the future. Even though a fast tempo
counteracts the rational application of such conventions, will
they not unnoticeably, implicitly exert their influence?
They certainly will. Not only is their influence exceedingly
strong; we even made their influence the. starting point of this
experiment. Such conventional associations, far from interfering
with the analysis of the color character (r8o, 47) are an essential
factor in it. It is impossible to conceive of this experiment without
such conventions. For they are not accidental influences in the
mind of certain subjects individually, but factors of the very
color experiences of all of them as a group. Their elimination -
if it were possible - would completely denaturize the color
character. This experiment does not endeavor to study color
apart from convention, but color as experienced totally, i.e. also
in its conventional aspects. That these conventions are not purely
accidental is proved by the fact that - by themselves - they
are neither the only motive nor sufficient motive for a distri-
bution. Subjects never make their distribution on the basis of
convention only, andin some cases even contrarily to convention.
Love, for example, generally thought of in connection with red,
is arranged under red by 43% of the subjects, but by 20% under
blue. The important question in this respect is why one subject
should follow the convention while the other does not; why in one
case the conventional conception should be a determining factor
while in another the subject goes against it.
The convention is only a motive, i.e. an "invitation" to attribute
a certain meaning to a color. This invitation, however, the sub-
ject can "take or leave"; he may take the convention as decisive,
or he may basebis decision on a different aspect of the color.
In the following discussion of the colors mention will therefore
be made explicitly of their conventional use, of the ways in which
in various cultures the color character became manifest. lndeed
other peoples and other cultures will emphasize different aspects
of the colors. The influence of culture is inseparable from the
meanings attributed to the colors, and instead of vainly trying to
eliminate such influences artificially it is better to acknowledge
them explicitly and to admit and accept the fact that they are a
factor in all word-distributions. In order to account for other
possibilities, however, and to stress other accents, color symbolisms
of other peoples will be taken into account as much as possible.
A few words remain tobe said about some really "interfering"
factors. First, it may happen that a subject purposely does not
put a word into the color section where it belongs in his opinion.
He may be afraid to seem too conventional, or ashamed of the
personal implications of hisreal choice. He will then combine the
word with another color, one that also matches it, for example,
although not quite so weil as his original choice. Thus a subject
combined the word "subconsciousness" with green instead of
black; because he thought black too popular a Freudian symbol
for "subconsciousness." Usually such decisions are found out
during the discussion following the distribution. Only in very
exceptional cases is the substitute combination made completely
at random.
A few combinations were made on the basis of the sound of the
words, of vowel-synesthesia, but these were easily spotted during
the ensuing discussion. Two subjects made their entire dis-
tribution in this way. They were immediately recognized. More-
over it was possible afterwards to have these subjects make
another distribution according to the emotional value of the
words.
CHAPTER 2
DISCUSSION OF THE RESULTS
A. STATISTICAL RESULTS
The discussion of the results of our experiments is to be divided
into two phases. First we shall review the numerical results, as
listed in the pertaining tables. Thereafter the character of each
color as it appears both from the word distributions and spon-
taneous judgments made by the subjects and from popular
sayings, poems, symbolical systems, etc. will be dealt with.
TABLE 111
I
SERIES
I
I
II
I
III
black 7.1 - -
white 10.3 18.9 16.7
red 14.6 20.4 16.1
yellow 8.7 10.2 12.2
orange 6.4
- -
blue 16.6 19.9 18.4
green 8.0 12.2 13.9
purple 7.5 14.2 -
brown 6.9 - 18.3
gray 10.4 - -
? 2.7 2.8 3.9
- 0.8 1.4 0.5
I
100.0
j1oo.o 1
100.0
THE RELATIVE USE OF THE COLORS IN THE COLOR EXPERIMENTS
For each color the percentage is indicated of the words attributed to
it by all subjects tested with series I, II or III. After the question mark
the percentages are Iisted of the words that could not be placed, after
the dash the percentages of the words the places of which as a result
of inadequate recording could not be ascertained.
DISCUSSION OF THE RESULTS 79
In the word distributions the words are not equally distributed
among the various colors. Table III shows the percentages of the
words attributed to the different colors by all subjects together.
On the whole blue and red are the colors most frequently used,
closely followed by gray and white. Of the primaries green and
yellow are always at the bottom, followed by the intermediate
colors. The percentages for purple and brown are considerably
higher in series II and III as a result of the fact that in those
series they were combined with many words that would in series
I have been arranged under black, gray or orange.
It is important to know what types of words are combined with
each color. Table A (see p. 173) lists in percentages the number
of times each word was attributed to the different colors.
Since the variation of the colors used in each of the three series made
a direct calculation of the percentages impossible we proceeded as fol-
lows. Table IV lists the numbers of subjects who arranged a certain
TABLE IV
SE RIES
I
I
II
I
III
white, red, yellow, green, blue, ? , - a b c
purple . . . . . d e -
brown. . .
I
- g
black,orange,gray . . h -
-
TOTAL SUBJECTS PER SERIES . .
I
53
I
29
I
25
SCHEME OF THE DISTRIBUTION OF A SINGLE WORD AMONG THE
VARIOUS COLORS
The numbers of subjects attributing the word to the various colors
are represented separately for each series by letters to be used in the
formulas on page 79-80.
word with each of the colors in series I, II, and III. From this scheme
it appears that the percentages for black, orange and gray of series I
as such could also be used for the final table. The percentage for purple
was calculated first only in respect to those colors which were included
both in series I and II :
(d + e) 100
a+b+d+e
80 DISCUSSION OF THE RESULTS
The percentage thus obtained was then corrected for the fact that not
all of the ten colors were included in the calculation through multi-
plication by
a+d 0 a+d
a + d + I + h' loeo by -s;30
Consequently the percentages for purple as ultimately listed in Tabe! A
were:
a + d (d + e) 100
X
53 a+b+d+e
and for brown:
a + I (I + g) 100
---- X o
53 a+c+l+g
The percentages for the remaining colors were calculated analogously,
the total number of times the word was, in all of the three series, com-
bined with the color under consideration being substituted for (d + e)
or (f + g):
a (number in I + II + 111) 100
-X o
53 a+b+c
Thus an approximate percentage was obtained for the ten colors of the
combined thtee serieso A few words whose frequency differed rather
widely in the three series are reviewed separately in Table VI. As a
result of the above calculations the percentages in Table A usually do
not add up to exactly 1000
l nstruction I
The distribution of the words among the colors is by no means
aceidentat With every color some words are rarely, and others
very frequently combinedo The distribution of words under each
color differs widely from the distribution to be expected from
chance. Table B and Figure 3 (see p. 176) show the frequency
distribution for each color, i.e. the nurober of words attributed to
each color by a certain percentage of the subjects. t) The un-
broken line represents the actual frequency distribution as
established by the experiments, the dotted line forms the theo-
retical curve, i.e. the curve that could have been expected from
a purely random distribution of the words. The areas formed by
the experimental curve exceeding the theoretical curve are lined.
In all diagrams of Figure 3 "t! is so high that the possibility of
random distribution in our experiments is excluded. With each
1) Table Band Figure 3 apply only to Series I since the calculation of the theoretical
curve for the three combined series proved rather too complicatedo
81
color too many words are combined either more or less frequently
than might have been expected from a chance distribu tion.
In order to give a preliminary impression of the particularity
of the colors Table C {see p. 178) lists the words with the highest
frequency, those which come in the highest decile of the experi-
mental distribution for each color.
These words are most pronounced in the case of red. The highest
frequencies of all colors in the entire experiment are encountered
with this color, namely in the words passion, emotion, tempera-
ment, and action. Thus also in this respect red is typified by the
sharply defined and highly pronounced character already
encountered in the discussion of the development of color terms.
Similar though not quite so high frequencies are found
with black, white and gray. With black are combined such
strongly negative, more or less inimical-to-life terms as death,
murder, anxiety, misery and the like. In night the aspect of dark-
ness is of special importance although here, too, there may be
an element of fear and hostility. With white we also find high
frequencies, mainly for words indicating purity, integrity,
sublimity, quietness, as opposed to the inferiority of black and
the restlessness of red.
Gray distinguishes itself from the other intermediate colors
by also yielding strikingly high frequencies for such words as
boredom, theory, discouragement, past, old age, etc. Generally
speaking this relation can be traced in conventional sayings,
and it is easy to sense the emotional relationship. All the above
conceptions are characterized by an element of colorlessness, of
unpronouncedness, of neutrality. They are uninteresting and
vaguely depressing.
All the other colors show a far less distinct character. High
frequencies rarely occur. No word combined with yellow ever
gives a higher percentage than 30%. In the highest decile two
groups of words can be distinguished with strongly contrasting
characters. The first is formed by such negative, ambivalent,
false conceptions as fealousy, hatred, lust of power and pain, the
other by words signifying merriness and joy, as pleasure, laughter,
fun, foy and festivity.
All words of high frequency in the orange group also fall in
this latter, joyous category, while those of yellow's negative
82
group are seldom found in combination with orange. This phe-
nomenon constitutes a distinct difference between yellow and
orange.
The word most frequently combined with blue is confidence,
a consequence of the conventional combination blue-faithfulness.
All other typically blue words also pertain to personal relation-
ships, to socially appreciable characteristics and to persons as
such. The social-human aspect of blue is apparently of great
importance.
In 62% of all distributions green is combined with nature, and
in 30% with naturalness, both combinations in line with con-
vention. All other words remain below 30% without clearly being
specified by some common character.
With purple, as with black, we chiefly find pronouncedly
negative, aggressive words. But more than with black, the empha-
sis is on the ambivalent, the ambiguous, the false.
Prominent in brown is the aspect of everyday-ishness, of nor-
malness, of common concreteness. Typical is also the aspect of
masculinity as apparent in such words as man, masculine, father
brother, son (17%). Disgust, theft, and disadvantage seem to in-
dicate a certain relationship with black.
From Table A several conclusions can be drawn as to relation-
ships among the colors. It appears for example that when one
word is mostly attributed to one color in particular, its distri-
bution among the remaining colors always follows a very definite
pattern. On one hand, there are always colors that decidedly do
not match the word in question. Typically black and white words
are practically never combined with red. Typically white w o r ~
are seldom found with black, purple or brown, nor do typically
red words combine with black, white or gray.
On the other hand for most words there are usually one or two
secondary choices beside the chief color. Black words for example
are frequently arranged under one of the other "dark" colors:
purple, brown, gray, and sometimes also blue. Such is the case
with words like night, anxiety, sorrow, defeat.
A recurring combination is that of white and blue. The rela-
tionship between the inmost characters of these two colors
becomes obvious through the words with which they are combin-
ed. Typically white words are very often arranged under blue:
baby, child, simplicity, soul, mina, religion, freedom (avg. 42%
white and 15% blue). The reverse holds tme for words such as
confidence, aevotion, friend, harmony, duty, principles, science,
which are mostly attributed to blue, but also show a certain
kinship with white (avg. 33% blue and 15% white).
Between the two groups of typically white and typically blue
words lie a nurober of words which are distributed almost equally
between white and blue and which thus indicate most clearly the
relation between the two colors. In this group are reality, ideal,
conscience, morals, goodness, reverence, obedience, ma"iage, femi-
nine, mother and daughter (avg. 24% white and 24% blue). In the
character of all these the emphasis lies on the aspects of softness,
harmony, morality and altmism.
Blue in this respect evinces greater plasticity of character.
Aside from white most of the other colors may turn up as
"secondary" choices to blue. This goes for green (friend, duty,
usefulness, willingness to help, education, charity), for brown
(principles, duty, son, father, brother, usefulness), for red (perso-
nal, woman, son, social, work, self), etc. Few words belong speci-
fically with blue, but blue on the other band is closely related
with almost every other color. This, as later weshall find again,
is typical of the unobtmsiveness, the harmonious adaptability
of blue.
More such color groups - where certain words are distributed
almost equally among the member-colors of that group- can be
found among the colors. One of them is that of the "dark" colors,
combined without any noticeable preference with words such as
constraint, illness, disadvantage, theft. Remarkable is the relation-
ship of yellow and, to some extent, of green - neither one a
typically dark color - with this group. The words disgust, deceit,
Ue, poison and aversion yield the following averages: black 24%,
purple 21%, brown 15%, yellow 14% and green 12%. The strong
conflict character common to these five words apparently can be
symbolized equally weil by the dark colors on one hand and by
yellow and green on the other.
The same conflict nature of yellow is evident in its relation to
red. Broadly speaking red is active, dynamic, vivid, without any
particular negative accent. All those words, however, which are
arranged almost equally with red and yellow (and not with orange)
do have a strong negative conflict-value. Such words are pain,
tust of power, hatred, ambition and risk (avg. 24% red and 21%
yellow; only 4% orange).
Of a totally different nature is the group constituted by red,
yellow and orange. The words which are equally distributed over
these three colors all possess a bright, festive character: fun,
pleasure, joy, laughter, festivity (avg. 24% red, 22% yellow and
27% orange). The difference between the latter two so strongly
contrasting groups therefore must lie in the added possibility of
arranging these words under orange. The two meanings of yellow:
merry and false - both of which will be discussed more thorough-
ly in a following section - are therefore dependent on the degree
of kinship with orange.
Moreover, the group red-orange-yellow shows a certain
relation to the group white-blue. It appears that brightness and
joy can also be viewed from the harmoniousness of blue and white.
This is clearly illustrated by the word happiness. This may be
seen either in its aspect of ideality, of harmony, or as optimistic,
joyful happiness. We find this word distributed almost equally
among the colors red, orange, yellow, white and blue.
Severals words, finally, can not be seen so easily in some sys-
tematical relationship. A few of them are wish, advantage, sister,
dependence. As a rule this fact can be explained by the many
heterogeneaus senses in which these words may be taken. Sister
for example may be interpreted for its femininity, for its con-
flictiveness (as sibling), for its meaninglessness, or possibly as
"nurse," etc. Because of this polyvalence of meaning a uniform
distribution cannot be expected.
I nstruction I I
The subjects' spontaneous judgments of the colors under
Instructions II and IV are tabulated in Table D (see p. 179).
Each stated opinion was for this purpose placed in one of the 19
categories listed. This division into categories was made purely
intuitively and subjectively; a more exact method was made
impossible by the unsystematical way in which the opinions were
obtained. N aturally the subjects' statements and the interrelations
of those statements were taken into account as much as possible.
Factor-analytical research in this field should be weil worth-wile.
I nstruction II I
On the whole arranging the colors according to preference as
required in lnstruction III was considered very feasible, although
the number of colors in series I proved rather large. It proved
difficult mentally to survey ten colors at a time in their mutual
relationships. Six subjects found it impossible to arrange the
colors in series I completely, three could not do it in series II
and III.
TABLE V
I
SE RIES
EYSENCK
I
I
11/111
blue 2.7 2.5 1.4
red 3.3 2.4 2.2
white 4.8 3.1 -
green 4.9 3.4 3.2
yellow 4.9 4.4 5.2
orange 5.7 - 5.1
gray 6.7 - -
purple 6.8
} 4.8
3.9 (violet)
brown 7.1 -
black 8.0 - -
N
I
47
I
51
I
21,060
COLOR PREFERENCE
The average place in the order of preference is indicated for each
color, lower numbers indicating greater preference. For Eysenck's data,
see 47, 391.
Table V lists the average rank of each color in the order of
preference, calculated for series I, and for II and III jointly.
The results for the latter two differed only slightly, so that they
could without too great a deviation be taken together.
Of course in these arrangements the ideas the subject develops
during the word distribution and the description of the colors
are essential. The subject loses the "naive" approach to the colors,
but rather than a disadvantage this should be considered a plus
factor. In most arranging experiments the subjects usually do
not know what standard to measure by: direct impressions, the
practical value of the colors for clothing, decorating, etc.? In
those cases the arrangement usually is based on utterly hetero-
geneaus motives (see for example Peters' typological classification
on page 37). Here, however, the subjects will take the colors
entirely by their emotional value, their symbolical meaning, and
this aspect proves to be the generally accepted norm for almost
all subjects.
The resulting general order of preference largely covers
Eysenck's (Table V, column 4). The latter achieved his through
the use of color samples while ours is the result of the arranging
of color words. This confirms Michaels' conclusion (Io6, 87) from
experiments with children: "It is just as good to use the color
names for the actual colors in performing this test." Eysenck's
order of preference is tlie same as ours, except for purple which
came lower- below yellow and orange - on the scale. This may
be the result of a linguistic factor. We used the word "purple."
But for the many intermediate colors between red and blue we
also know the term "violet," this latter especially in poetical
use, in the morefavorable sensessuch as sublime, romantic, etc.
In "purple" the emphasis rather is on the ordinary, cheap, and
especially on the aggressive aspects. This selective factor plays no
part in the experiments of Eysenck.
Blue and red show little difference between themselves and
consequently they are at the top of the scale. The "dark" colors,
black, brown, purple and gray are all at the bottom.
I nstruction IV
The last part of the experiment served especially to obtain
better insight into the distributions made and to discuss excep-
tional peculiarities. The great difficulty for most subjects in
rationally explaining the arrangements became apparent in this
part. The actual distribution is made on the basis of the colors'
emotional character, and it requires special training to phrase
such motives. No very great value has therefore been attached to
such after-rationalizations. Color judgments expressed in this
part of the experiment, however, have been included in Table D.
In the following chapters each color in turn will be discussed
more extensively. In so doing weshall base our conclusions mainly
on the spontaneaus color judgments expressed by our subjects
under Instructions I and IV. The numbers in parentheses after
each series of judgments refer to the percentage of subjects in
whose protocols such judgments occur.
We shall also mention as many examples as possible from
poetry, popular sayings, folklore, etc. Examples of popular
sayings and proverbs are chiefly taken from Swaen, v. Ginneken
and Stoett, ethnological data from Bonser, Berkusky, Kenyon,
Leib and Mackenzie. For color in the belles-lettres the reader is
referred in particular to Skard. Through combining all such data
we hope to be able roughly to sketch the fundamental character
of each color and to outline its many potentialities (Cf. also the
color descriptions in the series of articles by Berge).
B. BLACK
Already in the discussion of the color terms it has been pointed
out that the color black certainly should not be regarded as equiva-
lent to "darkness." Black is a color and has the function of a
color, with a11 the consequences thereof, while "darkness" only
describes a degree of brightness, the absence of light.
It is therefore wrong to say that we always see "black" in
darkness; in darkness we don't see anything at all, while black is
something; it is the color of something. Black as a color becomes
evident only in relation to light, in connectibn with and against
the background of other colors, in the sphere of visibility. The
most intense black is not perceived in darkness but against a
bright white background. Any decrease in lighting makes objects
not blacker but "darker." Gestalt psychology distinguishes
sharply between the two aspects: whiteness-blackness and
brightness-darkness (8o, 87). Kirschmann's statement that
"black is not more than lightlessness, i.e. the absence of alllight
or rather of any sensation of light" (85, 131) is definitely false.
Black is also a color. What Kirschmann really describes is dark-
ness. Fiedler believes to have proved experimentally that - also
phenomenally - the color black is the same as darkness. His
mistake, however, is the result of the fact that in his experiments
he used only white and black backgrounds. Needless to say, the
chromatic colors, against these backgrounds, showed other
characteristics than white and black themselves; very likely the
difference is only a result of the limited choice of backgrounds.
At any rate this experiment in no way proves the absence of the
specific characteristics of "color" in white and black. In this
connection the reader is also referred to Mintz's criticism of
Fiedler's experiments.
The specificity of black lies in the fact that although it is a color
there is no corresponding sensation of light. All colors are
typified by their correlation with certain sensations of light, with
light "stimuli" which form the motive for their perception. Such a
motive is absent in the case of black: we are prepared to see a
color and therefore expect to receive a certain light stimulus.
But the latter does not come forth, we are "disappointed" and
this very "disappointment" represents the typical "black"-
perception. I t is as though we are expecting a friend and find his
body instead: it is the friend all right, but it does not answer our
expectation. In a way it is not the friend; the element of "friend-
Iikeness," of aliveness, is lacking, just as the "colorfulness," the
vividness is missing in black. For this reason we do not really
see "black" in darkness: we are not intent on seeing a color; we
don't see anything nor do we expect to, and so we cannot be
"disappointed." Only when surrounded by colors, when com-
pletely prepared for the perception of colors, may we, in the ab-
sence of light sensations, perceive black as a color.
The color character of black therefore is ambivalent: it has
the function of a color while it Iacks the typical characteristic of
color: the correlating sensation of light. Black, as was stated
above, is the typical dark color. It is not darkness itself, but it
symbolizes darkness. Black as it were is "visible" darkness, "con-
centrated" darkness. In the sphere of the colors - including
black - black represents the reverse, the negation of color:
absolute darkness. But it does so as a color.
A number of subjects actually describe black as the Nought 1),
the non existent, nil. Beaudelaire, too, speaks of "le neant vaste
et noir" (54, 51). Allers has devoted a special study to the relation
I} In using this term as the equivalent of le Neant and das Nichts wc follow Allers.
between black and the Nought. Although he constantly confuses
darkness and black, he justly points out that the Nought itself
cannot be seen. In darkness it is not the Nought one sees but no
thing. Black on the contrary is a visual quality tobe perceived.
The above relation is a symbolical one. In the color black we may
experience the Nought, although we cannot see it as such. In the
same way as the Nought is the negation of the Being, black is the
negation of all that is colorful. Yetitremains a color.
This kinship with the Nought makes black a symbol of every-
thing hidden, veiled, uncertain, unfathomable, incomprehensible,
unknown, etc. (I6%). Black is endless, empty, silent, deep; it is
"le frere du silence etemel" (54, SI). The following description by
Victor Hugo masterfully depicts these aspects of black and dark
(77, 299):
L'ombre, l'ombre hideuse, ignoree, insondable,
De !'invisible Rien vision formidable,
Sans forme, sans contour, sans plancher, sans plafond,
Ou dans l'obscurite l'obscurite se fond;
Point d'escalier, de pont, de spirale, de rampe;
L'ombre sans un regard, l'ombre sans une lampe;
Le noir de l'inconnu, d'aucun vent agite;
L'ombre, voile effrayant du spectre etemite.
The comparison with a veil, the veil that covers and hides every-
thing, he uses in many other places. The Madagascans have a
saying: "Man is like a black bottle, one cannot see what is inside"
(9I, I29). Criminals among them carry a black amulet which
serves to keep them unnoticed. "Black marketeering" and
"blackmail" also are carried on in secrecy, hidden from the day-
light. In Germany after World War I the Schwarze Reichswehr
and the Schwarze Front developed: national socialist organiza-
tions which were forced to operate "underground" because of
prohibitive regulations laid down in the Versailles Treaty.
Black is the end of everything: it separates us from the Great
Unknown, unknown now and forever. For several subjects black
represented the absolute end, the ultimate border beyond which
is the Nought. In the various systems assigning a different color
to each era, as we have seen already on page SI, black is con-
stantly attributed to the last era. In its most pronounced form
this is death (I6%). In the distribution of words, too, "dead" is a
90 DISGUSSION OF THE RESULTS
typically black word (64%). Both in black and in death the
negation is experienced of all that is, of all that lives, the life of
man and the life of color. Less dramatically the term "black-
out" is used for temporary amnesia.
In black everything ends, becomes part of the past. It is
without future, without any potentiality, it is hopeless (9%)
Current phrases expressing the tendency of black to put an end
to all hope are: black despair, black Ietter day, peindre en noir,
un noir chagrin. A line from Verhaeren has the same import:
"Les chiens du noir espoir ont aboye ce soir" (206, 159). The black
raven from Poe's farnaus poemwas called "Nevermore." Black is
also the color of the Final Judgment: "Il y a un grand navire de
guerre dans le port. .. Un grand navire noir; on ne voit pas de
matelots ... C'est le jugement dernier" (I94, 151).
The despair of black, the total absence of possibilities, of hope
for the future, exerts a very definite pressure on man, an in-
escapable constraint, inavertible and oppressive (24%). We run
into black as into a wall that suddenly arises in front of us and
cuts off allfurther possibilities. Black therefore is impenetrable,
and it may be seen as hard. Hugo for example speaks of "blocks"
of darkness (77, 296):
Les tenebres en decombres
Emplissent de leurs blocs sombres
L'antre immense de la nuit ...
Thus black may at the sametime be experienced as an absolute
nothingness, emptiness on one hand and as a solid impenetra-
bility on the other. The combination of these two logically in-
compatible concepts forms the essence of the experience of black.
Black is impenetrable because it is nothing.
Sartre in his novel Le mur poignantly describes how the ab-
solutely unknown- in this case the approaching execution of a
number of underground fighters - is experienced as an impene-
trable wall. The wall of the execution field here symbolizes the
inescapable threat of their approaching death, the end they are
expecting but cannot face.
The deepest-reaching reaction tothisabsolute unknownness of
black is anxiety. Most often the word anxiety accordingly 1s
arranged under black (36%). Beaudelaire writes (54, 51):
L'angoisse, atroce, despotique,
Sur mon crane incline plante son drapeau noir.
The lack of any hold, any glimmer of light, anything familiar,
mayhaveanextremelyterrifyingeffect.t) Also interesting in this
connection is the fall as typical element of nightmares, the fall
into the unknown, the timeless and endless fall. Bachelard makes
it evident that this type of fall is essentially black; the very act
of falling according to him is black (9, 80, 107).
