Hollows - Oliver's Twist - Leisure, Labour and Domestic Masculinity in The Naked Chef PDF

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DOI: 10.1177/13678779030062005
2003 6: 229 International Journal of Cultural Studies
Joanne Hollows
Oliver's Twist: Leisure, Labour and Domestic Masculinity in The Naked Chef
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A RT I CL E
INTERNATIONAL
journal of
CULTURAL studies
Copyright 2003 SAGE Publications
London, Thousand Oaks,
CA and New Delhi
Volume 6(2): 229248
[1367-8779(200306)6:2; 229248; 033345]
Olivers twist
Leisure, labour and domestic masculinity in The
Naked Chef
G Joanne Hollows
Nottingham Trent University, England
A BST RA CT G Despite the explosion of interest in cooking, there has been
little research into the meanings that men bring to their cooking practices. This
article examines how a mode of domestic masculinity is negotiated in Jamie
Olivers television shows and cookbooks. Drawing on Marjorie DeVaults work, in
which she argues that cooking is a way in which women construct themselves as
recognizably womanly, the article argues that in The Naked Chef cooking is
constructed as recognizably manly through association with recognizable
masculinities. The construction of the masculine domestic cook involves
disavowing the extent to which cooking is a form of labour and constructing it as
a fun leisure and lifestyle activity. The article draws on Bourdieus work to
suggest that the ability to experience cooking as leisure is dependent on a
distance from both economic and temporal constraints, a position that is both
classed and gendered. G
KE Y WO RDS G class Gcooking Gdomestic labour Gfood Gleisure Glife-
style GMasculinity Gtelevision
Jamie Oliver is a phenomenon in the UK. Discovered in the kitchens of
London restaurant The River Caf during the lming of another cookery
series, Jamie was launched in his own show, The Naked Chef, in 1999.
Two further series of The Naked Chef followed along with four bestselling
59R 05hollows (ds) 25/6/03 1:26 pm Page 229
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230
cookbooks.
1
In the process, Jamie Oliver has become a powerful brand
used to sell videos, DVDs, an album and live tour dates, alongside table-
ware and cookware. He is also the face of Sainsburys supermarkets,
featuring in high-prole advertising campaigns and on product lines in-
store. Outside the UK, The Naked Chef has also had considerable success
in a range of territories, capitalizing on the expansion of lifestyle program-
ming on global television. For example, the Food Network, a US cable
channel, has now co-produced a 26-part series, Olivers Twist, selling
Jamies cooking, lifestyle and London location to international audiences.
The power of Jamie as a brand stems from his shows negotiation of the
television cookery format to emphasize the importance of lifestyle.
2
The
Naked Chef is distinguished by the way it incorporates cooking sequences
in Jamies apartment within a wider display of the Jamie lifestyle, in which
he is shown riding his trademark Vespa around London, shopping, eating
with friends and engaging in a range of leisure pursuits. The Naked Chef
doesnt simply educate the viewer about how to cook, but how to use food
as one element in an expressive display of lifestyle (Lury, 1996: 65). This
is accentuated by the shows visual style which draws on pop videos and
employs a grainy realist aesthetic to create the sense of The Naked Chef
as a docu-soap about Jamies life (Moseley, 2001: 38).
3
This article focuses on how The Naked Chef constructs cooking as a
masculine lifestyle activity,
4
building on Moseleys argument that Jamie
Oliver negotiates the tension between the new man and the new lad.
(2001: 39) However, as the next section goes on to explore, work on new
masculinities within cultural studies has tended to focus on their produc-
tion and negotiation in public, urban space rather than domestic contexts
(Mort, 1996; Nixon, 1996). In this way, the article seeks to open up debates
about new masculinities by examining how Olivers image attempts to
reconcile public and private masculinities.
Furthermore, the article suggests that in negotiating a mode of domestic
masculinity, Jamie also negotiates the tension between the gures of the
feminine domestic cook and the masculine professional chef. Indeed, what
is striking about Oliver is the extent to which he refuses the legitimacy of
the professional chef in culinary matters, despite his background, and
continuing employment, in professional cookery in a restaurant kitchen.
This is particularly striking in a UK-context in which professional cookery
has been seen as the legitimate arena for a masculine culinary practice that
is usually seen as superior to feminine domestic cookery (Coxon, 1983;
Mennell, 1996). Indeed, a number of celebrity chefs such as Marco Pierre-
White and Gordon Ramsay have gained fame by accentuating their macho
credentials. In what follows, I go on to explore how Jamie refuses these
conventions of culinary masculinity.
However, in order to embrace domestic cookery, Oliver also has to nego-
tiate its associations with femininity. Academic work on gender and
cookery, frequently motivated by a wider interest in the sexual division of
INTERNATIONA L journal of CULTURA L studies 6(2)
labour, has been primarily concerned with the meanings women bring to
cooking practices within nuclear family structures (Charles and Kerr, 1988;
DeVault, 1991; Murcott, 1995). This has resulted in a relative lack of
interest in mens relationship to domestic cookery, although research that
exists suggests that men cook when it can be understood as leisure rather
than labour (Kemmer, 1999; Roos et al., 2001). For critics such as DeVault,
womens cooking practices are a principal means through which women
perform caring for others and through which a woman conducts herself
as recognizably womanly (1991: 118). Such a position is reafrmed by
historical research suggesting that domestic cookery can only be understood
as manly when it is made consistent with traditionally masculine charac-
teristics, spaces (such as outdoors) or foods (such as steak) (Inness, 2000).
