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Europes labour markets have favoured older workers at the expense of younger ones. The
latest in an occasional series on structural reform
Feb 25th 2!2 " from the print edition
#F $%% the euro &ones many problems'
youth unemployment is perhaps the most
distressing. (oblessness among young
workers is around )* in +ortugal and
nearly 5* in ,pain. $bove-average
unemployment is the norm for young
people' even in more liberal markets like
$mericas. .ut ,pains youth
unemployment rate /umped by nearly 2
percentage points between 20 and
21' compared with a rise of seven
points in $merica. %abour-market
regulations take much of the blame2 while
hard-to-fire older workers luxuriate on
permanent contracts' the young are
typically hired temporarily and are easier
to sack.
,uch 3dual4 labour markets are
themselves products of reform. $lthough
$merican unemployment 5uickly dropped
following the troubles of the !10s and
early !16s' European /oblessness
remained stuck at high levels. %eaders
recognised the need to in/ect more
flexibility into the labour market but
powerful trade unions headed off a full-
frontal assault on workers rights. The
answer was to create a less-protected
class of employees.
,pains experience is instructive. $s the
unemployment rate approached 2* in
the mid-!16s' the government
introduced fixed-term contracts of
between six months and three years'
which were sub/ect to lower dismissal
costs than those for workers on open-
ended contracts. $t the end of a three-
year contract firms could either convert a
worker to permanent employment or send
him packing. The reforms got results.
7nemployment fell from nearly !6* when
they began in !168 to around !8* six
years later.
.ut the reforms had unintended
conse5uences too. Temporary contracts
surged' soon accounting for close to a
third of ,panish employment. 9orkers
churned from /ob to /ob2 /ust :* of
temporary contracts were converted to
permanent employment during the mid-
2s. 9hen the economy turned down
employees were shed in larger numbers
and the unemployment rate rose faster
than before. Those more likely to be
employed on temporary contracts' such as
the young' bore the brunt of the pain. The
euro &ones long expansion from the mid-
!11s until the crisis of 26 disguised
many of these problems. $ construction
boom helped ,panish unemployment back
below !*' even as immigration soared.
.ut the crisis has exposed old weaknesses
again.
;olatility is but one cost of dual labour
markets. Fre5uent /ob turnover makes
households finances less certain' making
it harder' for example' to save regularly
for old age. <ore importantly' temporary
employment discourages firms from
investing in their workers. The cost to an
employer of converting an expiring
temporary contract into a permanent one
is 5uite high because of a discontinuous
/ump in the cost of sacking the worker. ,o
there is an incentive to get rid of him
when his contract ends and to invest little
in training him.
This systematic underinvestment drags
productivity inexorably downward. $ 2!!
study by (uan =olado of 7niversidad
>arlos ??? de <adrid' ,alvador #rtigueira
of the European 7niversity ?nstitute and
@odolfo ,tucchi of the ?nter-$merican
=evelopment .ank pins 2* of the
productivity slowdown in ,panish
manufacturing between !112 and 25 on
temporary work. The young are especially
harmed. .etween 25 and 20 roughly
6* of ,panish workers aged !: to !1
were on temporary contracts' compared
with )2* of )-year-olds and 28* of 8-
year-olds. $ lack of training may weigh on
them throughout their working lives.
$ single' open-ended labour contract' in
which severance pay rises continuously
with tenure' should increase the incentive
for firms to retain more employees for
longer and to invest more in the human
capital of new workers. ?ncremental
protections should also moderate swings
in employment. $ study of French and
,panish labour markets found that the
recent rise in ,pains unemployment rate
might have been cut by a third had ,pain
followed the French example of a
shallower gradient between labour-market
tiers.
$t this point' supporters of the model
might well point to Aermany' where the
youth unemployment rate is a mere 0.6*
and overall /oblessness is at its lowest
level for decades. ?n many respect
Aermanys labour market mirrors that of
its peers. ?t' too' responded to
eurosclerosis with flexible' second-tier
contracts. +ermanent positions protected
by strong employment rules still dominate
its labour market.