Black may also haves something lurking, creepy. This aspect
likewise derives from the anxiety aspect. It is not as if black is
terrifying because something could be lurking behind its darkness,
but the darkness itself is felt to be "lurking" because of its terri-
fyingness. Darkness may well look at us. Nothing is therefore
quite so terrifying as a pair of eyes glimmering in the dark, since
they are then experienced as the eyes of darkness itself in all its
frightening force. Darkness leers at us. A well-known fright-
inspiring imageisthat of the "Black Eye." One subject of ours
depicted black as "a darkdernon absorbing and sucking up every-
thing and everybody."
This relationship between black and terror appears everywhere.
Axline (8, 189) describes a little girl, plagued by fears and am.deties,
who in fingerpainting very emphatically used black paint; this
paint represented a "ghost" that would fly around and frighten her.
Christofiel (32) in describing the case of a nine year old boy
writes: "Wakes up during the night in terror; suddenly sees on
al1 walls of the room little figures moving cinematographically."
He also points out that many hysterical women will imagine
themselves persecuted by a "black man." All popular frights are
black: the bogey-man, black witches, black murderers, etc.
Black is the color of a11 obscure forces, of all the mysterious,
unknown, frightening influences that threaten us from the dark.
Almost all peoples have such black demons. The devil is often
called "the black gentleman" or, as Polish peasants do: tchornyi=
the black one. These obscure forces may haunt the world in the
shape of black animals: cats, ravens, bats and the like. This
explains why such black animals are commonly believed to spell
disaster, imminent danger, and particularly death. Many Wes-
temers still attribute such significance to black cats.
') cf. the relation between the Nought and Anxiety as formulated by Heidegger.
Well-known arealso the "black magic" or the messes noires, the
mysterious manipulations applying such obscure forces for
disreputable purposes. In the preparation of charms to be used
in such practices usually much use is made of black objects or of
the bones of black animals. Poison to a certain extent retains the
same implication: 21% of our subjects arranged the word under
black; "black bottle" is a term often used to indicate poison.
On the other band these obscure powers supposedly can be
pacified through the use of black objects, through offerings of
black animals, through painting black one's face or house, or
through black signs or figures. Peasants of many countries always
have one black animal in their herds in the barn or meadow. This
black animal is expected to attract all bad influences, thus
serving as a sort of lightning rod and protecting the other
animals. This explains why someone who always gets the blame
for what others do is called "a black sheep."
Needless to say, black is the color of all that is bad, evil,
adverse. Black is mean, low, criminal, immoral, repulsive, disgus-
ting, dirty, filthy (34%). In the word distribution black is
combined with many terms of a pronouncedly negative character:
disgust, deceit, lie, theft, disadvantage, aversion, jalousy,
hatred, lust of power, etc. It stands for everything sub-human,
the underworld, all that is opposed to human dignity. For many
peoples black is the color of the lowest social dass, as for example
in India and among the Kalmuchs, the Tartars, the Dayaks.
"Black army" is a well-known term for the female underworld.
Phrases as schwarzes Herz, l'ame noir, a "black deed," are used
with the intention to emphasize the immorality. Lautreamont
writes: "deja le ciel s'obscurcissait, en devenant d'un noir
presque aussi hideux que le ~ u r de l'homme" (I92, 126). "To
black" for to scold, "to blacken someone" and "a blacking" for
abuse, all have the same implication.
So far the accent has been chiefly on the extremely affective
interpretations of black, on black as the absolute borderline, the
absolutely unknown and frightening, the absolutely bad. As a
rule, however, it is interpreted less severely and experienced
less profoundly. In such cases black is judged in its mood: the
most frequent description of black is sad (45%). Often used are
also: somber, depressing, gloomy, sorrowful, misery, etc. (28%).
DISCUSSION OF mE RESULTS 93
These meanings areevident in such expressions as black tidings,
black Friday, black aspect, etc. In this somberness, too, the
prospectlessness, the "blackness" of a future that offers no so-
lution and where everything has become useless is manifest. In
projection tests using colors it is a very familiar .phenomenon
that depressed people will make extensive use of black. It is an
established fact that depression is closely related to anxiety and
the experience of death, both of which experiences are charac-
terized by black.
In this connection it is understandable why black has become
analmostuniversal symbol of mourning. It is so used not only in
the West but all over theworldin theform of black clothes or objects
worn, of faces or even whole bodies painted black. In this custom
are centered all the various aspects of black: its kinship with
death, its magic function of exorcising the evil spirits of the dead,
its expressive value as a "somber" color, etc.
Finally one other meaning must be discussed which is related
with the abovementioned ones but which in the various systems
of symbolism may play its own specific role: black as the prime
cause, the source of all being. As the world is assumed to have
sprung from chaos, all colors supposedly derive from black. Black
therefore became the symbol of that primary source: "le noir
nourrit toute couleur profonde, il est le gite intime des couleurs"
(Io, 27). Weil known is the Chinese Yin-Yang symbol, the half
white, half black circle, the latter half symbolizing absolute
darkness as the source of light and of all being. The dragon who
brings the light into the world, thus transforming darkness
(Yin) into light (Yang), is black (IS6, 63). The Herero regard
black as the color of the upper world where all new life is created
(98).
A very common concept is that of the black earth, the soil in
which alllife is rooted, the "mother" of all that lives, year after
year bearing new life from her own boundless fertility (In the
Greek doctrine of elements black was the color of the earth).
Many deities are pictured as black; they are nearly always the
gods of fertility, of regeneration. Osiris, the Egyptian god of
fertility, the god of the fertilizing Nile floods, was called "the
great black one" (8z, 421). Portal (IZS, 173) writes in this respect:
"Les divinites (noires) bienfaisantes descendent dans le royaume
des tenebres pour ramener a elles les hommes qui se regenerent."
In this connection he also mentions the familiar phenomenon of
the "Black Maria." Loeffler-Delachaux (94, 38/39) refers to the
same: "dans le culte de la pierre, la pierre noire fut toujours une
femme qui toujours aussi personnifia la Nature eternellement
vierge et feconde ... . Diane, Isis, Maya et la Cybele perga-
menienne furent des deesses noires. La mythologie contient de
nombreux recits oii l'on voit des pierres noires donner naissance
a des hommes. C'est ainsi, par example, que naquit Mithra, Le
Mediateur, dans une grotte-etable, au milieu des bergers."
The earth is also that to which all that lives will eventually
return, it is the beginning as weil as the end of life, the symbol of
both fertility and death. Many gods at the same time command
fertility and death such as India's Kali and the Ngadju Dayaks'
Djata. Both meanings are aspects of black.
This accounts for such statements made by subjects as: earthly,
real, strong, full, sound, safe (8%). They all pertain to this funda-
mental, earthly meaning of black.
It goes without saying that black is by no means an attractive
color. It is the only color with which in this regard unequivocal
results are obtained: black is always either at the bottom of the
scale as the most unpleasant color or, at best, one or two grades
up. We never saw it classed otherwise in our experiments. In
judging colors spontaneously no subject called black pleasant.
Only three of them said "not unpleasant" or "not disagreeable";
but even they formulated their opinion negatively.
C. WHITE
There is no difference between two colors as great as that be-
tween black and white. While black symbolizes darkness white
represents the light. "Le blanc, c'est l'eclairement pur, l'eclaire-
ment devenu surface; le blanc suppose un ecran qui arrete les
rayons lumineux et les reflechisse completement. Le simple jeu
de la lumiere ne fait pas du blanc un object de la vue. La lumiere
n'est pas blanche; le blanc c'est la lumiere devenue visible, et par
suite cessaut d'eclairer" (90, 124). The antithesis of black and
white is the equivalent in the world of color of the antitheses of
light and dark, and of day and night. From this very correlation
with day and night, the altemation of which is of such utmost
importance for mankind, black and white derive their prominent
position among the symbolical colors of almost any people, in
magical as weil as in religious and philosophical symbolism.
Here again we should like to refer to the Yin-Yang symbol, the
circle divided into two halves, one black and one white. The
philosophical system of Fu-Hi attributes to this symbol the value
of a "monad," the all-including entity, the source of all Being.
The symbolism of this antithesis may be found in most divergent
forms e.g. the antitheses of good and evil, upper world and under-
world, male and female, life and death. In prophesies black and
white are used constantly, one spelling fortune, the other mis-
fortune, while other colors are used seldom or not at all. Kenyon
(84, 66) writes: "This is natural because in omens only the two
extremes of good and bad luck, propitious and adverse con-
ditions are predicted. Augury never predicts medium success
or partial ill fortune." Thus black and white in such cases are
used because of their very antiposition. It is interesting to note
Kenyon's observation that white by no means always spells good,
nor black bad luck. The reverse may well be the case. The sym-
bolical meaning attributed to the colors depends on what people
interpret them. Not a certain concrete symbolical meaning of
either color is of greatest importance therefore, but the extreme
cantrast between the two.
The very strikingness of the black-white cantrast is also
illustrated by the well-known sayings about "tuming black into
white" such as Ovid's: "Furtum ingeniosus ad omne, candida de
nigris et de candandibus atra qui facere adsuerat" (z98, 1. 313).
The very strikingness of the black-white cantrast makes this
capacity so significant.
In spite of the above, black and white in other aspects show a
strong similarity. Or rather, their cantrast is so striking because
they are in certain respects closely related. Absolutely heter-
ogeneaus experiences could never form such sharp contrasts.
Both black and white are called "a-chromatic," i.e. they distin-
guish themselves from the other colors by their total lack of
"colorfulness." Like black, white is a "colorless" color with all
the resulting characteristics: shapelessness, expressionlessness,
indifference, neutrality, etc. (28%}.
In the case of black this is based on the fact that the experience
does not correspond to any light sensation. In white, however,
it does; in the perception of white there usually is a light stimulus.
But the experience is not specific; we could say that the correl-
ating sensation is only that of "light," not of any specific kind of
light. To this day the above has not been founded biologically,
but in our experience this neutrality, this Iack of specificity in
white is immediately obvious. Contrary to black as the symbol of
the Nought white may weil represent the Being. The contrast of
white and black symbolizes the equally absolute contrast of the
Being and the Nought. White is not this or that, it is not such or
otherwise, it has no specific characteristics: it simply is. We could
say that white does not live. In a way black is beneath alllife, both
nourishing and negating it. Analogically white is above life al-
though as a symbol of light it is one of its essential conditions.
Neither black nor white is subject to the specifications of all
that lives.
As such white is the color of objectivity, of pure facts; it is
matter-of-fact, impersonal, businesslike, abstract, logical, ration-
al (28%). There is no emotional contact possible with white, no
active communion; it simply confronts us with its absoluteness.
White represents reason in so far as the latter is above the "in-
dividuality" of the concrete; the abstract as the negation of
differentiation; the mind in its sterility. A fine example is given
by Verbaeren when he speaks of "la blanche prison que lui font
les rayons de sa propre raison" (207, 97).
Sometimes this may be interpreted in a strongly negative sense;
white may be feit as a lack, namely of life. White is dead, empty,
flat, meager, bare, sterile. It lacks power, warmth, feeling.
Cowardice may be called "white-livered" and as its symbol some
peoples use white feathers. The Greek A e u x a ~ cppevec; means
feeble- or light-mindedness, and mettre a blanc means to plunder,
to ruin. White is the color of all forms of sterility. Maeterlinck
(I9J, 11) writes for example:
Mon me est pale d'impuissance
Et de blanches inactions.
Aish (r, 85}, writing about Mallarme, describes how "le papier
blanc devient une veritable hantise, symbole de la sterilite de
son genie." V. Hugo expressed the sterility of day and night, of
white and black in the phrase: "le jour, eunuque blanc, la nuit,
eunuque noir" (77, 101). The sterility of white is also represented
by the desertedness of a snowfield where no trace of life is visible
and everything is flat and even: the Iimit of boredom and emp-
tiness. The "cold" element often found in white fits in with this
picture; the absence of life may weil give the impression of icy
cold. It is often said that white with a slight bluish tinge is the
"coldest" conceivable color.
As stated supra, white symbolizes everything above the Ievel
of everyday life, everything beyond concreteness. This aspect is
evident already when white is connected with rationality and
abstraction. But it is also - in a more general sense - called:
sublime, supreme, "on a _pedestal," transcendent, unimpeachable
(42%). The meaning most frequently ascribed to white is purity.
61% of the subjects pointed out this aspect of white: pure,
immaculate, unadulterated, fair, clean, intact, etc. Because white
is above life, it cannot be "touched" by its negative aspects. The
subjective is here viewed as a negative factor, a taint on the ab-
solute purity of the original Being, of which purity white is the
symbol. Purity in this connection often means ethical purity in
particular, e.g. freedom of sin. White is the color of human
virtue, of justice, faith, honesty, unselfishness, Iove, etc. White is
also the typical color of innocence (22%). "A white guy" is an
honest person, "a white lie" is an innocent lie, "to act white"
means to be honest. Even a white witch or wizzard is assumed to
use her or his powers for good purposes.
White is also the color through which already committed sins
can be expiated. This purifying power of white can be found all
over the world. In Amboyna the sick are rubbed down with a
white rooster which then is put into a tiny boat to drift away to
the sea, carrying the illness with him (56, 187). An old Jewish
custom is the annual offering, on the tenth day of each year, of
a white rooster. "The father of the family knocks the cock thrice
against his own head, saying :'Let this cock be a substitute for
me, Iet it take my place, Iet death be laid upon this cock, but a
happy life bestowed en me and on all Israel" (56, 210}. Here,
too, the rooster is supposed to have a purifying effect. Another
striking example is supplied by Sechehaye (I38, 45) who writes
Calors and their Character 7
about a Schizophreniepatient: "n donnait a Renee de la creme
qu'elle appelait de la 'neige' et qui representait la purete, c'est-
a-dire le pardon; .. nous nous empress.mes de lui offrir de la
'neige' pour lui eulever la culpabilite."
Butthis purity of white also implies its aptitudetobe "soiled."
Easily influenced and deprived of its absoluteness by other
colors, white symbolizes moral unimpeachableness, delicacy and
susceptibility to defilement. The Madagascans have a saying
(9I, I 30) : "The white cock is easily noticed and attacked by the
wild cat."
The purity of white is often also thought of as symbolic of
chastity, not only sexually but also mentally, psychically. In this
sense it is commonly used in poetry. Gautier for example says
(I87, 285):
Tout le rayonnement de la virginite
Montrant sur son front le blancheur de son me,"
and Mallarme speaks of "la virginite de la feuille de papier"
(r, 85). It is a wide-spread custom for brides to wear white as a
symbol of their virginity.
This meaning of chastity may be extended to include femininity,
the latter term then being used chiefly for its implication of
virginity. Psychoanalysis in particular emphasizes this aspect.
ChristoHel (33) claims for example that the antithesis of black
and white corresponds with that of male and female. He sub-
stantiates his theory with numerous examples from the ethno-
logical as weil as the psychoanalytical field. Black represents
chiefly the father-imago (cf. black bogey-men, the black devil,
etc.). Mohr has proved that in the Rorschachtest the black color
often symbolizes the father. White on the contrary stands for
the mother, for femininity. Flournoy describes the Indian
Linga-Yoni symbol in which the Linga (penis) or masculinity is
black, the Yoni (uterus and vulva) or femininity white. Yet
ChristoHel's theory that there is question here of an absolute
parallel, that the masculine is always represented by black and
the feminine by white, is wrong. As one of his proofs he mentions
the Chinese Yin-Yang symbol whose contrasting white and black
halves are also interpreted as representing the two sexes. They
do, but not in the way ChristoHel claims: on the contrary the
black half of the Yin-Yang symbol represents the feminine, the
white one the masculine. Loeffler-Delachaux (94, 108) writes on
the subject: "Dans I' ordre de la Iibido, l'ecu mi-parti de sable et
d'argent represente l'union des deux sexes. Le cte lumineux
symbolise l'organe masculin, visible, 'eclaire', et le cte obscur
le mysterieux organe feminin, le 'four', la 'caverne' des mythes
ou sont cachees les sources de la Vie." Obviusly black and white
may potentially represent the masculine as well as the feminine,
and it is impossible exclusively to ascribe either aspect to one of
them.
The {l.spect of innocence in white is also described as unsus-
pecting, naive, uncomplicated, natural, guileless (17%), especial-
ly in connection with the youthful, the childlike. The child then
is viewed in its "natural" innocence, as the "tabula rasa" that
has as yet no character of its own but may develop into almost
anything, and can only become "bad" as a result of circumstance.
Because of its immaterialness white is elevated above all the
tensions of everyday life, above all the conflicts and uncertainties
that accompany differentiation. White stands for harmony,
relaxation, stability, quiet, peace (18%). The word most often
associated with white was peace, in which word purity in its ideal
form, and quiet in its most absolute form are concentrated. White
is the common token of peace: signs of peaceable purposes are
white vanes, ostrich feathers, pottery, paint, etc. As stated above,
this meaning may eventually acquire the negative implication of
cowardice.
Its immaterialness, its quality of being above a11 earthliness,
may also make white the symbol of the soulas independent of the
body: the soul which leaves that body when it is asleep or dead.
Phantomsand the ghosts of the deceased are therefore pictured
as white; the dead are "white people" or they may appear in the
shape of white doves, mice, goat, dogs, cats, and the like. Balinese
widows, leaping into the fire to be burnt with the body of their
husbands, will release a white dove as a symbol of their escaping
soul. The Bakwiri of Africa believed the first Europeans they
ever saw to be their ancestors returning from the realm of death.
Thus white may get to be the color of death. As such it is
regarded by many peoples of Eastern Asia and Australia and,
until after 1500, in Europe as well. The white lily- for Euro-
peans - is the typical flower of death.
This does not imply, however, that white should be a somber
color. Its use depends on the conception of death. Black is the
color of death as the absolute end, the transition to the great
unknown, while white represents death as the release from phy-
sical ties, as the beginning of an existence in far-away, Elysian
places. V. Duhn (42, 14) remarks: "Possibly the samher black has
become increasingly popular as color of death as the lonian
representations of the dark subterranean realm of death came
to replace the more materialistic hopes of a continued existence
in some blissful, Elysian hereafter." White as color of death
emphasizes this prospect of a continued life in heaven rather
than the sadness of dying.
White may also forecast death. The folklore of many nations
views white animals or flowers under this particular aspect.
Kenyon's statement that in augury white may spell either
fortune or misfortune is based on the above.
The sublimity of white in its most pronounced form is found
in white as a symbol of the divine. More than once in our experi-
ments white was called: holy, religious, divine, heavenly, rever-
end, etc. (13%). The beliefthat white animals are holy is wide-
spread: white elephants, cows, horses, camels, doves, etc. Ac-
cording to the Tchuktchen the tan cows come from the earth,
the white reindeer from heaven. Humanalbinosare frequently
considered sacred. White animals are preferred for affering to the
gods, and white clothes are warn at the sacrificial ceremonies.
In the Western world this latter custom was taken over from the
Israelites. Not until much later was the use of other colors for
ceremonial robes accepted in the Roman Catholic liturgy.
It goes without saying that the white color, in its divine sense,
is ascribed chiefly to sun-gods, to the powersthat bring light to
the earth. As the sun-god is the source and the beginning of all
life on earth, white is the source and the beginning of all other
colors. White itself is nothing in particular, but it may differen-
tiate into every possible color. Several subjects hinted at this
potential development; they called white "the foundation of
all; the all-comprising color; that which may result in anything;
etc." (8%). The Tibethan expression Hot-Tkar means both
"white light" and "unity."
This significance of white may weil be seen as connected with
the phenomenon of spectral analysis. In the result of analysis of
white light through a prism a relation is indicated which, to a
certain extent, is also given phenomenally. It would be a mistake,
however, to say that white has this meaning because of its physical
structure. The fundamental meaning of white is something imme-
diate and spectral analysis can only illustrate it - and illustrate
it rather inadequately. Phenomenallywhite comprises alt possi-
bilities, it may develop into any color, while spectral analysis
results in the highly specialized and limited range of spectral
colors. In addition to this, the white color phenomenally is not
the sum total of the constituting colors as is the case physically;
phenomenally the other colors as such are definitely absent from
white. White only potentially contains them, it has the possi-
bility of being transformed into the chromatic colors. The follow-
ing quotation is a striking example of confusion of a physical
and a phenomenal viewpoint (I9, 107): "It was all too absurd a
truth to have been guessed - that fact that white or gray,
which appears as primary, fundamental and prior to the colors,
should be, in contradiction of immediate experience, nothing
but a mixture of all the colors instead of the absence of all of
them. Of the advantage of experiment over intuition there
would be no betterillustration." The author mistakenly assumes
that physical experimentation could ever contradict phenomenal
data; but both lie on entirely different Ievels. Ultimately the
phenomenal can only be analyzed phenomenologically; a phy-
sical experiment determines the physical conceptions of a phe-
nomenon, but it never touches its phenomenal aspects. Phenome-
nally white is certainly not "nothing but a mixture of all the
colors," but indeed a primary, independentcolor which, however,
in its phenomenality seems to comprise and to form an absolute
starting point for all the other colors (including the non-spectral
ones).
This capacity to develop into any direction also gives white
its meaning of freedom. It tends toward the future, toward every-
thing that will or may come; white is the absolute beginning. The
color white is usually attributed to the prime era (see p. 51}.
White in general is the color of the highest social dass of a society,
the dass of "free" people, as is the case among the Dayaks (IJ2),
on Madagascar (9I}, and in India. Lautreamont speaks of les
ailes blanchatres of Hope (I92, 155). This also gives it the impli-
cation of optimism, gladness, freedom from care, and particularly
of happiness (8%). The latter meaning is very common: white
objects and animals often bring luck. For Western Europeans
white beather is a good omen. White rice is thrown after a bridal
couple as a wish for happiness. A "white day" is a fortunate day;
voir tout en blanc is an expression indicating optimism. Leib
(9I, 133) quotes the following song of a Iover to his beloved:
I see a white dress, if I would see yours, I should be happy, ob
my sweetheart! I see a piece of black cloth in your absence, and
my heart is black.
D. RED
In spite of the striking cantrast between them, black and white
are both characterized by their "colorlessness." They Iack the
"aliveness" of the other colors. These other - chromatic -
colors are best represented by red, which in this respect is the
color par excellence. Red is the liveliest, most colorful, most
conspicuous color. To quote Goethe (64, 793): "We cantend
that this color actually and potentially contains all other
colors." As illustrated by Table D, red is never characterized by
one of the terms from the group "neutral, meaningless, dull,
colorless, etc." Nota single word implying boredom is used in
connection with red. Red has the typical color characteristic of
"colorfulness" in its most concentrated form.
Red is the color evoking most comment on its intensity through
qualifications such as violent, fierce, extreme, glaring, conspicu-
ous (29%). One subject compared it with an explosion. Red
Iacks every trace of modesty. This expansiveness in many cases
causes it to be appreciated less in our present culture. In clothing
for example it is usually applied as a secondary color; purely or
chiefly red clothes often are considered provocative.
Red is the color of maximum "warmth" (27%); it never was
called "cold." Rather than warm it is called hot or even fiery,
flaming, blazing (17%). Red dominates everything araund it,
tauehing and consuming it in its glow.
This particular emotional intensity also makes red the most
exciting, stimulating, activating, shaking color (17%). lt is a
DISGUSSION OF THE RESUL TS 103
well-known fact that it has an exciting effect on frogs, bulls,
turkeys, etc. But also for man this holds more or less true (4J,
274): "L. Dor a constate des excitations allant jusqu'au vertige
chez des neurastheniques auxquels on faisait fixer une large
surface rouge, alors qu'avec le vert, meme tres eclaire, ce re-
sultat ne pouvait etre obtenu." Fere noticed that red light
influenced the results of his dynamometer experiments consider-
ably: one subject under the influence of red light achieved almost
twice the result obtained under normal circumstances (SI, 42
and Fig. 27). The same effect could be obtained when subjects
were made to look at a red disk (SI, 85). In this respect the
"shocking" effect of the red color in some of the Rarschach plates,
the so-called color shock should be mentioned. According to
Wallen this shock would occur not at all - as was usually
assumed - in the multi-colored plates, but only in the second
one, the first to showred spots in addition to the black ones.
It is not surprising that this obtrusiveness, this dynamic
heedlessness of red may also be experienced and interpreted in a
negative sense. It then comes to mean aggressiveness, hostility,
meddlesomeness, hatefulness (16%). Red is the color of danger;
it is not aceidentat that traffic signs and other warning signals are
always red. "Tobe in the red" means: to find oneself in a danger-
aus situation, to show a loss, etc. The red color is constantly seen
in connection with aggression. "To see red" means: to get very
angry, to lose temporarily one's self-restraint. We speak of "a
red treat" and of se facher tout rouge. Pfister (I22, 346}, in dis-
cussing his drawing experiments with psychotics, reports: "We
have found regularly that in psychotics the use of red, applied
plainly (flchig) and with heavy pressure, is an indication of
not undangeraus sadistic aggressiveness." Lautreamont (I92, 42}
speaks of les rouges emanations of hate. Red is also the color of
warfare. Verbaeren gave one poem the name of Les ailes rouges de
la guerre. Many peoples used to apply red in wartime, either in
their clothing or in their way of painting themselves, e.g. the
Greek (red clothing), the Germans (hair dyed red), in Australia
(the whole body painted red), etc. In addition to the frightening
effect on the enemy the nature of the color itself is sufficient
motive for its application: red is the very color to match the
aggressive excitement of warfare. The antithesis of red and white
corresponds to that of war and peace. Thus the 'Krik distinguish
between white and red villages (94, 109) : "les villes blanches ou
villes de la paix ou l'on ne pouvait verserlesang et qui etaient
gouvemees par un fonctionnaire civil et les villes rouges placees
sous une autorite militaire et ou i1 etait permis de tuer."