Cookbooks for men frequently present cooking as something easily
mastered while maintaining that masculine incompetence in the feminine
sphere of the kitchen is a virtue.
5
As a result, The Naked Chef incorporates cooking within a cool mascu-
line lifestyle, by disavowing the extent to which both cooking and the
construction of lifestyles can be experienced as labour rather than leisure.
This emphasis on cooking as a leisure activity not only reafrms masculine
domestic cookery as a leisure and leisured practice but also afrms the
dispositions associated with the new petit-bourgeoisie, in which there is a
morality of pleasure as duty (Bourdieu, 1984: 367). Although Moseley
argues that Jamie sells a discourse of accessibility and achievability (2001:
39) the following discussion suggests that this is only achieved by obfus-
cating the extent to which cooking as both domestic labour and lifestyle
practice involves work.
In the process, the article brings together debates about cooking both in
terms of the sexual division of domestic labour and the leisure-work (Bell,
2002) involved in constructing and maintaining the lifestyles through which
the new middle classes distinguish themselves.
6
Indeed, the article suggests
that while the dispositions of the new middle classes are usually seen as
gender-neutral characteristics, they presume a position of distance from
domestic labour that is more readily available to men than women. In this
way, the article is also situated within wider feminist appropriations of
Bourdieu about how access to different forms of capital (economic, cultural,
social and symbolic) and the ability to capitalize upon them, is related to
both class and gender (Skeggs, 1997; forthcoming).
One of the (larder) lads: domesticity and new masculinities
in the UK
7
Jamie Oliver draws heavily on the new lad, a central gure in mens
magazine publishing and popular television in the UK in the mid-1990s who
fuelled considerable debate in the press.
8
However, as Moseley has noted,
Hollows
G
Olivers twist 231
232
Jamie Olivers image also draws on the 1980s new man, in both his incar-
nations as nurturing, anti-sexist, caring, sharing man and as a narcissis-
tic urban consumer (Beynon, 2002: 101). In order to construct domestic
cookery as recognizably manly, Jamies image depends on these recog-
nizable masculinities.
However, attempts to articulate these antagonistic masculine identities
produce contradictions in Jamies image. For example, the new lad has been
seen as a gure based on a refusal of the political correctness associated
not only with feminism but also the nurturing new man (Whelehan, 2000).
Indeed, this refusal is neatly illustrated in the cookery column of the lad
mag Later which offers laughably easy dishes that look like they were
prepared by a sensitive modern man who really went to a lot of trouble.
(author unknown, 1999a: 144) In this way, Later mocks the new mans
seriousness and wasted labour, reafrming the lack of seriousness that is
characteristic of the lad mags (Jackson et al., 2001).
Despite the presence of cookery columns in many mens magazines,
academic work on both new man and new lad has shown little interest in
how these masculinities are formed in relation to domestic space and prac-
tices. One of the axiomatic images in British debates about the new man
was that of Nick Kamen stripping down to his boxer shorts in a launderette
in an advertisement for Levis 501 jeans. However, Nixon observes, by
doing his washing in a commercial public space, the new man was relieved
of the unglamorous weight of domestic laundry (1996: 2). This comment
could also be seen as an apt metaphor for the position of domestic labour
and leisure in academic debates about the new man. In cultural studies,
critics have concentrated on how masculine identities are formed through
particular metropolitan public spaces of consumption, which operate as a
masculine playground (Mort, 1996: 82) and where the narcissistic new
man was constructed at the level of the spectacle.
9
This preoccupation with
mens public consumption practices leads to a corresponding neglect of the
signicance of domestic consumption (and the relationship between public
and private). Indeed, these debates, which were preoccupied with gures of
modernity such as the neur, also drew on a long-standing vocabulary of
modernity that was anti-home and celebrates mobility, movement, exile,
boundary crossing. It speaks enthusiastically about movement out into the
world, but is silent about the return home (Felski, 2000: 86).
Domesticity also gures as a problem in debates about the new lad. In
the lad mags studied by Jackson et al., the new lads single lifestyle is based
on the necessity of avoiding the constraints and traps of marriage, includ-
ing domestic duties (2001: 81). It is perhaps for this reason that, while the
babe is the central gure of femininity in the lad mags, gures of maternal
authority play the crucial role in the construction of the new lad as
naughty boy (Hunt, 1998: 8). Furthermore, these magazines use lifestyle
to address the tensions between domesticity (culturally coded as feminine)
and mens working lives, and consumption is presented as an alternative
to domestic responsibility and emotional commitment (Jackson et al.,
2001: 1423). The new lad is precariously positioned, attempting to escape
the domestic yet contained by it. This tension is given a culinary manifes-
tation in the lad mags, where the takeaway and the ready-meal, largely
produced and bought within the public sphere but consumed within the
domestic, are given a privileged position.