.ut Aermany also sought greater
flexibility in other areas. +art-time work
became increasingly common2 Aermanys
Bur&arbeit programme' in which firms
reacted to recession by cutting hours
rather than employees' is /ust the latest
example of this approach. Aermanys
better performance also relied on ever-
stingier unemployment benefits' which
increased labour supply and reduced
upward wage pressure. >lauses in
collective-bargaining agreements allowed
individual firms to stray from wage deals
when competitive pressures demanded it.
=ual purpose
Aermany may have pursued wage
restraint' but that is no easy route to
prosperity. ?ndeed' dual labour markets
are more likely to have the opposite
effect. +ermanent workers fearlessly seek
higher wages' confident that /ob losses
will fall first on temporary workers.
,oaring ,panish unemployment has
produced little wage moderation. =uring
21 the pay of permanent workers rose
by 8* in real terms.
$nd attractive as the Aerman model is
now' across decades $merican /obless
rates are tough to match. The $nglo-
,axon preference for little or no
employment protection may be the most
effective at herding workers from declining
industries to growing ones' driving /ob
creation and innovation. =yspeptic bond
markets are now pushing ,pain and
others towards reforms that make it
easier and cheaper to lay off workers
again. Cot before time.
The euro crisis
Europes Achilles heel
Amid growing risk of a Greek exit, the euro zone has et to face up to the task of
saving the single currenc itself
<ay !2th 2!2 " from the print edition
<?TT @#<CEM is not the first multi-millionaire to seek the presidency' nor the richest. @oss
+erot' the record-holder' spent some of his billions earned from computer data on losing
bids in !112 and !11:. ,ince then men who owe their or their familys fortunes to oil' sport'
publishing' trial law' ketchup' beer and bestselling autobiographies have followed.
.ut <r @omney' who earned his G2m or so as a private-e5uity executive buying and
selling companies' is the first candidate from the world of high-octane finance. $s such' he
illustrates the changing complexion of $mericas rich. The wealthiest !* of $mericans not
only get more of the pie Fsee chartHK they are increasingly creatures of finance.
The average household income of the !* was G!.2m in 26' according to federal tax data.
The ultra-rich skew that average upwards2 admission to the !* began at G)6' in 26.
The >ongressional .udget #ffice puts the cut-off lower' at G)80' in 20' or G252'
after subtracting federal taxes and adding back transfers. <easured by net worth' rather
than income' the top !* started at G:.1m in 21' according to the Federal @eserve' down
2)* from 20.
The richest !* earn roughly half their income from wages and salaries' a 5uarter from self-
employment and business income' and the remainder from interest' dividends' capital gains
and rent. $ccording to an analysis of tax returns by (on .aki/a of 9illiams >ollege and two
others' !:* of the top !* were in medical professions and 6* were lawyers2 shares that
have changed little between !101 and 25' the latest year the authors examined Fsee
chartH. The most striking shift has been the growth of financial occupations' from /ust under
6* of the wealthy in !101 to !).1* in 25. Their representation within the top .!* is
even more pronounced2 !6*' up from !!* in !101.
,teve Baplan of the 7niversity of >hicago thinks finance explains much of the rise in
ine5uality. 7pdating a series developed by Thomas +iketty and Emmanuel ,ae&' <r Baplan
notes that the share of income going to the !* reached an 6-year high of 2).5* in 20'
only to sink to !0.:* in 21 as the financial markets deflated Fsee chartH. The trend is
even more pronounced for the top .!*' whose share of total income rose to !2.)* in
20 but sank to a still disproportionate 6.!* in 21.
<r Baplan and (oshua @auh of Corthwestern 7niversity note that investment bankers'
corporate lawyers' hedge-fund and private-e5uity managers have displaced corporate
executives at the top of the income ladder. ?n 21 the richest 25 hedge-fund investors
earned more than G25 billion' roughly six times as much as all the chief executives of
companies in the ,P+ 5 stock index combined.
$lthough the !* have been gaining share in most countries' a recent #E>= report shows
that the trend began sooner' and has gone further' in $merica. ,ome scholars' noting that
ine5uality has risen more in English-speaking countries' think social and political values may
play a role2 in mainland Europe and (apan' corporate governance' tax laws and unionisation
have tended to lessen income disparities. .ut the relatively large role of the financial sector
in English-speaking countries could also be a factor2 even more of the top !* work in
finance in .ritain than in $merica.