Through its dynamic aspects red is the most prominent symbol
of life, particularly of life in its animal, corporeal aspects such
as activity, tension and vital force. Red is the color of vitality.
52% of our subjects emphasized this side of red which in cultural
symbolism appears in the most varied forms, a summary of which
is supplied by Wunderlich. Red is commonly applied in case of
illness (fever, headaches, inflammations, hemorrhages, epilepsy,
rubeola, seasickness, etc.). In such cases the ailing parts are
covered with red cloths or threads, sprinkled with blood, or
treated with medicines containing red ingredients. All cases where
life itself is in danger or where the patient is weak are treated
with red: childbirth, menstruation, pregnancy, war, etc. Red is
the color of Bacchus who, in addition to being the god of wine,
is the god of human regeneration.
Equally well-known is the use of red in connection with death
(see 42). The corpse or the bones are wrapped in red cloths, the
body is sprinkled with blood, the inside of the coffin is painted
red, the body is adomed with red ornaments, etc. Many hypo-
theses have developed conceming the significance of these wide-
spread customs. Wunderlich assumes that the effect of red should
be understood as "apotropaical," i.e. as a protection from and
defense against evil influences. This explanation is widely accept-
ed, particularly in German Iiterature: the magical significance of
all colors and their application is reduced to their power to ward
off evil and damage. This holds true for red, black and white
especially. Our objection to this theory, however, isthat it does
not explain enough. It is quite possible that the use of a color is
experienced as a defense. But the question remains as to how this
defense is effected. The apotropaic theory does not explain why
a certain color in a particular situation should keep evil forces at
a distance, nor why in one case red and in another black or white
should do so. Each color has its own specific character which
determines that color's specific "defensive" capacity. One could
imagine for example that the effect of white might lie in its qua-
DISGUSSION OF THE RESULTS lOS
lity of raising things to a level beyond evil's reach. Black on the
contrary might well have some magic, assimilatory, power
(Angleichungsmagie), serving as a "lightning rod" for evil forces,
concentrating them on itself, thus protecting him who wears
black. In the case of red the effect is based on the vitalizing, in-
vigorating power of that color which supplies the wearer with
sufficient energy and vitality to resist the evil influences at-
tacking him. The apotropaic effect of each of these colors is
basedondifferent mechanisms, and only the latter can serve as an
explanation of the specific applications of the various colors.
The use of red in connection with the dead may well result
from fear of them. But it is not so much a defense or an armor
against these dead - as Wunderlich believes - as an instrument
to give them, in spite of their being dead, some measure of vital
force, thus bringing them onto the level of the living and dimi-
nishing their fearfulness. The danger of the dead lies especially
in their "dead"-ness, so anything that counteracts this aspect-
such as use of the :red color - is welcome since it makes them less
frightening. Among many peoples we find other attempts to
represent the continued existence of the dead in as concrete and
as "human" a way as is possible. As long as they are like the
living, less danger is to be expected from them. The red color, in
this respect, has a vitalizing function: the quality most conspi-
cuously absent in the dead is given them in the form of blood or
anything else that is red. Thus the defense is effected through the
dead not being considered as "really" dead; magically they are
made as alive as the living.
Other examples also illustrate this enlivening power of red, and
of red blood in particular. The dead can get in touch with the
living only when they drink blood, as is described in the Odyssey
(XI, 1. 139ff.): "(Odysseus) I see here the spirit ofmy dead mo-
ther, she sits in silence near the blood, and deigns not to look
upon the face of her own sonor to speak to him. Tell me, prince,
how she may recognize that I am he? (Teiresias) Whomsoever of
those that are dead and gone thou shalt suffer to draw near the
blood, he will tell thee sooth; but whomsoever thou refusest,
he surely will go back again. (Odysseus) I remained there stead-
fastly until my mother came up and drank the dark blood.
At once she knew me, and vvith wailing she spoke to me ... "
As already discussed in Part I, Ch. 2D, it is wrong to reduce
the life-symbolism of red only to blood. Certainly red is the color
of vitality, but not only because it is the color of blood. Vitaland
dynamic power are inherent aspects of the red color itself. Blood
does nothing but emphasize this meaning of red through its own
essential function in life. Red has many other meanings beside
"vitality." The combined facts, however, that blood is red, and
that blood has a vital function, enhance and stress this one par-
ticular significance. Under otherwise similar conditions white
or green blood could never have acquired equally pronounced
significances.
Red as color of life directs itself chiefly at one aspect of life
in particular: its animal aspect. Rather than representing life
in general, red is seen in connection with emotionallife. Typical
descriptions of red are: passionate, affective, impassioned (43%).
This applies still more to sexuality and erotism. Red has long
been and still is the conventional color of Iove. But it symbolizes
Iove in its erotic rather than in its spiritual, humanized aspects.
Redstands for carnallove, it is sexual, sensual, instinctive (21 %) .
All over the world the red color is found in various forms of
magic in regard to fertility. The fertility of the soil is increased
by sprinkling with menstrual blood or the red color in some form
may be used to eure impotence. Red Easter eggs originally sig-
nified fertility (I75, 5 ff.). The American slang expression "to
bered in the comb" (tobe eager to marry) derives from the same
source.
Equally well-known is the world-wide use of red in connection
with prostitution. Brothels are sometimes called "red palaces."
That section of a town which contains most of its brothels is
called its "red light district" on account of the red lights used to
indicate a brothel; to quote Lautreamont (I92, 161): "une lan-
terne rouge, drapeau du vice." This emphasis on the erotic
aspect often causes red to be used in a rather derogatory sense:
as the symbol of total submission to passion, of sin in regard to
sex. The following quotation from Isaiah I, 18 deals with for-
giveness for incest: "Though your sins be as scarlet, they shall
be white as snow; though they be red like crimson, they shall be
as wool."
In psychoanalysis red is the color of maswlinity. It is true that
it seems to go with all that is active, vital, tense, all of which in
our culture is considered as typically masculine. The Greek
phallic symbols as a rule used to be painted red. The red color
of the devil (as symbol of the masculine) is usually thought tobe
of the same origin. But red is more than that: like white or
black, it cannot be identified with one single aspect; red stands
not only for masculinity. One of our subjects, for example, sees
it as representing the contrast between masculine and feminine,
i.e. the sexual tension between the two. And this indeed seems a
better description: red is not as much the masculine per se as the
erotic relation between the sexes in general.
When red is viewed as a cheerful color, this cheerfulness shows
the typical characteristics of red. It always symbolizes elated,
exuberant, explosive cheerfulness in its most elementary, direct
form. One subject described it as "a natural, bright, primitive
kind of joy." Numerous peoples make use of red in major
feasts such as triumphal processions after a victory.
Finally the social character of red should be mentioned. The
"warmth" of red also applies to human contact: it then indicates
emotional ties, coziness, sympathy (14%). Only under this
aspect the description of one subject may be understood: "red
is a harbor where all swell has subsided and everything is still."
On the surface this would seem completely contrary to the usual
activity and tension of red. However, the above description
probably refers to the human warmth and coziness of red which
indeed, in cantrast to the "coldness" and "hardness" of everyday
life, may be experienced as a "safe, quiet harbor," quiet here
being used as the opposite of, for example, the coerciveness of
white or yellow.
E. YELLOW AND ORANGE
In regard to their symbolic value, black, white and red are the
most outstanding among the colors: they are the most prominent,
each of them has a certain character distinguishing it sharply
from the others. These three, contrary to the other colors, appear
in the magical and religious symbolisms of all peoples at all
times. The characters of all the colors tobe described in the follow-
ing pages are less distinct. It is harder to outline the significance
of one of them against that of the others; deviations from the
generalline of their character are more frequent. They often have
various characteristics in common with one or more of the prima-
ry colors.
The symbolic significance of yellow is related tothat of both
red and white. Its character may weil be regarded as a typical
cross between white and red. As a matter of fact, one subject
stated that yellow, to him, was a mixture of red and white, a
kind of "pink." This certainly must not be mistaken for a
"factual" statement to the effect that yellow is identical with
pink, but as an indication of the peculiar kinship of yellow with
red and white. Portal (r25, 64) remarks: "Les ecrivains qui
traitent de l'art heraldique, pretendent que la couleur jaune est
une melange de rouge et de blanc."
The resemblance between yellow and white appears chiefly in
regard to the abstract; like white, yellow is to a certain extent
withdrawn from the material, the earthly. As for brightness
yellow is second only to white, and this high degree of brightness
gives it - as is the case with white - a certain sublimity.
Yellow, too, is called "spiritual" and is regarded as the color of
morality, of ethics (12%). Lautreamont (r92, 135) calls a man's
conscience le fantome jaune. These aspects, however, in yellow are
less extreme, less absolute than in white. As a result of its re-
lation to red it Iacks the exceptional purity of white. It has, as it
were, "come down a little" from its pedestal and has come closer
to the Ievel of actual life: yellow is a wordly version of white.
As one subject expressed it: "there is little material in yellow,"
thus emphasizing the difference with white which is entirely
spiritualized. Yellow Iacks the absolutely "super-human" cha-
racter of white, and represents the "materialized" spirit; it is the
practically functioning mind, the matter-of-factness, or, as some
subjects said, the brain. It is the color of the mechanism of thought.
The above is very aptly expressed in religious symbolism: it
takes yellow as representing the divine, the super-human
(white) as it reveals itself to the profane. Portal (r25, 75) says:
"L'or et le jaune re<;urent dans la Iangue sacree l'acceptation
particuliere de revelation faite par le pretre, ou de doctrine
religieuse enseignee dans les temples. (Ils) representerent l'ini-
tiation aux mysteres, ou la lumiere revelee au profanes." The
DISGUSSION OF THE RESULTS 109
divine white itself is beyond the reach of man; only in a profane
form, on a human Ievel (i.e. as yellow) it may become manifest.
A similar situation prevails in regard to the youthful aspects of
white and yellow. White represents the absolute starting point, it
has not really begun at all; yellow is the first beginning, the
initial step in the development of man. It is white mixed with the
first tinge of approaching life. Yellow therefore is young, begin-
ning, burgeoning, not yet ripe (9%). Yellow particularly is the
color of earliest childhood. The Dutch word geelbek (yellow-beak)
is used for young birds. Montrer a quelqu'un son bec jaune means:
to show one's ignorance. Yellow chicks at Easter are the tradi-
fional symbol of burgeoning spring.
In its significance derived from white, yellow can also be re-
garded as a discoloration of white, as the result of damage to its
original purity, as a "blinded white" (90, 125). An old document
discolared with age is "yellowed." As pointed out already in
Part I, Ch. 1B, often in the development of a term for yellow
the concept "sallow" plays a role. Terms for yellow sometimes
are derived from an earlier word indicating sallow, discolored,
faded tints. A certain relation with sickliness is also indicated,
and the same principle underlies the use of yellow for cowardice,
as in "a yellow dog," "a yellow streak," "yellow-livered," etc.
On the other hand yellow also has a number of characteristics
in common with red. In the symbolism of many peoples, such as
the Dayaks (I32), yellow is used as a substitute for red. Many
otherexamplesare provided by Berkusky. Yellow, too, is fierce,
violent, forceful, energetic, active, emotional, affective, exciting,
stimulating, etc. (31%). Yellow is also a warm color, although
considerably less so than red: unlike red it may sometimes be
considered ''cold.'' Allthese characteristics of red appear, although
less prominently, in yellow. The relation of yellow with white seems
to diminish their intensity: in yellow, red and white keep each other
in balance; there their absolutely divergent natures compromise,
their specific characteristics becoming less specific and more
subject to modification. Nogue (n6, 425) accordingly speaks of
yellow's energie mesuree, and calls it un calme plein de force.
In order to describe more accurately the relation between white
and red and their effect upon each other in yellow we should like
here to introduce a visual image. We can envisage white as a
blank disc, without any inner structure or design - absolutely
empty. Red, however, can be represented by a figure of "ra-
diance," rays springing from its core, spreading into every direc-
tion. The combination of both principles can then be represented
n:. white by a radiating disc, its core retaining the
intactness and intangibility of white, its
radiance springing from its outline, ne-
ver going deep enough to reach the heart
of the color. All effect of yellow lies at
the surface, in its exteriority. Unlike
that of red, yellow's inmost part is
unconcerned with its outward radi-
yellow ance. Yellow is the superjicial color par
Fig. I excellence, it has no emotional depth.
Needless to say the above has nothing to do with the factual
relations between the colors such as their physical or physiolo-
gical backgrounds. The picture given is to be viewed purely
phenomenally, as an illustration of the emotional character of
yellow, in which the various aspects actually appear in the same
pattern as they are pictured visually.
The figure clearly illustrates the peculiar hybrid phenomenon
in which red and white are combined. It is neither absolutely
white because of the outward glow, the superficial vividness of
yellow, nor, on the other hand, is it completely red, because it
Iacks depth: the radiance, the life and the warmth of red are here
apparent only at the surface; there is no "inner" warmth. This
figure also serves well to symbolize yellow as "revelation." The
divine core (white) sends its rays in all directions. Its "message"
is to be recognized only in these rays and not in the intangible
heart. Yellow is white expressing itself (Cf. Lavelle 90, 125:
"le jaune, c'est la lumiere fixee, descendue dans une matiere pure
qu'elle appelle a l'etre par le seul arret de son mouvement
propre. . . Le jaune fixe la mobilite vivante de la lumiere: il
realise les eclairements.").
In the above visual image the comparison with the sun im-
mediately appears. The radiating disk is the classical symbol of
the sun. The use of this diagram both for yellow and for the sun is
indeed based on a deep-rooted relation. Classical psychology
probably would formulate it as follows: the sun is commonly
represented by a radiating circle; the sun is yellow; this explains
why through association yellow is represented by the same
radiating circle.
Behind this "association," however, there must be some deeper
relation. It is questionable whether the sun actually is distinctly
yellow. It is difficult to Iook directly at the sun, and most likely
we will find- when we manage to Iook at it - that it is dazzling-
ly white rather than yellow, or possibly, at dawn and sunset, red.
There are no objective grounds for the emphasis usually put upon
its yellowness. The connection between sun and yellow, the motive
for this general conception of the sun as being yellow, lies in the
similar structure of their emotional character: both possess that
outward brilliance, that stinging radiance which hides an
intangibie innermost. The effect of the sun consists entirely of the
outwardness of its radiance; the effect of yellow consists entirely
of the outwardness of its "yellowishness." This common emotional
character of both is the very thing expressed in the above radiant
circle. The sun itself is neither very yellow nor very distinctly
a radiant circle. Yet this symbol typifies the specific subjective
emotional impression called forth both by the sun and by
yellow.
Stillmore than in yellow this "sunny" character strikes us in
gold and brass. In them the contrast between outer radiance and
richess and inner hardness and intangibility is even more striking.
Gold is the standard symbol for the sun. In early symbolism
gold was always accorded the value which was later attributed to
yellow. The favorable aspects of yellow therefore are preferably
ascribed to "golden yellow." Goethe writes in this respect:
(64, 767) : "Gold. . . gives us. . . a new and superior under-
standing of this color."
It is perfectly natural that this superficial radiance of yellow
should give it its meaning of sunniness, joy, mirth, gaiety (34%).
It does not represent the sublime, spiritual joy of white nor the
deep-felt, expansive, emotional joy of red, but that peculiar,
jubilant, somewhat superficial joy typical of yellow. Its super-
ficiality may even make it a trifte cheap or common.
As a result of its hybrid nature yellow possesses one charac-
teristic available neither in white nor in red: that very hybridity.
This typical aspect of yellow springs from the combination of two
Il2 DISGUSSION OF THE RESULTS
heterogeneaus aspects that might either result in a great outer
strength, joy and sublimeness, or in a conflict. And this conflict
character happens to be the aspect most strongly emphasized in
yellow-symbolism: outwardly it is warm, emotional, fierce, but
inwardly hard and unimpeachable. While on the surface it gives
an illusion of vividness, inwardly it is like marble. This contra-
dictoriness may well cause yellow tobe considered as the typical
"egocentric" color, or possibly even as "egoistic." It is hard, un-
feeling, cold ( 17%). The latter interpretation is in violent can-
trast with the popular conception that yellow is one of the warm-
est colors. Against 10 subjects who called yellow "warm" 17
said "cold," "chilly" or "cool." In these cases it is especially the
inner hardness and purity which form the striking cantrast with
the outward vividness.
In a way this egocentric aspect of yellow is already inherent to
the color as a symbol of "ratio" and of "youth." Ratio here means
intelligence in its egocentricity, analyzing and dissecting things
and people, following only its own interests without ever really
getting "in tauch" with its objects: intelligence operating only
for its own sake. Portal writes in this respect (r25, 84): "Dans
le sens infernal (le jaune denote) l'egoisme orgueilleux qui
ne eherehe la sagesse qu'en soi, qui devienne sa propre divinite,
son principe et son but." In youth, too, yellow indicates the
element of egocentricity, the inability - as yet - to consider
or adopt another's point of view, to exchange on an equal
Ievel.
Among the characteristics of yellow are also all those of an
ambiguous, unreliable, venomous nature. It is loud, false, mean,
treacherous, sneaky (33%). Traitors of laborers' organizations in
France used tobe called les ]aunes (r42). In old times the front
door of a traitor's hause was painted yellow. Contes jaunes are
incredible stories, la litterature 1"aune stands for emde realism,
and "the yellow press" is used for sensational journalism. Judas
is often depicted as wearing a yellow robe.
All characteristics typified by this ambivalence of outward
activity and inner intangibility and by the cantrast between
outward aggressiveness and inner hardness, are attributed to
yellow, as for instance: envy, jealousy, dominance and the con-
ventional "hate." In Dutch we say that someone is "yellow with
113
envy," and "yellowness" and "yellows" are early terms for
jealousy.
Y ellow is also the color of base desires, of immoral pleasures,
of lust, adultery and the like. A work by Corbiere on illicit love
affairs is entitled Les amours jaunes. Maeterlinck (I93, 37) speaks
of "les chiens jaunes de mes peches." Middle Age prostitutes
were sometimes forced to wear a yellow ribbon to distinguish
themselves from other women. This custom is the origin of the
expression porter le ruban jaune au bonnet (to be the victim of
discrimination). It is possible that Christoffel's psychoanalytical
interpretation - that of yellow being the symbol of terrifying
womanhood - stems from the same source.
On the whole in antique symbolism the yellow used for sin
and immorality is the yellow of sulphur (viz. the destruction
of Sodom and Gomorrah by a rain of fire and sulphur).
A certain kinship of yellow and black is here evident, the same
that was apparent in the distribution of words. Thus yellow is
akin to each of the three principal colors, the relation with red
and white being a direct one since yellow is a "mixture" of the
two; that with black resulting from its conflict character which
in turn is a result of yellow being a "mixed" color.
Ewald has developed a theory on this unfavorable significance
of yellow. Originally, he claims, yellow had a favorable symbolic
meaning which was lost gradually in Western culture: originally
a sublime color, it ended the color of prostitutes, traitors and
Jews. Volbehr criticized this theory, maintaining in particular
that yellow used in connection with Jews and prostitutes was not
more than a neutral distinction without any unfavorable impli-
cation. This, however, is highly improbable; this distinction
certainly did have a negative sense: that of distinguishing some-
thing objectionable. Ewald's mistake was the result of the fact
that he stressed the use of yellow in a favorable sense only for the
earlier, and in an unfavorable one only for the later periods.
Everywhere and at all times both aspects have appeared, and
still appear, side by side, sometimes even in diametrically op-
posed meanings. The different possibilities of interpretation are
"apriori" given in yellow and it depends on the concrete situation
and the application whether the significance of the color will be
specified in a favorable or unfavorable sense. In the Middle Ages
for example, yellow was not only used unfavorably (in connection
with prostitutes) but also favorably (viz. its liturgical use). In
symbolism it is not justified to consider only one aspect of a color.
We will finally say some words about orange. After yellow and
red it offers few new aspects. It can be taken either as a yellow
where the red element prevails, or as a red softened by an element
of yellow. It shows the characteristics of both red and yellow,
but in a less pronounced form. In our experiments it was always
used in combination with yellow and red - which fact definitely
influenced the word distributions made by the subjects. There
was little reason for them to arrange a given word under orange
when it could better and more typically be placed with red or
yellow. Everything warm, emotional, dynamic goes better with
red while radiance, sublimity, egocentricity and falseness are
better roatched by yellow. Several subjects remarked on this
subordinate, secondary character of orange. It Iacks the promi-
nence of red and yellow. Orange was called characterless, in-
significant, "nonsense," etc. It was used much less than either
red or yellow. On the whole only those words were arranged under
orange that have its specific in-between character; words that
have neither the utterly dynamic character of red nor the extreme
surface radiance of yellow, thus typifying the blend of both
aspects as it appears in orange. Such words appear to be those
indicating joy: fun, laughter, festivity, pleasure, etc. "Fun" and
"laughter" typically yield the highest percentages und er orange:
both express a certain loud superficiality, experienced more
deeply than that of yellow, but not deeply enough for red. 43%
of the subjects in their spontaneaus judgments emphasized its
gladness, festivity, pleasure, sunniness.
Mention should here be made of the fact that the experiments
were conducted shortly after the coronation of Queen J uliana.
At the ensuing festivities orange, the color of the Royal Family,
was used abundantly for decorative and other festive purposes.
This may weil have put extra emphasis on the joyous aspect of
orange. Some subjects even stated that they had become "im-
mune" to orange and were unable to view it under its own
natural aspects. It does not seem likely, however, that similar
experiments in other countries would yield very different results.
115
F. BLUE
Blue is treated best in comparison with yellow, the color which
isineveryrespectitsopposite. Hein (73, 149),in his experimentson
matehing colors and tones of different pitch, noticed that the
cantrast of yellow and blue followed in strength directly after
that of black and white. While yellow pushes itself into the fore-
ground and makes itself conspicuous, blue, modest and un-
pretentious, rather stays in the background. Goethe (64, 779)
calls blue ein 'l'eizendes Nichts. Blue demands nothing from its
observer. Subjects called it unobtrusive, gentle, neutral, soothing,
subdued, and it was also described as a color that will appear
without ever changing, as a color which only affects one in the
long run, etc. (25%), all in strong cantrast to yellow. Blue does
not tend to dominate everything eise; it rather gives way to
more active colors such as red and yellow. This is probably the
chief motive for the absence in so many languages of a special
term for blue: it recedes in the background so unobtrusively that
the necessity of a name by which to indicate it does not arise.
Conspicuous and striking things are named first. As was stated
earlier in this study, blue originally was indicated as a rule as
"darkly colored"; its aspect of darkness seemed tobe considered
sufficient description of the color.
Descriptions of blue as boring, dull, indifferent, go back to
the same characteristics: blue has little to say and disappoints
those who expect to see something active, something rich. In
French bleu not only means blue but also unimportant. The
Dutch expression een blauwe Maandag ("a blue Monday") means
an unimportant Monday on which no work is done and which is
considered an additional holiday; thus it acquires the meaning
of any short period not worth mentioning (I46). The English
expression "once in a blue moon" has a somewhat similar im-
plication. Maeterlinck (I93, 13) speaks of "cet ennui bleu dans le
creur." In Dutch blue is often used in the sense of insipid, dull,
silly. Blauw kijken ("to Iook blue") means: to be timid, shy,
abashed. The same aspect of vagueness, indistinctness plays a
part in the expression "blued" for drunk.
In a more generalized sense it could be said that blue is the
color of distance, distance in every possible sense and form. The
tendency of blue to keep itself in the background makes it a
symbol of all that is far away, in time- past or future -, in space,
in thoughts, in fantasy, in emotionality, etc.
In regard to space, for example, blue is the color of vastness,
of endlessness. The standard example of course is the blue sky, or
possibly the blue ocean. According to some subjects blue is wide,
deep, open, it gives breathing space and a sense of infinity. Blue
does not possess these characteristics because the sky is so wide,
but the sky on the contrary causes this feeling of quiet and
spaciousness because it is blue aad only when it is blue. A gray
sky for example has a depressing and ominous effect. Both the
blue color and the blue sky are symbols of all that is far beyond
our reach, of the ideal, the absolute, the perfect harmony: of all
that transcends the directly attainable. To quote from Bachelard
(9, 188): "L'etre revant sent que jamais le bleu du ciel ne sera son
bien possede." And Lavelle (90, 124) writes: "Le bleu est la
couleur des profondeurs, non que la profondeur soit vu, mais
des que, par le seul eloignement, un fond solide vient de fermer
le regard, il parait bleu. Les bleus ont une douceur qui vient de
ce qu'ils exigent de l'reuil une sorte de moindre effort, de ce
qu'ils le laissent dans un demi-sommeil qu'une clarte variable
illumine. Le bleu est d'une purete fluide; c'est Ia distance seule
arretee par une barriere delicate et precise, c'est la Iimite du
regard, l'impregnation des transparences dans le mince cristal
qui est la borne de I' invisible: bleu de l'horizon, de la nuit et
"du ciel limpide.