A number of characteristics associated with the new lad are incorporated
into The Naked Chef. First is the use of language: recipes and ingredients
are repeatedly described as pukka, funky and wicked, and even foods
which suggest seriousness and a moral approach to healthy eating are
subject to an attempted transformation into lad food by being rebranded as
pukkola (Oliver, 2000: 32). Oliver combines this youthful language with
some of the mockney linguistic turns that have also been favoured by the
lad mags: Jamie gets into dodgy situations where he might have to leg it;
he meets a bloomin great geezer, refers to his wife/girlfriend as the missus
and likes a Ruby Murray (2000: 1112; 2001: 90). As a result, he ts
neatly with the image of the new lad as middle class but in love with
working-class masculinity, a masculinity that represents both authenticity
and stability (Hunt, 1998: 7).
Second, as Jackson et al. note, media debates have tended to condense
the new lad to a series of attributes such as football, music, booze and babes
(2001: 37). Babes prove somewhat problematic for the Jamie image as his
girlfriend (and later wife) Jules is a frequent presence in his TV shows and
cookery books and, as Rachel Moseley notes, extra-textually much has
been made of his family values (2001: 38). Nonetheless, The Return of the
Naked Chef draws on the visual style of the lad mags, featuring a shot of
Jules (cropped so that she remains headless) wearing a tight t-shirt with the
words tuck in across her breasts. Sport, music and booze are far less prob-
lematic: Jamie plays football, goes greyhound racing, plays in a band and
gets lagered-up with his friends. The obsession with booze in the lad mags
extends to the treatment of food and, in particular, to cooking that can be
performed when drunk: Later features Drunk Chef: Low-risk Cooking
When Youve Had a Few (author unknown, 1999b: 146) and FHM offers
Drunken Delights (author unknown, 1999c: 44). Likewise, Jamie offers up
a midnight pan-cooked breakfast to cook for your mates after the pub.
The Naked Chef therefore suggests that cooking can be seamlessly incor-
porated into a new lad lifestyle and appear as natural as ordering a take-
away curry.
Third, the construction of the new lad in mens magazines involves an
avoidance of seriousness combined with an ironic tone (Jackson et al.,
2001). This is echoed in Jamies attempts to demonstrate he doesnt take
himself, or cooking, too seriously and his maxim that cooking has gotta be
a laugh. Seriousness is also refused through an often child-like rejection of
Hollows
G
Olivers twist 233
234
different forms of feminine authority. Talking about a friends mother, Jamie
boasts, Ive changed Marys recipe to suit my taste Ill probably get a slap
for it but thats cooking and you can do what you like! (2000: 86). As Hunt
points out, forms of maternal authority allow the new lads rebellion to
make sense: the New Lad doesnt want to separate from the mother on
the contrary, he needs her to tell him that yes, he is a very naughty boy
(1998: 8). Other womens authority is refused through a rejection of their
cooking competence: his mother-in-law boils the hell out of spinach
(Oliver, 2000: 210) and my missus makes me fantastic mashed vegetables,
beautifully seasoned and drizzled with olive oil the only thing is, they are
meant to be separate servings of boiled carrots and new potatoes! (Oliver,
2000: 215). Therefore, his masculine culinary competence is distinguished
from feminine domestic cookery in which overcooked vegetables represent
a British tradition. Finally, Jamie also uses feminism as a model of the
feminine seriousness and authority that must be refused in a manner remi-
niscent of the lad mags (see Whelehan, 2000). He advocates that
If youre after some brownie points and youre a bloke I would highly suggest
breakfast in bed for the missus . . ., and if youre like my missus, sorry, the
lovely Jules, you should attempt a little bit of brekkie for your fella before
asking him for a bit of cash for that dress youve seen in Top Shop. But
seriously, before Womens Lib get on the phone . . . (2000: 23)
In this way, Jamie reproduces the position to feminism articulated in the lad
mags. As Suzanne Franks puts it, The message was Stop patronizing me;
I understand the equal rights thing. Now lets have a laugh for Christs
sake . (cited in Read, forthcoming) In this way, the refusal of seriousness
also works as a refusal of various modes of femininity.
If these features of The Naked Chef articulate domestic cookery with
familiar aspects of contemporary masculinity, then so do the range of
historical and geographical identications employed. As already noted,
Jamies speech alludes to a (mock) cockney authenticity. Connections to
London are established visually through speeded-up footage of the Thames,
indicating both the passing of Jamies day and the pace of city life. The
centrality of London as a setting for a metropolitan, cosmopolitan mascu-
linity is cemented by the ways in which cooking sequences in domestic space
are intercut with sequences tracking Jamies movements around locales
(Soho, Islington, Notting Hill) and amid red buses and barrow boys, which
have come to act as signiers of London-ness in a manner established in
British movies produced for an export market (Wilson, 2001: 146). Jamies
mobility around the city works to associate him with both the set of spatial
identications and sense of nerie that Mort (1996) associates with the
narcissistic new man.
This sense of London-ness is also articulated to a wider sense of British-
ness. Some of the dishes prepared by Jamie involve (frequently minor)
adaptations of traditional British fare such as the bacon sarnie and
English breakfast. Comfort Grub is also linked to a nostalgia for British
dishes associated with memories of childhood . . . coming home shivering
and wet after playing footie with the boys (Oliver, 2001: 20). This sense of
nation is also compounded by the soundtrack to The Naked Chef, which is
composed of Britpop and acid jazz (Moseley, 2001), associations which are
cemented in the cookbooks where a chapter on breakfast, Morning Glory,
is linked to Brit-pop band Oasis. These musical references articulate British-
ness to both the cool present and the past, through visual and aural refer-
ences to the 1960s and 1970s, periods which the lad mags frequently
associated with a moment of authentic and natural masculinity (see
Hunt, 1998: 57).