<embership in $mericas !* is relatively stableK three-5uarters of the households in the
percentile one year will still be there the next. $lthough the proportion shrinks over time'
one study found that the vast ma/ority of the top !* were still in the richest !* a decade
later. Binship plays a big part2 rich parents tend to produce rich kids. Digh levels of
educational attainment and stable families help in this. $ccording to Aallup' 02* of the !*
have a college degree' and half have a postgraduate degreeK those are two to three times
the proportion of the other 11*. The !* are more likely to be married and to have
children.
The rich also increasingly marry people like themselves. <r .aki/a and his co-authors found
that between !101 and 25' the share of spouses of the !* who had blue-collar or
3miscellaneous4 service-sector backgrounds declined slightly' from 0.1* to :.8*. The share
of spouses who worked in finance' property and law rose from ).5* to 6.6*.
+olitically' Aallup polls find that the !* are more likely than the 11* to identify themselves
as @epublicans F))* to 26*H and less likely to be =emocrats F2:* to ))*H. $ survey of
!8 wealthy families in the >hicago area' led by .en/amin +age of Corthwestern 7niversity'
found the budget deficit was their leading worry' followed by unemploymentK for the
broader population' the reverse is true. ,till the rich' like most voters' have eclectic views'
often supporting liberal and conservative positions simultaneously. For example' Beith
9hitaker' who advises wealthy families on behalf of 9ells Fargo' says many of them
sympathise with the #ccupy 9all ,treet movement. $ lot of them became rich by building
businesses and consider 9all ,treet 3the place where businesses are taken apart and run by
someone else4.
.ob +erkowit& embodies these contradictions. $ rich entrepreneur' he now devotes much of
his time to a non-profit environmental outfit. De is a lifelong @epublican who ob/ects to
Aeorge .ush /uniors tax cuts for the wealthy' and backed .arack #bama in 26. Daving
restructured companies himself' he has no trouble with <r @omneys private-e5uity work but
agrees with #ccupy 9all ,treet that corporations have too much power.
7ntil recently he split his time between conservative >harlotte' Corth >arolina' and liberal
9ashington' =>. Dis wife' %isa @enstrom' used to manage hotels inherited from her father' a
prosperous @epublican businessman. Cow she campaigns on climate change and backs
9ealth for the >ommon Aood' a group of rich people who back #ccupy 9all ,treet. Der
father used to give his occupation as 3capitalist4. 3? grew up believing that QcapitalistsR were
making the world a better place'4 she says. 3The capitalism we have has left us with
degraded infrastructure' threats to our health' and global warming.4
<ost of the !* prefer not to talk about their good fortune. $s the New York Timesrecently
observed in an article on the !*' 3,ome envisioned waking up to protesters on the lawnK
others feared audits by the ?@, or other punitive government action.4
.ut <r +erkowit& and <s @enstrom are utterly typical of the !* in that they are far more
politically engaged than the average 11-percenters. Cearly all the rich people surveyed by
Corthwestern vote' :6* make campaign contributions' nearly half had contacted a member
of >ongress and a fifth had solicited contributions on behalf of a candidate. $ good chunk of
those calls were meant to help their businesses. .ut many were motivated by the common
good' defined in as many different ways as the sources of their wealth.
Investing in #anks
The not'for'profit sector
$re regulators striking the right balance between safety and profitabilityL
<ay 5th 2!2 " from the print edition
C$@M a cucumber sandwich was thrown and the heckling was rather subdued. .ut the
genteel rebellion over executive pay at the .arclays shareholders meeting in %ondon last
month' an echo of similar dis5uiet at annual meetings in $merica Fsee articleH' shows how
fed up bank investors have become with
their returns.
Co wonder. .etween 20 and the end of
last year shareholders in banks globally have
lost almost !* of their investment each
year' according to the .oston >onsulting
Aroup Fsee chart !H. .ehind this
international average lie some truly horrible
losses. ?nvestors who stuck it out in =utch
banks saw the value of their holdings fall by
almost 26* a year. Dolders of French'
Aerman and ,wiss banks suffered average
annual losses of close to 2*. Those in
$merican and .ritish banks lost !8* and
!:* a year respectively. 3The little secret to
doing wellShas been T/ust dont hold banks'4 says (acob de Tusch-%ec' a fund manager at
$rtemis.