The symbolism of the "blue horizon," however, also retains its
significance in regard to time. Blue is the color both of the distant
past and the distant future. As color of the past it applies chiefly
to memories, to sad thoughts of all that was once (9, 198):
"le bleu d'automne est le bleu d'un souvenir. C'est un souvenir
bleuissant que Ia vie va effacer." Blue has an aspect of melancho-
ly, so weil formulated by Maeterlinck (I9J, 25):
Sous la cloche de cristal bleu
De mes lasses melancolies ...
The same tendency is expressed in such phrases as "to have the
blues" and "to feel blue."
This probably is the motive for the use of blue as color of death.
Several peoples wear blue in mourning, e.g. in Schwalm (Ger-
many). Blue in this form seems to convey the sad remembrances of
the dead, of Iove and friendship past. The Frisians named death
de blauwe Fedde (the blue Fedde) and a candle "burning blue" is
taken for an omen of death.
On the other hand dreams of the future are also blue; ideals,
ambitions, expectations, hope, daydreaming, promises, all are
blue (16%). Beaudelaire for example writes: "Qu'il etait bleu le
ciel et grand l'espoir" (54, 52), and Bachelard in speaking about
the sky says: "le ciel bleuest une aurore permanente" (9, 196).
The ideal of romanticism found its most pregnant symbol in the
"blue flower" (Novalis).
Along this same line we find blue as the color of happiness.
Like other ideals happiness always lies in the future; we strive
after it but it will always escape at the very moment we believe to
have acquired it forever. Both blue and happiness are always a
step ahead of us, they never become quite real. Particularly in
romantic Iiterature blue appears as the color of happiness. Hugo
writes about "cette rohe d'azur qu'on nomme le bonheur" (77,
329). Leib gives an example of blue as the color of happiness in
Iove in a quotation from a Madagascan song in which blue birds
act as postillons d'amour (9I, 131):
Hear, you blue birds who fly in pairs. If you meet my beloved
teil her it is now a year since she went away and I, out of grief have
not taken a bath for seven months.
Here, too, blue symbolizes happiness in Iove as an ideal, and not
as a reality.
The image of the "blue bird" has become famous chiefly
through Maeterlinck's play L'oiseau bleu. Two children setout to
find the blue bird. They Iook for it everywhere, in the Palace of
Night, in the Forest, in the Land of Memory, in the Gardens of
Happiness, in the Kingdom of Future, etc. Each time they think
they finally have got it they are disappointed again: the bird they
have caught lies dead in their hands, or it turnsouttobe black
instead of blue. Not until they are home again do they realize that
the blue bird has been close to them all along.
Numerous guesses have been made as to the real signific ance
of this "blue bird." It is most generally assumed that it is the
personification of happiness. As we have seen before, blue indeed
may thus be interpreted. Fidler, however, has criticized this
theory extensively. She relates how this explanation was brought
into the world quite arbitrarily by a British program director.
Instead of this popular theory she offers an excellent analysis of
the real meaning. She says (52, 50): "The Quest itself can have
only one meaning - the age-old meaning that Man has always
searched forthat which is beyond experience, for that something
which is the highest and the best there is, but which remains
unattainable. . . Maeterlinck hirnself uses the term 'The Great
Secret' ... But, as he says, it does not matter whether we call
the Great Secret 'God', or 'The Universe', or by any other name.
What does matter is 'qu'il fasse passer en nous l'impression
immense ou terrible'. And this impression is symbolized in this
play by 'the bird that is blue,' and this is the reason why the real
bird is never found. As Tyltyl explains at the end, 'Those which
are quite blue ... do what you will, you can't catch them."
The blue bird, like the blue color, symbolizes that which is only
given as an ideal and a directive, as something surpassing human
possibilities. This ideal may assume various forms, depending on
the person who conceives of it: it may be truth, the divine, justice
or maybe happiness. Fidler rightly points out that the nature
of the blue bird depends on that of the person who tries to find
him.
Bachelard goes still further in analyzing the meaning of the
blue bird, stressing its flight, its soaring. Blue is everything that
soars, the very act of soaring is blue, and the blue bird is only the
embodiment ofthat act (9, 80): "le vol doit creer sa propre cou-
leur. Nous nous apercevrons alors que l'oiseau imaginaire,
l'oiseau qui vole dans nos reves et dans les poemes sinceres ne
saurait etre de couleurs bariolees. Le plus souvent, il est bleu
ou i1 est noir: il monte ou il descend." That is the reason of i ts
unattainableness: the fact that it is flight itself. "L'oiseau bleu
est une production de mouvement aerien. Comme dit Maeter-
linck, 'il change de couleur lorsqu'on le met en cage" (r96, 89).
Thus blue forms quite a strong contrast with concreteness,
with everyday reality. Because of it always being just a little
bit ahead and a little bit beyond the immediately present, it is
naturally also the color of dreams, of fairy tales, of the poetic
and of all the other means through which man seeks relief from
the weight of everyday life and which, in his imagination, open
entirely new dimensions for him. Hugo calls his dream "ce
petit bonhomme bleu" and speaks of "le nuage bleu de ses illu-
sions" (77, 330ff.). A contebleue is a fairy tale. Daydreaming is
called in French voyager dans le bleu, and the Germans use the
expression ins Blaue hinein.
In a less favorable sense blue is used in expressionssuch as ein
blauer Bericht (a figment of imagination) and blau frben (to lie).
In a way it is possible to say that blue lies. on a higher Ievel
than that of life, or rather, that of "animal" life; that blue, like
white, is elevated above concrete reality. And indeed the relation-
ship between white and blue is very striking, as was already
apparent from the word distribution experiments. The relation-
ship does not only exist between pale blue and white: exactly the
same significances are attributed to the darker shades of blue, as
has become apparent from the experiments with color samples.
In spite of their likeness, however, the two colors are far from
identical in character. White and blue each have their own way
of being "sublime." White is the Absolute per se, it is in every
way elevated above the concrete, human Ievel, it is the Being
itself. Blue represents the absolute only insofar as man strives
after it. Contrary to white, blue is an eminently human color al-
though it applies chiefly to the spiritual in man, to man in his
attempts to surpass his humanity. Blue stands for man's spiritual
aspirations, his strife toward the absolute. In blue the unimpeach-
ableness of white becomes a living ideal, a force that can Iift
mankind from everyday reality. And even though the "blue"
is as unattainable as the "white," it can very weil be sought after.
While white is given as definitely unattainable, blue is given as
attainable but never really to be attained.
This is also the place to draw attention to blue's contrast with
yellow, for yellow, too, is a kind of humanization of the absolute.
However, yellow represents the manifestation, the abasement of
the absolute toward the human Ievel, the adaptation of the
absolute to mankind. Blue on the contrary is the elevation of man
above himself, toward the absolute; in blue man tries to adapt
hirnself to the absolute. Blue and yellow therefore in this respect
move into opposite directions.
Like white, blue is also used for the youthful, and in parti-
cular to youth in its aspects of softness, simplicity, tenderness
and innocence. A "blue-cheek" is a young, unripe person. "Blue-
eyed" is used for innocent, and Hugo says: "l'innocence, fleur
bleue" (77, 325). But while white emphasizes the perfect purity
of youth as the absolute beginning, blue rather represents youth
as an ideal: the ideal of the grown-up who, wistfully remembering
his own youth, idealizes it in his daydreams. Blue does not stand
for the reality of youth as red and yellow do, but for its ideality.
The same tendencies are present in blue as the color of science.
White is the color of the abstract, the absolute truth which al-
ways remains equal to itself and transcends scientific research.
Yellow represents the actual scientific mechanism, the attempts
of science to masternature; it symbolizes the egocentric aspect of
science. But blue is the color of science as an attempt torelease
man from his ties, of the search for further, newer and wider
fields; blue thus becomes the very transcendence of science.
Blue, even more than white, is the color of morality. For while
white emphasizes the super-human in morals, morality as a
divine institution, blue rather represents morality in its human,
altruistic, self-sacrificing function: man attempting to transcend
his own egocentricity through morality. Blue is the will to be
good, the conscience, the responsibility, or- in a less elevated
sense - the desire to adhere to rules, tradition, convention and
culture (19%).
This transcending sense of blue tends to specify itself parti-
cularly in the transcendence of the animal in man. Nogue (II6,
425) writes: "La froideur du bleu le rend en quelque m n i i ~ r e
etranger aux vicissitudes de la vie organique, aux sollicitations
du desir et de l'activite. 11 possede une purete contemplative,
qui lui prete un caractere surnaturel et mystique en opposition
avec les couleurs plus charnelles que nous venons d'etudier."
Blue particularly is man in his attempts to free hirnself through
his spirituality from the ties of his body and his impulses. Thus
blue becomes the symbol of sublimation: the suppression of impul-
ses and instincts, and particularly of sexuality, and their inte-
gration on higher Ievels. Unfavorably interpreted it becomes the
color of puritanism, of the condemnation and negation of cor-
poreity. "Blue laws," for example, are "restrictive regulations
popularly supposed to have been imposed by the Puritan
governments in New England" (I47). A "bluestocking" is a
female pedant, a learned woman who too emphatically neglects
her womanhood. In some countries a blue badge is the symbol of
anti-alcoholism. There also exists a Iitterature bleue in which all
erotic references are carefully avoided, and where "le corps n'est
plus cite que comme une simple reference spatiale" (I55, 19).
This repression of emotional intensity, this lack of warm inti-
macy, is the reason why blue is also called a cold color. Generally
speaking blue is considered the coldest color; yet 13% of the
subjects in their spontaneaus judgments called it warm and only
11 % cold. Blue is experienced as cold only when viewed under
this puritan, anti-instinctive aspect. Mallarme (I97, 74) writes
"des yeux bleus et froids, comme une source en pleurs de la plus
chaste." Parallel to this coolness are descriptions as: hard, arro-
gant, aggressive (10%). Mallarme in his poems has put particular
stress upon this side of blue. More than once he describes the
stinging, aggressive qualities of deep sky-blue as for instance in
Renouveau: "1' Azur rit sur la haie ... " (I97, 31).
As a rule, however, the latter anti-social aspects of blue are
experienced less keenly than their opposites: its altruism, its
aspect of adaptation to others and of the transcendence of the
self toward the environment. Blue stands for all social relations .
. Many spontaneaus judgments indicated this aspect: friendship,
family, close relationship, personal relations with others (17%).
A typical example of this meaning of blue is found in the Ma-
dagascan term to indicate a welcome guest: "a blue person"
(9I, 131). As white represents Iove in its divine absoluteness and
red love in its erotic aspects, blue stands for platonic Iove. Thus
blue also is intimate, tender, and- contrary to the above -
also warm.
Blue is the color of social virtues: friendliness, devotion,
cordiality, sympathy, interestedness (24%). Best known is its
meaning of loyalty, faithfulness, confidence and trustworthiness
(the word confidence was arranged under blue in 49% of all
cases). We still have the expression "true blue" for faithful.
Loyaulte in the Middle ~ e s was symbolized by blue. Not without
reason a blue flower came to bear the name "forget-me-not." Its
superiority to changing and unreliable impulses, its quiet and
"constancy" make blue such an adequate symbol of faithfulness.
In this connection mention is often made of the blue sky, fre-
quently invisible through clouds and rainfall and completely
obscured at night but nevertheless always reappearing in its
original pure blue-ness. This phenomenon, although certainly not
the cause of the faithfulness of blue, affords a very striking
example ofthat aspect. The blue color is something to hold on to.
Several subjects called it strong, forceful, steadfast, tenacious
(19%). In some cases it was even called masculine- in strong
contrast with the psychoanalytical conception that blue is strictly
feminine. The "masculinity" of blue, however, does not stem
from brute, dynamic force, as is the case in red, but rather from
moral firmness, from the capacity to resist every temptation of the
instincts. Blue's forcelies chiefly in its "moral integrity."
G. GREEN
Green is one of the most inconspicuous, unobtrusive colors.
Several subjects in the second part of the experiment had diffi-
culty in formulating their conception of its character. Green is
self-evident, it is a color which as it were is self-sufficient, it
does not thrust itself into the foreground and does not attract
special attention. Nordoesit, in the word distribution experiment,
play a very important role. It is used almost as infrequently as
black. The frequency distribution of the words attributed to
green most closely approaches the theoretical curve.
An exception should be made, however, for the word nature,
and to a certain extent also for naturalness, both of which rather
frequently are combined with green ( 17% of the subjects in their
spontaneous judgments qualify green as "natural"). Naturally
the explanation is sought immediately in an "associative" rela-
tion: plants, leaves, grass, trees are green and convention com-
bines "nature" with green because green is nature's actual color.
This motive is certainly of great importance but it does not
comprise the color's full meaning. The relationship between green
and natureisnot only a contingent one. The greencolor itself has
its typical character which constitutes its marked "natural"-
ness: the natural is inherent to the character of green.
Fora long time the question has been debated whether or not
.green was a roixture of blue and yellow. Helmholtz, Hering,
Wundt and others maintained that greenwas a primary color,
while Goethe and Brentano for example regarded it as a "mix-
ture" of yellow and blue (see 7, IJ, I9, 25). The finding of the
solution to this problern was greatly bindered by the introduction
of arguments which had little or nothing to do with the pheno-
menality of green. Some argued that mixing blue and yellow
paint results in green paint. Others claimed that the combina-
tion of blue and yellow light results in white light and that green
therefore could not be a composite color. Neither argument has
any value in regard to green as a phenomenal datum; they are
both extraphenomenal facts.
When we take green in its purely phenomenal value, there is no
point in debating whether or not it is a mixture of yellow and
blue, for green is both. On one hand it shows many of the charac-
teristics of both blue and yellow, but on the other it also has, as
the result of the combination of two so heterogeneaus colors, its
own autonomous nature which is not entirely comprised in the
relationship with blue and yellow. Phenomenally it is far from
impossible for a color to be a mixture of two others and yet as an
individual color to retain its own specific character. A similar
situation exists for yellow which is closely related both with red
and white.
The impressions made by blue as well as by yellow lie in the
social sphere, in the sphere of interaction with the environment.
Contrary to red - which represents life and dynamics per se -
blue and yellow each represent a typical aspect of the intercourse
between the individual and his surroundings. Y ellow symbolizes
the egocentric, domineering aspect of this communion while blue
stands for the altruistic, adaptable form. As a trait d'union
between these two aspects green might well be regarded as
representative of the interaction per se, without any emphasis on
either the color or the environment. In green the two opposite
tendencies seem to keep each other in balance. The exteriority
of yellow and the interiority of blue are blended in an undiffer-
entiated whole, centrifugality and centripetality keeping each
other in perfect equilibrium. Green does not dominate, but neither
does it possess the souplesse of blue.
These aspects of levelness and effortlessness make green the
color of nature par excellence. The naturalness of green lies in
this tensionless interaction, this elementary process of well-
balanced give and take. Indeed it could be said that the green
color itself has an aspect of vegetation. The same situation prevails
- phenomenally - in the green color as in the natural vegetation
it symbolizes: interiority and exteriority are integral factors in a
circular process in which each factor is adapted to the other,
modulating and compensating each other.
The above explains why green should also be the color of
repose; it is calm, well-balanced, harmonious, stable, soft, bene-
ficial (29%). Mettre au vert for example means to give a rest. In
the shape of an olive branch green is also used as the color of
peace.
Evidently all the foregoing tends to make green a rather in-
conspicuous color. And indeed it is a typical background color and
intermediate color. It performs its function without dominating
its environments but also without ever entirely becoming part of
them. One subject remarked: "It strikes one only as something
missing." Here lies a motive for the delayed development for a
special term for green. Although more conspicuous than blue and
named sooner, it stays far behind in strikingness and pregnancy
in comparison with red, yellow, white and the like.
The same basic principle underlies less favorable interpreta-
tions such as an everyday color, commonplace, plain: it has no
essential consequences, and is accepted for what it is. Maeter-
linck even uses it in an offensive meaning: "li y a une petite
ame de cuisiniere au fond de ses yeux verts" (r94, 20).
The quietness represented by green differs entirely from that of
blue or white. It is typified neither by the absolute absence of
any motion which is typical of white nor by the ideal, harmonious
relaxation of blue. Green as it were is dynamic in a neutralized
way. Although real interaction actually takes place the move-
ments compensate each other; although certainly dynamic,
green is tensionless. It is lightly stimulating, refreshingly restful.
And this is the typical aspect of green's "naturalness": that its
harmony at the same time is stimulating. In this respect therefore
the difference with red is not so great. Hein maintains that of the
pairs of complementary colors red and green are the least
contrasting. In red, however, the very tenseness and explosiveness
of life as such are manifest, while in green they are hidden by the
equilibrium of divergent tendenties. In green life is given as a
potentiality, as a restful intermission from which more expansive
life may develop as flowers develop from the quiet shelter of
green leaves. The deeper value of green lies particularly in the
future, in that which eventually it may produce. Hence it is also
the color of growth (see p. 16). In Egypt Buto, the goddess of
growth, was sometimes called "the papyrus-colored" or "the
green one." All green things were believed to have a certain
magic significance in regard to healthy development. The ancient
Egyptian w1d = green and wd3 = healthy are closely related
(8z, 425ff.)
Green therefore is the best-known symbol of youth. It is young,
childlike, youthful (49%). In this sense green is often used sym-
bolically. Beaudelaire writes about "le vert paradis des amours
enfantines" (54, 40). We know phrases such as: a greenhom,
the salad days, grn um den Schnabel. The same implication is
evident in such expressions as a green wound or a green fire. In
Scotland the milk of a cow who has just calved is called "green-
milk." In this connection Christoffel's theory on the psycho-
analytical meaning of green is interesting: according to him green
is the color of the son who has not yet outgrown his mother-
identification, of the man who has remained a child emotionally.
Green in combination with old age, as in "green old age," always
implies spiritual youth, freshness preserved in spite of old age.
Mallarme "voulant suggerer le style a la fois frais et bien deve-
loppe," speaks of a verte maturite (I, 62). The "perennial youth"
is signified by the symbol of immortality: the laure! wreath.
We have found that white, yellow, red and blue were also
representative of youth, each in its own specific fashion. White is
youth in the sense of the first beginning, the "tabula ra,sa,"
innocent and fragile. Y ellow represents the primitive brilliance
of youth, its egocentricity, its domineeringness; it symbolizes
youth in its early stage of differentiation. Red is youth as cha-
racterized by its full dynamic force, by its indefatigable liveliness
and activity. And youth as it is remembered, as a phase long past,
is blue. But green symbolizes youth in a more general sense: as
the unripe, the not yet fully grown in which divergent tendencies
arealready present but as yet dormant, in balance, natural and
taken for granted. The future does not exist except as a poten-
tiality, an expectation; green is the pause that precedes full
development and ripeness. Green, says Nogue (II6, 425) "peut
aussi Se presenter SOUS la forme d'une a Un elan
ulterieur, il donne alors le Sentiment d'une reserve d'energie
inemployee, de la jeunesse et d'un avenir ouvert." This aspect
fonns the basis for the conception of green as the color of hope.
In hope, too, there is this multitude of potentialities. Still un-
fonnulated and in perfect balance it lives entirely in the richess
which eventually will spring from the present equilibrium.
These interpretations of green are denied completely by another
group strongly opposing the above harmony: green as symbol of
falseness and deceit. The latter can be explained by the inter-
action of blue and yellow as weil. For the blue and yellow
tendencies can also come into conflict and then disharmony and
ambiguity may take the place of well-balanced centrifugal and
centripetal forces. Green then becomes both seductive and aggres-
sive, friendly with unfriendly intentions. Its outward freshness
and openness only serves to conceal inward perverseness. The
aspect of vegetation then changes into parasitism. Thus green
becomes the symbol of poison (25% arranged under green).
Beaudelaire writes about "le poison qui decoule de tes yeux
verts" (54, 100) and Lautreamont (I92, 52) says: "Vous, qui
me regardez, eloignez-vous de moi, car monhaieine exhale un
souffle empoisonne. Nul n'a encore vu les rides vertes de man
front." Green is false, hostile, mean, unreliable (25%). Shake-
speare speaks of "green-eyed jealousy," and well-known is Wilde's
phrase: "though lean Hunger and green Thirst Iike asp with
adder fight. .. " Probably the Italian expression essere al verde
for "to be in a miserable condition" is based on a similar inter-
pretation.
H. PURPLE, BROWN AND GRAY
The three "dark" colors, purple, brown and gray, will be treat-
ed jointly since they are in many respects characterologically
related. Many words, usually combined with black, in a more
than average number of instances are combined with these, and
vice versa. These colors often also assume the function of black
when this latter color is not available, as is the case in our Series
II and III: words normally arranged under black are then com-
bined with one of these. As an illustration we have grouped in
Table VI the percentages in which a few words are found com-
bined with these "dark" colors in each of the series.
TABLE VI
SERIES
I I 0 I II I III
black jpurplelbrownl gray black lpurplelbrown
adversity 17 19 14 36 58 59 56
anxiety 36 20 9 15 - 59 32
aversion 17 18 17 9 46 34 28
constraint 19 20 15 17 54 48 40
death 64 15 6 9 - 66 52
deceit 28 34 10 4
-
62 36
defeat 30 16 14 21 54 38 52
disad vantage 21 13 19 27 25 38 48
discouragement 8 15 15 47 46 52 64
disgust 30 13 23 6 -
23 36
evening 8 20 8 19 34 31 28
lie 25 16 17 6
-
34 32
lust of power 15 14 5 6 29 17 12
misery 30 25 8 19 - 62 36
murder 44 13 7 2 - 28 28
night 58 12 12 6 - 41 60
old age 17 13 13 42 29 28 68
poison 21 26 10 4 - 52 32
subconsciousness 6 9 11 27 21 24 28
theft 21 24 19 17
-
55 52
worry 9 15 15 40 50 38 52
FREQUENCY DISTRIBUTION OF A FEW WORDS WITH THE COLORS BLACK,
PURPLE, BROWN AND GRAY
Separately for each series the percentages are listed of the subjects
who arranged a certain word with any of the colors under consideration.
Series 0 was used in a preliminary experiment with 24 subjects, a shorter
vocabulary and the colors green, red, yellow, blue, white, black.
The first four columns contain the percentages in series I in
which black was included as well as brown, purple and gray. In
each of the following three columns only one of the "dark"
colors is available in addition to white, red, yellow, green and
blue. Series 0 was used in a preliminary experiment with a
shorter vocabulary than was used with the other series. Of course
on the whole the percentages in Series I are lower because the
four colors black, brown, purple and gray were all available,
contrary to the other series which contained a smaller nurober
of colors.
The nature of the spontaneous judgments of these three colors
also shows some of their similarity. They are for example all
frequently qualified as somber, sad, depressing, etc. (black 62%,
purple 38%, brown 19%, gray 42%) (see 20).
But in spite of a general similarity important individual dif-
ferences also appear to exist which shall be discussed in greater
detail in the following paragraphs.
Purple
Purpie appears to be most closely related to black. Especially
for the extremely unpleasant, negative words it is frequently
used beside black. Deceit, terror, Iust of power, poison, and the
like are mostly combined with black or purple. In the absence
of black, they are more often arranged under purple. These
words are typified by their conflict character. Purpie therefore
has an aspect of ambivalence, of ambiguousness; within it con-
trasting emotional values seem to collide. In this respect purple
resembles yellow and green in their negative interpretation. In
the word distribution these colors often seem to cover the same
concepts. These aspects were pointed out by several subjects:
purple is unreliable, disharmonious, dubious, perverse, hypo-
critical, unbalanced, ambivalent, good and bad at the same time,
favorable and unfavorable, attractive and repulsive (21 %). The
same aspects are implied in Eisa Jerusalem's description: "ein
Lachen von purpurnen Klang, ein Aufschreien von Glck und
Grausamkeit" (54, 89).
This ambivalence is usually explained with the theory that
purple is a "mixture" of blue and red, colors of entirely different
characters which are bound to clash when combined as in purple.
And actually purple in many respects resembles both red (it is
emotional, warm, strong, violent - 24%) and blue (restful,
sublime, spiritual, friendly, devotion, confidential- 35%). This
combination results in a peculiar mixture of quiet and activity,
of ideality and affectivity, of freedom and constraint. These
mingled aspects appear wherever purple is used. In the Catholic
Church it is sometimes regarded as the color of repentance: sin
(red) covered by morality (blue}, the emotional desire for ideality.
Purpie is also the color of ripe old age where acquiescence is tinged
with emotional revolt, where the dynamic fullness of life is temper-
ed by harmonious resignation. Mallarme for example speaks of
"ma passion, pourpre et deja mure" (I97, 79). Some subjects less
euphemistically characterize purple as rotted, decayed, decrepit.
Particularly important is its relation to melancholy, which concept
evinces a strong aspect of emotional ambivalence: passion, dead
except for its memory, tinging present resignation and dis-
appointment with its glow. Nogue (n6, 426} rightly points out
that "le violet allie au desir une conscience de l'irrealisable qui
confere a cette couleur sa nuance particuliere de melancolie."
Well-known is also the combination of purple with concepts
denoting style, dignity, aristocracy (7%). The association of
purple with royalty, common in the United States, is practically
unknown on the Continent. In such concepts we see again the
emotional force (red) tempered by blue, controlled greatness.
Obviously the distance from these various ambivalent inter-
pretations to those of falseness and conflict mentioned above is
very small. Generally speaking it can be said that purple is also
one of the most antipathetic colors.
Brown
The conflict character of purple is completely absent in brown.