However, if Britishness plays an important role in the construction of
Jamie Olivers image, Italianicity is also crucial to his construction of a
domestic culinary masculinity. This Italianicity works to cement Olivers
associations with 1960s masculinities through references to Mod style, from
the Vespa he rides to his Duffer of St George clothes. Italy is also the corner-
stone of his culinary repertoire: much of his professional experience was in
Italian restaurants and while the majority of his recipes may not be authen-
tically Italian, they clearly signify Italianicity. This sense that Jamies ethnic-
ity is imagined as a British-Italian hybrid is compounded by the way in
which he refers to Gennaro, his Italian culinary mentor, as his London
father and this is accompanied by insistent references to babies as
bambinos. This serves to inect his family values (noted by Moseley),
with an imagined Italian tradition of family, rather than a British family-
values agenda, which usually signies a non-youthful conservatism. Part of
the signicance of this hybridity lies in its relationship to an already estab-
lished appropriation of signiers of Italy in some British youth culture, from
Mods through to the lifestyle magazines associated with the narcissistic
new man to the other predecessor of the new lad, the casual.
10
Therefore,
the Britishness which is a central feature of Jamies image, and of his poten-
tial to be exported and become a global celebrity, incorporates elements of
Italianicity as an appropriate ethnicity which itself has become a fetishized
object of consumption (Ahmed, 2000; Skeggs, forthcoming).
If, in these ways, Jamie Oliver can also be understood as a culinary exten-
sion of mod (Hebdige, 1988: 75)
11
then the association with Italian food,
and corresponding rejection of French food, has a very specic function
to play in terms of Jamies construction of a domestic culinary heterosexual
masculinity. The reasons for this lie in the popular associations of these
national cuisines in a UK context: Frenchness is strongly identied with
posh restaurant cooking, while Italian food has been more readily in-
corporated into everyday British domestic cookery and signies a less
formal and more rustic tradition. The opposition between the associations
of these national cuisines, and the opposition between the posh and the
Hollows
G
Olivers twist 235
236
rustic, lie at the heart of The Naked Chef. Olivers naked cooking style
isnt about cheffy food, its for normal people who want short-cuts and tips
. . . its for anyone who is interested in cooking tasty, gutsy, simple, common-
sense food and having a right good laugh at the same time (Oliver, 2000:
11). This sense of simplicity and commonsense is reinforced by the
language used by Oliver: as Moseley notes, he uses words like bash ,
smash , and throw and repeatedly describes his cooking as not
poncey (2001: 38). The use of such masculine and everyday language not
only distinguishes Jamies culinary style from the more cautious and precise
tone of female cookery writers such as Delia Smith, but also from the
professional and technical vocabulary found in the cookery books written
by superstar male chefs.
Indeed, Jamies rejection of poncey cookery is less a rejection of feminine
domestic cookery than of the hegemony of the male restaurant chef.
12
In
the UK, there is a long-standing association between restaurant cuisine and
French-inuenced cookery (Mennell, 1996), an image reafrmed by the
nouvelle cuisine of the 1980s. As a result of these changes, ornamental
cookery is no longer associated with the feminine domestic cook as it was
in the 1950s, and is now associated with the highly stylized visual aesthetics
of post-nouvelle cuisine. These associations are cemented on television in
programmes centred on chefs such as Gary Rhodes and Gordon Ramsay.
While these chefs may aim to translate their restaurant styles into a domestic
context, there is nonetheless a heavy emphasis on the visual aesthetics of
food and the domestic cook is encouraged to serve meals plated-up and
nely tweaked. In opposition to this, Oliver claims to still believe in the
two things that resulted in my name of the Naked Chef: using the bare
essentials of your larder and stripping down restaurant methods to the
reality of home (2000: 1213). For example, when Jamie prepares a
mozarella, peach and parma ham salad, he suggests we chuck it in the
middle of the table, none of this plated-up business, advising us to rip apart
the peaches as cut ones look commercial and horrible.
13
In this way, Jamie
seeks to strip away the formality of the cooking and eating practices associ-
ated with restaurants to reassert the validity of domestic cookery (a position
also taken up by Nigella Lawson and Nigel Slater). Furthermore, through
his emphasis on words such as bare and stripping, Jamie accentuates the
importance of an authenticity homologous with popular conceptions of
Italian cooking in the UK.
Some of Jamies legitimacy as a television chef comes from his position
as a restaurant chef (and this was emphasized in title sequences in the tele-
vision show). This has no doubt been consolidated by his association with
The River Caf, which itself has spawned some highly successful cook-
books, a television series and a reputation as the canteen of New Labour.
Indeed a sign that Jamies time had come can be seen in Peter Lilleys
complaint at the Conservative Party Conference that the nation was now
all about Britpop and The River Caf (Adams, 2000). However, by
refusing the legitimacy of both the macho restaurant chef and feminized
domesticity, Jamie reclaims the domestic kitchen as a sphere of masculine
competence and a site for the practice of the attributes of the new lad. In
the process, he appears to ameliorate the tensions that Jackson et al. identify
between domesticity . . . and mens working lives (2001: 142). However,
as the next section goes on to explore, gendered divisions between work
and leisure continue to produce contradictions within Jamie Olivers
image.