$ fall in the price of an asset is usually a good signal to consider buying it. .ut those
investors who thought that they had timed the bottom of the market have been proved
wrong again and again. 3?ve been dipping in and out of ?talian banks but am keeping very
5uiet about it'4 says one fund manager. 3%ast year when ? told an investor Qin my fundR that
? was holding some he got up and left the room.4
,uch sharp falls in shareholder value are not /ust distressing for investors. They should also
worry the businesses and households that need a healthy banking system to keep credit
flowing. ?f the shares and debt issued by banks are uninvestible' then over time the banking
system will have to shrink or be nationalised.
There are three reasons why the banks have been such a bad bet. The first is weakness in
9estern economies' which has led to elevated losses' subdued demand for credit and
deleveraging by the banks themselves. 9ith returns on assets remaining largely unchanged
Fthis is a tough time to charge customers moreH' the industrys total profits are likely to
keep falling.
$ second reason is worries about sovereign
defaults. ?n the second half of last year
European banks sold virtually none of the long-
term bonds that they use' alongside deposits'
to finance loans. These markets have thawed
slightly since the European >entral .ank FE>.H
provided more than E! trillion FG!.) trillionH in
three-year loans to European banks. .ut they
are still fragile' partly because banks have
pledged collateral to the E>.' leaving less to
repay bondholders if a bank were to go bust.
,imon ,amuels' an analyst at .arclays' points
out that almost five years since the start of the
financial crisis' European banks are more
dependent on state support than ever. 39hat
we have' in effect' is nationalisation via the
debt markets'4 he says. 3?f you cant get a private-sector debt model to work then there is
no real investible e5uity.4
The weak economy and worries over the euro area are' with some luck' transient problems.
Met weighing on investors minds is a third concern2 the impact that regulation will have on
banks long-term profitability and the safety of their debt. @eturns on e5uity have fallen
precipitously' from about !5* before the crisis to below !* now. .ritish banks returns
have slipped from almost 2* to about 5* last year Fsee chart 2H.
$ big reason is that banks have to hold much more e5uity as a buffer against losses. ,imple
arithmetics dictates that returns must fall. #ther regulations to make banks safer also have
a cost. .anks will have to hold many more li5uid assets' which can be 5uickly sold. They are
also being forced to stop profitable Fif riskyH activities such as proprietary trading.
@ules aimed at ring-fencing retail banks' 3bailing in4 bondholders and making banks easier
to wind up if they fail are also pushing up banks funding costs and depressing returns. They
are doing little to encourage investors to buy bank bonds. 3?f regulators told European
banks to raise bail-in debt there would be a resounding clatter of pennies at the bottom of
the tin but no folding money at all'4 says the chairman of a large bank.
For all the gloom' most big banks are still forecasting For at least aiming forH returns on
e5uity of !2-!5*' which would handily cover the cost of their capital. That would also be
respectable by historical standards2 $utonomous @esearch reckons that over the long term
banks returns have averaged !* in .ritain and 1* in $merica. .ut it invites two
5uestions.
The first is whether banks can attract investors with a combination of utility-like returns and
bank-like volatility. @egulators hope better-capitalised banks will be less volatile and more
attractive. <ore pragmatically' index-tracking investors may have little choice but to hold
them.
The second is whether banks can /uice their returns by managing costs better. There is
plenty of room to do so' particularly in wholesale banking. The .oston >onsulting Aroup
reckons that investment banks can 5uickly cut !-!5* of fat in areas such as market data
and exchange fees. =eeper savings can be made by reducing layers of management and
title creep2 it found that almost half of the staff in second-tier investment banks had the
title of director or managing director compared with 2-)* among the better firms.
.ut banks do not have a great record as beancounters. European lenders have managed to
reduce their overall cost-to-income ratio only to about :2* from :1* since the mid-!11s'
an average improvement of .)* a year. Their current targets assume an average
improvement of 2.0* a year over the next three years' a figure <r ,amuels thinks looks
3far too ambitious4. To keep shareholders and creditors interested' they may have little
choice.