Still more than in purple the emphasis lies on darkness. The word
"brown" sometimes is even used in the sense of "dark," in such
expressions as il commence a faire brun or "watching the twilight
brown." From table VI it appears that in the absence of black,
brown is frequently used for night (while evening on the contrary
is mostly combined with blue). In brown no trace is found of the
purple ambiguity. Although brown as a rule is thought of as a
mixture, e.g. of black, red and yellow, or of red, yellow and blue,
there is no dashing of tendencies, no antithesis of emotional
values.
It is typical of brown that the constituting colors with their
own original traits are difficult to recognize; they are not phe-
nomenally given. Brown, in spite of being more or less related to
each of the other colors, in spite of somewhat resembling each of
them, shows no definite, clearly indicated relationship with any
specific color. This uncertainty and vagueness of affinity is a very
important trait of brown. It is called sallow, dingy, dull, vague,
turbid (26%). In the Middle Ages it was actually regatded as the
color of the hidden, the unrecognizable, the secret; of silence and
caution. In erotic symbolism brown is the color of hidden, secret
Iove. The modern expression "to do a person brown" for deceiving
someone has a similar implication. In the Tongan langnage
panefunefe means brown, as well as dim, obscure, indistinct (r2).
Brown is strikingly neutral; not in the sense of white or black,
both of which derive their neutrality from the total absence of
any specification or vividness, but as a result of the fact that all
specification has become vague, that all vividness is obscured by
its levelling mixedness. Wundt (I78, II 335) writes: "Braun und
Grau whlen wir. . . als Farben unserer Kleidung, unserer
Tapeten und Mbel, so recht eigentlich in den Absicht nichts
damit auszudrcken." Probably the Middle Age custom for
peasants not to wear any other colors than brown and gray has a
similar origin: peasants were not supposed to play up their
emotions or the expression thereof in clothing as the wealthier
people did.
This slight emotional specificity lends brown its important
significance of the common, the concrete. It is matter-of-fact,
businesslike, practical,sober (21 %). Theemphasisis on the forceful
aspects of concrete thingsnot subject to the uncertainty and the
emotionality of the living. Brown remains the same in its every-
day commonness. It is strong, powerful, sturdy, heavy, sound
(26%). It is the strength of tree trunks, of brown wood, of
brownish earth. Brown therefore is also regarded as the color of
the masculine. Man and masculine are the words most frequently
combined with brown, closely followed by father, brother and son.
Brown is not characterized by the expansive, active force of red,
but by restrained, sturdy power, by the stronghold it forms.
Several times it was qualified as reliable, confidence-inspiring,
safe (I I%).
However, brown is the color of all that is concrete, not only
in a favorable but in an unfavorable sense as weil. It is also
applied to the inferior in nature, to all that has not been "ele-
vated" by culture but has remained on its original, low Ievel.
This isanother aspect of the use of brown as a "peasant" color.
Brown is not as absolutely sub-human as black, but it does
symbolize the inferior aspects of life itself. It is dirty, filthy,
disgusting, distasteful (20%). We say das ist mir zu braun for
something too bad, too repulsive. The same interpretation under-
lies such slang expressions as "to brown someone" for having
sexual intercourse.
Gray
Gray finally has the same vagueness and lack of specificity as
brown. It is troubled, diffuse, nebulous (47%). One does not know
what it is; it does not even suggest anything - it is thoroughly
boring, uninteresting, dumb, Ievel, dry, dull, indifferent (62%).
Having the "grays" means having a fit of yawning and listless-
ness. Mallarme (I, 195) puts "du vague, du mediocre, du gris"
on one line. The French grise for drunk points in the same
direction: in drunken semi-consciousness the world is seen half
clearly, half dimly. Gray is also the color of bad weather, dreari-
ness, autumn. Gray Iacks the element of strength and sturdiness
of brown, it is nothing but vague and dull.
As a rule gray is considered an intermediary between black and
white, and as such it Iacks the pregnancy so typical both of black
and white. For the characters of the latter two derive their
specific force from the colors' extreme significance, in the
absence of which - as is the case with gray - nothing remains
but the aspects of neutrality, of indifference, of colorlessness.
Gray has the indifference of both white and black without their
positiveness. In this respect it is most strongly contrasted by red
and its typical vividness. Gray primarily is the absence of life;
it is not a supplement, an inevitable limit to life as are white and
black, but lifelessness itself, completely unimportant. What
Conrad-Martius (37, 332) says about ashes to a certain extent
also applies to their gray color: "Asche ist ein Symbol purer Masse
- das schlechthin nicht mehr Entzndbare, durch und durch
nichtiger Selbstlosigkeit Anheimgefallene." It is the color of
submissiveness, and therefore in old times a "peasant" color.
132 DISCUSSION OF THE RESUL TS
Madagascans will interpret the statement "I am only mavo
(gray)" as a sign of humbleness (9r, 132).
Like a1l dark colors gray is also somber. It does not offer any
it is hopeless. It is not as extremely depressing as
black, however, and rather indicates a lighter, drab, dull dreari-
ness, as the sombemess of a drizzly day. Hardy (92, 449ff.)
speaks of "gray ponderings," "a gray nightmare" and writes:
Then let us borrow
Hope, for a gleaming
Soon will be streaming,
Dimmed by no gray-
No gray!
"Gray Iooks" in American slang stands for worry, anxiety, and
popu1ar belief still maintains that great soi:Tow may suddenly
cause a person's hair to turn gray.
Gray is the color of old age -not of the emotional, melancholic
old age of purple, but of the slow progress of growing old, the
neutralization of emotions, the shadows preceding approaching
death: "Gray hairs are death's blossoms."
A related aspect of gray is that of the peaceful. In contrast
to the dynamic force of life and of red, gray is completely Ievel
and neutral. Passion has bumed itself up and only its indifferent
ashes remain. Gray therefore is calm, quiet, well-balanced,
passive, acquiescent, even-tempered (28%). Thus interpreted it
stresses the positive side of old age, the well-considered and dis-
passionate neutrality implied in such phrases as "gray wisdom"
and "gray renown."
I. REVIEW
In summarizing the preceding discussion of the various colors
we shall now emphasize the more general and essential aspects
rather than the multitude and variety of concrete applications.
Black and white lie somewhat outside the range of the other
colors because of their "un-colorfulness." From their descriptions
it should now be evident that they do not allow any real emotional
contact, any personal communion. They can only be observed.
Although in some concrete situations black and white may be
extremely expressive-ablackrohe may weil be very solemn
or a white snowfield harmonious and ethereal - but in such
cases it is the total situation and the function of the color in that
situation which affects us. Not as such but as an expression of
their concrete milieu do these colors have an emotional signifi-
cance, particularly through their contrast with the chromatic
colors. The various expressive aspects of black and white as
established supra are based on this interaction of the colors'
non-emotional basic character and their concrete realization in
the different situations. Black and white per se arerather lifeless;
their significance is not as much rooted in a direct emotional
relation as in their established nature. One might well call them
"rational" colors because they appeal to reason rather than to
emotion. They have neither interiority nor exteriority. They do
not "speak" but they "posit." Black is black, white is white, and
their value lies in this extreme, undifferentiated objectiveness.
They represent the negative and the positive, the Nought and
the Being, the absolutely bad and the absolutely good, the lowly
and the sublime, the end and the beginning. They form the
borderlines on each side of the dynamic and variable interplay
of the other colors.
The most concentrated form in this range of colors is red, the
color par excellence, in which all the typica(traits of the "color-
ful" are present in maximum concentration. Contrary to black
and white all contact with red lies entirely in the emotional
sphere, reason is replaced by the irrationality of action and the
dynamics of the moment. Red carries away, it overwhelms and
involves everything in its passionateness. Every distance is
bridged in direct contact; it is impossible to keepred at a distance
or to rationalize it.
Between these three basic colors, black, white and red, the
three remaining "primaries" arrange themselves: yellow, green
and blue. Although more or less related to the three basic colors,
each of them is typified by its entirely individual phenomenality.
They do not possess the extreme, rational character of white and
black, nor the intensity and elementariness of red.
Y ellow lies halfway between white and red. The aspects of these
two are blended in yellow in a structure in which the pure
intangibility of white is manifest in outward radiance and dyna-
micness. Y ellow is a typical surface-color. Of yellow one experien-
ces only its superficiality; yellow cannot be penetrated, its core
is hard. Yellowconfrontsusin all its immediate glamour; deeper,
intimate contact is impossible. Yellow may be admired or hated
for its direct aspects, but real communion is never achieved: its
untouchable core forbids it. In the closely related color orange
the emphasis is more on the glamour and radiance, and less on the
unimpeachable interiority. Blue on the contrary is nothing but
interiority - no outer glamour, no radiance, no self-assertion.
Blue is open, in complete modesty, it stays in the background
and waits, always the same - always itself. It remains at a
distance, far-away, and leaves room for any form of communion;
it never forces itself upon us. It can be penetrated further and
further, it is endless and limitless, ever receding. It "tunes in"
with everyone without ever claiming anything for itself. It gives
itself up completely in submission to the other.
Between these two opposed tendencies, the egocentricity of
yellow and the altruism of blue, stands green as the color of level-
ness, of well-balanced centrifugal and centripetal forces. Every-
thing about green is normal, self-evident, natural. Although it
makes its own claims, it gives as much in return as it requires.
The emphasis is neither on the observer nor on the color; both
are equally involved in the process of interaction; neither one
dominates. Amidst all the dynamic colors green forms a resting
place, an oasis, because it keeps all forces in balance and creates
possibilities for new growth. This quiet may be given a negative
significance when interpreted as a mask, as a euphemism for
deeper-lying aggressive tendencies. The naturalness and fresh-
ness of green may be viewed either in its direct, positive value or
in the negative aspect of a mask.
Purple, brown and gray each more or less have the function of
a trait d'union between black and the other colors. In purple the
aspect of ambivalence is most pronounced: two heterogeneaus
tendencies, red and blue, clash in purple which consequently
becomes warm and cold, repulsive and attractive, exciting and
soothing at the same time. lts coolness is warming, its tension
subdued. Purpie can never give certainty because divergent
aspects alternate and clash in it.
Brown on the contrary is simple, common, everyday-ish. It
possesses a sturdiness, a strong powerfulness which is not imme-
diately evident. It is an inner force, a never-actualized energy.
All the outer energy of red in brown is concentrated in inner
strength. Real contact with brown, is hardly possible.
It exists as a necessary support, as an unquestionable but not
very conspicuous factor of the milieu.
In gray finally the maximum neutralization of antitheses is
achieved. Gray is nothing, neither good nor bad. Nor does it
hide anything. It has neither interiority nor exteriority. Every-
thing has burned itself up and has become level. It has no direc-
tion and it makes no claims. Passively it yields to outside in-
fluence. The rational contrast of black and white is lost complete-
ly in this meaningless mixture without any individual value:
gray is a neutral equation among the differentiations of the other
colors (see also its use as background in psychological experi-
ments).
The interrelation of the colors can be schematized in various
ways. Goethe's scheme has become especially well-known. It is
built on the basic contrast of black and white as symbolizing the
fundamental antithesis of light and darkness. According to Goe-
the the entire world of color is rooted in the dialectics of light and
darkness. This conception, in its symbolical meaning and apart
from its physical consequences as seen by Goethe himself, can
be regarded as extremely valuable. From white and black res-
pectively yellow and blue develop, yellow being a troubled white,
or white seen through black, while blue is a clarified black, or
black seen through white. Y ellow belongs on the "light" or posi-
tive side, blue on the "dark" or negative side. Both colors through
intensification develop towards red in which their opposed
tendencies merge together. Red belongs neither on the positive
nor on the negative side; it forms the transition between the two.
A second form of equilibrium between the two opposed tenden-
cies may be achieved in green where yellow and blue keep each
other in balance, not by means of maximum Steigerung (intensi-
fication) but of exchange and levelling of tendencies. Figure 2
graphically represents this scheme. Many relations already en-
countered in the analysis of the various colors reappear in this
scheme.
red
intensification
black
gray
Fig. 2.
CHAPTER 3
THE COLOR CHARACTER APPLIED
A. THE EXPRESSIVE FUNCTION OF COLOR
The polyvalence of the color character
We have continually emphasized the duality of the color
character. On one hand there is the unity in the character of
each color, the ever-retuming fundamental idea which forms the
background of each concrete possibility and from which all
these possibilities derive their typical characteristics. Y ellow
can be cheerful, youthful, warm and radiant as weil as false,
egoistical, aggressive and cold. But in theseheterogeneaus forms
of appearance one and the samefundamental characteristic, one
essence is manifest: both its cheerfulness and falseness, both its
warmth and cold are "yellow-ish."
On the other hand there is the fact that this unity is not more
than a source of possibilities and does not detract from the mul-
titude of aspects in which a color may actually present itself.
This is expressed by the term polyvalence of the color. A color
has many potentialities, depending on the concrete situations.
The classical systems of color symbolism often neglected this
multitude of potentialities, the colors were seldom considered
from more than one viewpoint. Each color had its own, standard-
ized meaning and too easily it was assumed that the character of
one particular color could not comprise more than that one mean-
ing. Red, however, does not stand exclusively for excitement or
for Iove, nor does blue mean only quiet or fidelity. Such charac-
terizations are only a few out of the many possible forms of ap-
pearance. No one characteristic can be chosen from this multitude
and be considered representative of all the others and a standard
for a11 of them.
138 THE COLOR CHARACTER APPLIED
Often it was realized, however, that a color, in addition to
its chief significance, could also symbolize the opposite. Red,
for example, could be Iove as well as sin; yellow represented both
supreme joy and base desire. Portal in this respect writes (I25,
32): "La regle des oppositions est commune a la Iangue des cou-
leurs et a tous les symboles en general; elle leur attribue la sig-
nification opposee a celle qu'elles possedent directement." But
this reduction to contrasts is a too narrow conception of the
value of a color. Colors do not have only one special direct mean-
ing and its opposite, but they contain, concentrated in a single
essential meaning, countless potential interpretations. Among a11
these interpretations there may be, of course, some logically
contrasting ones, but that is only one expression of the poly-
valence of the color.
As stated above, in discussing the color character we have
not elaborated upon the motives which in a given situation em-
phasize some aspects and neglect others. Of particular importance
for example can be the specific nuance of the color, its brilliance,
its degree of saturation, etc. The importance of these, however, is
aseparate field still tobe investigated experimentally. Too fre-
quently different meanings are attributed to different objective
nuances without any attempt at verification. Thus yellow-green
is allegedly always false, while blue-green is quiet; pale blue is
cool and dark blue intimate, etc. But the reverse is said equally
often. Personal variations are so important in this regard that
such systematization without further research is unjustifiable.
This is not the place to pursue further the question of the
various forms of the colors' concrete function. Each field of
application should then be studied on the basis of its special
presuppositions, in its own context of specific values. In aesthet-
ics the character is one aspect of the complex of aesthetical
norms, of cantrast effects, of perspective, of the character of
materials, etc. In trade the character is determined in relation to
the saleability, the application, the attractiveness, etc. of the
product; in the textile industry in relation to material texture
and fashion trends. In all these instances the typical require-
ments and standards of each field of application should be taken
into account while our purpose is only a psychological analysis,
indicating the potentialities of the character of the various colors.
THE COLOR CHARACTER APPLIED 139
Color as expression
Great inuence is exerted upon the character of a color by its
CQloring function. In every concrete situation the color is always
the color of something, of a certain object. And this object in
that situationalso has a certain meaning which is by no means
independent of the object's color. The color character and the
value} of the colored object are integrated in a very specific
mutual relationship.
The color is not only an outer aspect of the object, a surface,
but it is also an expression of the object, a means for the object to
become manifest. Every object expresses itself in its color as man
expresses hirnself in his face. The color may weil be regarded as
the "face" of the object, and it is possible to speak of the "phy-
siognomy" of the colors (I67). Through the color the interiority
of the object becomes manifest (n6, 423): "cet en dehors des
choses est correlatif de leur interiorite et c' est eile que la couleur
vient nous reveler." Conrad-Martjus (36, 463ff) also remarks:
"Wir glauben. . . das es eben die spezifische Funktion der far-
bigen Erscheinung ist, die materielle Innerlichkeit des Kr-
perdinges in den entsprechenden Fllen zur dargebotenen Er-
scheinung nach aussen hin zu bringen. . . Die sinnliche Ober-
flche. . . besteht schlechthin. . . aus 'Auslage' oder 'Prsen-
tationsmaterial' ," and Merleau-Ponty (I05, 265): "En realite,
chaque couleur, dans ce qu'elle a de plus intime, n'est que la
structure interieure de la chose manifestee au dehors. Le brillant
de l'or nous presente sensiblement sa composition homogene,
la couleur terne du bois sa composition heterogene."
Medieval love symbolism strongly emphasized the color of
clothing through which the amorous condition of the wearer
could be expressed. Here, too, the color of the clothes - the
outward appearance - was regarded as the expression of the
wearer's interiority. Tothis day r i d ~ s wear white on their wed-
ding day as an expression of their virginity; deepest grief is
expressed in black mourning robes. Fechner writes (50, II 229):
"Auch Engel kleiden sich in Betracht ihrer Unschuld, und weil
sie keine individuellen Neigungen haben, gern in Weiss."
Even the coloring of the human face can be seen as an expres-
sion of interiority. Luckiesh (97, 138) lists the following popular
interpretations:
red - anger, ardent passions, bashfulness, shame
yellow - illness, grief, envy
blue - fear, terror, hate, agony, death
The following rhyme similarly characterizes people on the basis of
the color of their face (r44, I 650) :
The red is wise, the brown trusty
The pale envious, and the black lusty.
To a red man read thy rede,
With a brown man break thy bread,
At a pale man draw thy knife,
From a black man keep thy wife.
The unreliability of Reynard the Fox is recognized in hisred fur,
and Judas, too, is believed to have had red hair (n). A popular
notion holds fair women to be less faithful than dark ones, and
a complete mythology exists regarding the significance of the
various colors of eyes, the "mirrors of the soul" (r4o). To quote
for example Hugo (77, 278) :
Votre ceuil d'azur, miroir de paix et d'innocence,
Qui revele votre me et reflechit les cieux.
Such beliefs, however, are largely determined by aceidentat
circumstances and cultural influences. Only because red hair is
exceptional, unusual, does it become a sign of "unreliability."
Only as the result of Western fear for a dark skin is the black face
considered an expression of "Iust." Not everywhere are blue eyes
a token of innocence: Mohammed wams against them, and in
various regions of Greece and Syria blue is the color of the "evil
eye."
All the above naturally is not meant to imply that such a
relation between the color and the interiority of men and objects
exists in reality. There certainly is no correlation between a
black face and Iust, between fair hair and unreliability, between
blue eyes and innocence. The colors only seem to express the
interiority, they have the phenomenal value of an "expression."
Whether or not they actually are an expression is here not under
discussion. It may weil happen that the actual interiority is
completely the opposite of the interiority as phenomenally ex-
pressed by the color. In physiognomy the same situation prevails:
phenomenally a long nose may represent obtrusiveness, a high
brow intelligence. Y et it has never been proved that these rela-
tions objectively exist. Phenomenally the colors have the value
of an expression.
Col01' as mask
Moreover, this contradiction of interiority and expression may
also be evident in the color itself, as a certain contradiction
within the very expression of the color. In this respect, too, a
comparison with the face can be made, for the face instead of
being an expression can also appear to be a mask. In its very
specificity there may be something "misleading"; it may appear
as a "covering" expression. Color can be viewed likewise: as a
covering expression, as a masking for an interiority hidden behina
andin this expression. Conrad-Martius is right in saying that the
color never only "covers up" the interiority but always expresses
it. But this expression is not necessarily always a airect one; it
may acquire the ambiguous function of concealing- by its very
expression - the "real" interiority, as a velum revelans (or
rev_elatio velans).
Bachelard (ro, 23ff.) has made a thorough analysis of this
ambivalent meaning of color and describes how the color as
seauction des surfaces implies a deeper truth of which the surface
gives only a masking expression. Snow, for example, is not only
white; its whiteness is the contrasting mask which indirectly and
all the more pronouncedly expresses its obscure interiority.
"Quel merite, en effet, la neige aurait-elle d'etre blanche si
sa matiere n'est point noire? si elle ne venait, du fond de son
etre obscur, cristalliser dans sa blancheur? La volonte d'etre
blanche n'est pas le don d'une couleur toute faite et qu'il n'y a
plus qu'a maintenir. L'imagination materielle, qui a toujours
une tonalite demiurgique, veut creer toute matiere blanche a
partir d'une matiere obscure, elle veut vaincre toute l'histoire
de la noirceur" (26).
Obviously this description has no relation whatever to physical
facts and is to be taken as purely phenomenal, as a description of
a way to experience the whiteness of snow in its dual function of
expressing and concealing. The above also explains the peculiar
phenomenon of some peoples calling milk "dark," "blue" or
"black": in its whiteness the obscurity of its materiality, its
nutritiousness, its earthliness (the feminity of black !) can be
experienced all the more acutely: "ll suffit en effet de rever un
peu a cette blancheur pateuse, a cette' blancheur consistante,
pour sentir que l'imagination materielle a besoin d'une pate
sombre en dessous de la blancheur. Sans cela, le lait n'aurait
point cette blancheur mate, bien epaisse, sure de son epaisseur.
ll n'aurait pas, ce liquide nourricier, toutes ces valeurs terrestres.
C'est ce desir de voir, au-dessous de la blancheur, l'envers de la
blancheur qui amene l'imagination a foncer certains reflets
bleus qui courent a la surface du liquide et a trouver son chemin
vers 'la noirceur secrete du lait" (23).
This duality of color as concealing expression has become the
source of many well-known metaphors emphasizing the antithesis
of outward appearances and hidden interiorities. Matthew
(XXIII; 27) writes: "Ye are like unto whited sepulchres, which
indeed appear beautiful outward, but are within full of dead
men's bones, and of all uncleanness." A well-known German
phrase is "Aussen rot, innen tot." And Boileau laments the
"esprits de ce temps, qui, tout blauesau dehors, sont tout noirs
au dedans."
In connection with the above the use of paint in its coloring
and particularly in its discolaring function is also interesting.
For it is possible by means of a paint or dye to give an object an
expression entirely different from its "natural" expression. Paints
and dyes are our means of freely disposing of the expressive and
concealing value of color in every form. Wood for example no
Ionger has tobe accepted in its primitive, concrete, sturdy color.
We can give it any color according to the impression we wish it
to make: we can give it richess by gilding it, vividness by pain-
ting it red, strength by staining it brown, hardness and coolness
by marbleizing it, etc.
As was demonstrated in Chapter IC of Part I, this coloring
function of paints and dyestuffs may weil form the first step
toward the abstraction of the colors from their concrete application.
In them the color becomes more than just the color of one parti-
cular material or object in rcgard to which its character is
determined; it becomes a thing with a life and a character all its
own.
B. THE PSYCHO-DIAGNOSTIC USE OF COLOR
It has been mentioned before that in psychology the perception
of a color should not be viewed as the passive registering of an
established, objective fact but as a "meeting" between the obser-
ver and the color. The character of the color is not completely
given in the objective stimulus. The stimulus only means an
appeal, an invitation to the observer to perceive something.
What the observer actually will perceive not only depends on the
stimulus, but on the total situation including the observer, his
set and character. The stimulus provides only the motive for one
perception or another.
The original appeal, however, is always recognizable in the
perception. The perception is essentially determined by the nature
of the "invitation." In general it is impossible to perceive a "red"
stimulus as green. The observer is not free to transform a stimulus
into anything; its appeal forces him into a very definite direction.
But the way in which this direction is interpreted, the concrete
form of the perception, is also determined by the observer and
the entire situation. No matter how powerful the motive, there is
always a certain margin for the observer to perceive the color in
his personal, momentary way.
This margin is very important for the psychodiagnostic use of
color. Since the impression ultimately received of a color also
depends on the observer it should be possible conversely to deduce
from this impression a certain picture of the observer. By ana-
lyzing what the observer has done with the appeal and what
function the color has in his behavior we can gain insight into
his "world" or, to use another phrase, into his projet d'etre
("existential project"). How do the colors find their places in a
person's projet d'etre, what significance do they acquire there?
What are their consequences for the person concerned, what is
their value and what are their potentialities?
The concept projet d' etre at a time comprises more and less
than the concept "character." In addition to the character it in-
cludes a person's attitudes, interests, convictions, expectations,
past experiences, etc. But it does not include these as established
facts, as definite attributes of the person; it indicates the meaning
of this complexity of aspects, the fundamental principle manifest
in them. It centers around the unifying principle underlying
all these heterogeneous aspects, the basic pattern of the person,
his specific way of constituting hirnself in the world and ?f
forming- within the world- his own world (Snygg and Combs:
his "phenomenal field") thus typifying hirnself as a singular,
specific personality.
The color impression is based on the appeal made by the
color and on the projet d' etre of the observer. It is the very way
in which the observer projects his own basic pattern into the
color, thus shaping it into the color as momentarily seen by him.
In the resulting color impression, in addition to the stimulus,
the observer's entire projet d' etre is fully integrated. And this
projet d'etre is the object of the diagnostic use of color. We want
to find out exactly what impression a certain color makes on
a given subject and how he "projects" hirnself into this im-
pression.
In Chapter 2 of Part I several forms of the diagnostic use of
color were mentioned. We shall discuss here a few of them in
greater detail and particularly in connection with the color
characters described above.