14
You cant be serious? Leisure, labour and gender
However, Jamies adoption of a laddish wardrobe and a corresponding lack
of seriousness sits uneasily with an increasing emphasis on caring, responsi-
bility and the serious nature of cooking. This emphasis on caring for
serves to associate Jamie with both feminine domestic labour and the
nurturing new man, the masculine gure associated with the political
correctness that the new lad refuses. This has been reinforced by Jamies
more recent portrayal of the new father. If this emphasis on care works to
create contradictions in Jamie Olivers image, these are partially contained
by his emphasis on domestic cooking as a fun, leisure activity distinct from
labour performed in the public sphere. The following discussion assesses the
extent to which The Naked Chef reproduces the masculine dispositions
towards domestic cookery as a creative leisure activity distinguished from
feminized domestic labour, examining how care and responsibility are
displaced from the domestic sphere and onto the public world of work.
Happy Days with the Naked Chef acknowledges that providing personal
attention in the preparation of meals is a means of demonstrating care for
others. Womens magazines frequently suggest that home-produced food is
emotionally-superior, signifying womanly labour but acknowledge the
practical constraints that impose a need for convenience, despite its associ-
ation with the impersonal world of capitalist rationalization (Warde,
1997: 133). While convenience is absent as a prime consideration in The
Naked Chef (and the relative lack of labour-saving devices in Jamies
kitchen reafrms this) a chapter on Quick Fixes demonstrates an acknow-
ledgement of the importance of time constraints, and the need to manage
time, in preparing everyday meals (Warde, 1999). I didnt want Jules to
feed herself on ready meals so I found myself custom-making the fantastic
Jamie Oliver dinners in a bag , he claims, pointing out that they also save
on washing-up (2001: 44). In this way, he not only marks the difference
between his professional and domestic practice, but also incorporates what
have traditionally been seen as elements of feminine domestic practice into
a domestic culinary masculinity.
Hollows
G
Olivers twist 237
238
If this attention to the needs of others threatens to undermine Jamies
refusal of seriousness, so his attachment to culinary values puts him at odds
with his laddish image. Although stripping down restaurant techniques is
central to The Naked Chef, this can only go so far without threatening his
professional credibility: for example, he advocates making stocks from
scratch. Likewise, there are awkward passages in the cookbooks where
Jamie attempts to negotiate his own preferences. In response to the
question of why is a twenty-six year-old full-blooded Essex boy devoting
two pages of his precious book to herbs?, he can only anxiously assert
that quite frankly, theyre cool: not just cool, but very cool (Oliver, 2001:
16). This anxiety also relates to the ways in which some of his tastes might
be seen as feminine (see Lupton, 1996): most blokes when asked what they
like [to eat] say MEAT , MEAT AND TWO VEG that means chips
and mash. Well, thats great me too. But you cant beat a good salad
(Oliver, 2000: 54). In this way, Jamies culinary cultural capital (Bell,
2000) demands a level of seriousness about cooking that stands in an
awkward relationship to the frivolity demanded by the consumption activi-
ties of the new lad, suggesting an uneasy relationship between cooking as
masculine professional practice and as a masculine lifestyle practice. This
sense of professional responsibility is accentuated in his latest series,
J amies Kitchen, a docu-soap in which he aims to train 15 unemployed
young people to work as chefs in his new non-prot-making restaurant
venture, Fifteen.
If Jamie can become serious in a professional capacity, to what extent
is this sense of responsibility maintained in his approaches to domestic
cookery? Happy Daysdemonstrates an increased sense of concern with the
social and cultural functions of eating as he is increasingly positioned within
the family and the domestic. In the process, Jules is transformed from a
babe into a wife as they become a good team in the kitchen (2001: 9).
However, most striking about Happy Days, dedicated to the cooks of
tomorrow, is the centrality of children. As Jamie explains in the chapter
devoted to children and cooking, getting your kids involved is denitely the
way forward for cooking in this country (2001: 65). While trying to
maintain a distance from the position of the expert, he nonetheless gets
serious in his discussion of childrens food habits: Without sounding like a
goody-goody or a preacher, in general kids diets in Britain are a nightmare
(2001: 67). The reader is encouraged to include their children in all aspects
of the familys food practices, from shopping to cooking, enabling them to
make informed choices while having good fun. This extends to the role of
food in sustaining family life: Turn the TV off (unless the World Cup is on,
of course) and simply enjoy eating together (2001: 75). However, having
fun is a serious business: cooking with your kids is not about making smiley
faces on pizzas . . . and disguising food. Its about smelling, touching,
creating, tasting, laughing and eating (2001: 66).
By taking on a position of parental responsibility, Jamie becomes associ-
ated with what are usually seen as feminine domestic competences. For
example, it is women who usually co-ordinate the feeding work that
allows family mealtimes to be experienced as quality time (DeVault, 1991).
Furthermore, by producing meals, mothers not only provide children with
nutrition but also with love and care (Lupton, 1996). While Jamie adopts
some of these characteristics, what remains absent is the sense of anxiety
that mothers frequently experience in relation to the practice of feeding
children (Coveney, 1999; Lupton, 1996; Murphy et al., 1999). Therefore,
while Jamie is positioned within the domestic, he is not dened by its
demands and obligations. While womens anxieties in the kitchen arise from
the fact that the successful performance of domestic femininity is frequently
linked to feeding work, domestic masculinity does not incur the same the
risks or produce the same anxieties.
