Scheidell 1

Stephen Scheidell
Dr. Yamamoto
HIST 105
6 April 2009
FRANTZ FANON | THE WRETCHED OF THE EARTH
Decolonization is always a violent event, the need for which exists, raw, repressed
and recklessly in the consciousness of colonized men and women (1). As colonist
fabricates the colonized, decolonization is the creation of a new people (2). The colonist
fabricates a compartmentalized world in the colony, the European sector of enlightened
whites and a shanty town filled to the rim with black disreputes (5). The former
reduces the latter to the state of an animal (7). The European claims moral, intellectual
and cultural superiority. Their dribble of equal men does not apply of course to us beasts,
and we vomit these values up (8,9).
This colonized beast who receives its sort of Damocles a curse from the colonist,
for the animal is always presumed guilty (16). This instills an unconscious rage into the
colonized, who relieves it in cultural dance or fratricidal struggles. We must now capture
this blinding anger and direct it at its proper antagonists (21). The absolute evil of the
colonist is a response to the absolute evil of the native (50).
But how can this violent atmosphere into violence in motion (31)? Increased by
repression, force is the only solution (32). In this context, America must protect
international capitalism, which looses everything should national conflict arise. The
colonized are still not intimidated (38-40).
Once the west uproots its flag and police force, the debt is far from paid (57).
They may offer aid in the name of humanitarianism, but too much they only paid for

Scheidell 2
their own damages (59).
Conflict arises between the proletariat, supporting the colonial party, and the
peasants, feeling undesirable and shunned (78). Among the masses, in the people of the
shanty towns, and in lumpenproletariat, the insurrection finds its urban spearhead.
However hard it is kicked or stones, it continues to gnaw like a pack of rats (81). Hence,
in this initial phase, spontaneity triumphs (82). Tribal enemies have become national
brothers and sisters in the struggle (84).
This solidarity intensifies in the second phase when the colonial power launches
its offensive (84). The colonist identifies ideological weaknesses in the masses marked by
hunger, poverty, humiliation and irresponsibility, and uses those weaknesses against the
organized elements of revolution (87). National unity begins to crumble and the political
education of the masses comes to be seen as an historical necessity (88). Colonial powers
also might concede to certain compromises, thus disarming hatred against them; they
pretend to respect the people (90). We must not let ourselves become content with this
hollow display.
National consciousness is nothing but a crude, empty, fragile shell (97). Upon
independence, it switches from nationalism to chauvinism and racism (103). Only at the
top has anything really changed. A few reforms and a new flag. At the bottom remains a
loathing, writhing mass in the mire of Dark Ages (96). National bourgeoisie fills the void
left by the removed colonists. It realizes its need for a popular leader and turns to an excolonist. The masses, left in intolerable poverty, slowly realizes their national leaders
treason (112). This bourgeoisie, with difficulty, swallows the fact that it lacks the one
necessity of any authentic bourgeoisie - money (112).
We, however, see no drawback if the politicians meet somewhere besides the

Scheidell 3
capitol (129). Scattered into underprivileged regions, they will retain greater touch with
the masses and conserve rather than self-serve. Not only must the politicians serve the
people, they must educate the masses (135). Even complex issues, put in non-technical
language, can be tackled by an educated people.
Negritude proves problematic for the black intellectuals. Algerian problems are
not those faced by African Americans (153). Thus, Algerian intellectuals loose
themselves in their own historical culture at the cost of present and future. They must
instead remain loyal to their nation and people (168).
This is more than a cultural, economic, or even a political war. It is manifested in
mental disorders. The following are but a few examples:
I.

The murder by two 13 and 14-year olds of their European

II.

playmate.
Paranoid delusions and suicidal behavior disguised as a

III.

terrorist act on a 22-year-old Algerian.

Anxiety disorder in a French woman whose father, a civil

IV.

servant, was killed in an ambush.

Adjustment disorders with mixed behavioral and emotional

V.

features in Algerians under 10.

Puerperal psychoses in refugees.

When presented with the evidences of force - political, military, economic,

psychological, etc. - used against the Algerians, Fanons theoretical history strikes a
sympathetic chord and comes as very compelling. His analysis, though very Marxist,
diverges sharply from Marx. Fanon introduces to the Marxist historiology strong
psychoanalytic and cultural elements. Further, Fanon reads as much more realistic in
goals. For him, throwing off the oppressor is only stage one. Fanon also parts with Marx

Scheidell 4
on the issue of private property. He argues that the land belongs to those who work it
(133). He goes to an even more radical level by pointing out that in Algeria, the peasants
who employed agricultural laborers have been obliged to distribute land shares to their
former employees (133). While it might be tempting to many to write off Fanon as a
radical, we cannot legitimately speak until we have been put in a similar situation, faced
with similar tribulations. For us middle-class white Americans, Fanon strikes with the
force of shock therapy, jolting and jarring us from a Euro-centric view of modern African
history.