The oldest, most wide-spread form of diagnostic use of color is
the Rorschach Test. In this test the colors play an important
role. Of the ten cards two contain red blots in addition to black
and various shades of gray; three are executed entirely in chro-
matic colors. The significance of these chromatic colors is assumed
to lie particularly in the emotional sphere: interpretations based
on the chromatic color rather than on the shape of the blots
supposedly indicate a strong emotional component in the charac-
ter of the subject.
In spite of this significance of color in general, and in spite
of the wide-spread use of the RorschachTest, we do not know
of any more detailed study of the significance of the colors
individually, of the motives for one person to pay more attention
to red blots, and for another to green, blue or yellow ones. It
should be of interest diagnostically whether a subject interprets
or avoids blots of a certain color. This doubtlessly important
field so far has remained unexplored.
Equally little has been published on the value of the colors
in drawings and paintings. Although Pfister in his drawing
experiments has devoted some of his attention to color, he gives
only few examples and no systematic analysis of the colors'
meaning. In his experiments, too, red yielded striking results.
"Ein brutaler schizophrener Mrder mit nur sprlichen Sekun-
drsymptomen, der seine Frau auf grausame Weise umgebracht
hat, zeichnete die menschlichen Figuren in dunkelroten grellen
Ton, die brigen Figuren mit breitgezogenen, druckstarken,
schwarzen Umrissen" (I22, 347). This man apparently preferred
the colors which in our experiments were most frequently com-
bined with the ward murder, namely black and red: red here
stands for the affective tension, the unintegrated emotions which
surge up and carry him away; black represents the absolute
negation, the total destruction, the absolute and undifferentiated
Nought. The heavy pressure emphasizes the aggressive, de-
structive aspects of black. Another case used the combination of
red and green: "Als meinem Beruf wrde ich eigentlich besser
Menschenmrder angeben', meinte ein usserlich harmloser,
dissozieerter Hebephrener, nachdem er als Gesicht einen tiefrot
ausgefllten, grn umrahmten Kreis gezeichnet hatte" (I22,
346). Here, too, red indicates a strong aggressive tendency. This
aggressiveness, however, is cloaked in outward calm and har-
mony, represented by green. The red shape outlined in green
is a direct projection of the incapsulated aggressiveness of this
patient.
The only systematic study in this field known to us is that by
Alschuler and Hattwick. They have indeed traced the character-
ological correlate of each separate color. It is important to real-
ize, however, that their experiments involved only children from
three to five years old and that consequently their results apply
only to this age group and are not without further research
applicable to grownups.
In their experimentsred again proved its high affective value.
It is used by pronouncedly emotional children with a very dis-
tinct, specific personality which uninhibitedly expresses itself.
Only a very marked emphasis on this color indicates inner
problems that cannot be integrated.
Yellow, too, is a sign of easy, natural expression. Children
who frequently use this color are extrovert, but also egocentric,
undeveloped, infantile and emotionally dependent on grownups
- all in complete agreement with the character of yellow as
described earlier. These children stilllive in the early egocentrism,
the outward activity and inner blankness of yellow which does
not adapt itself but lives from within and forces itself upon its
surroundings unquestioningly accepting its sympathy. In children
of the 3-5 age group this "red" and "yellow" attitude is natural
and normal. Nothing eise can be expected from them than this
elementary, direct, unrestrained, emotional expression. On the
whole, according to the authors, these children are happier than
those who prefer blue or black.
The frequent use of blue or black indicates self-control,
adaptation to the milieu, repression of emotional tensions. These
are the "good" children who always do what they are told and
what is "nice." They are characterized by the adaptability and
the modesty of blue, the tendency to withdraw in the background
and to repress their own emotionality; or by the objectivity, the
absolute Iack of emotionality and personality of black, the N ought,
in whose absolute neutrality all differentiation is lost. Obviously
blue in this respect is less extreme and more human and natural
than black.
Green finally holds the middle between these two groups. Just
as this color keeps opposed tendencies in balance do those
children who show a preference for green evince a certain balance
of influences, of emotionality and restraint, of egocentrism and
adaptation, of independence and dependence. They clearly
constitute the medium between the "yellmv" and the "blue"
children. It appears, however, from these experiments that the
limited emotional expression of these "green" children does not
result from greater self-control - as is the case with "blue"
children - but from fewer emotional impulses: they don't have
as much to repress. This corresponds with the uncomplicated,
simple, naive nature of green.
Lowenfeld's mosaic-test and other construction tests using
colared material lend themselves weil for similar analysis, also
with grownups, because they are based on a clearly structured
and easy to systematize application of colors. Various studies in
this field are made, but no reports have as yet been published.
THE COLOR CHARACTER APPLIED
147
Our own experiments can also be used diagnostically, although
it should for such purposes first be modified as regards the length
of the vocabulary, the choice of words, and particularly the dis-
cussion and questioning afterwards, so that deeper insight may
be obtained into the personal significance of the distributions
made. Objectively the distributions seem to mean but little. It
should be investigated, however, how the various distributions
were accomplished and what value the subject attaches to them
personally. Simple questioning in regard to the subject's motives
in arranging the words is of slight consequence. Rationalizing
one's own emotional motives usually is extremely difficult. The
questioning technique therefore should be adapted to the pre-
rationalistic nature of the experiment. We hope in the near future
to be able to pursue the above suggestions further.
As an illustration of the diagnostic value of our experiment we
shall now quote two protocols. It should be remembered, however,
that the experiments had no diagnostic intention and that,
therefore, and also as the result of the inadequate method of
questioning, they can give only a very incomplete picture of the
subject. Moreover, systematic research into the significance of
the test factors is required before the diagnostic value of the
various signs can be estimated.
SUBJECT A
AGE 28, MALE, MARRIED, PSYCHOLOGIST
Protocol
I. Protocol from the preliminary experiments in which six colors,
including black, were used and a shorter vocabulary.- All words were
placed immediately.
II. SPONTANEOUS DESCRIPTION OF THE COLORS:
BLACK - worrisome, evokes aversion
WHITE -I am very indifferent to it; it may occasionally mean empti-
ness, colorlessness
RED - more active, real
GREEN - the most agreeable color; affects one as the warmest and
coziest, most social color; it leaves one free and makes no
claims
YELLOW - close to red, but has relatively little function; is really more a
kind of pink
BLUE - the intellectual, the spiritual
JII. RDER OF PREFERENCE:
(plesant) green - red - yellow - blue - white - black (unpleasant)
IV. GROUPING OF THE WORDS:
BLACK
Deceit, constraint, tkeft, lust of power, lie, defeat, worry: all on the social
Ievel: they infringe upon the other's freedom
Deatk, discouragement: on the personal Ievel; infringement upon one's
own prestige, upon being oneself
WH ITE
Family, old age, duty, obedience, religion: empty words; family and duty
don't mean anything to me; religion in its everyday sense does not
mean anything to me; all these terms make unnecessary claims, and
when they are necessary they do not mean anything
Scepticism, dull: these too; dull because white is such a dull color
Usefulness, mechanics, business: all on a social Ievel, but such empty
things
RED
Work, action, masculine, profession, force all characterized by ten-
Ambition, emotion, festivity, kappiness, passion, typical of red
sion, murder, mutinousness, sexuality,
shame, tension, pleasure its other pole is the ele-
Myself ment of relaxation
Disadvantage and Aversion: do not belang in this system
Different grouping:
Profession, festivity, kappiness, masculine, myself, sexuality, pleasure
work: all things which alternately require tension and relaxation
Action, aversion, ambition, emotion, passion, murder, force, mutinousness,
shame, tension: always require continuous tension
GREEN
Subconsciousness: only my reaction to the blackness of Freud's sub-
consciousness
Simplicity, harmony, youth, naturalness, personal, joy, reality, freedom,
spontaneity: the things I appreciate very much in my personal
existence
Altruism, goodness, charity, love, home, indulgence, confidence: they refer
to sociability, to good contact with the surroundings
Mother, woman-friend: probably because I estimate the feminine very
highly
M arriage, pleasant: these words connect the latter two groups
YELLOW
That's bad: that dependence was in the same group with father; it's
hard to specify why these words are yellow; they are all agreeable,
personal.
Naked, body: association because of the color, witb tbat red tinge
Father, feminine, friend: warm, social contact
Morning: ob weil, .. I always rather like it
Devotion: warm, social contact
Originality: sort of daydream
Victory, cooperation, social, success, satisfaction, advantage, wish: all bave
tbat rather pleasant, warm atmospbere
Risk, adversity, future: tbings I'm not very much afraid of; I won't
refute tbem; tbey kind of belang witb yellow
BLUE
Sadness, ideal, solitude, mind: all represent tbe spirit, tbe ego in its
solitude, expressed on one band in:
Individualism, education, principles, theory, science: and tending on tbe
otber band toward:
Conscience, morals, responsibility, deliberation, past, soul, representing
tbe personal, tbe ego in its social relations; soul migbt perbaps better
be combined witb purple
Evening: purely a color-association
Discussion
In general it appears to be advisable to use the color preference
as the starting point for further analysis of the protocol. The
order of preference interrelates the colors and determines their
relative values, thus roughly indicating the significance of each
color. Tbe colors found tbe most pleasant bave an actual value
for tbe subject; tbey constitute a positive factor in his profet
d'etre, a factor tbrougb wbicb he can realize bis project and whicb
provides a hold in tbe development of bis purposes. Tbe unplea-
sant colors on the other band form a resistance; tbey indicate in
what direction bis development is disturbed, tbey symbolize tbe
factors obstructing bis projet d'etre. We shall tberefore consider
tbe protocol under the aspect of tbis antitbesis of stimulative
and impeditive influences.
Subject A puts red and green at the top and black and white
at the bottom of tbe scale. He prefers two typically "social"
colors, and is completely indifferent to tbe "rationalistic" colors
wbite and black. Tbis empbasis on tbe social and tbe concrete,
and the indifference to everything not directly and practically
connected therewith indeed proves tobe typical of this subject.
This is also evident in his descriptions of the colors: with almost
every color we find some remark on its social value or conse-
quences: "all on the social Ievel'' (black and white), "directed
toward the social aspect" and "good contact" (green), "social
contact" (yellow), "the ego in its social relations" (blue), etc.
Most of his groupings are formed on the basis of their social
consequences, and his own place socially.
His antipathy for black and white is important. These abstract,
extreme colors have no actual value for him. Black he dislikes
chiefly for being the absolute negation of the social, the infringe-
ment upon man's liberty both as regards his social relations and
hispersonal being. In particular he sees in black the negation of
interhuman harmony; it represents all such influences endan-
gering free communion such as deceit, constraint, tust of power,
defeat and lie.
On the other hand the abstractness of white also means little
to him; it is far beyond concreteness and has no direct value in
regard to interhuman relations. Usefulness, mechanics, business,
although still on the social plan, are abstractions and not direct-
ly human. Such concepts as family, religion, duty, obedience take
mankind too much in the general, ethical, and not in a personal
sense. Mechanics and business only concern him in so far as they
yield practical results. He appreciates the divine only in a per-
sonal relation (and indeed, he is anti-church, anti-clerical, anti-
dogmatical). The same holds true in regard to science (the word
science was arranged with blue, the most antipathetic color except
one !) ; purely scientific work and abstract thinking are not in his
line and are only appreciated for their actual social consequences.
Opposite the antipathetic colors black and white he places his
favorites: green and red. The choice of these colors is indicative
of the structure of his social contact. There must be an explana-
tion for the fact that green is his favorite, and not its two "com-
ponents" blue and yellow. The latter two are typified by opposite
tendencies: blue is adaptable and open while yellow dominates
and requires adaptation. Subject A, however, prefers the equili-
brium between these two, the mutual integration and inter-
change without any emphasis on either partner, manifest in
green. Social contact for him is possible only when he gets some-
thing in return, when he finds somebody who reacts to him and
communicates with him on an equal Ievel. Apparently he finds
these possibilities chiefly in mother, woman-friend, marriage, home,
love.
His tendency to maintain balance in his social contacts expres-
ses itself in various ways. On one hand, he does not dare to be
aggressive on a personal Ievel and he avoids tension in his perso-
nal relations. The assumption of leadership, and the subordina-
tion of others to hirnself he finds equally difficult, for these
deprive him of his "echo," of the "counterplay" of the others,
and force him to take all responsibility upon his own shoulders
without the support of any equals (his pronounced fear of altitude
is typical for this attitude). On the other hand he has an equal
dislike of people who always endeavor to subject others to them-
selves and theirpersonaldesires. Forexample, he detests "vamps,"
women by whom one can only be seduced and with whom no
relationship on an equal basis is possible. Green for him symbol-
izes the ideal balance between ascendance and submission,
between adaptability and egocentricity. Words like harmony,
confidence, altruism, indulgence, charity he considers typical of
this aspect of green. Freedom, too, he sees as green, not the
abstract freedom of white, but the personal freedom of active
social exchange. This subject has a typicalliking for nature and
plants, too.
Second in his order of preference is red. In red, as in green,
neither the color nor the observer prevails; both are carried away
by this color; the color is active and dynamic, the observer
excited and fascinated. In red both are caught up in the same
whirl in which neither is anymore clearly distinguishable.
In spite of the similariqr of these tendencies in green and red,
both colors Iie on entirely different Ievels. In some respects they
even are contrast colors. Thus this subject for his favorite colors
choses two contrasting ones. They represent two complementary
tendencies in his own nature: in addition to his liking for the
social quiet of green he knows the desire for the emotional
expansion of red.
Characteristically red is not combined with any personal noun
except myself. He does not experience this red component as
lying on the personal-sociallevel (red is the only color of which he
has not specified any social aspect). However, he does combine
with red such words as frrofession, work, ambition,_and indeed his
"red" tendencies rather lie in the professional sphere. He ex-
periences the emotional tension of red in his self assertion, in the
fight with social and economical insecurity. The tensions have
been removed from the personal-social plan and are integrated
on a plan somewhat adjoining it. A. does not "dare" to express
this red tendency in the social field. We have already seen his
restraint in regard to personal aggressiveness, but neither will he
-in a broader sense- easily lethirnself get emotionally involved
in the contact with somebody eise. He is afraid to become sen-
timental, to get too far involved with any other, and he fears the
consequences of such an emotional surrender. Only indirectly
does he incorporate the red component in his social attitude.
Forthis subject blue and yellow have no special value. They
put too much emphasis on one aspect, with all the ensuing un-
certainty. Contrary to most subjects he does not combine a single
personal noun with blue. In social contact it is impossible for
him to reveal and to subordinate hirnself to others. That is pos-
sible only on the intellectual, spiritual plan in subordination to
conventional norms: conscience, morals, principles, theory,
science, deliberation are all blue. Here the only hold in his personal
uncertainty is provided by traditional values. Subordination is
acceptable to him only when generally accepted.
Yellow has no great value either. It is seen as a mild form of
red, a kind of "pink." It goes with a few personal nouns: father,
friend, feminine. The emotionality and tenseness, although less
strongly than in red, arealso felt in yellow. He takes the above
concepts very much in their specificity, as persans who make
demands on him and with whom he is not able to establish that
green, balanced contact. Although emotionally no complete
equilibrium has yet been achieved, yellow for him is - at least
rationally- an acceptable form. With it he arranges all those
words which neither are antipathetic nor have reached his ideal
social form of balance, those words which may eventually become
"green." Success, satisfaction, advantage, wish, victory, risk, future
all have a certain outward radiance and attractiveness but they
cannot claim the achievement of his ideal: communion on a basis
of equality and confidence. They are still too far ahead in the
uncertain future already to give any of the desired social rest.
SUBJECT B
AGE 29, FEMALE, SINGLE, SECRETARY
Protocol
I. Series I ( 10 colors). Words not immediately placed: Profession,
evening, body, dependence, naked, subconsciousness, woman-friend.
II. SPONTANEOUS DESCRIPTION OF THE COLORS:
BLACK - all stink, all-devouring, all-absorbing, sucking up everything
WHITE - serene
RED - a full color, but very loud, obtrusive, satisfied
YELLOW- favorite color, open, you know what you've got, cheerful,
cozy, normal, natural
BLUE - has something delicate, distinguished which red has not;
well-balanced
GREEN - dull, Iooks Iike nothing, a typical mixed color which is just
because there is something, a bit parasite-Iike, pinching
something from everyone; yet it has something cheerful
ORANGE - enthusiastic color, is not quite as full and satisfied as red, but
it has the coziness and enthusiasm of yellow; a little loud,
on the banal side
PURPLE
BROWN
GRAY
- beautiful, with a certain inner culturedness, ripeness; it is not
deathly; ripe, well-balanced
- chiefly well-balanced, considered, confidence-inspiring
- may turn into anything, pleasant, has everything in it, not
in an unpleasant sense, in a way still untouched and expect-
ant, very well-balanced
lll. ORDER OF PREFERENCE:
(pleasant) yellow - blue - gray - brown - purple - white - orange -
red - green - black (unpleasant)
IV. GROUPING OF THE WORDS:
BLACK
'Anxiety, defeat, adversity, sorrow: that which gulps up and absorbs
everything
Meckanics, business: dull
Murder, disgust, jealousy: absrbing, unrestrained, all bah, all dark,
darkdernon
Nigkt and Tears
WH ITE
Child, motker, baby: - people } th
. . e ure, serene
Reverence, sohtude, concepts p
Mind
RED
Poison: association with Red Cross
Youth, morals, temperament, soul: so full
Emotion, shame: the entire person ... , that which one cannot control
Profession: involves the entire person
Illness: because it's a fight between red and white blood corpuscles,
a fight full of fierceness
Goodness and Tension
YELLOW
Success, pleasure, happiness, joy, laughter, freedom, peace: because they
are all yellow, radiant
Ideal, future, past, love, spontaneity, obedience, religion, science: they
carry weight, are the beautiful things in rny life
Self: because it is rny favorite color
Naked
ORANGE
Aversion, mutinousness, willingness to help, fun, sexuality: on the favor-
able side, require spontaneousness, uninhibited
Usefulness, work
Festivity
Ambition, subconsciousness: they sirnply exist; subconsciousness: that
which jurnps up again and again, which one keeps running into
BLUE
San, daughter, father, woman, friend, feminine, body: all pleasant, discreet,
rnake a quiet, balanced irnpression
Principles, pity, cooperation, social, charity, deliberation, naturalness:
quiet, discreet, trusted
Morning and Advantage
GREEN
Marriage: duality, especially with blue and yellow in it; enthusiastic and
fine; beautiful shade; blue is dominant
Deceit, hatred, Iust of power, disadvantage, pain, boredom: all dull; a loud
yellow-green color
Brother, siste1
PURPLE
Misery, force: Iead to, or clraw frorn ripeness
Satisfaction: something rnature
Death: the rnaxirnurn of rnaturity
Action, passion
Responsibitity ancl Originality
BROWN
Nature, harmony, home, reality, man, masculine: much-comprising, har-
monious
Personal, confidence, rvorry: full, mature, ripe, different from purple
Theft, lie
Dependence and Education
GRAY
Evening, old age: standard concepts for gray
Family, rvoman-friend, mankind: offers all possibilities, but in a rather
bright sense, may be either good or bad, but is often good (they say)
Theory: because it is dry and vague
Constraint, duty, devotion, simplicity, rvish: comprise everything that can
develop pleasantly (if you will)
Conscience, Risk and Discouragement
Discussion
The differences between this protocol and the first are many.
While the former emphasized the balance of green the latter
shows a definite preference for the contrasting combination blue-
yellow and such a dislike of green that only black surpasses it
in!antipatheticness. Red also finds itself at the bottom of the
scale.
The preference for blue and yellow and the acceptance of their
antithesis is typical of this subject. The most striking aspect of
her character is its ambiguity, particularly on the sociallevel.
The antithesis of blue and yellow is a result of the contrasting
form of Seif-Other relation which contrast in this case is parti-
cularly pronounced. And indeed, we find adaptation and ego-
centricity side by side in her character.
Social adaptation on one hand is good. Most of the words
designating persons come under blue. Submission to others is not
too difficult. She is highly sociable, adaptable, at ease with
strangers, quick in establishing contact, friendly. Social service
work has her special attention (charity and pity in blue).
On the other hand there is a still greater preference for yellow:
the color of closed individuality, dominating in its radiance but
never disclosing its inner self. '{here must be a sharp contrast
between her social pliability and her interiority which either can
not or will not express itself. Subordination to others therefore
takes place on the outside, it does not affect her inner self and
might even be seen as a means of "masking" it. She seeks the
other, she needs the other, but never gives herself entirely up to it.
Our experiments reveal that the radiance of yellow is based
on inner unripeness. Yellow cannot find certainty within itself
because the self is as yet not fully developed. Y ellow is so exacting
because it needs the other for a soundboard. The experiments of
Alschuler and Hattwick particularly have proved that in yellow
there is an element of childlikeness, of un-fullgrownness, and that
in its outer dynamics it is dependent on the reactions of the sur-
roundings. Therefore this subject's good social contact is built
on inner uncertainty, on inner unripeness. Her cheerful, gay,
extravert excitedness of yellow, combined with the adaptability
and souplesse of blue in a certain sense serves to disguise great
insecurity and an extremely strong need for emotional support
from outside sources.
Consequently she combines with yellow such words as
obedience, while dependence, constraint and duty, too, are inclu-
ded in favorable groups. The Iack of development symbolized
by yellow seeks support in (blue) adaptability and, conversely,
the possible dangers of (blue) surrender are warded off by the
inner seclusion of yellow. The total personality is thus kept in
balance through the polarization of yellow and blue, of outer
pliability and cheerfulness, and inner doubt. As a result of their
mutuallimitations the risks of both are neither accepted nor inte-
grated but kept in a certain labile balance. It could be said that
this subject "plays" with social contact like a child playing
Indians: the danger is realized and integrated only superficially
in actual behavior, but the inner consequences and their dangers
are never accepted.
This explains her strong dislike of green: for in green the labile
balance, the antithesis of sociality and egocentricity, her only
defense, is bridged and mutual masking is "unmasked." Thus
green is combined with such typically aggressive words as deceit,
hate, lust of power, disadvantage, pain, all of which more or less
endanger her personal balance. Usually arranged under yellow,
they are called green by this subject because they disturb the very
tension between blue and yellow which in her projet d' etre is
essential. It is remarkable that also the word marriage, although
by itself qnalified as somcthing positive, is combined with green.
Probably this can be explained through the ambivalence of
rational recognition of the value of this concept, of the duality of
man and woman on one hand, and the "dangers" sensed in it on
the other: the possible demasking of the then discontinued ten-
sion between blue and yellow, between exteriority and interiority.
Still more antipathetic than green is black. In this protocol
particular emphasis is on the aggressive, frightening and dangerous
aspects of black. Very striking in this respect is the description
"absorbing, a11 dark, dark demon," and "all-devouring, all-
absorbing." From such terms we may conclude experiences of
anxiety, fear of the unknown, fear of the requirements of society
(business, adversity, defeat) and the inability to fill these require-
ments. She does not know how to cope with the incomprehen-
sibility of society, it confuses her. It is this fear, probably, which
maintains the tension between blue and yellow, which makes her
hide behind the antithesis between these two.
In her projet d' t r red is also experienced as a weak spot.
Emotionality and its affective tensions are regarded as too un-
certain, too undeterminable as regards its effects and apt to
undermine the blue-yellow antithesis. Accordingly she describes
red as "loud, obtrusive, something one can not do anything
against," etc. The fact that Profession is combined with red is
typical. This subject indeed has an utterly personal and emotional
approach to her job. By no means a systematical worker, she
frequently follows her impulses.
In general, aside from blue and yellow she prefers quiet,
neutral, not very pronounced colors such as gray, brown and
purple. Words as force, action, passion, usually combined with
red, she combines with purple, thus tempering the emotional
(red) tension by the (blue) component of social adaptation.
Orange she considers too closely related to red, its yellowish
radiance too pronounced, its consequences too uncontrollable, too
involving; sexuality, mutinousness, subconsciousness all have this
ambivalence according to her, which ambivalence also is evident
in the fact that fun and aversion appear in the same group.
Brown is considered a rather agreeable color, as the red com-
ponent in that color is well-hidden by a neutralized fac;ade, the
emotional tension integrated in inner strength. With this color
she arranges confidence and dependence, home, harmony, man. A
similar appreciation exists for gray which comes immediately
after blue. The contrast with green is important: in green all
emoti<?nal tendencies are reduced to one Ievel while in gray there
is no more emotionality at all. Certainly, like green it is a "mix-
ture" but a mixture of non-emotional, non-social colors. In gray
this subject feels herself free and threatened by nothing because
gray is absolutely neutral and demands nothing, neither socially
nor emotionally. This aspect of equilibrium she emphasized by
combining gray with such words as family, woman-friend, man-
kind, explaining that "they may be either good or bad." Another
gray group was specified as "all-comprising." These "gray"
concepts for her apparently constitute a kind of rational, con-
sciousrestingpointin contrast to the essential blue-yellow tension
which leaves no room for the more emotional equilibrium of
green.
Such comments on gray printed in parentheses as "they say"
and "if you will" indicate once again the tendency of this subject
to view everything relatively, her rather more playful than serious
attitude.