Jamies relationship with maternal responsibilities is also undercut by his
ability to move between the positions of parent and child. As noted earlier,
he sometimes adopts the role of naughty boy in relation to gures of
maternal authority. However, Jamies refusal of seriousness does not always
result in the ironic distance associated with the new lad, frequently mani-
festing itself in terms of a child-like enthusiasm in his descriptions of foods
as pukka, cool and wicked. Indeed, Jamies image as a child is most
strongly reinforced by repeated shots of him sliding down the banisters in
the earlier series of The Naked Chef. This works to conrm a conception
of the domestic as a site of play rather than work, reinforced by the way
much of Jamies food is prepared for parties and celebrations.
The Naked Chef reproduces masculine dispositions towards cooking
discussed in sociological research, turning domestic cookery into a special
event and a performance done in free time. Indeed, the show usually
focuses on a (non-working) day in Jamies life. Although he may cook
himself something simple for breakfast or lunch, the narrative of the show
usually deals with the preparation of dishes over the course of a day for a
special event with family and friends. The relationship between cooking and
performance is not only emphasized by Jamies open-plan apartment in
which his culinary activities can be viewed by dinner guests, but also the
ways in which the presentation of food contributes to this performance: for
example, sea bass served straight from a tin-foil bag is described as real
theatre (Oliver, 2000: 153). Jamies gift to his guests is not only the food
itself, but also his own performance in the kitchen (Hollows, 2002). In this
way, domestic masculinity in The Naked Chef draws on some of the dispo-
sitions associated with feminine domestic cookery while keeping its
mundane and repetitive aspects at a distance, so that demonstrating care
becomes a luxurious indulgence (Lupton, 1996: 146).
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Olivers twist 239
240
Theres something quite brave about doing something
basic: cooking, gender and the new petit-bourgeoisie
For Moseley, The Naked Chef emphasizes a discourse of accessibility and
achievability in which viewers is offered the opportunity to make-over not
only their cooking but also their self in order to achieve the Jamie life-
style (2001: 39). From such a perspective, Oliver can be seen as a cultural
intermediary who both practices, and popularizes, a particular form of life-
style centred within the culinary eld. For Bourdieu, the cultural inter-
mediaries who are a product of the new middle classes make available to
almost everyone the distinctive poses, the distinctive games and other signs
of inner riches which were previously associated with the habitus of an
intellectual elite (1984: 371). However, Bell (2002) argues that television
chefs, like gourmands in general (Mennell, 1996) inhabit the paradoxical
position of marking distinction while also democratizing tastes. This
section suggests that The Naked Chef not only obfuscates the extent to
which cooking is work, but also denies the labour involved in acquiring
culinary cultural capital. In the process, Jamie Olivers output serves to
afrm his own distinction, along with both petit-bourgeois and masculine
culinary dispositions, by making his cooking look effortless and accessible
to all.
Writing about television cookery, Niki Strange distinguishes between the
gure of the feminine domestic cook, who presents cooking as a practical
and social skill, and male celebrity chefs who present cooking as a sensual
and pleasurable practice (1998: 310; see also Bell, 2000). The former
approach is exemplied by Delia Smiths How To Cook, in which she
presents the acquisition of cookery skills in terms of money, time, commit-
ment and labour, drawing an analogy between learning to cook and learning
to drive. The Naked Chef exemplies the second approach, emphasizing
how cooking can be a source of pleasure and entertainment for the cook,
and an aestheticized leisure practice (Lupton, 1996: 146) centred around
the care of self.
Such an approach to cooking has been associated with a professional and
masculine middle class for whom the preparation and consumption of the
meal . . . becomes a source of entertainment, of enhanced sensory and social
enjoyment, pleasure rather than work (Lupton, 1996). These dispositions
are based on a classed and gendered distance from the demands of the
everyday, and the ability to move between the positions of the disciplined,
productive self and the hedonistic, leisured self. These positions also have
spatial and temporal dimensions (Lupton, 1996: 151): for domestic
cooking to be experienced as an indulgent leisure activity rests on the ability
to experience the home as a site of leisure rather than labour and this, in
turn, rests on a relatively clear demarcation of the temporal relations
between public and private spheres. Because Jamie is positioned as a
professional chef in a domestic context, he can exemplify the distinction
between cooking as professional work and domestic leisure.
This representation of cooking as leisure in The Naked Chef also extends
to other aspects of feeding work. While Jamie observes the need to avoid
those aspects of domestic labour which cannot be recoded as leisure (in
particular, washing-up) shopping is more easily understood as a masculine
leisure pursuit that can be incorporated into his lifestyle. Indeed, it is in his
shopping practices, with their emphasis on connoisseurship, rather than his
cooking practices, that Jamie most closely resembles the narcissistic new
man. Jamie is constructed as a metropolitan omnivore as he cruises the
streets of London on his vespa, moving betweeen the mass supermarket
and the popular street market, ethnic grocers, upmarket niche outlets
and the friends in the restaurant trade who procure for him quality
products. He is also connected with the narcissistic new mans nerie as
he moves among the urban spectacles that promote the idea of consump-
tion as pleasure, a connection reinforced visually in The Naked Chefs life-
style sequences that juxtapose images of urban life and consumer goods
(Nixon, 1996: 6272). This not only reinforces the connection between
cooking and masculine consumption practices, but also works to maintain
a distance between Jamies shopping practices and the more mundane
aspects of feeding work.
However, while Jamie frequently takes on the role of connoisseur in the
shopping sequences in public space, there also remains an uneasy relationship
to this model of the masculine gourmet. Whereas the connoisseur is frequently
constructed as someone who mimics the masculine professional tradition of
haute cuisinein a domestic context, Jamies cookery is based on a refusal of
the authority of haute cuisinein a domestic context. Instead, Jamies project
frequently appears to be one of democratization in which he aims to demys-
tify cooking, adopting a friendly, chatty style and introducing the cool prop-
erties of herbs to all. As he puts it, cooking has gotta be a laugh, its gotta be
simple, its gotta be tasty, its gotta be fun.
15
While such an approach might
suggest that Jamies aim is the attening out of taste cultures, the dispositions
towards cooking he promotes are those associated with the new petit-
bourgeoisie whose lifestyle is based on an ethic that makes it a failure, a
threat to self-esteem, not to have fun (Bourdieu, 1984: 3667).
Jamies promotion of an aesthetic of cooking as fun also denies the labour
involved in acquiring culinary cultural capital. Furthermore, it denies the
leisure-work involved in producing and maintaining new middle-class life-
styles. It is here that the paradox between democratization and distinction,
identied by Bell, appears particularly pertinent. This is made clear when
Jamie comments:
The problem I get is cos everyone thinks Im a chef, they think theyre going
to come round mine for like posh dinners and, you know what, theres
Hollows
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Olivers twist 241
242
something quite brave about doing something basic like a sh pie or a chili
con carne or jacket potatoes done really well. Thats the twist isnt it? Just
do something that they have everyday but do it really well and make it special
thats the vibe I go on anyway.
16
Here, Jamie reiterates his refusal of posh food associated with a restaurant
and dinner-party tradition (and, in the process, the formality of the old
middle classes). In the process, he simultaneously embraces the simple
pleasures of domestic cookery, while refusing their simplicity by doing
them really well and making it special. Jamie performs his own distinc-
tion by demonstrating that he can both occupy the realm of everyday
feminine domestic cookery while rising above it. The tools to cook a good
chili are offered to his audience through his demonstration of the recipe and
the cooking process; how one acquires the ability to perform the twist and
the vibe remains far less dened.
Furthermore, Jamie demonstrates his own distinction by being brave
enough to cook mundane dishes such as chili or sh pie, which signify
mass taste and feminine cookery. Lupton argues that the professional
middle-classes sometimes engaged in a machismo of eating, an almost
inverse food snobbery, in which the more repulsive the food, the more
points are won for appearing gastronomically brave and adventurous
(1996: 128). While this bravery can be demonstrated by eating exotic
ingredients such as bollocks and semen (Oliver, 2001: 9) it can also
extend to other acts of cultural omnivorousness that transgress boundaries
within, as well as between, national cultures. Making something basic like
a sh pie, but making it really well, not only emphasizes Jamies bravery
and distinction, but also generates the pleasure that comes from trans-
gressing boundaries (while reafrming them in the process) (Lupton, 1996:
129).
This ability to transgress everyday feminine domestic cookery serves to
distinguish Jamie from the home-cooking he appears to embrace; he
occupies the domestic but is not contained, or dened, by it. Masculinity is
frequently associated with a mobility that is anti-home because home (like
home-cooking) signies femininity and familiarity, dullness, stasis (Felski,
2000: 86). The continual movement between domestic space and metro-
politan public spaces in The Naked Chef further reinforces Jamies mobility.
Moreover, Jamies domestic cookery is largely cosmopolitan, culled from a
range of different national domestic cuisines. If, as Beverley Skeggs (forth-
coming) argues, femininity is xed so others can travel, Jamies domestic
masculinity is based on an ability to enjoy the feminine pleasures of the
domestic sphere as a realm of leisure because it is predicated on the ability
to escape. Furthermore, Jamies appropriation of femininity, obfuscates the
ways in which a mobile and reexive relation to gender is a privileged
position in late modernity (Adkins, 2002: 80). (Similar points might also
be made about his relationship to Italianicity and working-classness.) Like
the new lad, Jamie likes a bit of the other but he doesnt want to be her.
For Bourdieu, the key factor shaping differences in lifestyle and, even
more, the stylization of life lies in objective and subjective distance from
the world, with its material constraints and temporal urgencies (1984:
376). Bourdieus argument seeks to explain the relationship between class
and lifestyle and, indeed, the gure of the masculine cook in Jamie Olivers
work, as my discussion has implied, is based on a new petit-bourgeois
aesthetic in which distance from both economic and temporal constraints
enables the potentially mundane acts of cooking and eating to be produced
as a right laugh and a source of fun. However, Bourdieus argument may
be equally salient in understanding gendered dispositions towards cooking.
Jamies culinary masculinity, in which domestic cooking is experienced as a
form of creative leisure, is also a product of a distance from domestic obli-
gation and labour (and the accompanying experience of time poverty and
the need for constant temporal-management) associated with womens
position in the sexual division of labour (Hollows, 2003). Jamies disposi-
tions may be open to specic women in specic social and economic
conditions,
17
but his position in the sexual division of labour is associated
with masculinity. This also suggests that the competences and dispositions
which the new petit-bourgeoise have been seen to bring to the art of
everyday life may themselves be more open to men than women and, in
particular, when they concern aspects of domestic life.