SUMMARY
l. We have made an experimental and phenomenological
study of the "character" of the colors. By the concept "charac-
ter" we mean a source of potential traits which as such makes an
"appeal" to the observer. For this particularity of the color,
manifest in perception, we chose the term "character" because
inouropinion the human character, likewise, does not consist of a
nurober of definite traits possessed by a person and determinative
of his behavior. In man, too, the real character is given in the
possibility in a social situation to make a certain appeal to the
other, thus constituting the very situation. Also in respect to
the color, only in a concrete situation does the appeal crystallize
in a certain meaning, and how the color will appear to the
observer depends on the total situation.
Hence in our opinion the experimental research into the
character of the colors should be restricted to the establishment of
as comprehensive an array as possible of concrete appearances.
By means of phenomenological analysis the unifying principle
underlying this multitude should be found, the essence of the
color manifest in this multitude and typical of this one specific
color.
2. The relation between color and other phenomena,
appearing for example in associations, symbolism and synesthe-
sia, can never be fully explained rationally. Of great importance
psychologically is the way in which the colors and the phenomena
associated with them are actually experienced. It must be in-
vestigated how they are integrated in the unity of the actual,
pre-rational experience in which the different phenomena are
aspects of one and the same fundamental experience, and how
from this fundamental experience by rational differentiation the
above relations develop.
160 SUMMARY
3. The method of having words distributed to
match various colors proved to be a good means of obtaining
deeper insight into the character of the colors. The technique
followed in the experiments forces the subjects to approach the
colors and word concepts naively and emotionally, thus permitting
us to achieve greater understanding of the pre-rational nature of
the colors. Moreover, it appeared that this method could also be
used for character-analytical purposes because every distribution
is motivated by the subject's typical attitude toward the world
and because he will almost inevitably project his interiority into
this rather emotional experiment.
4. The characterological value of the colors appears tobe in-
extricably connected with their nomenclature in the language,
with the conventional symbolisms and associations, and all the
other cultural forms of color usage. These forms as it were con-
stitute a rational superstructure which inevitably marks the way
in which the colors appear to us and are apprehended by us.
5. We have set forth that it is wrong to regard white, gray and
black as identical with degrees of light and dark. They have the
traits and the function of a color, typified by a specific character.
Their character, however, contrary to that of the chromatic
colors, is typified by its "colorlessness." They have no specific,
personal nature and consequently in cantrast to the other colors
their aspect of brilliance becomes more important. The chief
characteristic of black is its being the darkest color and as such
the symbol of darkness; white is the symbol of light in its ut-
most purity and intensity while gray is in every respect the
neutral medium, the unspecific and lifeless.
6. The four chief chromatic colors, red, yellow, green and blue,
constitute the four main points in the world of color. Each of them
has its specific fashion of being a color, i.e. of providing a possi-
bility of emotional contact. Red is the overwhelming, scorching,
all-involving vitality; yellow the superficial glamour and the
radiance of the immediately present; blue is the distant, the
depth, the infinite, the ever-transcendent, the flight into the
endless; green finally is the labile balance of contrasting forces,
SUMMARY 161
the harmony of centrifugal and centripetal the dy-
namic quiet which may give rise to the development of new forces.
7. The designation of the colors in the language proved largely
dependent on the psychological effect of the colors. Terms in-
dicating the antithesis of light and dark appear earlier than those
for white and black; from the former two through later differen-
tiation specific words may develop for the colors white, black and
gray. Red and yellow as the most pronounced and brillant
colors, pretty soon require specific names. Blue and green on the
contrary stay in the background and consequently remain un-
named for a long time in almost every language. This is not the
result of deficient color perception in primitive peoples but is
based mainly on the human need verbally to distinguish first
between those phenomena which are characterized by their
intrinsic and extrinsic importance.
8. Color preferences are also directly dependent on the color
character. Each color provides man with a different, specific
form of potential contact, thus bringing out different specific
aspects of his character. A person's color preference depends on
the value of the colors in his projet d' tre. The most preferred
colors refer to points of possible development of the personality,
the antipathetic colors to an impediment, a disturbance in the
dynamics of the projet d' etre. Hence the color preference is to be
reduced to the specific nature of each observer in particular.
General trends in color preferences such as the great liking for
blue and red and the slight appreciation of yellow probably are
the result of cultural influences. By the cultural equalization of
the projets d' tre the prevailing scale of norms can be approxi-
mated, but personal idiosyncrasies nevertheless remain too strong
to attribute more than a very relative value to such a cultura
scale of norms.
9. Psychologically the characters of the colors are given as an
apriori. They may be analyzed and described but psychologically
they cannot be further reduced or explained. Ultimately the
foundation of this psychological meaning lies in the biological
stmcture of man. Only on a biologicallevel, i.e. on the basis of
162 SUMMARY
the adaptation of the organism to its milieu and the assimilation
of the milieu by the organism, can it be established why the effect
of the colors is such as has been ascertained above. It is not
accidental, biologically, that the sky is blue, that plants are green
and that blood is red: "Ein jeder sagt sich, dass ein ganz und
immer rother Himmel statt des blauen, eine ganz und immer
rothe Erde, statt der grnen, nicht auszuhalten wren; das Auge
wrde sich davon wie ausgebrannt finden. Hingegen wrde
eine blau bewachsene Erde statt der grnen uns aus dem ent-
gegengesetzten Gesichtspuncte nicht zusagen; das Auge wrde
auf die Lnge die hinreichende Erregung vermissen, ihm flau
zu Muthe werden" (50, li 220). As living beings we are adapted
organically to the natural data around us. The development of
our biological relation to the world has been suchthat the color of
the sky came to give us the feeling of great distance, that the
color of plants and trees came to have a quietly stimulating effect
and that the color of blood became highly emotionalizing. Only
this biological adaptation of organism and milieu can explain
why a certain color possesses its particular character. F or man who
in his projet d' etre continuously transcends the biological, the cha-
racter of the colors of sky, grass and blood remains a facttobe
accepted as such, or, to use Merleau-Ponty's profound expression:
an apriori de l' espece.
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APPENDIX (TABLES A-D)
APPENDIX 173
TABLE A
Numberof
wordin
,:.:
"
!'!:
.,
.,

.a

>-
"
....
"Cl
:!
""
"
!'!:
:a

::s
"'
"' "'
"'
:c
.,
..
0 ..
Series I Series
:c !'!:
..
"'
..
::s ..
>-
..
""
p. ,Q
""
I 11-111
0
1 11 action 2 I 65 4 4 6 3 4 6 0
94 62 advantage 4 5 10 18 15 12 15 3 II 2
81 45 adversity 17 I I 4 2 4 5 19 14 36
29 74 ambition 4 I 21 20 8 7 12 10 8 8
15 92 anxiety 36 0 10 5 0 5 9 20 9 15
17 12 aversion 17 2 4 19 2 I 7 18 17 9
98 86 baby 0 51 6 6 9 12 4 3 I 4
26 44 body 6 23 24 5 9 5 5 I 5 9
99 29 boredom 13 I 0 4 2 I I 5 13 51
85 67 brother 0 7 9 5 2 24 II 3 19 II
97 110 business (things) 9 3 4 5 2 9 2 4 21 38
48 82 charity 4 15 9 7 6 20 15 12 8 2
2 34 child 0
48 9 8 6 18 10 0 0 0
92 23 confidence (faith) 0 17 4 3 4 49 11 3 5 4
24 69 conscience 6 26 9 4 4 20 12 6 4 8
6 79 constraint 19 0 9 6 4 7 6 20 15 17
74 94 cooperation 0
3 10 4 11 38 10 2 12 9
41 105 daughter 2 25 6 II 9 24 8 0 2 6
4 27 death (dead) 64 6 0 0 0 2 2 15 6 9
10 78 deceit 28 0 4 13 2 2 10 34 10 4
54 36 defeat 30 2 I 5 0 4 2 16 14 21
68 70 deliberation 0 15 3 5 6 25 10 7 8 11
25 68 dependence 4 11 4 6 0 14 7 11 20 17
87 102 devotion 0
16 9 3 4 36 9 8 6 4
50 51 disadvantage 21 I 0 7 0 3 7 13 19 27
63 107 discouragement 8 I 2 I 4 4 3 15 15 47
110 33 disgust 30 I 2 12 2 2 10 13 23 6
71 31 duty 0
13 10 I 0 24 13 5 14 11
58 85 education 0
14 7 4 8 26 14 4 8 9
19 80 emotion 2 2 71 5 4 6 4 6 4 0
9 5 evening 8 4 12 2 6 21 4 20 8 19
32 98 family 4 8 6 4 8 25 12 6 7 13
89 49 father 6 8 II 2 2 25 8 I 21 13
107 26 feminine 0
21 II IO 4 21 12 6 2 6
37 20 festivity 2 6 26 20 25 9 8 I I 2
53 35 force 4 I 50 3 4 15 6 1 8 6
109 55 freedom 0
27 23 12 11 19 4 0 3 0
103 75 friend (man-) 0
13 14 7 4 36 14 5 6 0
69 71 friend (woman-) 0 12 7 8 13. 22 14 3 4 9
73 64 fun 0 4 26 21 36 5 6 2 0 0
86 53 future 2 15 11 19 4 22 11 3
3
9
45 41 goodness 0 24 10 3 8 28 16 3 5 0
39 73 happiness 2 14 18 18 13 15 9 3 I 2
42 32 harmony 0 15 2 8 15 36 11 2 2 4
34 54 hatred 15 0 23 25 2 2 8 17 4 6
82 39 home 0 12 9 7 11 25 II 4 9 6
27 16 ideal 0 25 16 10 9 27 5 I 3 2
108 61 illness
17 3 4 5 0 3 4 21 14 25
111 24 jealousy 17 1 13 28 2 2 11 19 8 2
96 84 joy
0 11 22 21 23 13 8 3 0 0
105 50 laughter 0 10 19 22 27 14 5 1 1 2
47 9 lie
25 1 2 15 4 4 10 16 17 6
61 37 love 0 18 43 6 6 20 3 3 1 2
44 22 lust of power 15 2 26 22 0 7 10 14 5 6
49 97 man (male) 6 5 21 2 4 25 6 3 26 2
93 116 man (mankind) 4 10 13 3 4 15 7 7 10 17
16 28 marriage 2 20 12 6 11 21 14 4 2 4
174 APPENDIX
TABLE A (continued)
Numberof
word in ..!<:
.,

.,
c::
.a
c::
0
....
't:l
:
bD
.,
.,

:>..
"'
:E
., c::
"'
.,
...
0
"'
Series I Series :a
...
.,
"'
:a
th
"'
... 1;0 ...
;>.
0
p,
,0
I II-III
115 18 masculine 0 I 31 3 6 18 8 0 23 9
80 58 mechanics 9 5 9 7 0 22 7 8 19 15
21 43 mind (ghost) 4 40 7 10 2 18 2 3 I II
22 59 misery 30 6 3 5 0 8 7 25 8 19
52 19 morals 6 23 6 4 2 18 4 6 11 9
5 60 morning 0 16 8 13 23 16 8 3 I 11
8 57 mother 2 30 14 3 6 29 8 3 6 0
59 46 murder 44 0 33 3 0 2 5 13 7 2
62 101 mutinousness 2 I 52 15 8 3 8 3 8 4
51 21 naturalness 0 24 3 14 8 19 30 I 0 0
II 2 nature 0 3 I 6 2 15 62 0 4 6
33 17 night 58 2 I 1 0 13 3 12 12 6
36 88 nude 2 59 17 5 4
5 5 I 3 0
38 15 obedience 2 20 I 6 0 27 14 5 II 11
66 72 old age 17 5 I I 0 3 2 13 13 42
65 13 originality 2 9 22 14 21 15 9 3 I 2
72 6 pain 9 3 29 21 0 8 II 8 9 9
43 I passion 0 0 75 4 8
0 2 7 2 2
91 112 past 6 4 2 4 4 3 6 II 10 47
100 4
peace 0 63 I 3 4
9 7 0 0 9
70 104 personal 0 21 18 7 2 30 8 I 6 0
40 8 pity 2 12 6 8 6 23 7 18 4 II
13 7 pleasure 0 7 25 25 25 10 7 2 0 2
57 93 poison
21 0 8 10 6 2 25 26 10 4
35 65 principles 8 13 5 3 2 23 10 5 16 9
12 100 profession 6 5 8 7 4 15 7 3 19 17
106 87 reality 6 20 8 6 6 20 10 2 6 13
30 48 religion 4 27 4 6 2 17 3 12 5 19
83 83 responsibility 2 10 14 4 4 31 IO 12 10 0
14 114 reverence 4 30 I 2 2 28 6 9 6 8
75 30 risk 4 2 19 19 9 6 IO 10 12 6
88 47 satisfaction 0 10 12 9 13 29 14 3 2 6
95 89 science 2 15 3 6 0 28 13 7 15 9
60 115 self 6 16 14 7 4 21 6 2 8 13
67 52 sexuality 6 5 48 2 6 6 6 8 4 4
78 111 shame II 2 36 5 2 5 5 17 9 13
116 10 simplicity 0 48 0 6 2 II 8 6 2 13
23 63 sister (nurse) 0 14 4 10 8 16 14 3 6 15
79 109 social 2 7 22 5 8 28 10 4 6 4
28 99 so!itude 8 27 2 2 2 9 4 16 6 30
18 108 son 2 8 14 4 2 30 10 I 17 11
84 3 sorrow 15 4 4 4 0 7 3 21 12 32
102 96 soul 0 51 8 2 8 12 2 3 5 9
77 113 spontaneity 2 7 40 20 6 12 8 1 0 4
64 95 subconsciousness 6 18 6 5 6 10 4 9 II 27
3 25 success 4 7 28 9 19 9 9 I 10 4
112 77 tears 13 10 5 8 2 7 7 22 9 27
90 38 temperament 2 2 69 3 8 6 3 4 I 2
76 42 tension 2 2 46 12 8 7 5 5 6 4
7 66 theft 21 I 6 7 0 6 6 24 19 17
20 106 theory 4 13 0 7 0 14 7 4 II 42
55 56 usefulncss 8 6 2 5 9 18 14 4 16 II
31 14 victory 0 7 38 6 23 9 7 0 4 4
113 90 willingness to help 0 15 8 5 9 29 15 3 6 0
104 103 wish 2 5 II 16 13 16 16 8 2 8
56 91 wo man 2 18 15 4 6 30 8 3 I 4
101 76 work 0 4 17 6 13 18 14 3 13 9
114 40 worry (care) 9 2 2 2 4 7 4 15 15 40
46 81 youth (childhood) 2 24 7 17 9 13 18 1 0 6
APPENDIX 175
TABLE A (continued)
THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE WORDS AMONG THE COLORS IN THE COMBINED
SERIES I, II AND III (107 SUBJECTS)
The numbers indicate the percentages of subjects who arranged the
word under consideration with the various colors. The numbers in the
first two columns refer to the place of the words in the series under
considera tion.
The vocabulary actually used in the experiments was in Dutch. The
translations listed in Table A follow the Dutch terms as closely as possi-
ble. Any side-meanings of the Dutch words not implied in their English
translation are added in parentheses. The Dutcb vocabulary consisted
only of non-composite words even though their translation sometimes
requires more than one word (cf. "Iust of power"). The original Dutch
vocabulary and a survey of the frequency distributions foreachseparate
series can be obtained from the author on request (Trans 14, Utrecht,
Holland).
176 APPENDIX
r-r-'"; RED
~
FIGURE 3
Diag1am of the data listed in Table B. Along the abscissa the per-
centages are listed of the subjects who arranged the words under
consideration with each color; along the ordinate the numbers of words
combined with the color by the percentages indicated. The unbroken
line represents the experimental curve, the broken line the theoretical one.
APPENDIX 177
TABLEB
Per-
centages
chance red orange yellow green blue white black purple brown gray
of
subjects
0 1 10 19 9 4 4 19 36 17 20 14
1 3 12 22 13 16 9 19 23 18 21 14
2 7 13 21 14 24 13 9 13 18 13 15
3 14 8 14 20 16 8 14 11 13 15 13
4 20 9 12 18 14 8 10 5 8 11 4
5 21 12 8 10 10 3 7 4 10 6 15
6 19 5 4 5 12 8 4 1 3 7 9
7 14 7 5 4 3 6 6 2 7 9 6
8 9 3 2 2 8 4 4 3 6 1 3
9 5 4 - 3 2 5 3 5 4 4 5
10 2 6 I 3 3 5 4 1 3 4 3
11 1 3 1 4
-
5 1 3 7 2 1
12
-
2 3 5 -
3 3
- -
2
-
13-18
-
10 3 6 3 26 5 5 2 1 6
19-25
- 5 1
-
-
8 6 2
- -
7
26-32
-
3
- -
1
-
2 I
- -
1
33-39 -
4
- - -
1 - 1
- - -
THE DISTRIBUTION OF PERCENTAGES FOR EACH SEPARATE COLOR IN
SERIES I
The numbers in the first column represent percentages of subjects.
Under each color the number of words is indicated arranged with that
color by the corresponding percentage of subjects. There are 10 words
for example which have not been combined with red by any subject,
12 were arranged with red by 1% of the subjects, 13 by 2%, etc. The
numbers in the second column indicate the distribution to be expected
from chance distribution.
178
APPENDIX
TABLE C
BLACK WH ITE RED
-
--
64 death 63 peace 75 passion
58 night 59 nude 71 emotion
44 murder 51 baby 69 temperament
36 anxiety 51 sou1 65 action
30 misery 48 simplicity 52 mutinousness
30 defeat 48 child 50 force
30 disgust
40 mind 48 sexuality
28 deceit 30 reverence 46 tension
25 lie 30 mother 43 Iove
21 theft 27 religion 40 spontaneity
21 disadvantage 27 solitude 38 victory
21 poison
27 freedom 36 shame
YELLOW
RANGE BLUE
28 jealousy 36 fun 49 confidence
25 hatred 27 laughter 38 cooperation
25 pleasure 25 festivity 36 harmony
22 Iust of power 25 pleasure 36 devotion
22 laughter 23 morning 36 man friend
21 fun 23 victory 31 responsibili ty
21 pain 23 joy 30 personal
21 joy 21 originality 30 woman
20 ambition 19 success 30 son
20 festivity 15 harmony 29 willingness to help
20 spontaneity 15 advantage 29 mother
29 satisfaction
GREEN PURPLE BROWN
--
62 nature 34 deceit 26 man (male)
30 naturalness 26 poison 23 mascu!ine
25 poison 25 misery 23 disgust
18 youth (childhood) 24 theft 21 father
16 wish 22 tears 21 business
16 goodness 21 sorrow 20 dependence
15 advantage 21 illness 19 profession
15 charity 20 anxiety 19 brother
15 willingness to help 20 evening 19 theft
20 constraint 19 disadvantagc
19 jealousy 19 mechanics
19 adversity
-
GRAY
f--
51 boredom
47 discouragemen t
47 past
THE WORDS MOST FREQUENTL Y COMBINED
42 old age
WITH EACH COLOR
42 theory
The numbers represent the percentages of subjects
40 worry
arranging the corresponding
word with the color
38 business ( things)
36 adversity
under consideration.
32 sorrow
30 solitude
APPENDIX 179
TABLE D
""
~ I ~
i I f I ~ I ! I t 11 I ~
SPONTANEOUSJUDGMENTS
Q
<11
~ ~
:a
STRONG, forceful, masculine, solid
8 2 27 6 7 19 6 9 26 -
INTENSE, fiery, fierce, exciting, striking - 2 55 19 20 3 9 5 2 2
WARM - - 27 7 12 13 5 8 5 -
AcTIVE, spontaneous, tension, lively,
1 2 78 14 25 10 13 6 4 -
emotional, erotic
MERRY, glad, joy, cheerful, sunny, - 10 22 34 43 15 8 4
-
-
festive, gay
AGREEABLE, beautiful, good, nice, 3 22 17 24 17 33 29 1 1 7 2
pleasant
SociAL, cozy, friendly, Iove, faithful,
1 17 24 10 17 41 24 13 18 6
personal
QUIET, harmonious, peaceful, sedate,
3 21 4 6 5 31 29 15 11 28
soft, free
SPIRITUAL, abstract, divine, awe, - 41 2 12 2 31 8 16
- -
sacred, duty, ideal
PURE, clear, fair, innocent, feminine, - 69 1 15 3 19 8 2
- -
subtle
YouTHFUL, fresh, natural, hopeful, - 29 7 16 7 16 49 2 2 9
future
VAGUE, undeterminate, uncertain, 40 13 - 5 2 14 5 12 22 47
dark, deep
NEUTRAL, noncommittal, dull, boring, 37 28 - 12 18 15 25 33 26 62
colorless, lifeless, dead, old
DISAGREEABLE, unpleasant, awful, 43 3 10 27 5 10 24 41 38 9
repulsive, ugly, bad
AGGRESSIVE, mean, selfish, unreliable, 10 1 16 33 2 1 25 21 2 2
sharp, hatred, poisonous, terrifying
HARD, pressure, oppressive, inescapa- 26 1 2 8 2 8 7 20 6 15
ble
SAo, somber, grief, serious, worry, 62 1 1 2 2 9 3 38 19 42
misery
COLD - 5 - 11 - 11 3 2
-
4
IMPERSONAL, unemotional, business,
7 20 3 11 5 32 16 7 21 15
objective, cerebral
1-
-
- -
1-
----
-
1-
Nurober of subjects 92 143 143 143 60 143 143 102 85 53
SPONTANEOUS JUDGMENTS ON THE COLORS UNDER INSTRUCTION II AND IV
The judgments have been divided subjectively into 19 categories. For
each color the percentage is indicated of the subjects in whose protocols
the corresponding judgments occur. 8% of the subjects for example
judged black for its forcefulness, 0% for its intensity or warmth, etc.
This table also includes the results of the experiment with color samples
(27 subjects).