Notes
1 This article concentrates on the three television series produced by
Optomen for BBC2: The Naked Chef, The Return of the Naked Chef and
Happy Days with the Naked Chef. The umbrella term The Naked Chef is
often used in what follows to refer to all three television series. These series
spawned three cookbooks: The Naked Chef (1999) The Return of the
Naked Chef (2000) and Happy Days with the Naked Chef (2001) (dates
of rst publication). J amies Kitchen(2002) published as I was nishing this
piece, is loosely based on a new television series of the same name, which
nished being broadcast during the revision process. This new series, a
Channel 4 docu-soap following Jamies attempts to set up a new restaurant
staffed by unemployed trainees that he sought to transform into chefs,
marks a signicant departure from his previous work.
2 Nigella Bites uses a similar strategy.
3 For a more detailed analysis of the formal features of The Naked Chef,
alongside an excellent discussion of its mode of address, see Moseley
(2001).
4 This is not to suggest that Jamies audience is primarily male: indeed,
Hollows
G
Olivers twist 243
244
research by Sainsburys supermarket suggests that his primary appeal is to
women and up-market families (Cozens, 2002).
5 For examples of books which emphasize either male culinary incompetence
or a masculine unease with the domestic kitchen, see Anderson and Walls
(1996) Bastyra (1996) and Zen (2000).
6 This relationship between domestic labour and leisure-work is further
complicated by the ways in which womens domestic labour (including the
activities involved in feeding work such as shopping and cooking) have
frequently been seen within more traditional views of consumption as the
frivolous other of labour (for more on this see, for example, Lury, 1996).
7 Larder Lads(playing on the frequent characterization of new lad as lager
lad) a cookery book addressed to the new lad (Holland and Moore, 2000)
includes recipes from new lad icons and attempts to incorporate recipes
that reect contemporary food trends within a laddish lifestyle of football
and take-aways.
8 In the press, the new lad was seen as an emergent gure of 20-something
British masculinity. Conceived as a younger brother of the new man, the
new lad was seen to eschew political correctness in favour of an ironic
embrace of more traditionally laddish pursuits and attitudes.
9 Subcultural theory marginalized the domestic in a similar way (McRobbie,
1981).
10 Nixon (1996) identies the importance of Italian styling to 1980s lifestyle
magazines and Spencer (1992) notes the importance of Italian style to the
casual. Thanks to Steve Jones for discussing these issues with me and, for
a further discussion of the signicance of Italianness to British masculinity,
see Jones (1995).
11 This draws on Dick Hebdiges comments about Len Deightons Harry
Palmer as a ctional extension of mod. This reference to Harry Palmer
can be seen as rather more than incidental. Palmer, and his cinematic real-
ization by Michael Caine in the lm The I pcress File, are crucially linked
to the 1960s London working-class masculinity celebrated in mens maga-
zines, and implicitly in Jamies image. Furthermore Palmer/Caine alongside
Palmers creator, Len Deighton (himself a cookery writer as well as a
novelist) were key gures in producing domestic cookery as an acceptable,
and even heroic, signier of heterosexual masculinity in the UK in the early-
to mid-1960s. Therefore, it is unsurprising that the launch issue of the
short-lived Loaded spin-off Eat Soup (October/November 1996) a food
and drink magazine targeted at a male audience, should feature Caine as
Harry Palmer on the front cover accompanied by the tag-line, Michael
Caine: Why its Cool to Cook. The magazine proceeds to devote ten pages
to Caine/Palmer/Deighton (Deighton, 1996; Pride, 1996).
12 Possibly due to the inuence of Jamie, poncey seems to have acquired a
currency within culinary discourse in the UK as a means of refusing the
pretentions of restaurant chefs and their cooking techniques. For example,
the term was used to evaluate the styles of different chefs on the BBC show
The Best by contributors to the on-line message board to accompany the
show.
13 The Naked Chef, series 2, Reunion.
14 There has also been considerable resistance to Jamies omnipresence, life-
style and relationship with Sainsburys. For example, numerous web-pages
denounce him as a Mockney git, recast his claims to authenticity as
fake, and present his lifestyle and masculinity as manufactured and,
sometimes, feminized. (See, for example, the fat tongue gallery,
http://www.hairytongue.com/gallery/fattongue/, accessed 23 July 2002.)
15 The Naked Chef, title sequence.
16 Happy Days with the Naked Chef, Moving House.
17 Gregson and Lowe (1995) note how some middle-class women use paid
domestic labour to relieve themselves of the less creative aspects of
domestic labour, making time to invest in leisure-work.
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G
JOANNE HOLLOWS is a Senior Lecturer in Media and Cultural
Studies at Nottingham Trent University. She is the author of Feminism,
Femininity and Popular Culture (Manchester University Press, 1995), co-
editor of Approaches to Popular Film(Manchester University Press,
1995) and The Film Studies Reader (Arnold, 2000) and co-author of Food
and Cultural Studies(Routledge, forthcoming). She is currently working
on a book on historical transformations in the relationship between
gender, class and cooking in the UK. Address: Media and Cultural
Studies, Department of English and Media, Nottingham Trent
University, Clifton Lane, Nottingham NG11 8NS, UK. [email:
joanne.hollows@ntu.ac.uk]
G

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