NAMEINDEX
Aish, D. A. K., see Mallarme
Allen, G., 14-15, 18-19, 25, 28-30
Allers, R., 88
Allesch, G. 1 von, 38, 40-41
Allport, G. W., 60
Alschuler, R. H., 42, 145-146, 156
Alspach, E. M., 123
Anthony, C. N., 35
Aristotle, 17-18
Axline, V. M., 91
Bachelard, G., 1, 47, 63, 91, 93,
116-118, 141-142
Baudelaire, Ch., 88-91, 117, 125-
126
Baum, P. F., 140
Beaglehole, E., 130
Beauvoir, S. de, 60
Bentley, I. M., 123
Berge, C., 87
Berkusky, H., 87, 109
Binswanger, L., 56
Birren, F., 38
Boileau-Despreaux, N., 142
Bonser, W., 87
Boring, E. G., 63, 101, 123
Borinski, K., 128
Bos, M. C., 43
Bouma, P. 1 ., 3
Bradford, E. 1 G., 35
Braun, 1 ., 51
Brentano, F., 123
Bullough, E., 11, 44
Buytendijk, F. 1 1 60
Cairns, D., 58
Calinich, M., 44
Camus, A., 60
Chorus, H., 50
Christoffel, H., 91, 98-99, 113, 125
Cohn, 1 ., 33-34, 36
Combs, A. W., 144
Conrad-Martius, H., 47, 59, 131,
139, 141
Corbiere, T., 113
De Camp, 1. E., 45
Dor, L., 103
Dorcus, R. M., 53
Dubois, R., 103
Duhn,F.von, 100,104
Ebbinghaus, H., 39
Eckerson, A. B., 40, 43
English, H. B., 45
Evans, R. M., 3, 41
Evans-Pritchard, E. E., 20, 27
Ewald, A., 113
Eysenck, H. 1., 34-36, 41, 85-86
Farber, M., 58
Fechner, G. Th., 53, 139, 162
Fere, Ch., 103
Fidler, F. G., 118
Fiedler, K., 87-88
Fleischer, W., 128, see Baude-
delaire
Flournoy, H., 98
Flynn, E. L., 45
Frazer, J. G., 97
Freud, S., 77, 148
Fu-Hi, 95
Garth, T. R., 35
182 NAMEINDEX
Gautier, Th., 98
Geiger, L., 12-13, 19, 23, 30
Ginneken, J. van, 43, 87
Gladstone, W. E., 23
Gloth, W., 50
Goethe, J. W. von, 1, 63, 102, 111,
115, 123, 135-136
Goldstein, K., 11, 46
Gordon, K., 38
Graves, M., 29
Groot, J. J. M. de, 51
Grose, S. L., 36
Gundlach, C., 45
Hardy, Th., 132
Hattwick, L. B. W., 42, 145-146,
156
Heidegger, M., 91
Hein, H., 43, 71, 115, 124
Helmholtz, H. von, 123
Hering, E., 123
Hess, J.-J., 22
Hevner, K., 38, 40
Homer, 13, 23, 26-27, 105
Howells, T. H., 44
Hugo, V., 89-90, 97, 117, 119-
120, 140
Huguet, E., see Hugo
Hulme, F. E., 51
Huysmans, J.-K., 43
Innocentius III, 50
Isaiah, 106
Jerusalem, E., 128
Kargere, A., 51
Karwoski, T. F., 40, 43
Katz, D., 87
Katzin, D., 41
Kees, H., 1, 93, 125
Keller, H. , 11
Kenyon, H. A., 87, 95, 100
Kirschmann, A., 87
Kits Nieuwenkamp, H.W. M. J., 50
Koffka, K., 87
Krauss, R., 44
Lautreamont, 92, 101, 103, 106,
108, 126
Lavelle, L., 47, 94, 109-110, 116
Leib, A., 20, 87, 89, 98, 101-102,
117, 121, 132
Littman, H., 132
Lo, C., 35, 38
Loeffler-Delachaux, M., 94, 99,
104
Lovibond, 23
Lowenfeld, M., 42, 146
Luckiesh, M., 139
Lscher, M., 38
Luttig, H. G., 93
McDougall, W., 30
Mackenzie, D. A., 49, 51, 62, 87
Macoubrey, C., 45
Maeterlinck, M., 62, 90, 96, 113,
115-118, 124
Magnus, H., 8, 15-16, 19, 29-30
Mahling, F., 43
Major, D. R., 33
Mallarme, S., 96, 98, 121, 125,
129, 131
Mantegazza, P., 1
Matthew, 142
Merleau-Ponty, M., 139, 162
Michaels, G. M., 86
Minkowski, E., 60
Mintz, A., 88
Mogensen, M. F., 45
Mohammed, 140
Mohr, P., 98
Monroe, M., 44
Morrison, B. M., 35
Moses, M. R., 35
Mounier, E., 60
Mller-Freienfels, R., 35
Munsell, A. E. 0., 55
Murray, E., 41
Napoli, P. J., 42
Nogue, J., 1, 47, 109, 120, 126,
129, 139
Novalis, 117
NAMEINDEX 183
Odbert, H. S., 40, 43
Ostwald, W., 55
Ovid, 95
Ovio, G., 46
Peters, H. N., 11, 37, 86
Peters, W., 9-10
Pfister, H. 0., 103, 145
Pfister, M., 42
Philip, B. R., 38
Poe, E. A., 90
Poffenberger, A. T., 38
Portal, F., 49, 93, 108, 112, 138
Porter, E. P., 35
Rapkin, M., 44
Riemschneider-Hoerner, M., 23
Rimbaud, A., 43
Rivers, W. H. R., 15, 19, 21-24,
29
Rck, F., 51
Rorschach, H., 103
Rosenthal, 0., 46
Sartre, J.-P., 1, 60, 90
Schrer, H., 51, 101, 109
Scheerer, M., 11
Scheler, M., 7, 61
Schiller, G., 38
Schliebe, G., 43
Schrader, 0., 27
Schultz, W., 17, 27
Sechehaye, M.-A., 97
Shakespeare, W., 126
Sicille, 50
Skard, S., 3, 87, 140
Snygg, D., 144
Spitzer, L., 112
Stefnescu-Goang, F., 39
Steinen, K. v. d., 20
Stevenson, B., 140
St. George, M. W., 53
Stoett, F. A., 87, 115
Swaen, A. E. H., 87, 121
Thurnwald, R., 12, 15, 22
Tinker, M. A., 38
Trojan, F., 63
Tucker, A. W., 23
Varin, R., 121
Verhaeren, E., 90, 96, 103
Visser, M. W. de, 93
Volbehr, Th., 113
Volkelt, J., 53
Wallen, R., 103
Walton, W. E., 35
Warden, C. J., 45
Washburn, M. F., 36
Weisgerber, L., 2
Weizscker, V. von, 46
Wells, N. A., 41
Werner, H., 2, 11, 20, 44, 46, 139
Wheeler, W. M., 44
Wilde, 0., 126
Winch, W. H., 24, 30, 35
Wolff, W., 42, 68, 72-73, 75
Woodworth, R. S., 14, 27-29
Wunderlich, E., 104-106
Wundt, W., 27, 31, 39-40, 123,
130
Yokohama, M., 38
Zeylmans van Emmichoven, F.
w .. 40, 46,76
Ziehen, Th., 39
Zietz, K., 44
Zilsel, E., 59
SUBJECT INDEX
Abstraction, 7-12, 20, 25, 31, 54,
57, 142
Achromatic colors, 87 f., 95 f.,
160
Aesthetics, 138
After-images, 3, 17
Alchemy, symbolism, 63
Amboyna, white-purifying, 97
Amulets, see Magie
Anthroposophism, 51
Apotropaism, 104 f.
Associations, 39, 52 ff., 56, 111,
159
Audition coloree, 43
Augury, see Divination
Australia, war-red, 103
Background, 29, 38, 115, 135
Bakai:ri, color description, 20
Bakwiri, white-ghosts, 99
Bibliographies, 3, 43, 87
Black, anxiety, 90 f.
badness, 92
character, 40, 87-94, 132 f., 140,
160
dark, 13 f., 18 f., 21 f., 31 f.,
87 f., 160
death, 89 f.
deities, 93 f.
milk, 141 f.
mourning, 52, 75, 93
naming of, 12 ff., 20 ff., 31 f.
night, 14, 91
Nought, 88 f.
regeneration, 93 f.
sadness, 40, 92 f.
snow, 141
in tests 145 ff.
typical words, 81, 178
white, contrast, 82, 95, 141 f.
yellow, 83, 113
See also Achromatic; Dark;
Interrelation; Preferences
Blindness, 11
Blood, see Red
Blue, bird, 117 f.
blauen, 2
character, 40, 46, 115-122, 134,
140, 160
clear-dark, 18-24
conspicuousness, 28 ff., 115
dark, 18, 115
distance, 115 f.
happiness, 117
loyalty, 51 f., 121
milk, 141 f.
naming of, 15, 18-22, 27 ff.
puritanism, 120 f.
science, 120
sea, 29
sky, 9, 18, 28 f., 31, 116
sociability, 121 f.
sublimity, 119
in tests, 146 ff.
threshold, 23 f.
warmth, 121
white, 82 ff., 119 f.
youth, 120, 125
See also Interrelation; Pre-
ferences
Brain injuries, 8 f., 11, 46
Brilliance, 13, 21 ff.
character, 42, 44
SUBJECT INDEX 185
preference, 34
Brown, character, 129 ff., 135,
140
naming of, 19-22
See also Dark; Preferences
Buin, naming of red, 16
Celtic, glas-to, 22
mythical eras, 51
Character, 67 f., 143 f.
of color, 1 ff., 39 ff., 67 f.,
137 f., 142, 159
and color, 42, 143 ff.,
See also Tests
and color preferences, 37 f.
Charms, see Magie
Children, color character, 42, 145 f.
naming of colors, 9 f.
painting, 42, 145 f.
preferences, 35
sensitiveness to color, 23
Chinese, si, 8
symbolism, 51
ts 'ing, 22
Yin-Yang, 93, 95, 98 f.
Chromatic colors, 87 f., 102
See also Achromatic
Clothing, color in, 93, 98, 103,
130 f., 139
Coldness of colors, see Warmth
Color, see Character; Experiment;
Expression; Life; Mask; Phe-
nomenal; Quality; etc.
Color blindness, 17 ff., 23 f.
Comparison,color description, 19 ff.
Compass points, 16, 51
Concept, color, 10, 12, 21 ff., 54
Concrete, see Abstraction
Contrast, 29
Convention in color character, 75 f.
Cows, color of, 20, 27 f.
Danish, gul farve, 16
Dark colors, 82 f., 126 ff.
blue, gray, 19
sadness, 128
yellow, green, 83, 113
See also Interrelation
Dayaks, color of caste, 92, 101
color of upper- and under-
world, 51
Djata-black, 94
yellow-red, 109
Diagnosis, see Character; Tests
Divination, 49, 91, 95, 100
Dutch, blauw, 115
rijpe bacove, 16
Dyeing, 25 ff., 142
Egyptian, ancient, Buto-green,
125
lsis-black, 94
iwn, 1
Osiris-black, 93
symbolism of minerals, 62
w5d-wdg, 125
Egyptian, modern, abjarj, 22, 24
color descriptions, 21
color names, 22
Emotions and color, 39 ff.
See also Character
English, blue, 19
character of the -language, 60
gall, gold, 18
grass, green, grow, 16
light, white, 14
red, 15
swart, 14
yellow, 16, 18
Eras, colors of mythical, 51, 89,
101
Eskimo, color names, 29
auk, aupaluktak, 15
yellow, 15 f.
Experiment, color-, Instructions,
69 ff.
pre-rationality, 72 ff., 160
procedure, 68 ff.
rationalizing, 74 f., 147
significance for subjects, 73
ff., 160
subjects, 69, 71, 75
use of colors, 68, 73 f., 78 ff.
186 SUBJECT INDEX
words used, 72, 86
Experimental methods, associ-
ations, 53
color character, 40
color preferences, 33
phenomenology, 61 f.
Expression, color as, 139 ff.
Eyes, color of, 91, 140
Face, color of, 139 f.
Facts, 2, 56-59
Fashion, 28, 38, 138
Filmy colors, 7
French, character of the - lan-
guage, 60
bleu, 115
Ga-negroes, gulfa, 16
German, early, swarz, 14
war-red clothing, 103
German, modern, blauen, grauen,
grnen, 2
blue-death, 11 7
character of the - language, 60
Farbe, 25
schwarz, 14
Germanic, xwU(t)a-, 14
Gold, wheat, 20 f.
yellow, 111
Gray, character, 131 f., 135
grauen, 2
naming of, 19-22
See also Dark; Interre-
lation; Preferences
Greek, 18
oct-&o<J;, 20
blue eye-evil, 140
Cybele, Diana - black, 94
earth-black, 93
15 f.
13 f.
13
20
mythical eras, 51
phallus-red, 107
26 f.
XAOl), XAOOpO<;, 16 ff., 22
Green, after-image, 17
character, 122 ff., 134, 160 f.
conspicuousness, 28-30, 124
future, 62, 75, 125 f.
grass, 8, 19, 62
grnen, 2
hope, 51-54, 62, 75, 126
as mixture, 123
naming of, 15-18, 20-22, 27-29
nature, trees, vegetation; 9, 28 f.,
31, 122 ff.
poison, 126
repose, 40, 46, 124
sea, 18, 29, 62
in tests, 145 ff.
youth, 125 f.
ferences
Heraldic colors, 50, 108
Herero, upper world-black, 93
Hue, 21-24
Indian(American), compass points,
15, 51
Maya-black, 94
Indian (India), colors of castes
and eras, 51, 92, 101
Kali-black, 94
Linga-Y oni, 98
Indigo, naming of, 19
relaxation, 40
Indogermanic, bhe-, 14
bhur, 26
lug, 14
reydh-, 15
Intentionality, 56, 60
Interiority of color, 110, 139 ff.
Interrelation of the colors, 82 ff.,
135 f.
Introspection, 57
Ionian, death-black, 100
J ews, liturgical white, 100
wearing yellow, 113
SUBJECT INDEX 187
white-purifying, 97
Judas, red hair, 140
yellow robe, 112
Juliana, Queen, orange, 114
Kalmuchs, color of caste, 92
Krik, white and red villages, 1 04
Language, in phenomenology,
58-61
See also Concepts; Naming
Latin, ater, 15, 20
candidus, 14
color, celare, occulere, 25 f.
flavus, 19
ruber, 15
sut2sum, 14
Latvian, szviteti, 14
Life of colors, 1 f., 47 f., 104, 133
Light, see White
Lines and colors, 38, 44
Liturgical colors, 49-51, 1 00
Madagascan, color description, 20
white-free people, 101
Magie, colors in, 49, 92, 97, 104-
106
Mask, color as, 141 f.
Medication, see Magie
Mexican, mythical eras, 51
Middle Ages, symbolism, 49 f.,
63, 113, 121, 130, 139
Minerals, 27, 62 f.
Mosaic Test, see Tests
Naming of color, 7-32
development, 13-19, 25-32
learning, 9 f.
and perception, 7 ff., 160
variability, 41
Nias, primaries, 15
Norse, ro'/Jra, 15
sortna, 14
Nuer, color description, 20
color names, 27 f.
Objectivity, 3, 40, 59, 67
Ochre, 26 f.
Orange, character, 40, 114, 134
typical words, 81, 1 78
See also Interrelations; Pre-
ferences
Ovaherero, green, blue, 16
Painting, 25 ff., 142
See also Tests
Perception, 45 ff., 54, 56, 143
Persian, Mithras, 94
Phenomenal, 2, 30 f., 123, 140f., 144
Phenomenology, 48, 55 ff.
experiment, 61 f.
language, 59 f.
method, 57 ff.
natural phenomena, 62 f.
object of, 56 f., 101
poetry, 60 f.
Physics, 2 f., 63, 123, 141
Physiognomy, 2, 139
Physiology, 2 f., 24, 30, 35, 56
Pink, naming of, 21 f.
yellow, 108
Polyvalence, 137 f.
Preferences, 33 ff., 70, 85 f.,
148 ff.
factors influencing, 35 ff.
general order of, 34 f.
individual, 35 ff.
typology, 33, 36, 86
Primaries, naming of, 30 f.
Nias, 16
Primitives, see Magie; Naming;
Symbolism; etc.
Projet d'etre, 143 f., 149
Psychoanalysis, black-white, 98 f.
blue, 122
green, 125
red, 106 f.
yellow, 113
Purple, character, 40, 128 f., 134 f.
naming of, 20-22
royalty, 129
typical words, 82, 1 78
violet, 86
See also Dark; Interre-
lation; Preferences
188 SUBJECT INDEX
Quality, color as, 7 f., 38, 138--142
Red, after-image, 17
animals, 28
blood, 8 f., 15 f., 19, 26-28,
31, 105 f.
character, 102 ff., 133, 140,
160
conspicuousness, 28 ff.
emotionality, 106
exciting, 40, 46, 102 f.
heat, 53 f., 102
Iove, 51, 75 f., 106
naming of, 13, 15 f., 20-22,26-29
to redden, 2
in tests, 145 ff.
threshold, 23 f.
vitality, 104 ff.
war, 103 f.
youth, 125
ferences
Retina, 23, 46 f.
Reynard the Fox, red hair, 140
Rarschach Test, see Tests
Russian, arapovatyi, 14
belyi, 14
buria, 26
galuboy, siniy, 18
mastj, 26
svet, 14
zeljionyi, zioltyi, 18
Sanskrit, candra-, 14
var, var'f!a, 25, 51
Saramakka-negroes, bakuba repi
b, 16
Saturation, preference, 33
Sensation, 47
Sensitiveness to color, 23 f., 30
Situation, 67, 133, 143
Sodom and Gomorrah, yellow-
sulphur, 113
Spectrum, 3, 100 f.
Statistics, 35, 69
Symbolism, 48 ff., 56, 137 f., 159
alchemy, 63
development, 49
liturgy, 50 f., 100
minerals, 62
Synesthesia, 42 ff., 52, 56, 77, 159
Tartars, color of caste, 92
Tattooing, 27
Tchi-negroes, green, 29
Tchuktchen, origin of cattle, 100
Temperature, see Warmth
Terms, see Naming
Tests, Color Pyramid, 42
Finger Painting, 42, 91
Mosaic, 42, 146
painting 42, 103, 144 ff.
Rapkin-Wheeler, 44
Rorschach, 42, 98, 103, 144
See also Experiment
Tibethan, Hot-Tkar, 100
Tintometer, 23 f.
Todas, color descriptions, 19
Tones and colors, 43 f.
Tongan, panefunefe, 130
Trade, color in, 38, 138
Typology, perception, 11, 37
preference, 33, 36, 86
Violet, character, 40, 86
naming of, 31
purple, 86
Warmth of colors, 30, 44 f., 47 f.,
97, 102, 112, 121
Weight of colors, 44 f.
White, after-image, 17
Being 95 f.
black, contrast, see Black
blue, 82 f., 119 f.
character, 94 ff., 132 f., 160
day, 14, 94
death, 99 f.
femininity, 98 f.
light, 13 f., 21-24, 31, 87 f., 94,
160
naming of, 12ff., 19-22, 31 f.
SUBJECT INDEX 189
peace, 75,99
purity, 52, 97 f.
snow, 15, 97, 141
sterility, 96 f.
sublinty, 100, 119
in tests, 147 ff.
youth,99, 125
See also Achromatic; In-
terrelation; Preferences
Yellow, animals, fruits, wheat,
16,20,28
chatacter, 40, 46, 107 ff., 133
f., 140, 160
conflict, 112
conspicuousness, 28-30, 110
envy, 75, 112
gall, gold, 16, 18
hatred, 52 f., 112
history of meaning, 113
nanng of, 15-18, 20-22, 27 ff.
red, 109 f.
science, 108, 112, 120
sublinty, 108, 119
sun, llOf.
in tests, 145 ff.
threshold, 23 f.
warmth, 112
white, 1 08 ff.
youth, 109, 112, 125
ferences
PHRASES,SAYINGS,POETRY
Black
English
to black, 92
black army, 51, 92
black aspect, 93
black bottle, 92
black deed, 92
black despair, 90
to blacken, 92
Black Eye, 91
black Friday, 93
black gentleman, 91
blacking, 92
black Ietter day, 90
the black is lusty, 140
black magic, 92
blackmail, 89
black marketeering, 89
black-out, 90
black tidings, 93
Nevermore, 90
French
il.menoir, 92
angoisse: drapeau noir, 91
esprits, tout noirs au dedans,
142
jugement dernier: navire noir,
90
messes noires, 92
neant noir, 88
noir chagrin, 90
noir: comme le coeur de
l'homme, 92
noir espoir, 90
noir: frere du silence, 89
nuit: eunuque noir, 97
ombre hideuse .... , 89
peindre en noir, 90
tenebres: blocs sombres, 90
German
schwarze Front, 89
schwarzes Herz, 92
schwarze Reichswehr, 89
Latin
candida de nigris facere, 95
Madagascan
black cloth, my heart is black,
102
man: a black bottle, 89
Polish
the black one, 91
190 SUBJEeT INDEX
White
English
to act white, 97
the pale is envious, 140
your sins shall be white as
snow, 106
white day, 102
white guy, 97
white lie, 97
white-livered, 96
whited sepulchres, full of bones,
142
French
la blanche prison de sa raison,
96
blanches inactions, 96
la blancheur de son ame, 98
espoir: ailes blanchatres, 1 02
esprits, blancs au dehors, 142
jour: eunuque blanc, 97
mettre a blanc, 96
virginite de la feuille de papier,
98
voir tout en blanc, 102
Greek
96
Latin
candida de nigris facere, 95
Madagascan
happiness: white dress, 102
the white cock is easily attack-
ed,98
Red
English
to be in the red, 103
red in the comb, 106
red light district, 106
red palace, 1 06
red treat, 103
the red is wise, 140
scarlet sins, red like crimson,
106
to see red, 103
French
se fileher tout rouge, 103
guerre: ailes rouges, 103
haine: rouges emanations, 103
une lanterne rouge, drapeau du
vice, 106
German
aussen rot, innen tot, 142
Yellow
Dutch
geelbek, 109
geel van nijd, 112
English
yellow dog, 109
yellow-livered, 109
yellowness, 113
yellow press, 112
yellows, 113
yellow streak, 51, 1 09
French
amours jaunes, 113
conscience: fantme jaune, 108
contes jaunes, 112
les Jaunes, 112
litterature jaune, 112
montrer son bec jaune, 109
peches: chiens jaunes, 113
le ruban jaune au bonnet, 113
Blue
Dutch
blauw kijken, 115
blauwe Maandag, 115
English
blue-cheek, 120
blued, 115
blue laws, 120
blue moon, 115
blue stocking, 120
to burn blue, 117
to feel blue, 116
to have the blues, 51, 116
true blue, 121
French
l'azur rit, 121
bonheur: robe d'azur, 117
conte bleue, 119
ennui bleu, 115
espoir: ciel bleu, 117
SUBJECT INDEX 191
innocence: fleur bleue, 120
innocence et paix: oeuil
d'azur, 140
Iitterature bleue, 121
melancolie: cloche de cristal
bleu, 116
oiseau bleu, 117
reve: bonhomme bleu, 119
voyager dans le bleu, 119
des yeux bleus et froids, 121
Frisian
de blauwe Fedde, 117
German
blau frben, 119
ins Blaue hinein, 119
ein blauer Bericht, 119
Madagascan
blue birds, 117
blue person, 121
Green
English
green-eyed jealousy, 126
greenhorn, 51, 125
green-milk, 125
green old age, 125
green thirst, 126
salad days, 125
French
mettre au vert, 124
le poison de tes yeux verts,
126
souffle empoisonne, rides vertes,
126
vagues vertes, me d'enfant,
62
vert paradis des amours en-
fantines, 125
verte maturite, 125
des yeux verts, me de cuisi-
niere, 124
German
grn um den Schnabel, 125
Italian
essere al verde, 126
Purple
French
pourpre et deja mure, 129
German
purpurner Klang, 128
Brown
English
to brown someone, 131
the brown is trusty, 140
to do a person brown, 51, 130
watehing the twilight brown, 129
French
il commence a faire brun, 129
German
das ist mir zu braun, 131
Gray
English
dimmed by no gray, 132
gray hairs, death's blossoms,
132
gray looks, 132
gray nightmare, 132
gray ponderings, 132
gray renown, 132
gray wisdom, 132
to have the grays, 131
French
grise, 131
du vague, du gris, 131
Madagascan
I am gray, 132
STELLINGEN
I
Het karakter der kleuren is niet alleen afhankelijk van de
physische structuur der lichtstralen, maar wordt bepaald door de
totale situatie, waarin de kleur optreedt.
II
De onderzoekingen van Rivers met de Tintometer bij primi-
tieve volkeren zijn waardeloos, omdat hierbij geen rekening is ge-
houden met linguistische factoren.
III
Het factor-analytisch onderzoek van psychologisch materiaal
is slechts gerechtvaardigd, wanneer zij wordt uitgevoerd als
statistische controle van een voorafgaande, autologisch psycho-
logische analyse.
IV
Wat men in de psychologie pleegt aan te duiden met het begrip
"onderbewustzijn" is in feitenietsanders dan het niet-reflexieve,
positionele bewustzijn.
V
De verhouding tussen de architectuur van een gelaat en het
innerlijk van debetreffende persoon is niet eendirect-expressieve,
maar wordt bepaald door de wijze, waarop de persoon het pour-
autrui-aspect van zijn gelaat persoonlijk veiWerkt.
VI
De bewegingsantwoorden in de Rorschach-test vertegenwoor-
digen niet dein de platen geprojecteerde kinaesthetische bewe-
gingsgewaarwordingen van de beschouwer, maar zijn de uiting
van een "vermenselijking" van het in de platen gegeven beschou-
wingsmateriaal; zij zijn een norm voor de mate waarin de be-
schouwer open staat voor de subjectiviteit van de ander.
VII
De opvatting van sommige voorstanders der "non-directive"
gespreksmethode, dat deze methode consequent in het gehele
verloop van de therapie gevolgd moet worden, is noch theoretisch,
noch experimenteel waar gemaakt.
VIII
Henri Wallon's categorie der couples brengt onder nieuwe naam
niets anders dan de van ouds bekende associatieve verklaring van
het denkproces.
IX
De uitspraak van Wolff: "Young children prefer to speak of
themselves in the third person as of something externalized," is
onjuist, daar hierin wordt uitgegaan van het volwassen mens-beeld
en de aard van het taalgebruik bij volwassenen.
W. WoLFF The Personality of the Preschool
Child. New York: Grune & Stratton, 1946.
X
De door Waterink opgestelde typologieen der puberale ont-
wikkeling berusten op een theoretische constructie, niet op psy-
chologische verschij nselen.
XI
De opvatting van Margeret Mead, dat de culturele distinctie
van het mannelijke en vrouwelijke geheel onafhankelijk zou zijn
van de biologische differentiering van man en vrouw wordt niet
bewezen door de door haar vermelde feiten.
M. MEAD From the South Seas. New York:
Morrow, 1939.
XII
In de ethnologie behoort tussen sexuele inversie en paedophilie
een wezenlijk onderscheid te worden gemaakt; de sexuele in versie
kan nooit als een vorm van erotiek, gelijkwaardig aan en naast de
normale erotiek sociaal geaccepteerd worden, hetgeen wel mo-
gelijk is t.o.v. de paedophilie.
XIII
De verklaring van de incest-afkeer moet worden gezocht in de
angst voor het doorbreken van de sociale verhaudingen in de farni-
liaire structurering, waarbij de omvang van het begrip "familiair"
bepaald wordt door culturele factoren.
XIV
In de critiek op de opvatting, als zou bij enkele primitieve vol-
keren het verband tussen coitus en conceptie niet bekend zijn,
wordt gewoonlijk geen rekening gehouden met het wezenlijk
onderscheid tussen het physiologische aspect van de coitus-con-
ceptie relatie en haar irrationele, gevoelsmatige betekenis.
XV
Het is onjuist de harmonische analyse van de werken van De-
bussy te funderen op de klassieke, diationische harmonieleer.
XVI
De theorie van Daniskas, volgens welke in het beluisteren van
muziek het phenomenaal gegevene, zuiver tijdelijke, door middel
van het geheugen gevat wordt in ruimtelijke kwaliteiten van
begripsmatige aard, en hierin eerst de grondslag is gegeven voor
het vormelement in de muziek, berust op een volkomen foutieve
opvatting over de phenomenale aspecten in het muzikale geheuren.
J. DANISKAS Grandslagen voor de analytische
vormleer der muziek. Rotterdam: Brusse, 1948.
XVII
De toelating van candidaten in de medicijnen tot de doctoraal-
studie in de psychologie is zonder redelijke grond.

Benjamin Jan Kouwer (Auth.) Colors and Their Character - A Psychological Study 1949

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COLORS AND THEIR CHARACTER

M.V. VAN DE GARDE & CO'S DRUKKERIJ, ZALTBOMMEL

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